The Historie of TITHES That is,

  • The Practice of PAYMENT of them.
  • The Positiue LAWS made for them.
  • The OPINIONS touching the Right of them.

A REVIEW of it. Is also annext, which both Confirmes it and di­rects in the Vse of it.

By I. SELDEN.

Nec partis studijs agimur. Sed sumsimus arma
Consilijs inimica tuis, IGNAVIA fallax!

M.DC.XVIII.

To the most honord Sr ROBERT COTTON of Connington. Knight and Baronet.

Noble Sir;

IVstice, no lesse then Obseruance, vrges me to inscribe this Historie of Tithes to your name. So great a part of it, was lent me by your most readie Courtesie and able Direction, that I restore it rather then giue it you. And it cannot but receiue an increase of estimation from your interest thus seen in it. For to haue borowd your help, or vsd that your inestimable Library (which liues in you) assures a curious Diligence in search after the inmost, least known and most vsefull parts of Historicall Truth both of Past and Pre­sent Ages. For such is that Truth which your Humanitie liberally dispenses; and such is that which by conference is learned from you. such indeed, as if it were, by your example, more sought after; so much head-long Er­ror, so many ridiculous impostures would not be thrust on the too credulous, by those which stumble on in the Rode, but neuer with any care looke on each side or behind them. [Page] that is, those which keep their Vnderstandings alwaies in a weake Minoritie that euer wants the Autoritie and Admonition of a Tu­tor. For, as on the one side, it cannot be doub­ted but that the too studious Affectation of bare and sterile Antiquitie, which is nothing els but to be exceeding busie about nothing, may soon descend to a Dotage; so on the o­ther, the Neglect or only vulgar regard of the fruitfull and precious part of it, which giues necessarie light to the Present in matter of State, Law, Historie, and the vnderstanding of good Autors, is but preferring that kind of Ignorant Infancie, which our short life alone allows vs, before the many ages of for­mer Experience and Obseruation, which may so accumulat yeers to vs as if we had liud euen from the beginning of Time. But you best know this; in whom that vsefull part is so fully eminent, that the most learned through Europe willingly acknowledge it▪ and so o­pen hath your courtesie euer made the plen­tious store of it to me, that I could not but thus offer you whatsoeuer is in This of mine own also, as a symbole of some thankfulnes. It was at first destind to you. And howeuer through the hastie fortune that (I know not why) it sufferd at the Presse, some pieces of it haue been disperst without the Honor that [Page] your Name might adde to them; I shall be yet euer so ambitious of that Honor, that the whole shall ne­uer (for so much as I can preuent) be communicated without this prefixt testimonie of Dutie to you. Re­ceiue it fauourably, Noble Sir; and continue to me that Happinesse which I enioy in that you neither re­pute me vnworthy of your Loue, nor permit me in Ignorance when I come to learne of you.

THE PREFACE.

IT hath euen so happend with not a few of the Malicious (what through lazie Ignorance, what through peeuish Ielousie) at their first sight or hearing of the name of this Historie of Tithes, as it was wont with those raw Nouices, that, vpon their first admission to the sacred Myste­ries of the Gentiles, troubled and frighted them­selues with a world Proclu [...] in Plato­ni [...] [...]heolog. lib. 1. ca [...]. 3 & lib. 4. cap. 1 [...]. of false apparitions while they thought of what they should see in the inmost Sanctuarie at the vnknown presence of their Dei­tie. And doubtlesse, the Priest had not a litle work to perswade them that what they should there meet with, was not an vnluckie Empusa, not a formi­dable Mormo, not a wanton Cobalus, not a mischie­uous Furie, not indeed any thing that their idle brains, being such meer strangers to the abstrusest parts of Truth, had fashiond out. The many fan­cies that Malice, Ignorance, and Iealousie haue framd to themselues touching this of Mine, haue been no lesse ridiculous; and some equally fearefull, but equally false. And I must here first play the Priest also, and so cleer, if it were possible, those Fancies, by protesting that it is not writen to proue that Tithes are not due by the Law of God; not writen to proue that the Laitie may detaine them, not to proue that Lay hands may still enioy Ap­propriations; in summe, not at all against the main­tenance of the Clergie. Neither is it any thing else but it self, that is, a meer Narration, and the Histo­rie [Page I] of Tithes. Nor is the law of God, whence Tithes are commonly deriud, more disputed of in it, then the Diuine Law, whence all Creatures haue their continuing subsistence, is inquired after in Ari­stotles historie of liuing Creatures, in Plinies Na­turall historie, or in Theophrastus his historie of Plants; or then the Iustice of the old Courts of Rome, is examind in Brodaeus his historie of them, or the conuenience of the Ciuill and Canon Laws in that of Riuallius. Nor was any thing, that be­longed to the Title, purposely omitted. Nor was any piece of it stolne from any other mans notes. That as the rest also hath been most maliciously imputed by some that so impudently dare conie­cture (though they be farre enough from being ei­ther—arte aut scientia Diuini) and as iudiciously censure it or me, as those in Lucian, could Euripi­des, that were weekly stark mad in Rime till Win­ter, by reason of what they had heard of his Tra­gedies in Summer, and could neither iudge at all of what they said nor yet possibly hold their peace. But they know there are neuer wanting long eares readie stretcht out to base detraction; and that a­nimates them. I know not how otherwise to con­firm these protestations then by sending him, that beleeus me not here, to the view of the whole. He may be there further satisfied. and shall then see al­so that it is not of the Pitch of the Doctrine of the Breuiarie, or within the compasse of Pocket-lear­ning. Nor will it, I think, looke like what were patcht vp out of Postils, Polyantheas, common [Page II] place books or any of the rest of such excellent In­struments for the aduancement of Ignorance and Lazinesse. Nor is any end in it, to teach any In­nouation by an imperfit patterne had from the mustie Reliques of former time. Neither is Antiqui­tie related in it to shew barely what hath been (for the sterile part of Antiquitie which shews that only & to no further purpose, I value euen as slightly as dull Ignorance doth the most precious and vsefull part of it) but to giue other light to the Practice & doubts of the present. Light, that is cleer & neces­sarie. nor could such as haue searcht in the Subiect see at all often, for want of such Light. But illos non peto, piscem peto. Neither hath it at all wanted the most approuing censures of such as are of choicest Learning, ablest Iudgment, and truly Decumatissi­mi aswell in worth as Title. Nor is it at all mate­riall what any one shall cast on it through his se­cure confidence only, in any of those old Isidor. P [...]ufiota lib. 1. Epi [...]t. 92. ensigns of dissembled Ignorance or Grauitie, the Beard, the Habit, and Title. It is for such to learn by, not at all to censure. And none of the Ingenuous and Learned, that read it, wil be backward, I think, to al­low it for Truth, as he did that first licenced it for the Presse with Ita est & subscription of his Name.

But wee leaue this preposterous Admoniti­on in Negatiues (yet by reason of the head-long importunitie of such as haue in great number al­readie misconceiud it, they were necessarie and could not elswhere haue had so fit place) and shortly thus delineat what it is by the end and pur­pose [Page III] of writing it; by the Argument of it; by the Course of composing it; and by the summe of perfor­mance in it in behalfe of the Clergie.

For the first; we find that in the frequent Dis­putations about Tithes, not only Arguments out of holy Writ for proofe of a Diuine right to them, but matter also of Fact, that is, Practice and Storie, is very often vsed; as the kinds of paiment of them among the Ebrews, among the Gentiles, the Maintenance of the Church in the Primitiue times, the Arbitrarie Consecrations, Appropriations and Infeodations of them in the midle times, the Pay­ment of them at this day in the seuerall States of Christendom, together with the various Opinions and positiue Laws touching them. For, Opinions and Laws, as they are related only and fall vnder the Question of what and whence they were, are meerly of Fact. And proofs are hence often drawn to confirm sundrie occurrences in inquirie for the truth on either side. That of the Diuine right of them is so wholly a point of Diuinitie and handled so fully by diuers Schoolemen, so imperiously by most of the Canonists, and so confidently by some of our late Diuines, that what euer could be said touching that only, by inference out of the holy Text (which must be the sole triall of it) would but seem taken from some of them which haue so pur­posely disputed it. Neither were that so fit to be medled with by any as by a profest Diuine. But for that other part which falls vnder Historie, there is not one of them all which hauing boldnes enough [Page IV] to aduenture on it (which he disputes withall of the diuine right) shews not also too much either Ignorance or Negligence in talking of it, being v­sually deceiud and deceiuing in it those most of Readers that giue their Historicall faith captiue to bare Names and common reputation. And as in that old AElian▪ [...]. lib. 13. cap. 22. picture of Homer the rest of the follow­ing Poets greedily swallowd what euer he had vo­mited forth; so among these, one so rashly receiues herein error from another, and so increases it, that there was neuer found a better example of the old prouerb Sardi Venales, or worse and worse, then in most of their multiplied pamphlets of it. which of them relates towards what is fit to be known touching the paiment among the Ebrews? among the Gentiles? among Christians of former time? nay, which of them seem to know or to haue heard of the chief human positiue Laws made for Tithes? yet would they gladly vse them if they had them. where is there among them an ingenuous discoue­rie of the various Opinions of past Ages that be­long hither? who of them once touches the right ancient course of setling Tithes at first in Mona­steries, Colledges, or other such Corporations, by Appropriations and Consecrations of them? who of them tells vs other then meer fables, while hee talks of the originall of Infeodations? and with what patience can you read those which as great Doctors talke of Exemptions, and pretend them­selues to the world for such as discouer the most secret curiosities, or cornicum oculos configere, tell [Page V] vs of four Orders exempted, and make the Hospi­talers and those of S. Iohns of Ierusalem to be two of them, with other such most grosse and ridicu­lous absurdities? and it is a common, but most de­ceiuing argument among them, affirmatiuely to conclude Fact or Practice of Tithing from what they see ordaind for Tithes in any old Canon of the Church. as if euery thing so ordaind, necessarily had also a following vse. it being indeed frequent enough to find Canons directly contrarie to fol­lowing Practice; and that euen in the proceedings of the Canon Law, which (as the body of it is) was neuer receiued wholly into practice in any State, but hath been euer made subiect in whatso­euer touches the temporalties or maintenance of the Church (which come from Lay men) to the va­rietie of the secular Laws of euery State, or to Na­tionall customes that crosse it. Is it enough to proue that Parish Churches, in England, were re­gularly euer to be repaird by the Parsons, because the generall Extr. tit. de Ec­cl [...]s. adi [...]i [...]. c. 4. de his. Canon Law is so? or that a Clergie man might not haue bequeathd any chattels wher­in he had right in respect of his Church, because also by that Extr. tit. de offi [...]. iudicis Ordinari [...] c. 4 cum [...]. Law he might not? In England, ge­nerall customs of the contrarie in both cases still Li [...]dwood. [...]. Nullus, tit. de con­su [...]tudine. & tit. de officio Archi­diac [...]n [...] c. Archid [...] ­con [...]. verb. [...]epara­tione. & de Testa­mentis. c. vt Clerk▪ calis, verb. l [...]g [...]ti [...]a held, and in many other as you see in Lindwood, who knew both the generall practice here and the Canons, and often also teaches their differences in other cases. very many like may be found in other States, by comparing their immemoriall customs and old ordinances that are against the Canons, [Page VI] and that both in the Eastern and Western Chur­ches. and for the Eastern Canon Law; passages are found to this purpose in Zonaras Videsis vtros (que) in C [...]. Conc. Chal­ced. 12. & 6. in Trull [...] 38. & 55. & Balsam. in Chal­ced. Can. 15. & 28. praeter id quod de Agapio & Gaba­di [...] Episcopatum Bostrensem peten­tibus, subiungi­tur Concilio Car­thaginiensi. and Balsamon, the two chief and ancient Canonists of that part. The Laitie at pleasure commonly limited the Ca­non Law especially where it toucht their dignities or possessions (and that aswell before Luther so de­rogated from the autoritie of it by burning it at Sleiden. Com­mentar. lib. 2. Witteberg in a publique assembly, in despite of the Pope, as after) which might be manifested by a world of examples. but it is most cleer to all that know Historie. To argue therefore from affirma­tiue Canons only to Practice, is equall in not a few things (and especially in this of Tithing) to the prouing of the Practice of a custom from some consonant Law of Plato's common wealth, of Lucians men in the Moon, or of Aristophanes his Citie of Cuckoes in the clouds. To supply therefore the want of a full and faithfull collection of the Historicall part, was the end and purpose why this was composd which might remaine as a furnisht Armorie for such as inquire about this Ecclesiastique Reuenue, and preferring Truth be­fore what dulling custom hath too deeply rooted in them, are not vnwilling to change their old a­korns for better meat.

As touching the Argument of it; the whole be­ing XIV. Chapters, the first VII. are thus filled. the first hath what is, in best autoritie of the anci­ents, belonging to those Tithes paid before the Leuiticall Law. the second the seuerall kinds paid [Page VII] by the Iews vnder the Law. and this from Ebrew Lawiers. The third shews the Practice of the Ro­mans, Graecians, and some other Gentiles, in pay­ing or vowing them. Then the whole time of Chri­stianitie being quadripartitly deuided (with al­lowance of about XX. yeers more or lesse to eue­ry part) takes vp the next Four Chapters, in which the Practice of payment of Tithes, Arbitrarie Con­secrations, Appropriations, Infeodations and Ex­emptions of them, establishment of Parochial right in them, as also the Laws both Secular and Eccle­siastique, with the Opinions of Diuines and Cano­nists touching them, are in their seuerall times ma­nifested; but so only, that whatsoeuer is proper to this Kingdom of England either in Laws or Pra­ctice, either of Payment or of Arbitrarie Consecra­tions,, Appropriations, or Infeodations, or establish­ment of Parochiall right, together with a Corol­larie of the ancient Iurisdiction whereto they haue been here subiect, is reserud all by it selfe to the next Seuen Chapters. But euery of the XIV haue their Arguments prefixt, which may discharge me of further declaration in this place. By this time, I trust, you conceiue what the name of Historie in the Title pretends. and the Tithes spoken of purposely in it (for perhaps it is needfull to admo­nish that also) are only such as either haue been paid, vowd, or dedicated to holy vses, or els giue light to the consideration of the performance or omission of such payment. Neither the Decimae Saladinae, nor the Decimae Papales (which were [Page VIII] wont to be imposd) nor the Decima litium in the Imperials, nor the old ratio Decimarum vpon the Lex Pappia, haue had place here, nor the like, which are no more to this subiect then the Tithes paid to the Crown by our Clergie, or by those of the Boroughs by grant in Parlament, or the Ter­rages in Tenths reserud by Lessors often in France and Spain, or the Tenths anciently paid in some places, as Impost vpon Merchandise, or that old custom of England, in paying the Aurum Reginae, that is a Tenth part of as much mony to De ea re con­sulas si plura ve­lis, Ioscelinum de Bark [...] land, c [...]p. 24. Ms. in Bibl. Cottoniana & Codicem illum Geruaesii T [...]lburie [...] ­sis dictum in Sca [...] ­carij Archiuu. her as was giuen at any time to the King, or other such. Nor had the Tithes of houses in London, place here Chap. 8. §. [...]9. otherwise then as they occurre in those Acts of Parlament and the Decree vnder Henrie the eight, that mentions the Ministers maintenance by the name of Tithes. For before that Decree, how­euer the LII. farthings paid on Sundaies only were neer the iust Tithe of euery Xs. Rent (that is about 1/9.) and were perhaps thought on by that name (as may be collected out of Lindwood) yet these ioind with the other Offerings of great Festi­uall daies, made vp indeed only a certain compe­tencie of maintenance, but could not properly be reputed among Tithes. neither in regard of their Value, nor (as compard with the ancient instituti­on of Tithes among the Iews) in respect of their Nature. For their value came to much more then a Tithe, as also that doth which hath the name of Tithe at this day in London. neither is there reason enough why the LII. farthings that were offerd [Page IX] on Sundaies should be seuerally, and as deuided from the other Offerings, thought on to this pur­pose. And for their Nature before these Acts and the Decree; I here offer only what I find in a short discourse, titled, A Deuise how the Curats of Lon­don may be prouided of sufficient liuings, writen vn­der Henrie the eight, and remaining yet among the Records of the Exchequer. the Autor of it first shews that all Ministers of Gods word should giue freely their labours in the Church, and be main­taind of the Tithe of the free gifts of the earth; as of Cattell, Corne and Fruit; which he supposes is as freely giuen them by the Almightie, through the labour of the people, as the preaching of the Word and administration of Sacraments is to the people through the labour of the Ministers. But he permits not that any mony or other profit, being not liuing gifts, as he calls them, is by the Law of God Titheable. so that where no such liuing gifts and increase are, there no Tithes (as Tithes) are paiable to them, as he concludes. Nor indeed is any mention of other Tithes in the Leuiticall Law, then of the increase of the earth in Fruit and Cat­tell, that is of the gaine only out of those more na­turall Trades (which Polit. [...]. cap. [...]. Aristotle elegantly stiles [...]) of tilling the Earth and breeding of Cattell. and that which holy Writ calls [...] Theboah, that is, increase or reuenue, where the Law of prediall Tithing is iterated, is vnderstood by the Iewish Doctors of the fruits and increase, giuen vs out of the soile; [Page X] and is well Paraphrased by the Septtuagint when they turne it [...], that is, the increase of the earth. and in the vulgar it is expressed by fruges. But then, It is to se by what Law Curats of Churches in London can haue (so are the very syl­lables of that discourse) any liuing of the people o­therwise but like as the people by their own consents will giue them for ther Office doing. In very dedde they must haue leuyngs to kepe them out of necessite. and thereby it is to se how in London they cannot receyue ther leuyngs of Godd by no liuely gifts of grace, like as in the Countrey. But in London they must receiue their leuings of mens gifts; that is money which is euery mans own, for their office doing. The Pope by his Law nor by his Bulls cannot compell no man te giffe his own gode to theym for their office doyng more then people will consent to giff theym. for Christ saith that their leuing is freely giuen them of Godd, if they do ther office to see all peple worke. Therefore that if the peple haue not labors and le­uings, they ought to haue none nor can make no Law whereby to axe no mans goode. Therfore that leuing which they haue had in London hath been by the consents of the peple which hath long time giuen them xivd. of euery noble rated by the rents of houses which hath been riche leuings: wherewith they not content but ouer that hath procured of the peple money so ma­ny weys by casualties of Beryalls, Crystnings, Wed­dings, Obits, and Offerings, yhe and secretly rifelyth mens consciences taking priuy Tithes of whatsoeuer they can get, be it out of euil goten goodes. howsoeuer [Page XI] they can get it, they call it ther dewtie. and thence he saies some Benefices were worth Cli. some LXXXli. some C. marks, others Lli. and then he shortly aduises how the Ministers maintenance should be otherwise there limited and leuied. But who sees not enough now that what is called Tithes of houses in London, is rather calld so only then is at all so? yet because the name of Tithes in those Acts of Parlament, is giuen to the Ministers main­tenance there, it had been perhaps reputed negli­gence to haue omitted the remembrance of them, in the course of composing it. The Testimonies were chosen by weight, not by number. taken on­ly thence whither the margin directs, neuer at se­cond hand. Neither affected I to muster vp many petie and late names for proofe of what is had wholly by all from ancient Fountains. The Foun­tains only and what best cleered them, satisfied me. and I supposd euery iudicious Reader would be so best satisfied also. For in meer matter of elder storie, what credit can Nauclerus, Cario, Cuspinian, or the numerous rest of later time, adde to the te­stimonies of those Ancients yet extant, from whom they borrowed what euer they haue new drest of preceding ages? Petrus Comestor, or Ludolphus de Saxonia may aswell increase the credit of holy Writ, as those other may the truth of such Histo­ries as instructed them in common with the rest of posteritie. Neither at all wish I that this of mine should gain any strength of Truth from my Name alone, but from those autorities which I haue de­signed [Page XII] and brought, both for Elder, Late and Pre­sent times, out of such both Printed and Manu­script Annalls, Histories, Councels, Chartularies, Laws, Lawiers, & Records only as were to be vsd in the most accurat way of search that might furnish for the subiect. yet also I haue not neglected the able iudgements of such of the learned of later time, as giue light to former ages. but I so preferd the choisest and most able, that I haue wholly ab­staind from any mention or vse here of those ma­ny Ignorants that (while they write) rather instruct vs in their own wants of abilitie, then direct to a­ny thing that may satisfie. If through ignorance I haue omitted any thing in the Historie or the Re­uiew, that deserued place in them; who euer shall admonish me of it shall haue a most willing ac­knowledgment of his learning and courtesie▪ But all the bad Titles that are euer due to abuse of the holiest obtestation, be alwaies my companions, if I haue purposely omitted any good autoritie of an­cient or late time, that I saw necessarie, or could think might giue further or other light to any Po­sition or part of it! For I sought only Truth; and was neuer so farre ingaged in this or aught els as to torture my brains or venture my credit to make or creat Premisses for a chosen Conclusion, that I rather would then could proue. My Premisses made what Conclusions or Coniectures I haue, and were not bred by them. And although Both of them here not a litle somtimes varie from what is vulgarly receiud; yet that happend not at all from [Page XIII] any desire to differ from common Opinion, but from another course of disquisition then is com­monly vsed; that is, by Examination of the truth of those Suppositions which patient Idlenesse too easily takes for cleer & granted. For the old Scep­tiques that neuer would professe that they had found a Truth, shewd yet the best way to search for any, when they doubted aswell of what those of the Dogmaticall sects too credulously receiud for infallible Principles, as they did of the newst Con­clusions. they were indeed questionlesse too nice, and deceiud themselues with the nimblenesse of their own Sophismes that permitted no kind of established Truth. But plainly, he that auoids their disputing Leuitie, yet, being able, takes to himselfe their Libertie of Inquirie, is in the only way that in all kinds of studies leads and lies open euen to the Sanctuarie of Truth, while others, that are seruile to common Opinion and vulgar suppositions, can rarely hope to be admitted neerer then into the base court of her Temple which too speciously of­ten counterfaits her inmost Sanctuarie. and to this purpose also is that of Instit. Orator. lib. [...]2. cap. 8. Quintilian, most worthy of memory, Optimꝰ est in discendo, patronꝰ incredulꝰ.

For the Summe of the Performance in be­halfe of the Clergie; I dare confidently affirme, that neuer before was there towards so much Hu­mane Law positiue for the paiment of whole Tithes, obserued to publique view as is here dis­couered; and that especially in the VIII. chap­ter for the Clergie of England. And plainly he [Page XIV] that talks of Tithes without reference to such po­sitiue Law, makes the obiect of his discourse ra­ther what he would haue should be, then any thing that indeed is at all. For what State is in all Chri­stendom wherein Tithes are paid de facto, other­wise then according to Human Law positiue? that is, as subiect to some Customes, to Statuts, to all ciuill disposition. If they bee in truth due Iure Diuino (which Diuines must determine of) they re­main equally so aswel after as before Human Laws made touching them. But that is a question dai­ly controuerted; and among the Clergie. Now, who euer disputes it and relyes only on Ius Diui­num, or the holy Scripture for the right of Tithes, doth but make way for him whom hee cannot per­swade that they are due by the Law of God, to thinke that they are no way due. Which questi­onlesse was the originall cause of the Opinions of such as falsly taught them not at all payable, but arbitrarily as Almes euen since Parochial right in them established. I meane the Dominican and Franciscan Fryers, and those other of a farre dif­ferent stampe, Wicliffe, Erasmus, and the like. Had they sufficiently thought of the Constituti­ons and Practice of Christian States, whereby Tithes had been variously dedicated for the main­tenance of the Euangelicall Priesthood, and setled for other holy vses either by continuance of time, by the owne [...]s conueyance, or by any such other ciuill Title (the strength whereof is immediatly founded in human Law) what colour could they [Page XV] haue had to thinke that they had been only Almes? for what euer is lawfully established by a ciuill Ti­tle, is cleerly debitum Iustitiae, not Charitatis. what brain then except one bewitcht can think that Hu­man positiue Law and common Prac [...]ce which v­sually either declares or makes also a positiue Law, are not most carefully to be sought after in inqui­ries touching this sacred Reuenue, which is no o­therwise enioyed in any State then as that Law hath ordaind and permits. And let Human Laws, Practice, and Opinions bee as their Autors will; yet whatsoeuer argument may be found in the law of God for the right of Tithes, remains still as vn­toucht and equally of his former power, as the heat and light of heauen euer did, notwithstan­ding the vse of Fire had vpon earth. And the truth is that diuers of them that writ, with more will then iudgment, for Tithes, fall often from their Ius Diuinum, before they are aware, and talke of them as supposd due also by Human positiue Law of Practice. But they are farre enough from shew­ing what or where that Law or Practice is. what doe they else when they confound Tithes and con­secrated lands together? and apply that to Tithes which is equally to bee spoken of lands giuen to the Church? I trust they mean not that the Church had an originall Title also Iure Diuino, to lands arbitrarily consecrated to it. Let not then either the purpose or conuenience of th [...] Historie bee valued, from what distemperd Malice, Ignorance, or Iealousie haue cryed it down with in corners. [Page XVI] The learned Frier Bacons most noble Studies be­ing out of the rode of the lazie Clergie of his time, were vehemently at first suspected for such as might preiudice the Church. Reuchlin and Budè, the one for his Ebrew, the other for his Greek, were exceedingly hated because they learned and taught what the Friers and Monkes were meere strangers to. Others about their time had like fortune. Nei­ther was any one thing in the beginning of the Re­formation so vnwillingly receiud or more opposd by such as labourd that Ignorance might still con­tinue in her triumph, then that singular light to the cleering of error, the Geek Text of the New Testament, first publisht in print by Erasmus ▪ and it was ordaind (as he saies) vnder great penaltie in I know not what Colledge of Cambridge, that no Fellow of the house should be so impious as bring it within the gates. For the World hath neuer wanted store of such blockes laid in the way of Learning, as willingly endure not any part of cu­rious diligence that seekes or teaches whatsoeuer is beyond their commonly receiud Nihil vltrà. But there are others that both can iudge and doe wish for all light to Truth. such they were that e­uen while Ignorāce yet held her declining Empire, defended those Worthies, Bacon, Bude, Reuchlin, Erasmus and the rest that so sufferd. and to doubt whether this of mine shall find such also, were but to question w [...]ether euery man were yet a malici­ous Rebell to Truth, and wholly without Ingenui­ty that performes euen as much in fostering her, as Time doth in breeding her.

[Page XVII]But neither is the Worke alone taxt by mista­king of the subiect, but also in regard of the Autor. what hath a Common Lawyer to do (so they mur­mur) with writing of Tithes. for by that name it pleases them to stile me. and I must confesse, I haue long labourd to make my selfe worthy of it. But I would their discretions also would designe out to whom it belongs more to write the Historie of Tithes, then to a Common Lawyer. I expect not such a sottishnesse, as that they should so much as dream it to bee more proper to any of the other single professions of this Kingdome; except to a Diuine, or a Ciuilian; vnder which name, because those which practice the Canon Laws here (ac­cording as the Common Laws permit) take their Degrees, in the Ciuill Law, I comprehend al­so the Canonist. and vse hath here made the name of Ciuill Law, to denote Alberic. G [...]ntil [...] de potestate Regi [...] absoluta, Seu d [...]sput. 1. both Ciuill and Canon. For the Diuine; what is there in the course of his Study restraind to his profession, that can neer enough instruct him in the Laws and Pra­ctice, especially of the Christian times. Nor is the Practice or Laws of Tithes among the Iews, as they are deliuerd & interpreted by their Doctors, more indeed restraind to the course of Diuinitie, then of Law and Historie. But should a Ciuilian rather haue dealt with it? if hee; then eyther (ac­cording to what we vnderstād by that name in En­gland) as a Ciuilian, or as a Canonist. if as a Ciuilian; hee should the [...] haue made that proper to himselfe touching which, in the whole body of his Law [Page XVIII] (though hee take in also Theodosius his Code, the Basilica and the Nouels of the later Easterne Em­perors) not the least mention is found of Tithes belonging to the Church. Indeed, a case is put by Vlpian of L. 2. Siquis ff. de [...]ollicitat. vowing of Tithes, which some old ig­norant and barbarous Doctors vnderstand of Tithes among Christians. but they were long since laught at for it by him that Budau [...] ibid. & in l. quicunque ff. de Institor. action [...]. first happily la­bourd in the restoring to that Profession, the lost neatnesse and elegancie of the Text. That was cleerly spoken of the Roman vse only, & of vowing to Hercules or the like. But should the Ciuilian as a Canonist haue done it? what in all his Decrees, Decretals, and Extrauagants, though hee ioyne many armies of his Doctors, directs him to the Practice of the Iews, Gentiles or Christians? where shall the Canonist or the Ciuilian, or the Diuine, in the courses of their proper studie, find the many Secular Laws made in behalfe of the Clergie for Tithes? where the ancient practice of payment? If it be cleer then (as I hope none hath the im­pudence to denie it) that neither the Diuine, nor Ciuilian, nor Canonist, by the course of their owne appropried Studies, can come to what is necessary in the knowledge of the History of Tithes, it will bee as cleere that none of them could chal­lenge the medling with it as a right specially be­longing to any of their Professions. But neither indeed is it proper to any one alone of those that are commonly made Professions. The truth is, both it and not a few other enquiries of subiects [Page XIX] too much vnknowne, fall only vnder a farre more generall Study; that is, of true Philologie the only fit Wife that could be found for the most learned of the Gods. Shee being well attended in her [...] or daily seruices of Inquiry, by her two Hand-maids Curious Diligence and Watchfull Industrie, discouers to vs often from her raised Towre of Iudgment, many hidden Truths, that, on the deuell of any one restraind Profession, can neuer be discerned. and euery Profession takes from her to it selfe (as was long since Apud Ma [...]t. Ca­pellam llb. 2. de Nuptti [...] Philologia & Merc [...]ri [...]. & de Philologes al [...]quot veris consulas, Qui [...]tilia [...], Instit. Orator. lib. 12. cap. vl [...]. obserud) some necessary part not elswhere to be sought for. not much otherwise then as the Subaltern sciences do from their Superiors, or as they all do from that Vniuersalitie or First Philosophie, which is but the more reall part of true Philologie, and esta­blishes principles to euery Facultie that could not of it selfe alone know how to get them. But is not the companie of this great Lady of Learning with her attendants, as fit for a Student of the Common Laws of England, as for any other pretending what facultie soeuer? I neuer heard that shee was engaged alone to any beside Mercurie. No [...] find I any conditions in the Mariage twixt her and Mer­curie, that shee should fauour any one particular Profession more then another. I know there haue been and are many common Lawiers of other States (for euery State in Christendom is gouer­ned by its own Common Laws and Customs, and hath truly its common Lawiers as is further shewd towards the end of the Reuiew) so farre from be­ing [Page XX] strangers to Her that they are all to be reputed of her chiefest Darlings; and some of them are hardly equalled among any other Professors. wit­nesse in France those euer honord names, Bude, Cuiacius, Brisson, Tiraquell, Pithou, Pasquier, Le Thou, Aerault, Berterie, Sauaron, and others; in the Empire, Gruter, Freher, Ritterhuse; in the v­nited Prouinces, Groot, Heuter, and the like else­where. For these all were or are practicers of the various common or secular Laws of their own Na­tions, although they studied the Imperialls and Canons in the Vniuersitie. and who of the learned knows not what light these haue giuen out of their studies of Philologie, both to their own and other Professions? and that in rectifying of Storie, in explication of good Autors, in vindicating from the iniurie of time both what belongs aswell to sa­cred as prophan studies? why then may not equally a common Lawier of England vse this Philologie? and by consequent be a fit Autor of this Historie of Tithes, as of a proper issue of Philologie? it being indeed much more proper also to Philolo­gie in a common Lawier, then in one of any other Profession. For the two chief parts of it (that is, Practice of paiment and the Laws of Tithing, that either are in force or euer were receiud touching them in any State) were alwaies and are part of the proper Obiect of his Studies. and what euer Diui­nes or Canonists conclude of them; it is the Secu­lar or Common Laws only that according to Cu­stoms, and various Ordinances permit or restraine [Page XXI] the Canons in legall exaction of them, and that in other States aswell as in England. for howsoeuer it be affirmd by Bodi [...] ▪ de Repub▪ lib. 5. cap. 2. some which enough accuratly think not of it, that the Clergie euery where in the Western Church, being scarce a hundreth part of the People, are inricht with whole Tithes of Fruits of the Earth and of Cattell; yet it is certain that in no State of that Church, whole Tithes are vniuer­sally paid. But frequently Customs, not only of a Modus but de non decimando are by force of secular Law practiced. witnesse for the Empire, is in that Diet of Comit. Norim­berg. 1522. Graua­mine 45. Norimberg vnder Charles the fift, where the lay Princes of the Empire complaine against the Church for offering to put their Canons for Tithes in practice; Etsi Laici per multa annorum curricula de certis eorum praedijs, neque maiores ne (que) exiguas, vt vocant, praestiterint Decimas &c. As much for Spain is in Varia [...]. Resolu [...]. lib. 1 Cap. 17. & Practic. qu [...]st. 35. Gouaruuias; for Italie, D [...] officio & po­testate Episcopo part 1. cap. 9.in Vgolin, Ad 22. D.Th. q. 87. Caietan, others; for France, in Papon on the customs of Burbon, Boerius on those of Berry, de Grassalio, beside the many Arrests of Parlament that are adiudged against the Canons. But these things are more particularly shewd in the Seuenth Chapter, wherein (as in the rest) we haue affected rather what is Autoritie enough, then what is va­rious. Who now can shew colour why this was not a worke proper enough for a Common Lawier? But this whole Premonition, I thinke, is as well more then is necessarie to the truly iudicious, as it may perhaps seem lesse then what satisfies to the numerous Pretenders, that neither know any way [Page XXII] that lies out of their beaten Rode, nor value books but as Stationers do, nor admit willingly of any other kind of Studies then such as are more like sordid Occupations then Liberall Professions. But I stay you too long here, Reader. Trie now how I haue performd my promise; spare not to trie with your most censorious examination;

—sed magis acri
Iudicio perpende; & si tibi Vera videtur,
Dede manus; aut, si Falsa est, accingere contra.

THE CONTENTS.

  • CAP. I. Of Tithes before the Law.
    • I. Melkizedek had Tithes only of the spoiles of Warre giuen him by Abraham. [...] denotes spoiles of Warre, and perhaps also profits taken from the ground, or Ruta caesa.
    • II. Iacobs vow and payment of Tithes▪ Both Abra­ham and Iacob were Priets when they paid Tithes. In whom the Priest-hood was before the Law.
    • III. Whether any certaine Quantitie were obserued in the Offerings of Cain and Abel.
    • IV. A Cabalistique operation in numbers by which Tithes and the first Fruits, offered by Abel, might haue a mysticall identity. Such operations were amongst old Christians also, but meerly vaine.
  • CAP. II. How among the Iews, Tithes were paid or thought due.
    • I. First fruits, and Heaue offering (that is sixtieth parts at least) first were paid out of the fruits of the earth
    • II. The first Tithe was paid to the Leuites (who out of that paid a Tithe to the Priests) and then the second Tithe.
    • III. The errour of them that make a third Tithe. The second Tithe of euery third yeere spent on the poore. what they take the yeer of Tithing to signifie in Deuteronomy.
    • [Page] IV. Aboue a sixt part was yeerly paid by the Hus­bandman: but no Tithe by him to the Priests.
    • V. How their Cattell were tithed.
    • VI. A discontinuance of payment among them. Honester Ouer-seers chosen for the true payment. De­mai, that is, things doubtfull, whether Tithes were paid of them or no. Passages in Epiphanius and S. Chryso­stome, of their Tithing.
    • VII. Their Tithing of euery herb. what their Ca­nonists hold Titheable.
    • VIII. Their Law of Tithing (after the destructi­on of their second Temple) ceased, by the doctrine of their Canonists. which teaches also that they are not to pay elsewhtre then in the Land of Israel, and some ad­iacent Countries. Presbyteratus Iudaeorum totius Angliae anciently granted by the English Kings.
  • CAP. III. Tithes how paid, or due among the Gentiles
    • I. Some Romans paid to some Deities, and somtimes only, a Tenth of spoiles; of procede of merchandize; of their estates; but vsually also by vow, which bound the Heire or Executor.
    • II. Festus is falsly cited for a generall custom of payment of Tithes among the Ancients.
    • III. Examples of Tithes paid among the Graecians.
    • IV. How the assertions of a generall▪ vse of giuing Tithe to the Gods among the Graecians, are to be vn­derstood; and why [...] that is, to Tithe, signifies al­so to Consecrate.
    • [Page] V. A Tithe paid to Hercules of Tyre, and Sabis an Arabian Deitie, the same with Iupiter Sabazius.
  • CAP. IV. In the first foure hundred yeers after Christ.
    • I. No vse of Tithes occures till about the end of this foure hundred yeeres. Offerings and Monthly pay for maintenance of the Church in the primitiue times. Diui­siones Mensurnae. Sportulae.
    • II. Payment of Tithes of Mines and Quarries to Christian Emperors. The wealth of the Church enuied.
    • III. The opinion of Origen touching Tithes.
    • IV. Constitutions of those times, that mention them, are of no credit.
  • CAP. V. From about the yeer CCCC. till DCCC.
    • I. Tithes were now paid in diuers places, to Ab­bots, to the Poore, to the Clergie.
    • II. Some Consecrations were then made in perpe­tuall right, at the pleasure of the Owner.
    • III. That storie of Charles Martell his taking a­way Tithes, & making them feodall, cannot be iustified.
    • IV. The opinions of S. Ambrose, S. Augustine, S. Hierom, and S. Chrysostom. the first two teach, the Tenth due by Gods Law; the other two perswade only that a lesse part should not be offerd.
    • V. Of Canons, for the payment of Tithes, that are attributed to this Age.
  • [Page] CAP. VI [...] Between about the yeer D.CCC. and neere M.CC.
    • I. Payment of Tithes, how performed.
    • II. Arbitrarie Consecrations of them alone (like Grants of Rents-charge) at the Lay-owners choice, to any Church or Monasterie, were frequent; and sometimes Lay-men sold them to the Church. Redimere Decimas.
    • III. Appropriations of them with Churches; wher­in they passed as by themselues, from the Patron seueral­ly and directly in point of interest. The beginning of Parish Churches. Disposition of the Offrings receiued there. Lay-foundations of Parish Churches. The interest that Patrons claymed. Right of Aduowson. The cere­monie of putting a Cloth or Robe vpon the Patron, at the consecration of the Church. The vse of Inuesti­tures, by which (as by liuerie of Seisin) Lay Patrons gaue their Churches. Commendatio Ecclesiae. Bene­fice. None anciently receiued the character of Orders, but when also the ordination was for the title of some Church. Thence came the later vse of Episcopall Insti­tution. Whence some Patrons came to haue most part of the Tithes. Canonica portio. The Clergy and Councels against Inuestitures. Their continuance till towards M.CC. when Institution (as it is at this day) vpon presen­tation grew common. How Appropriations were in those times made. The ancient Episcopall right to Tiths, especially in Germanie, and the Northern parts. How Monks iustified their possession of Tithes and Parish-Churches. The right of Tithes generally denied in Turingia, to the Archbishop of Mentz.
    • [Page] IV. Of Infeodations of Tithes into Lay-hands, both from the Clergie and Laitie; and of their Originall.
    • V. Of Exemptions graunted by the Pope. Templars and Hospitalars accounted no part of the Clergie.
    • VI. The generall opinion was, that they are due iure diuino. but this, indifferently thought on, seems to haue denoted rather Ecclesiastique or Positiue Law (by the doctrine and practice of the Clergy) then Diuine Morall Law.
    • VII. Laws Imperiall, and Canons Synodall and Pontificiall, for the payment of Tenths. The grosse error of some that mistake Nona and Deci­ma in the Capitularies. The first Generall Coun­cell that mentions Tithes.
  • CAP. VII. Of the time from M.CC. or neere there­abouts, till this day.
    • I. The Canons of Generall Councells, and Decretalls, for Parochiall right in Tithes (not formerly otherwise conueyed) which now became more established.
    • II. The opinion of the Canonists, in the que­stion of what immediate Law Tithes are due by, is, that they are payable iure diuino.
    • III. How the same question is determined by the opinion of the Schoolmen.
    • IV. Of those that held them meere Almes.
    • [Page] V. The opinion in Diuinitie, that concludes them due iure diuino. With a Determination of the Vniuersitie of Oxford touching Personall Tithes.
    • VI. Laws, Customs, and Practice of France, in exaction of them. Of their feudall Tithes at this day.
    • VII. Laws, Customs, and Practice in Spain, touching the generall payment of Tithes. Tithes there, in Lay mens hands.
    • VIII. Customs and Infeudations in Italie; Payment in Venice; in Germanie: Of the Hun­garians, Polacks, Swethians, and others, tou­ching the dutie and possession of Tithes.
    • IX. Of Tithes in Scotland. With an Exam­ple of an Appropriation of Churches and Tithes there, by Robert de Brus. And something of Tithes in Ireland.
  • CAP. VIII. The Laws of England made in the Saxon mycel synodes or ƿitenagemotes in Parliaments, and in the Coūcels here held either National or Prouincial, or by the Pope, for the due payment or discharge of Tithes in this Kingdome. Petitions or Bils in Parliament touching them, are inserted, all in their course of time.
  • [Page] CAP. IX.
    • I. Of Parishes in the Primitiue Church of the Britons.
    • II. Parishes in the Primitiue Church of the English Saxons. first limited only in regard of the Ministers function, not of Parochiall pro­fits. all the profits of euery whole Diocese, first, made a common treasure to bee disposed of by the Bishop and his Clergie, of the same Dio­cese. Residence of the Bishop and Clergie in those times. The great regard then had to euery Clergie man.
    • III. Of diuision of our Parishes. whether Honorius Archbishop of Canterburie first de­uided them. Parochia or Paroecia diuersly ta­ken.
    • IV. Lay-foundations of Parish Churches; from whence chiefly came Parochiall limits in re­gard of the profits receiud to the singular vse of the Incumbents. Limitation of Tithes by King Edgar to the Mother Parish Church or Mona­sterie. Monasteries preferd before other Chur­ches for buriall. Mortuaries. [...]. a third part of Tithes (according to King Edgars Law) must be giuen to a new built Church that had right of Sepulture by the Founder. Sepultura and Baptisterium. Capella Parochialis. a Parish commanded to be made (out of another that was too large) by the Pope. one Parish ioynd to another by the King.
  • [Page] CAP. X.
    • I. The Practice of Tithing. Of King Ced­walla's Tithing, being no Christian. the custom of the German-Saxons, in sacrificing their tenth captiue to Neptune. Decima vsed for a lesse part also in ancient moniments.
    • II. The Practice of Tithing in the Christian times of our Ancestors. the tale of Augustin and the Lord of Cometon touching non payment of them. the Tithe of euery dying Bishops substance to be giuen to the poor, by an old Prouinciall Sy­nod. Tithes how mentiond in Domesday. Testi­monies of payment of them. Henrie the thirds grant of the payment of tithe of Hay and Mills out of all his demesnes. The beginning of Parochi­all payment of Tithes in common and establish­ed practice in England. How that common asser­tion; that euery man might haue disposed his Tithes at his pleasure, before the Councell of La­teran, is true and to be vnderstood.
  • CAP. XI.
    • I. Arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes (be­fore about the time of the most known Councell of Lateran) by conueiance from the owner of all or part to any Church or Monasterie at his pleasure, in examples selected out of moniments of infallible credit.
    • II. A Writ in the Register intelligible only [Page] from those arbitrarie Consecrations. a like ex­ample to it out of the booke of Osney.
    • III. The libertie of the Baronage anciently challenged to build Churches in their Territo­ries. Parochiall right to Tithes setled in Pra­ctice.
    • IV. Of Tithes of encrease in lands not limi­ted to any Parish. How by the common Law they are to be disposed of.
  • CAP. XII.
    • I. Appropriations and Collations of Tithes with Churches. The Corporations to which the Appropriations were made, presented, for the most part, Vicars. Thence the most of perpetuall Vi­carages.
    • II. How Churches and Tithes by Appro­priation were anciently conueyed from Lay-Pa­trons. The vse of Inuestitures, practiced by Lay-Patrons.
    • III. Grants of Rents or Annuities by Pa­trons only, out of their Churches. Of the Bishops assent. More of Inuestitures. A Writ to the Arch­deacon anciently sometime sent vpon recouerie of a Presentment.
    • IV. Of hereditarie succession in Churches.
    • V. Laps vpon default of Presentation groun­ded vpon the generall Councell of Lateran, held in 25. Hen. 2. What Praesentare ad Ecclesiam is originally. Donatio Ecclesiae.
  • [Page] CAP. XIII.
    • I. Infeodations here into Lay hands since the Statuts of Dissolutions. Of Infeodations before that time in England. somewhat more of the ori­ginall of Lay mens practice in arbitrarie Conse­crations or Infeodations.
    • II. Exemptions or discharges of payment ori­ginally by Priuiledges, Prescriptions, Vnitie, Grants or Compositions, and by the Statuts of Dissolutions.
  • CAP. XIV.
    • I. The iurisdiction of Ecclesiastique causes, in the Saxon times, exercised by the Shrife and the Bishop in the Countie Court. and among them that of Tithes also was then to haue been there de­termind. The Bishops Consistorie seuered from the Countie Court by William the first.
    • II. After the Normans, Originall suits for Tithes, were aswell in the Temporall Courts as in the Spirituall. and that continued till Henrie the second or about King Iohn.
    • III. Of the time since about King Iohn or Henrie the second. Of the Indicauit and the Writ of right of Aduowson of Tithes. What the Law was in an Indicauit before that Statut of Westm. 2. A touch of ancient Prohibitions, De non Decimando.
    • [Page] IV. Writs of Scire facias for Tithes. En­quests taken vpon Commission to enquire of the right of Tithes.
    • V. Fines leuied of Tithes (in the time of Ri­chard the first, of King Iohn, and Henrie the third) vpon Writs of right of Aduowson.
    • VI. Scire facias by the Patentees against the pernor of Tithes granted by the King.
    • VII. Command of payment by the Kings Writ. And of Tithes in Forests. Triall of the right of Tithes incident in some issues.

The Historie of TITHES.

CAP. I. Of Tithes before the Law.

I. Melkizedek had Tithes only of the spoiles of Warre giuen him by Abraham. [...] denotes spoiles of Warre, and perhaps also profits taken from the ground, or Ruta caesa.

II. Iacobs vow and payment of Tithes. Both Abra­ham and Iacob were Priests when they paid Tithes. In whom the Priest-hood was before the Law.

III. Whether any certaine Quantitie were obserued in the Offerings of Cain and Abel.

IV. A Cabalistique operation in numbers by which Tithes and the first Fruits, offered by Abel, might haue a mysticall identitie. Such operations were a­mongst old Christians also, but meerly vaine.

I.

ABraham, in his return from redeeming his nephew Lot with his substance, and all the substance of Sodom and Gomorrah, was blessed by Melkizedek King of Salem and Priest of the most high God; and gaue him Tithe of all. So is the holy Writ. But what that all was, is not cleerly agreed vpon. it is taken to be [...] miccol aghsher lo, that is, of all that he had, as the ordinarie Glosse of Salomon [...]archi there interprets. and ex­presly [Page 2] so are the Syriaque and Arabique translations of the new Epist. ad Heb. 7.2 Testament, where this is spoken of. But it is hard to conceiue it of any other all that he had, than all the substance, or all the spoiles that he had by that expedition. The holy Context so points it out. So did the old Iews vnderstand it. otherwise neuer had so great and worthy an Autor, Arch [...]olog. α. cap. 1 α. Flauius Iosephus a Iew, confidently writen the Tithe there giuen to be [...], the Tithe of what was gotten by the Warre. He knew a receiued opinion in his Nation, to be so, or else had not been so forward to deliuer it. The same is confirmed by the Targum, attribu­ted to Ionathan Ben-Vziel. there, of all, is interpre­ted by [...] miccal mah datheib, that is, of all that he brought back. And, to free it from doubt, the holy Aut [...] of the Epistle to the Ebrews, first v­sing the Text of Genesis in those words, [...], the Tithe of all, after a few words interposed, ex­plains it by [...], the tithe of the spoiles; as if he had said [...], the Tithe of all the spoiles. In that place, the Syriaque hath Tithe [...] and first fruits, and the Arabique, Tithe [...] [...]l [...]mosyn [...] n. [...] sapius [...] in Alcora­no, quod monuit [...] ta [...] humanitate quam doctrina sin­gulari Guil. Bed­w [...]llus linguarum inpromis Orientali­ [...] call [...]tisi [...]mu [...]. Vid [...] Azoar. 22.34. & 92. and Almes. indeed [...] signifieth also first fruits, or the chiefest parts, sacred to the gods among the Gentiles; and [...] hath, in that sense, been turnd there, by de praecipuis, in the vulgar. But those Eastern translations suppose, it seemes, as if the Greek should be [...]. But we must not take the old text to haue been so different from what we now read. And for that, de Praecipuis, in the vul­gar; can it be thought that he gaue Tithe of the best [Page 3] parts only? How stands that with giuing Tithe of. al? It must therefore be interpreted of the spoiles. So St. Chrysostome In Epist. ad E­br [...]s. [...]. 1 [...]. vnderstands the Text. [...], saies he, [...], that is, the spoiles are called [...], whereof, as he notes also, Abraham made Melkize­dek a partaker, by so giuing him the first fruits of his martiall performance. Accordingly doth Sulpitius Histor. 1. Seuerus, in his storie of Abraham, call his tenth decimam praedae, which is also expresly iustified by S. Hierome, often stiling it decimas spoliorum, praedae & victoriae; who well withall confesses, that, were it not for the holy exposition in that Epistle to the E­brews, the relation in Genesis might aswell be vnder­stood, that, on the other side, Melkizedek, as a bounteous Ancestor, had giuen to Abraham the tenth part of his estate; the Text indeed being both in the Ebrew and Septuagints so, that, no name im­mediatly preceding the mention of the gift, it suffi­ciently thence appears not, who was the giuer. V­trunque (saies In Epist. ad E [...] ­grium, t [...]m. [...]. S. Hierome) intelligi potest & iuxta Ebraicum, & iuxta Septuaginta interpretes, quòd & ipse acceperit decimas spoliorum, & Abrahae dederit decimas substantiae suae; quanquam Apostolus in Epi­stola sua ad Ebraeos apertissimè definiat, non Abraham suscepiste à Melchisedek decimas diuitiarum eius, sed de spolijs hostium partem accepisse Pontificem. Neither is this interpretation of [...] dissonant from anci­ent vse among the Greeks. Indeed it elsewhere rare­ly occurres in this sense; but cleerly in that old pro­uerb, [...], To put an armor, taken from a Pygmie, on a Colossus his back, it de­notes [Page 4] nothing else but [...], Philostrat▪ in vit. S [...]phist in Nic [...]te. Vnde emendes o­po [...]te [...] depraua­tos Su [...]dae Copices in [...]. or [...], that is, spoiles taken from dead or liuing, according whereto both Hesychius and Suidas haue expounded it. From which sense, I ghesse, it hath also been brought to signifie those kind of profits, taken (as spoiles) from the Land, which the Ciuilians call Ruta caesa, that is, Vlpian▪ ff. de a­ctionib▪ e [...]pt. & vendit. l. 17. §. 6. trees cut down, coles, sand, or chalk digged vp, or the like, which we stile things seuered from the free-hold, and turnd into chattels, according as the Greek Lawyers Vett. Glossa v [...]rb. Iuris in [...]. named them [...], Things that were taken from the ground, or free-hold. for so it agrees with our phrase. That, which first bred me this coniecture, was a corrupted place in an old Glossar. vet [...]. Graecelat. edit. ab H. Stephan [...]. Glossarie, where [...] is interpreted by Ru­ticilia. what can Ruticilia there signifie? I conceiud it to be depraud for Ruta caesa, which is often read as one word. and no man can denie but that Ruta cae­sa may easily be stiled spolia or exuuiae villae, and by an easie metaphore be expressed in a word that signi­fies spoiles of warre. many corruptions much fur­ther off from the true originals, are obuious in the same Glossarie.

II.

The next passage of Tithes is in Iacobs vow. This stone, saith Genes. 28.22. he, which I haue set vp as a pillar, shall be Gods house. and all that thou shalt giue me, I will Tithe and giue the Tenth to thee. which (Iose­phus saies) vpon his return, being after XX. yeers, he Ios. Arch [...]log. [...]. c. 1 θ. performed, offering the Tithe of all his sub­stance, or [...], the Tithe of all he had gotten. Into whose hands he gaue his Tithes, ap­pears not▪ But the chiefest Priest of that time was [Page 5] his father Isaac. For before Aaron, the Iews say, the Priesthood was wholly annext to the first born of fa­milies. Which Exod. c. 13.1. agrees well with the sanctifying of the first born, commanded in Aegypt. Hence it comes that Melkizedek is commonly reputed to be Sem, the eldest sonne of Noah (for so in this declara­tion he may be cleerly admitted; although no small controuersie be whether he or Iapheth were the el­dest) and Noah, Abraham, and Iob and the like are accounted, Origen. lib. 1. in Iob. by this right, Priests of that time. and as Abraham, being in a right line X. degrees from Sem, gaue tithes to him being the eldest Ancestor of the house, or first-born, and so a Priest in Salem; so it may be thought, that Iacob paid his vow into the hands of Isaac the chief of the family then liuing as a first-born, and a Priest also. But remember withall, that Iacob, although the yonger Sonne, is reputed also to haue had this Priesthood by the sale made to him of his elder brother Esau's birth-right, to which a Pristhood was incident. So was the ancient opi­nion of the Iews, as Saint Hierome In Epist. ad E [...]agrium. relates it. Si­mul & hoc tradunt, sayes he, quod vs (que) ad sacerdotium Aaron omnes primo geniti, ex stirpe Noe, fuerint sacer­dotes & Deo victimas immolârint, & hac esse primo­genita quae Esau fratri suo vendiderit Iacob. And ex­presse mention is of his exercising this holy function in Gen. c. 32.54. sacrifices, during his fathers life. For, hauing gotten the right of primogeniture, and being long seuered from his fathers house, and hauing a distinct family and posteritie in his own power, notwithstan­ding his father were then liuing, yet had he that kind [Page 6] of Priesthood in him. For if this holy right came not to any till he had been the eldest of the family as well as the first born, how could Abraham be ac­counted for a Priest? as expresly Origen and others reckon him; which the forme of his offring his sonne Isaac also iustifies. He was neuer both first-born and eldest of his family. For Sem liued after him about XL. yeers, and kept that title from him; but a first-born he was, and deuided also from his fathers hous­hold at the time of his tithes giuen him. whence ob­serue by the way that both Abraham and Iacob, ac­cording to this right of that time, must be Priests al­so, when they paid these tithes. No other expresse mention is of tithes before Moses his time; vnlesse, with th Iews, you dream, that the Leuiticall Law was writen before the Creation.

III.

Let the ancients seeme to haue obserued a respect had to the quantity of what was, as a part of the yeerly increase, consecrated in those times to the Lord; and that euen in the first memorie of sacrifice. Cain's offring was not regarded, they Tertull. lib ad­uers. Iudaos. alij item [...]. say, because, quod offerebat non rectè diuidebat, hee did not well deuide what he offerd: which seemes to designe out a defect in the quantity; as if specially some quota pars were at that time required. But this reason was from no other cause then the mistranslation of the text in the Story of Cain. For, where the Gen 4.7. original is thus, Why is thy Countenance cast downe? if thou doe well, is there not remission? if thou doe ill, sinne lyeth at the door; they read it farre otherwise, and thus; quoniam, nonne, si rectè quidem offeras; non re­cte [Page 7] autem diuidas, peccasti? [...]quiesce: which is all one with the Septuagints text, that in the Primitiue times was chiefly in vse, [...], say they there, [...]. If thou offer well, but deuidest not well, hast thou not sinned? bee quiet. And this passage of well deuiding, did Iulian, that witty Apostata, take, for a speciall question to oppose a Bishop in his time. But most agreeable to that translation, and not dissonant from the originall, is, that hee gaue with a grudging minde, and Cyrill. aduers. Iulian. lib. 10. not of the best and first of his fruit, as hee ought to haue done, and as the Heathen euer did, or by their Pon­tisiciall Lawes ought to haue done in their Praemes­sum, that is, the first fruits of their Corne, or their Calpar or vinum inferium, which was the richest of their wine. And it is expresly said, that Abel brought of his first fruits, but Cain only of his fruit of the ground; the one giuing the Lord a portion of the best, the other not regarding of what time, what worth it were, so it were of his fruit. So, here is not any quota pars, or certain quantitie noted, but Ita D. Chrysost. in Genes. [...]. in. D. Ambros. lib. 1. de Cain & Abel▪ cap. 7. & lib. 2. c. 6. vide Epist ad H [...] ­bra [...]s. cap. 11.4. [...], or the mind only of him that offered, and the qualitie of the oblation.

IV.

Yet to, if some Cabalistique and doting cu­riosities were of value, there might be some identi­tie, or at lest some affinitie between the first fruits of Abel, and the tenth part. The first fruits are in the text called [...] becoroth, the tithe [...] maighsher. Now the Iews make great and hidden correspon­dencies twixt things denoted by any two words, whose seuerall numbers made out of their letters, [Page 8] are equall; their letters, as the Greeke, being all nu­merall. and two kinds of this Arithmetique they haue: the one in greater numbers, which is frequent with them; the other in lesse. their practice Archangel. in Dogmat. Cabalisti [...]. 19. in the second kind is thus: Out of euery Centenarie and Decad of the letters of a word they take a vnitie, and adde these to the rest, that is, the lesse numbers; by which operation, if two words agree in summe, they thinke forsooth some great mysterie, of mutuall relation, twixt the things signified, is discouered. Those two of the first fruits, and tithes, by this way, are equal. For example. Dispose the letters and their numbers thus.

[figure]

in the first, out of 400.200. and 20. take 4.2. and 2. that is a vnitie out of euery Centenarie and Decad; and the summe is 8. which, added to the lesse num­bers, make 16. Likewise in the second, out of 200. 300.70. and 40. take 2.3.7. and 4. (there being no lesse numbers) and you haue the same summe as in the other, that is 16. But take this only as a tast of such impious libertie as these kind of vanities giue (mongst the Iews) to make any thing haue mysticall reference to euery thing. Yet neither were Christi­ans without the very like in the primitiue times. Witnes the Marcosian and Colabarsian heresies in their α. and ω. made the same with [...], and diuers [Page 9] other like by agreement in number. They indeed went so farre in this ridiculous kind, that they de­termined Tertull. lib. de Har [...]s. id genus plurim [...] habes a­pud Epiphanium. Tom. 3. lib. 1. cap. 1. & Irenaeum lib. 1. cap. 10. totam plenitudinem & perfectionem verita­tis in istis literis (numeralibus) esse dispositam. witnes the Basdidians god, Abraxas. Nay some Fathers of those times so much regarded this arithmeticall way of search, that in this very storie of Abrahams suc­cesse with his companie of 318. and of his recoue­ring the goods, the women, and people, they deliuer that the mysterie Clem. Alex. Stromat. 9. of our Lord crucified, was deno­ted. that number 318. is in Greek thus, τιη. For they reckond out of Greek, as the Iews out of Ebrew. in the 300. figured by τ. they supposd the Crosse fore­told; as otherwise it is vsually obserud vpon that of Ezechiel, cap. IX. 4. And [...]. they took for the two first letters of our Sauiours name ιη or Iesus. Wherupon Prudentius In Pr [...]sat. ad [...]. relating the victorie, saies, we should be very rich, as Abraham in his spoiles,

Si quid trecenti, bis nouenis additis,
Possint, figurâ nouerimus mysticâ.

where, for bis, some Copies, without sense, haue his. but who sees not the vanitie of such mysteries? Al­though too, the vnlimited libertie of our times, in so confidently daring to tell vs the mysterie of the num­ber of the Apoc. cap. 13.1 [...] Beast, would make a man giue the more regard to these collections out of numbers. Euery great Clerk, that deales with it, hath, for the most part, his seuerall word to make vp 666. Some for vs; some against vs. And no doubt is (that one old one may be added) but he, which, long before Lu­ther, [Page 10] made Sir Iohn Old-Castles name to fulfill that prophesie, thought he had been as neer truth as the best of them. Out of IOHN OLD-CASTEL in numerals Thomas El [...]ham Prior L [...]nt [...]n in Chr [...]nic. H [...]n. 5. in Biblioth. Bodleia­na. he makes 701. and thence subtracts the yeer of his age, wherin he so charitably and stoutly tooke part with Lollards, and was condemned for heresie, that is, 35. and the rest being 666. notes him out (saies he) with the Character of the Beast. risum teneatis? this in most miserable verse he ex­presses. Nor hath this dream of his, place here o­therwise than as an old patterne of trifling boldnes, vsed in the later Arithmetique of many on that pas­sage in S. Iohn: in whom are Hieron. Epist▪ ad Paulinum. tot Sacramenta, quot verba; and of whom the answer giuen by that great Doctor, Caluin, was as iudicious as modest. he, be­ing demanded his opinion, what he thought of the Reuelation, Bodin. Method. hist. cap. 7. answerd ingenuously, he knew not at all what so obscure a Writer meant. he might best haue spoken it on this particular of the number; to which, found by arbitrarie collection, who euer giues much credit, might vnhappily perchance be induced to beleeue some mutuall respect twixt A­bels Offering, and Abrahams Tithes.

How, among the Iews, Tithes were paid or thought due. CAP. II.

I. First fruits, and Heaue offering (that is, sixtieth parts at least) first were paid out of the fruits of the earth.

[Page 11] II. The first Tithe was paid to the Leuites (who out of that paid a Tithe to the Priests) and then the second Tithe.

III. The error of them that make a third Tithe. The second Tithe of euery third yeere spent on the poore. what they take the yeer of Tithing to sig­nifie in Deuteronomie.

IV. Aboue a sixt part was yeerly paid by the. hus­bandman: but no Tithe by him to the Priests.

V. How their Cattell were tithed.

VI. A discontinuance of payment among them. Honester Ouer-seers chosen for the true payment. Demai, that is, things doubtfull, whether Tithes were paid of them or no. Passages in Epiphanius and S. Chrysostome, of their Tithing.

VII. Their Tithing of euery herb. what their Ca­nonists hold Titheable.

VIII. Their Law of Tithing (after the destruction of their second Temple) ceased, by the doctrine of their Canonists. which teaches also that they are not to pay elsewhere then in the Land of Israel, and some adiacent Countries. Presbyteratus Iudaeo­rum totius Angliae anciently granted by the En­glish Kings.

I.

THe yeerly increase being either fruits of the ground or Cattell; In the Law, of fruits of the ground, first, the first of the forwardest Exod. 23.19. Leuit. 23.10. Num. 15.20. were offered to the Priest in eares of Wheat and Barley, Figs, Grapes, Oliues, Pomegranats and Dates. And, of these seuen only, the first fruits In Talmu [...]. in Seder Zeraim, Masse hotli Bice­rim. atque inde re [...]centiores corum iurispe [...]iu. were [Page 12] paid in what quantitie the owner would. next, the Therumah or heaue Offering, or first Fruits of Corne, Wine▪ Oile, Fleece, and the like, were also Deut. [...]8.4. giuen to the Priests. But it being not determined by Moses of what quantitie this heaue Offering should be; the Iews anciently assest it to be enough at the Salomon Iarchi [...]d [...]ict. locum. [...]& D. [...]ieronymus ad [...]. cap. 45. & Cas [...]anus colla [...]. 21. [...]. 3. fiftieth part; but so, that no necessitie was that euery one should pay so much. he that paid a sixtieth part was discharged; and many of the better deuotion offerd a fortieth. The fiftieth part they call [...], that is, an indifferent or competent Therumah, or heaue offering, which they namd also [...], that is, the great heaue Offering. the fortieth they stile [...], that is, a Therumah of a faire eye, or liberally giuen; & the sixtieth [...] ▪ that is, a Therumah of an Hanc loquendi [...]rmulam habes [...]pud D. Matthae­ [...], cap. 20.15. ill eye, or an niggards gift. But you may obserue too, that this, which they cal­led a niggards gift, was not beneath the quantitie of the Therumah appointed in Ezek. cap. 45.13.11. Ezekiel, where the words are; This is the Therumah that yee shall offer; the sixt part of an Ephah of an Homer of wheat, and yee shall giue the sixt part of an Ephah of an Homer of Barly. it is the same as if he had said, yee shall of­fer a Therumah of the sixtieth part of euery Homer. for an Ephah (being the same measure with a Bath; that is, neer our common Bushell) was the tenth part of an Homer; therefore the sixt part of an E­phah, the sixtieth of an Homer. After the Therumahs offerd to the Priests (euery kind being giuen in sea­son) out of the rest were taken the Tithes. which are best diuided into the first and second Tithe.

II.

The first Tithe was Num. 18.21. paid, out of the re­mainder, to the Leuites at Ierusalem by that name it is euery where Iudaei passim, & Ioseph. Arch. lib. 4. cap 7. To [...]it. cap. 1. con. m. 7. titled. and, out of this Tenth re­ceiued by the Leuites, another Tenth they Num. 18.28. paid to the Priests; as a heaue Offering out of their Tenth, which they called also the Tithe of the Tithe. For the Priests receiued no Tithes of the Husbandmen: on­ly the Leuites receiued Tenths from them, and paid their Tenth to the Priests; being (as Epist. ad Fabi [...] ­lam, de veste Sa­cerdotali. S. Hierome sayes) tanto illis minores, quanto ipsi maiores populo. So Clergie men, by that example, haue paid Tithes to the Pope; and so by a Stat. 26. H [...]n. 8. cap. 3. late Law they doe in this Kingdome to the Crown. Neither might the Leuits spend, to their owne vse, any part of theirs, till this Tenth of the Tenth were paid. Afterwards it might be imploied for their maintenance generally where­soeuer. This first Tenth paid; the nine parts remai­ning, were B [...]n-Maimon i [...] Iad. Chazeka, part. 3. massec de Deci­mi [...]. c. 8. accounted [...], that is, prophane, or for common vse; yet not to be spent by the Possessor, till he had taken out of those nine Deut. 14.23. another Tithe, which he was, the first two yeer, to carie to Ierusalem in kind, or if the way were too farre, to turne it into money (adding a fift Iarchi ad eund. lotum. part of the value: for to this Tithe do the Iews apply that of Leuit. XXVII.30, and 31.) and spend it there at the Temple in Feasts, which were neer like to the old Christians Agapae or Loue-dayes. and euery third yeer the same he was to spend vpon the poore and Leuits within his owne gates. After those Tenths thus disposed of, the rem­nant of that yeers increase they calld [...], that is, as if you should say, euery way prepared or [Page 14] fit for common vse, or absolutely Lay Chattels; the first nine parts being so only respectiuely. This other Tithe they stiled their second Tithe, or Tithe for Feasts, that is, [...]ephus lib. 41. Arch. cap. 7. [...].

III.

Some make a third Tithe; as Tobit. 1.7. Tobit; ex­presly vsing the name of [...], a third Tithe. [...] (sayes he) [...], And the third Tithe I haue giuen to whom it was meet. But he means only the Tithe of the third yeer, that is, the Tithe which euery third yeer (after the first Tithe paid) was to be laid vp by the husbandman in his owne gates for the Leuite that is within his gates, the stranger, the fatherlesse, and the widdow. Which Archaol. 4. c. 7. Iosephus also names [...], a third Tithe to be bestowed euery third yeer. and this the Rabbins call [...], that is, the poore mans Tithe. And it is also titled a third; but falls better vnder the second of our Diui­sion, and need not to made a third, nor is it. Nor, by the great D [...]atrib de de [...]i­mu Iudaorum. Scaligers leaue, can it be accounted the first, nor doth it at all answer to that. For the first Tithe was paid euery yeere, sauing the Sabbaticall. otherwise, whence should the Leuits and Priests haue their liuelode of that yeer? and so expresly af­firme the great Mos. Miko [...]zi in Mitzu [...]th, c. 135. [...]en K [...]ttun. pr [...]c. 473. alij. Doctors of the Iews; and that ac­cording to their Talmud or Canon Law; that the first yeer first they paid the first Tithe, then the se­cond, so in the second yeer; and that, in the rhird yeer, after the first Tithe paid, they paid the [...], that is, the poor mans Tithe. and that yeer [...], that is, the second ceased, or was not paid. In Misnah Torah part. 3. de decima secunda, cap. 1. Ben-Maimons words are, that in the third and sixt yeers [Page 15] the poore mans Tithe was [...], that is, in stead of the second Tithe. Neither can that in Tobit, touching the payment of the second Tithe euerie yeer (wherein both the Greek and Ebrew of him a­gree, although in other things they much differ) be otherwise well vnderstood, then for euery of the two yeers, vnlesse that text be wholly contrarie to the known practice of the Iews Canons. So then euerie third yeer the Leuits at the Temple mist their second Tithe for their Feasts and Loue-dayes; the same be­ing charitably, and by diuine Ordinance, spent at home in the gates of the husbandman. Neither doth the second and this poore mans Tithe differ in sub­stance, but only in circumstance. The diuision of both, is exactly the same, and the persons appointed for the eating, are vpon the matter so to. For as the Leuits, ministring in their course at the Temple, were to haue part in the Feasts made of the second, so were the Leuits and the poore in the countrey en­tertained with this of the third yeere. The place, where the bestowing was, makes their difference; sub­stantially they are the same, and fitly goe vnder one name. which is fully to me confirmed by the Septua­gints translation of that place in Deuteronomy, which we Deut. 26.12. read according to the Ebrew thus: When thou hast made an end of Tithing, all the Tithe of thine en­crease in the third yeer (which is the yeer of Tithing) thou shalt giue to the Leuits, strangers, fatherlesse, and the widow, that they may eat within thy gates, and be filled. They there translate it. [...] [Page 16] [...]: and that is, When thou hast ended the Tithing of all the fruits of thy ground, in the third yeer; the second Tithe thou shalt giue to the Leuit and the stranger &c. as in the com­mon text. Where plainly, you see, the poore mans Tithe is expresly called the second Tithe, which iu­stifies our Diuision. Doubtlesse, they there in stead of [...] shenath hamaigsher, that is; the yeer of Tithing (as the text is) found in their Ebrew Co­pies, [...] shenith hamaigsher, which they took for the second Tithe, knowing that in truth that place meant no other. Diuers passages in their tran­slations are vpon such differences; and they often­times giue thence a kind of commentarie as well as a translation. Neither is it ill context, that shenith of the foeminin gender should be ioind to maigsher of the masculin. it is not without frequent example in holy Writ. That their word [...] (not very vsuall for Tithe) was most proper, and hath no worse ori­ginall then Xenoph. hist. Graec▪ α. Athens it self, where by that name, the Tenth of Mulcts and Goods confiscat, was sacred to Minerua. But this place of the yeer of Tithing, is interpreted by the common Glosse Salomon Iarchi ad dict. loc. Deut. of the Iewes by the yeer of one Tithe, as if the text had been [...], that is, the yeer of one Tithe, or of paying only one Tithe. Which in substance exactly a­grees also with the meaning of the Septuagint. For in the third yeere, sayes Iarchi, there was only one Tithe paid of the two commonly spoken of, that is, of the first and second. The first was only paid to the Leuits. The second, by that name, was not: but the [Page 17] poore mans Tithe in stead of it: and he so expounds it, that hee takes the mention of the Leuits there to designe out the first Tithe of that third yeer paid at Ierusalem, which plainly also confirmes what is here before declared. The second then, and the Tithe of the third yeer are rhe same in substance. The payment of all appeares in this example.

IV.

After the first fruits paid in eares, admit

The increase 6000.Ephahs; the heaue Offering at least must be 100.
The remainder 5900.The first Tithe, 590. and out of this 59. to the Priests.
The remainder 5310.Out of this, the second Tithe, 531. which euery two yeeres the Leuits had at Ierusalem, and euerie third yeere was spent in the gates of the hus­bandmen.
The rest being 4779.was kept for the husband­man.

So that of 6000. Ephahs, the Leuits and poore had in all 1063. whole to themselues, the Priests 159. and the husbandman only 4779. Hee yeerely thus paid more then a sixt part of his increase, beside first-fruits; almost a fift. Many of no small name, grosly slip in reckoning and diuiding these kinds of their Tithes. But this here deliuered, is from the holy text and the Iewish Lawiers.

V.

Of their Cattell; the first borne were Exod. 13. [...]. the Lords. paid to the Priest of clean beasts in kind; of vnclean in money, with a fift part added. Of the in­crease [Page 18] of them, one Tithe only was paid, and that to the Leuits. Euery Tithe of Bullock and of Sheep of all that goeth vnder the Rod, the Tenth shall be holy to the Lord, sayes holy Leuit. 27.26. & 32. Writ. Thence at the Tithing they vsed to shut the Lambs (for example) in a sheep­cote, where the straitnesse of the door might permit but one at once to come out. Then, opening the door, either gently to hunt them out, or by placing the Ewes bleating neere them without, so to cause them run forth one by one, while a seruant standing at the door with a rod coloured with oker, solemnly told to the Tenth; which with his rod he markt. so they Iarchi ad Leuit. cap. 27. & Rambam in Massech. depri­mogenitis, c. 7. vnderstand going vnder the Rod. that so markt, what euer it were, male or female, worst or best, was the Tithe, and might not be changed.

VI.

How the payment of these Tenths was ei­ther obserued or discontinued, partly appeares in holy 2. Paralip. 31. Malach. 3. & Nehem. cap▪ 13. Writ, partly in their institution of more trustie Ouer-seers (whom they called [...]) for the true payment of them. For after the new dedi­cation of the Temple by Iudas Machabaeus, vntill his fourth successor Rambam de decimi [...] ▪ cap. 9. Ioannes Hyrcanus (being neer thirtie yeers) all duly paid their first fruits and The­rumahs, but the first or second Tithe few or none iust­ly; and that through the corruption of those Ouer-seers▪ Whereupon their great Sanedrim, or Court of seuentie Elders (that is, the [...], that is, the greatest Court, that determined also, as a Parlia­ment, of matters of State) enacted, that the Ouer-seers should be chosen of honester men; and withall, that of such things, whereof, by such corruption, or [Page 19] otherwise, it was indifferently doubtfull, whether Tithe were iustly paid or no (of which kind, almost all increase, at the time of this act made, was) a heaue Offering or Therumah of the Tenth of all, that is, a hundreth part, should be giuen to the Priests, and then the second Tithe at the Temple should be paid. but no first Tithe or poore mans Tithe was paid of any such things. These kind of goods they called [...] Demai, whereof a speciall Massecheth or trea­tise is in the Talmud, in the Seder Zeraim From that act of the Sanedrim, to the last destruction of the Temple, it seems, the iust payment of Tithes conti­nued; and thereof testimonie is (for the time neere the destruction) in Ep ad Hebr▪ cap. 7.9. holy Writ. But in Tithing and offering Therumahs, the Pharisees were most curious and deuout. they gaue perhaps Tithe after both the Legall Tithes paid, beside fiftieth parts, and somtime thirtiths for their Therumahs. So may be vnderstood that of them, Epiphan. lib. 1. har [...]s. 16. Vide, si placet, Casaub [...]. aduers. Baron. pag. 63. & 64. [...], which you may interpret, they tithed what was alreadie tithed, they gaue first fruits, thirtith parts and fiftith parts. but I dare not iustifie the translation. neither doe I beleeue, that E­piphanius there sufficiently vnderstood what they did in their Tithing, nor is his meaning easily, I doubt, apprehended. The like may be, with modesty enough to, said of S. In serm, 103. [...], tom. 6. pag. 897. & [...]. in Epist. ad Philippenses. tom. 4. pag. 54. edi­tione Sauiliana. Chrysostome, speaking of the Iewish Legall liberalitie to the Leuits. [...], sayes hee, [...]. Obserue but how much the Iews gaue [Page 20] (to their Leuits and Priests) as Tenths, first Fruits, then Tenths again, then other Tenths, and again other thirteenths, and the Exod. 30.12. Sicle, and yet no man said they eat (or had) too much. so are his words in two places of his works exactly the same; sauing only that in one the varietie of reading hath [...] for thir­teenths. I confesse I equally am ignorant of both. neither is his enumeration consonant with what the Moniments of the Iews or the holy Text will war­rant. Coniectures vpon it, I leaue to others. some probable enough might here be brought, but I wil­lingly abstaine.

VII.

That tithing of Luc. [...]1.42. Matth 2 [...].23. [...], euery herbe, which is spoken of in the Gospell, (and obserued by the Scribes and Pharisees) was neuer commanded in Scripture, nor by their Canon Law requisit, ac­cording to the opinion of their Doctors, who re­straine the payment of Tithes to that Deut. 16.12. [...], that is, thy increase, spoken of by Moses; and compre­hend not herbs vnder that name. They deliuer in­deed that by tradition from their fathers, all things growing out of the earth, and fit for mans meat, are titheable, which their Ramb. part. 3. tract. de Th [...]ru­m [...]th cap. 2 & Mikotzi in prae­cept. 145. Lawyers thus regularly ex­presse, [...] ▪ that is, Euery thing that is kept as mans meat, and hath his growth from the earth, must pay the heaue Offering, and likewise Tithe; Whence they make such herbes as are mans meat, titheable, but all such as are not mans meat, they dis­charge of Tithes. and out of that rule also they ex­cept whatsoeuer was gleaned Leuit. 19.9, & 10. either out of eares [Page 21] of Corne, or Grapes, or had out of the corners of the field left in haruest. But, it seems, that for this payment of Herbs, the Pharisees were of the truer side. Our Sauiour likes well their payment, and ex­presly saies, they ought not omit it, which admoniti­on of his was to them while yet the Mosaicall Laws were not all expired by the consummatum est.

VIII.

After the second Temple destroied, and dispersion of the Iews, their Law of first fruits, The­rumahs and Tithes, with them ceased. For their Do­ctors determin that regularly no inhabitants, but of the land of Israel, were to pay any; although also among them be a wise exception for the lands of Senaar, Moab, Ammon, and Aegypt, because the first is neer their land of Israel, and many Israelites went thither and dwelt there, and the other three are round adioyning their land of Israel. But they deliuer that who so of them took the profits of land mongst the Cutheans or Samaritans, their old ene­mies (or elswhere in Aram; and so, it seems, by con­sequent in any other land, sauing which they except) was not to pay any. touching which point many spe­ciall cases are put by In lad Chaz [...]ka tract. de Therumah, c. 1. & Mik [...]tzi [...] Pracept. 133. Rabbi Ben Maimon. At this day by their Law they pay none; Those that liue in their land of Israel, for want of their Priesthood and Temple; those that liue dispersed in other Coun­tries, both for that reason, as also for the other which restrain the payment of them to Canaan. and herein they all agree. But the great Ioseph Scaliger saies, he askt some of them whether, if they might again build their Temple (as after the captiuitie they [Page 22] did) their Laws of Sacrifices, first Fruits, & Tithes, would be then reuiud; and their answer was, that to build it again were to no purpose, because they had no lawfull Priesthood, there being not one of them that can proue himselfe a Leuit, though many pre­tend to be so, and some bear also the office of a kind of Priesthood amongst them. And (for example here­in amongst our own Ancestors) when the Iews liued here they had, it seems, one generall or high Priest ouer them, vsually confirmd at least, if not constitu­ted, by the King, for life; as appears by Record, prouing that both Richard the first and King Iohn did by their Patents grant the same. the Copie of it being a most rare example and not from this pur­pose,Rot. Cart 1. Reg. Io [...]. part. 1. minib. 28. Cart. 171. take here transcribed. Rex omnibus fidelibus suis, & omnibus & Iudaeis, & Anglis salutem▪ Scia­tis nos concessisse, & praesenti Charta nostra confir­masse Iacobo Iudaeo de Londonijs Presbytero Iudaeo­rum, Presbyteratum omnium Iudaeorum totius An­gliae, habendum & tenendum quamdiu vixerit, liberè, & quietè, & honorificè, & integrè, ita quod nemo ei super hoc molestiam aliquam, aut grauamen inferre prae­sumat. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod eidem Iacobo quoad vixerit Presbyteratum Iudaeo­rum per totam Angliam, garantetis, manuteneatis & pacifice defendatis; & si quis ei super eo forisfacere praesumserit, id ei sine dilatione (saluâ nobis emendâ nostrâ) de forisfactura nostra emendari faciatis, tan­quam Dominico Iudaeo nostro quem specialiter in ser­uitio nostro r [...]tinuimus. Prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum, nisi coram nobis [Page 23] aut coram Capitali Iustitia nostra, sicut Carta Regis Richardi fratris nostri testatur. Teste S. Bathoniensi E­piscopo &c. Dat. per manus H. Cantuariensis Archie­piscopi Cancellarij nostri apud Rothomagum XXXI. die Iulij anno Regni nostri primo. Its true that Pres­byteratus might denote aswell some Lay eldership. but as vnlikely 'tis that in that age the Clergie men that were officers of the Chancerie, and most com­monly drew the Patents, at least iudged of the lan­guage, would transferre their name of Presbytera­tus to any such signification; so also I suppose that any such Lay or Ciuill Officer among them could not haue scaped often mention in the Records of Iu­daisme, yet remaynig. Many of them I haue peru­sed, but neuer met with the name elsewhere then in this Roll. But to this Priest Iacob or other like him among them, no Tithes, first Fruits or Therumahs, were, or are by their Canons payable. and agreeing to them expresly herein is [...]. lib. α. cap. α. Eusebius, who, amongst other of their Mosaicall Laws, puts their paying of Tithes for one specially that was confined to the land of Israel and Ierusalem. for, first reciting that about eating the Tithes in the place, Deut. 14.23. & cap. 16. which the Lord shall chuse to cause his name to dwell there, (which indeed is only spoken of the second Tithe of the first and second yeers) and ioyning it with the generall commandement of Tithing, and with the precepts of the Passeouer, of the feast of Weeks, and of Tabernacles. in which a certain Place by such an indefinit designment is also mentioned; he addes at length with reference to them all; [...] [Page 24] [...]; seeing in so many things he designes out a particular place, so often commanding them to meet there (euery Tribe, euery Houshold) how can it fit them or belong to them, that dwell but a little out of Iudaea? much lesse to the Nations of the whole world. But those feasts he speaks of, the Iews, at this day, obserue, although not accuratly accor­ding to Moses his Lawes.

Tithes how paid, or due among the Gentiles. CAP. III.

I. Some Romans paid to some Deities, and somtimes only, a Tenth of spoiles; of procede of merchandize; of their estates; but vsually also by vow, which bound the Heire or Executor.

II. Festus is falsly cited for a generall custom of payment of Tithes among the Ancients.

III. Examples of Tithes paid among the Graecians.

IV. How the assertions of a generall vse of giuing Tithe to the Gods among the Graecians, are to be vnderstood; and why [...], that is, to Tithe, sig­nifies also to Consecrate.

V. A Tithe paid to Hercules of Tyre, and Sabis an Arabian Deitie, the same with Iupiter Sabazius.

I.

THe custom of the Gentiles, vsually talkt of in offering a Tenth, is chiefly to be consi­derd in the Romans and Graecians. The Ro­mans [Page 25] had a kind of deuotion of giuing Tithes, but neither yeerly, nor by compulsorie Law, as some falsly, but confidently, through ignorance in human literature, deliuer the welthier of them, diuers times vsed to Tithe their estates to Hercules, by spending the Tenth in sacrifices, gifts to his Temples, feasts in his Honor, and the like. it appears so, and to be no otherwise, by Inquast. Roma­nis. Plutarchs words, in his questioning the reason of it. [...], saies he, [...]; Why do many of the rich men tithe their substance to Hercules? and elswhere In Lucullo, alibi & D [...]odor. Sicul. Bibliothec. 5. he (as other Ancients) notes it as a speciall deuotion of some of the sonnes of Fortune. Neither is old Apud Aur [...]l. Vi [...]t. in Orig. G [...]. Rom. Cassius otherwise to be vnderstood, where he de­riues Hercules his Tenth from an innouation made by Recaranus in Euanders time. This Recaranus, he saies, first taught them to giue the Tenths of their fruits to Hercules (to whom he consecrated an Altar vnder the name of INVENTORI PATRI, after he had regaind his heards that Cacus had stolne) rather then to the King as before the vse was; and then he addes, inde videlicet tractum vt Herculi Decimam profanari mos esset; that is, thence came it to be a cu­stom, that diuers did pay him a tithe. But, neither by their Law Ciuill or Pontificiall, was this payment. Often it was as a thanksgiuing after some increase of fortune, and often by vow beforehand, and for the most part, of increase of estate by mony gotten vpon sales, and of spoiles of warre. For such things that made accessions to their estates, they were sometime so thankfull. Whereat Cicero iesting, saies, that ne­uer [Page 26] any man vowd Hercules a Tenth, in hope of in­crease of his wit. Neque De natura Deo­rum lib. 3. Hercul [...] quisquam Deci­mam vouit vnquam si sapiens factus fuisset. Of mony gotten vpon sale, an example is in the Parasite, that, after reckoning vp his good merchandize, saies, he must sell it as deare as he can, that he may spend the Tenth vpon Hercules.

Plautus in Sticho.
Haec vaenisse iam opus est quantum potest,
Vti Decumam partem Herculi polluceam.

whence the same Autor vses the name of In Tru [...]ulento. pars Her­culana. and In Apolog [...]tici cap. 39. Tertullian, speaking of the prodigali­tie of the Gentils in their feasts; Herculanarum de­cimarum & polluctorum sumptus tabularij supputa­bunt. For spoiles of warre, witnesse is in that dedi­cation of Lucius Anno ab V. C. 607. Mummius, which got Corinth and setled it to the Romans, thus inscribed, and yet remayning at Riete.

I. Gruter. in In­script. p▪ 96. & I [...]s. Scalig. in Catalect. v [...]t. lib. tit. 14. plura de hoc Epi­grammate, quae adijci possent, hae [...]e ad [...]ectere intempestiuum esset.SANCO SEMIPATRI.

De decuma Victor tibi Luciu' Mummiu donum,
Moribus anteiqueis hoc pro vsura dare sese,
Visum animo so. perfecit sa pace rogans te,
Cogendo, dissoluendo vt foelicia faxis,
Perficias Decumam vt faciat verae rationis.
Propter hoc, at (que) alieis donis, des cuncta roganti.

Their Sancus was Hercules; whom they vsually titled Semo Sancus Deus Fidius, and the title of this tran­scribed by some, is, Sanco Fidio Semo Patri, which I rather thinke they mistake for S. F. Semoni Patri. That de decuma donum was some speciall gift made [Page 27] with the cost of the Tithe of the spoiles; and decuma verae rationis is there for the best of discretion and policie, as Saepius apud Symmachum in E­p [...]stolis. edecumata mongst the Ancients were the best and choisest parts, and Videsis Angel. Polit. Misc [...]ll. cap. 86 Decumanum the greatest and fairest; as fluctus decumanus, scuta de­cumana, decima vnda, and the like. the great value that Hercules was by those vows honord with, is vn­derstood in that of Phaniscus Plautus in M [...] ­stellaria act. [...]. of Tranio.

—vnus isthic seruus est sacerrimus
Tranio; is vel Herculi conterere quaestum possiet.

But neither did the Romans and their next Neigh­bours thus Tithe only to Hercules; but these their arbitrarie vows and thanksgiuings were sometimes also to other Deities. The old Pelasgi Dionys. [...]ali [...]ar­nass. lib. 1. & Steph. [...]. in [...]. that trans­planted themselues into Italie, gaue their Tenth of gaine out of Sea-merchandize, to Apollo at Delphi, according to the Oracles direction, which at Dodo­na before had told them, that being mixt with the Aborigines, [...], they should send their Tithe to Phoebus. That example of Camillus, is to euery one known. he vowd the Tenth Plutarch. in Ca­mill. L [...]u. lib. 5. of the spoiles to Apollo, and most carefully took order, by aduice from their most learned Priests, to performe it. and Posthumius Dictator Vide Dionys. Halicarnass. lib. 6. & [...]. long before vpon his happie victorie against the Latins, tithed the spoiles, spent fortie talents vpon sacrifices and prayers, in honor of the gods, and erected a Temple, with what re­maind, to Ceres, Bacchus, and Proserpina. At other times also, on the generall worship of the gods, such a Tithe was spent. And other Deities, besides any [Page 28] of these, had somtimes Tenths of gaine; as Fortune, Mercurie, being the gods of Trauellers and Trades­men; and the Deities of the way, or Dij Semitales; as Vius, and others. so Noble Scaliger vnderstands that which Taurinus speaks of his father Caesius a Merchant, in an inscription Catalect. V [...]t [...]. lib. 1. tit. 14. to Fortune.

Omnibus hic annis, votorum more suorum,
Centenas adicit, numero crescente, coronas
Fortunae simulacra colens, & Apollinis aras,
Arcanumque Vij—

Thus in Italie the custom was arbitrarily to pay and vow Tithes to their Deities, and continued in vse til the later times of the Empire, as appears also in that Law receiud from Vlpian by ff. tit. de▪ Policit. l. 2. quis. §. 2. Iustinian. Si Decimam quis bonorum vouit, decima non prius esse in bonis desi­nit, quam fuerit separata. & si forte, qui decimam vouit, decesserit ante sepositionem, haeres ipsius, haere­ditario nomine, decimae obstrictus est. voti enim obliga­tionem ad haeredem transire constat. by this it is mani­fest that though the vow, or payment without vow, were arbitrarie; yet, vpon death, after vow made, the Heir or Executor of him that vowed was bound to pay; according as also in like vows C tii. de Sacra [...] sanct. Eccles l 15. Si quis donauerit. of Houses, Land, or Chattels, to the honor of a Martyr, Pro­phet, or Angell, the Law was among old Christians.

II.

The view of these examples plainly disproues that assertion vsed by many out of Festus: Decima quaeque veteres Dijs suis offerebant. no such matter. some did, and only somtimes, and of some things, and most vsually to some gods only. Festus himselfe [Page 29] was too learned to haue left such a moniment of ig­norance. No doubt is, but that which Festus had there in some larger note obserued, according to a truth agreeing with what is before opend, was too boldly contracted into that piece of vntruth, by his Epitomator Paulus Diaconas. as in him, so in many other, most obseruable things haue perished, both by the ignorance aswell as negligence of insufficient E­pitomators. and Paulus is well taxed for it by the diuine Scaliger. Vide, saies he, quantum iuris bar­barus ille sibi sumpserit in hoc loco mutilando! in­deed, most of that, which we call and receiue as Sextus Pompeius Festus, is Paulus his only, abridged out of Festus. and those of the midle [...]. opusc. aduers. Episcop. Laud [...]. na [...]s. c. 20. Ages cited it vnder the name of Paulus his Glosse. But when Scaliger there addes; Vni enim tantum Herculi hoc fiebat; he mends it not enough. for if it had been Decima quaeque. Herculi veteres offerebant, it had been false, if vnderstood as of Tithes vsed to be gi­uen by all or of all things. they consisted painly in vows and speciall thanksgiuing, which were wholly arbitrarie, as Tenths or Fifteenths giuen by the Sub­iect in Parlament. and had the offering of them been vsuall of yeerly increase, Cato, that in his de Re Ru­stica hath so fully the ceremonies of Sacrifices to be vsed by the husbandman in his Haruest, had neuer omitted it.

III.

The Graecians (vnder which name, compre­hend the Asians that were of Greek manners) often consecrated their Tithes to Apollo. witnesse an in­scription at Delphi, sacred to him, Clem. Alex. Stromat. α. hauing this Verse, [Page 30] [...].’ That we may hang vp Tithes and first Fruits to the honor of Phoebus ▪ And, that famous Herodot. lib. [...]. Rhodopi [...] sent to Delphi as many spits, for vse in sacrifice, as the Tithe of that gaine which she had made of her body came to. The Crotonians, before their warre against the Locrians, vowd a Tenth Trogus histor. 20 to him; and the Locri­ans, to exceed them that way, a Ninth. the Oracle hauing giuen it out, that rather by excesse in vows then armes▪ the victorie should be gaind. To the same Deitie the inhabi [...]ants of Sip [...]nus gaue Herodot. lib. [...] yeer­ly the Tithe of their mines which they found in the Isle▪ And after a victorie against the Thessalians Idem in Vrani [...]. had by the Pho [...]ians, they made two statues of the Tithe of the spoiles for him. Of Agit and Agesilaus the like deuotionis Xenophon Graec. hist. [...]. & in vita Ag [...]silat. remembred. Other like exam­ples are. Hence was Apollo called [...], as if you should say, Crownd with Tithes. And in regard the offerings to him were either the Tenth, or giuen as in liew of so much, they were stiled [...], as if you should say▪ first fruit in Tenths.

[...]
[...]

saies an ancient Callimach in hymn. ad Delum. to Delos, where Apollo was born and worshiped▪ that is yeerly first fruits in Tenths are sent thee. so I vnderstand it. But also to others somtimes ioynd with him, the like offerings were. After Pausanias his victorie against Mardonius, the mony of the Herodot. lib. [...]. Tenth of the spoiles was by consecra­tion diuided, between Iupiter Olympius, Nuptunus [Page 31] Isthmicus, and Apollo elsewhere Xenoph. [...]. Cyr. [...]. Diana of Ephesus participars with him. To other Deities without him, somtimes was this honor giuen, as to Pausan. Elias. [...]. & in [...]. Iupiter: to whom also Cypselus Aristot. in Oc­c [...]n [...]ile. [...]. of Corinth, when he vowd all the goods of the Citizens if he could get the Citie, had speciall [...]egard to the Tenth part, as competent to a Deitie; when to performe his vow, he gaue yeerly, for ten yeer together, the Tithe of all their estates, and left them the nine for their maintenance and merchandize. And Cr [...]esus admonisht by Cy­rus, would not haue the goods of the Lydians Herodot. lib. [...]. ran­sackt by his Souldiers, [...], Because necessarily they were to be tithed to Iupiter. Somtimes Iuno hath this part; as in Idem in M [...]lpo [...]. Samos, the Tithe of certain Merchants goods was conse­crated to her in a Cup. Pallas sometime hath it. Di­uers of the Boeotians and Chalcidians being taken prisoners by the Athenians and ransomd, the Idem in Terp­sich [...]r. Athe­nians, with the Tithe of the ransome, consecrated a Chariot to her. She also had among them the Tithe of all goods Xenoph. histor. Grac lib. 1. & vi­desis M [...]ursi [...] Attic. l [...]ct. 5. c. 13. confiscat, and that they calld [...]. And a tradition was among them of Priapus a Ge­nius of warre, that at Iuno's request taught Mars first to dance, and then made him a perfit Souldier; that Lucian. [...]. Iuno gaue him for a perpetuall salarie, all the Tithe of the spoiles that Mars should gaine in his victories.

IV.

These examples among the Graecians are, for some kind of Tithes vowd, or otherwise arbitra­rily, or by some locall custom paid to speciall Dei­ties. But testimonies are not wanting among them, [Page 32] as generall almost as that of Festus is for the Romans. [...] (saith Harpoctation, and, out of him, Suidas) [...], They vsed to Thithe their spoiles of warre to the gods. and Didymus Apud Harpo­crationem in [...]. an old Grammarian, tels vs that, [...], It was a Greek custom to consecrat the Tithes of their abundance to the gods. From whence both he and Suidas fetch the reason why [...], to Tithe, signifies also to consecrat. but therein they are deceiud. Neither doth the Greek phrase to Tithe, signifie generally to consecrat; but in this notion it denotes only a speciall consecration of yong Athenian Maids made to Diana in her feast Brauronia. None by their Law was to Suidas in [...]. haue a hus­band, but such as were then initiated to her; and none was to be initiated but between fiue and ten yeers of age; from which vtmost yeer (because for the most part till then, they staid from these Rites) the Virgins to be initiated, were calld [...], as if you should say, ten yeerlings; and thence came Hesych. in [...] & Harpocration in [...]. the word [...] to signifie, to this purpose only, to consecrat or initiat, which otherwise was exprest by [...]. But if those Grammarians meant that al men paid their Tithes in Greece, and that of euery kind of their spoiles or abundance; they deceiue much and are deceiud. you must vnderstand them as speaking of what was sometimes, and by vow or spe­ciall thanksgiuing, done. Their saying it was a Cu­stome to tithe, or that they tithed, is but like that of Cassius: mos erat Herculi decimam profanari among the Romans. It was a custome somtime and of som­things [Page 33] to doe it, as it was a custome to consecrat sta­tues, haire, vessels, and other more such like to Dei­ties. yet were those customes no more generall or binding all or done by all, then the custome, in some Cities among vs, to offer at wedding-dayes. it was a custome or vse to doe so; that is, many men did so. The examples before taken out of story make that plaine. And in that sense only are these autors to be credited, touching the consecrating of Tithes to the gods in generall. For sometimes they were generally giuen to the gods, without any particular designed. Suidas In [...]. relates an example thereof, among the Ly­dians. And when the Athenians had deuided Lesbos into 3000. parts, they Thucydides lib. [...], hoc est, [...], inquit Scholiastes vetus. consecrated 300. that is the Tenth, generally to the gods. and Pisistratus writing to Solon touching the tribute of a Tenth, sayes, that he tooke Tithes of euery one of the people, not so much for his owne vse, as L [...]rt. de vit. Philos lib▪ [...]. [...], as for publique sacrifice or the vse of the gods in generall. and the Tenth of what the Cooks in Scholiast. in Aristoph. [...]. Athens kild for meat, was so due for a publique vse in honor of the gods, if my Autor deceiue not.

V.

Here may bee added to the Graecians vse, the example of the Iustin. lib. 1 [...]. Carthaginians, that sent the Tithe of their Sicilian spoiles to Hercules at Tyre. and you may remember that Arabian Law, wherein eue­ry Merchant was bound to carry his Frankincense to Sabota (which the Learned take to bee Saubatha in Ptolemie; the chiefe Citie of Arabia foelix) and there offer to their god Sabis the Plin. hist. 12. c. 14 Tenth of it, which his Priests receiued. neither might any sale be [Page 34] made of it till that was paid. Sabis doubtlesse was their Bacchus, Vranus, Iupiter, or Sabazius; which are one. For the Deities of the Arabians were al­waies accounted but C [...]lsus ap. Origi­nem lib 2. Ar [...]n. de g [...]st. Alex. [...]. Strabo lib. 1 [...]. Herodot. lib. [...]. two: the god Vranus (known also by those other names) and the goddesse Vrania or Venus. it is neerest truth therefore, that their Sa­bis is the same with Sabazius, which was first cor­rupted from Zabaoth, commonly occurring in holy Writ as an attribute to the only and true GOD. and as this name, so the paiment of the Tenth very likely came to them from the vse of it among the Iews, their Neighbours, as also to the Carthaginians from their Ancestors the Phoenicians, that spake the same language with the Iews and conuerst most with them. Neither is it vnlikely but that the ancient and most known examples of Abraham, gaue the first ground, both to them and to the Europaeans, so som­times to dispose the Tenth of their spoiles of warre to holy vses. For 'tis no newes to haue the eldest of Iewish customs vsurpt (though according to time and place diuersly varied) amongst the Gentiles. What of later time is found among Mahumedans for the Tenth paid, must be referd to the Mosaicall Law, which they receiue as authentique, but keep it according to Mahumeds fancie, and the doctrine of his Canonists. You may remember here Apud Aeliarum [...], lib. 4. cap. 53. Eudemus his relation of some kind of beasts in Africa that al­waies deuided their prey into eleuen parts, but would eate only the Ten, leauing the Eleuenth as [...], a kind of first Fruit or Tithe. So saies my Autor, and take his word alone; I am not his Suertie.

In the first foure hundred yeers after Christ. CAP. IV.

I. No vse of Tithes occurres till about the end of this foure hundred yeeres. Offerings and Monthly pay for maintenance of the Church in the primitiue times. Diuisiones Mensurnae. Sportulae.

II. Payment of Tithes of Mines and Quarries to Christian Emperors. The wealth of the Church enuied.

III. The opinion of Origen touching Tithes.

IV. Constitutions of those times, that mention them, are of no credit.

I.

SInce our Sauiour, the time being about MDC. yeers, it will fall aptly enough so to diuide that number quadripartitly, that we may discouer the known Vse, Opinion, and Constitu­tions of euery foure hundred yeers, touching the dutie or paiment of Tenths. the difference or lati­tude of XX. yeers or some such number, either of increase or want (as accasion shall serue) being al­lowd. and the English Law and Vse (because there­in we shall be most particular) being referd to the last seuen Chapters. Till towards the end of the first foure hundred, no Paiment of them can be proued to haue been in vse. Some Opinion is of their being due. and Constitutions also; but such, as are of no credit. For the first; 'tis best declared by shewing the course of the Church-maintenance in that time. [Page 36] So liberall, in the beginning gf Christianity, was the deuotion of the beleeuers, that their bountie, to the Euangelicall Priesthood, farre exceeded what the Tenth could haue been. For if you looke to the first of the Apostles times; then the vnitie Act. cap 4 34▪ of heart a­mong them, about Ierusalem, was such that all was in common and none wanted, and as many as were possessors of lands or houses, sold them and brought the price of the things that were sold and laid it downe at the Apostles feet, and it was distributed vnto euery man according as he had need. And the whole Church, both Lay and Clergie, then liud in common as the Monks did afterward about the end of the first foure hundred yeeres, as Homil. 11. in Acta. S. Chrysostome notes. [...] (saies he) [...], that is, so they liue now in Monasteries, as then the beleeuers liud. But this kind of hauing all things in common, scarce at all continued. For we see, not long after in the Church of Antiochia (where Christianitie was first of all, by that name, profest) euery one of the Disciples Act. Apostol. cap. 11.29. had a speciall abilitie or estate of his owne. So in Galatia and in Corinth, where S▪ Paul ordaind Epist. 1. ad Co­rinth. cap. 16.2. vide O [...]kam in Oper 90 die [...]um, cap. 107. that weekly offerings for the Saints should bee giuen by euery man as hee had thriued in his e­state. By example of these, the course of monthly Offerings succeeded in the next ages. Those monthly Offerings giuen by deuout and able Christians, the Bishops or Officers appointed Vide Synod. Gangr. Can. 66 in the Church, re­ceiud; and carefully and charitably disposed them on Christian worship, the maintenance of the Cler­gie, feeding, clothing, and burying their poore bre­thren, [Page 37] widowes, orphans, persons tyrannically con­demnd to the Mines, to Prison, or banisht by depor­tation into Isles. They were called Stipes (which is a word borrowed from the vse of the Heathens in their collections made for their Temples and Dei­ties) neyther were they exacted by Canon or other­wise, but arbitrarily giuen; as by testimony of most learned Apolog [...]tic. cap. 39. & videsis c. 42. Tertullian, that liued about CC. yeers af­ter Christ, is apparant. Neque pretio (are his words) vlla res Dei constat. Etiam si quod arcae genus est, non de oneraria summa quasi redemptae religionis congrega­tur modicam vnus quis (que) Stipem menstruâ die vel cum velit, & si modo velit, & si modo possit, apponit. Nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte confert. Haec quasi deposi­ta pietatis sunt. And then he shewes the imployment of them in those charitable vses. Some authoritie Vrban. 1. in E­pist. c. 12. q. 1▪ c. 16. Sed & vide Euseb▪ Eccles. hist. lib 9. cap. 9. Edict. Maxi­mini, & lib. 10. cap. 5. Edict. Constant. & in lib. 2. de vita Constantini, c. 39▪ is, that about this time lands began also to bee gi­uen to the Church. If they were so; out of the pro­fits of them and this kind of Offerings, was made a treasure; and out of that, which was increased so monthly, was a monthly pay giuen to the Priests and Ministers of the Gospell (as a salarie for their seruice) and that eyther by the hand or care of the Bishop, or of some Elders appointed as Oeconomi or Wardens. Those monthly payes they called men­surnae diuisiones, as you may see in Cyprian. Epist. 27. & 34. & vide Epist. 36. editione Pa [...]nmeliana. S. Cyprian, who wrote being Bishop of Carthage, about the yeere CCL. and, speaking familiarly of this vse, calls the Brethren that cast in their monthly offerings, fratres sportulantes, vnderstanding the offerings vnder the word sportulae, which at first in Rome denoted a kind [Page 38] of running banquets distributed at great mens hou­ses to such as visited for salutation, which being oft­times also giuen in mony (as you may remember out of Mardial) the word came at length to signifie both those salaries, wages, or fees, which either Papinian ss. de Occu [...]on [...]. 6 §. 1. & C. tit de [...]portu­ [...]is & vide Glos­ [...]as Graec. [...] in [...]. Iudges or Ministers of Courts of Iustice, receiud as due to their places, as also to denote the Oblations giuen to make a treasure for the salaries and maintenance of the Ministers of the Church in this primitiue Age. and to this purpose was it also vs'd in later Concil. Chalced. A. D. 451▪ in lib. [...]. Samuelis & al. [...]ntra Iban. & vi­desis [...]om. 3. Co [...] ­cil fol. 23 [...]. cap. 31. edit. Binij penul­tima. times. But because that passage of S. Cyprian, where he vses this phrase, well shews also the course of the maintenance of the Church in his time, take it here transcribed. but first know the drift of his E­pistle to be a reprehension of Geminius Faustinus a Priest his being troubled with the care of a Ward­ship, whereas such, as take that dignitie vpon them, should (hee saies) be free from all secular troubles like the Leuits, who were prouided for in Tithes. Vt qui (as he Epist. 266. edi [...]. Pammel. writes) operationibus diuinis insistebant, in nulla re auocarentur, nec cogitare aut agere secularia cogerentur. and then hee addes, Quae nunc ratio & forma in Clero tenetur, vt qui in Ecclesia Domini ad ordinationem▪ Clericalem promouentur nullo modo ab adminstratione diuina auocentur sed in honore Sportu­lantium fratrum, tanquam Decimas ex fructibus acci­pientes, ab Altari & Sacrificijs non recedant, & die ac nocte coelestibus rebus & spiritalibus seruiant. which plainly agrees with that course of monthly pay, made out of the Oblations brought into the Treasurie; which kind of meanes he compares to [Page 39] that of the Leuits, as being proportionable. But hence also 'tis manifest, that no payment of Tithes was in S. Cyprians time in vse, although some, too rashly, from this very place would inferre so much. those words tanquam Decimas accipientes (which continues the comparing of Ministers of the Gospel with the Leuits) plainly exclude them. And else­where also the same Father finding fault with a cold­nes of deuotion that then possest many, in regard of what was in vse in the Apostles times, and seeing that the Oblations giuen were lesse then vsually be­fore, expresses De vnitate Ec­clesiae▪ §, 2 [...]. their neglect to the Church, with, at nunc de patrimonio nec Decimas damus. whence, as you may gather, that no vsuall paiment was of them, so withall obserue in his expression, that the libera­litie formerly vsed had been such, that, in respect thereof, Tenths were a small part. vnderstand it as if he had said, but now we giue not so much as any part worth speaking of. Neither for ought appears in old moniments of credit, till neer the end of this first four hundred yeers, was any paiment to the Church of any tenth part, as a Tenth, at all in vse.

II.

But some Laws of this time yet remaine, which shew that Tenths out of Mines and of Quar­ries were paid, both to the Emperor and to the Lord of the soile; as in the ancient state of Rome the Tenants of the Lands of the Empire paid for Rent the Appian. lib. 1. &c. Tenth of their Corne, whence the Pub­licans that hired it (as the Customers doe here the Kings custome) were called Decumani. those Laws for the tenths of Mines and Quarries, were made [Page 40] by C. tit de Metalla­ [...]iis l. 3. Cuncti. & [...]in C. Theodos. lib. 10 [...]it. 19. l. 10. & 11. Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, Christian Emperors, about CCC.LXXX. and shew with­all that they thought not then of any Tenth of such things, to be giuen otherwise, when indeed (how­euer Cyprian might before haue cause to complaine in Afrique) Christian bountie in Oblations (espe­cially at Rome; and with proportion like enough in other Churches) so inricht the Clergie, that their wealthie happinesse thence was much wonderd at, and not a litle, from thence, enuied. For the then Bi­shop of Rome his wealth from Oblations chiefly, you may see Amm. Marcel­lin. lib. 27. Marcellinus. For other of the Clergie, a whole Sermon is in Tom. 6. edit. Sa­uiliana, pag. 897. [...] &c. S. Chrysostom that liud at the end of this first CCCC. yeers, against such as en­uied the wealth of the Church, that grew only out of such Christian deuotion to the Priesthood.

III.

As touching Opinion in that time; Origen a great and most learned Father, liuing about the yeer CC. hath a whole Homilie Homil. in Nu­ [...]er. cap. 18. vpon the Text of first-Fruits in the Law, wherin while he teaches that some things are literally to be obserud, he well ad­monisheth that 'tis the part of a wise Interpreter to find out which are so, and which not. And then first he deliuers his iudgement, that this of first-Fruits is one to be obserud still according to the letter, and giues this reason; Decet enim (as the Latin is: the Greek I neither haue, nor could euer learn that it hath been publisht) & vtile est etiam Sacerdotibus Euangelij offerri primitias. Ita enim & Dominus di­sposuit, vt qui Euangelium annuntiant de Euangelio viuant, & qui Altari deseruiunt de Altari participent; [Page 41] and a litle after addes also for Tithes: Et adhuc vt amplius haec obseruanda etiam secundùm literam ipsius Dei vocibus doceamur, addemus ad haec; Dominus di­cit in Euangelijs; Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisaei, hy­pocritae, qui decimatis mentam, hoc est, Decimam datis mentae & cymini & anethi & praeteritis quae maiora sunt legis. hypocritae, haec oportet fieri & illa non omitti. Vide ergo diligentius quomodo sermo Domini vult fieri quidem omnimode quae maiora sunt legis. non tamen omitti & haec quae secundum literam designantur. Quod si dicas, quod haec ad Pharisaeos dicebat non ad Discipulos; audi iterum ipsum dicen­tem ad Discipulos: Nisi abundauerit iustitia vestra plusquam Pharisaeorum & Scribarum, non intrabi­tis in regnum Coelorum. Quod ergo vult fieri à Pha­risaeis multo magis & maiore cum abundantia vult à Discipulis impleri. And a litle after. Quomodo ergo abundat iustitia nostra plusquam Scribarum & Pha­risaeorum, si illi de fructibus terrae suae gustare non au­dent priusquam primitias Sacerdotibus offerant & Leuitis Decimae separentur; & ego nihil horum faciens fructibus terrae ita abutar, vt Sacerdos nesciat, Leui­tes ignoret, diuinum Altare non sentiat. And in this forme, and vpon these reasons, he brings in that of Tenths in the Gospell, to proue his purpose of first-Fruits. But in his conclusion vpon it, he leaues out Tenths, and speaks only of first-Fruits, thus. Haec diximus asserentes mandatum de primitijs frugum vel pecorum debere etiam secundum literam stare. What we haue transcribed shews both his opinion fully, and the ground of it; without which specially ob­serued, [Page 42] error soon followes ofttimes in collection from autoritie. For Opinion of this time, thus much. More, I confesse, might be added out of some o­ther great Fathers, as S. Ambrose, and S. Augustine. but because they fall so neer the end of our first age and continue into the second; they are omitted here and referd to the beginning of the next foure hun­derd yeers.

IV.

For Constitutions of the Church; if you could beleeue those supposed to be made by the A­postles, and to be collected by Pope Clement the first you might be sure both of payment in the Apostles times, as also of an expresse opinion as ancient for the right of Tenths. there you read: Clement. in Con­ [...]it. Apostol. lib. 2. Cap. 25. Quae secun­dum Dei mandatum tribuuntur, Decimas dico & pri­mitias, insumat Episcopus vt homo Dei. and the right is there largely grounded vpon the Leuiticall com­mandement. But no man that willingly and most grosly deceiues not himselfe, can beleeue that this Constitution or diuers others there, are of any time neer the age of the Apostles, but many hunderd yeers after. The litle worth, and lesse truth, of the whole Volume is enough discouerd by diuers of the learned. and it was long since branded for a coun­terfait in an Oecumenicall Synod 6. in Trul­lo▪ cir [...]a a. d. 690. Ca [...]. 2. Councell, when, doubt­lesse, it was not yet neither so stufft with Canons of later birth, as since it hath been. neither are there greater arguments against it as now it is, then some passages of fact that obuiously occurre in it, among which this may cleerly goe for one. Had it been the Apostles ordinance or the vse of the Church in the [Page 43] Primitiue times, Origen, Tertullian and Cyprian (hauing such occasion to mention it) could not haue been so silent of it. And is it likely that all the old Councels, from thence till neer DC. yeeres after Christ (which, being authentique beyond excepti­on, haue speciall Canons for the lands and goods possest by the Church, the Offerings, Reuenues, and such more) could haue omitted the name of Tenths, if either such vse or Apostolicall Law had preceded? They talke of [...], the goods of the Church, [...] or Offerings of fruits; but haue not a word any where of the Tenth part. And in those counterfait Canon. Apost. cap. 3. & 4. Canons also which some too credulously (and those also that wholly reiect the eight Books of Clementines) receiued as made by the Apostles, one is indeed of first Fruits (al­though, touching them by that name, certainly no Law was made vnder the Apostles) but no word of Tenths. Of a like credit, its to be feared, is that which is attributed to a fourth Councell of Rome, held about the yeer CCC.LXXX. by Pope Da­masus. indeed (vpon Cardinall Baronius Baron. Annal. tom. 4. [...]. 382. pag. 399. & [...]. 384. pag. 427. edit. Plantiniana. his cre­dit) in the Vatican the Legend of this Pope, which was vs'd to be read in the Church, is extant; and, with some miracles, are mixt in it certain decrees supposed his, and made in he knows not what Coun­cell at Rome. of which one is; Vt Decimae at que pri­mitiae à fidelibus darentur, & qui detrectarent ana­themate ferirentur, as he relates it. But those decrees, being taken out of the Legend of him, neither euer were receiud as Canonicall in the Church, nor hath [Page 44] the eldest Code of the Church of Rome, or Fulgen­tius, Cresconius, Isidore, Burchard, Iuo, or Gratian, mention of any of them. Not because what was ta­ken to be truly his, was altogether wanting; for the Canons of one Councell of Rome vnder him, his E­pistles, and some Decrees are and haue been from ancient time, publique and dispersed in som of those Compilers; and one C. 1 [...]. q. 1. c. 15. hanc cons [...]etudi­na [...]. especially they haue of his time, which being made only for the disposition of such things as were giuen to the Church, speaks on­ly of Oblations. but this of Tithes or any of the rest ioynd with it touching Vsurers, Witches, and other more (which Baronius only and first publisht to the world, out of the Ms.) none of them once remem­ber. Neither before Binius his edition had any Vo­lume of the Councels receiud into them a memorie of any such Decrees vnder this Damasus, or any Councell of his of that number. Those kind of Acts and Legends of Popes and others, are indeed vsual­ly stufft with such falshoods, as being bred in the midle ages among idle Monks, not only grow anci­ent now, but are receiud amongst vs with such reue­rence, that the antiquitie which the Copies haue gaind out of later time, is mistook for a Character of truth in them for the times to which they were first, by fiction or bold interpolation, referd. In summe, no example for the Synods of succeeding ages, no antiquitie for the Compilers of the Ca­nons, had been of equall reuerence to this of a Pope, and done at Rome. neither had they omitted euery of those Decrees, had they been truly his. Confi­dently [Page 45] conclude, they are supposititious. yet remem­ber too that some colour is for the truth of such a Constitution, in regard that about that time the first memorie is of Tithes by that name paid in the pri­mitiue Church; as in the next part of this diuision shall be declared. And were that C. 16. q▪ 1. [...] 68. quoni [...]m. vt genu [...]nae D. Hieronym [...] memini [...] etiam Innocent. 3. in ext [...] de his qu [...] fiunt a Prael [...]tis. [...] 7. cum. Apostolicae. Epistle not coun­terfait, which is attributed to S. Hierom, as writen to this Pope vpon that question: Vtrum vs as decima­rum & oblationum secularibus peruenire possit, it might be good cause to maintain the truth of this Decree of his for Tithes. But plainly that Epistle is alike fained; neither tastes it of him or of any time neer that age; nor hath it been euer receiud among that most learned Fathers works.

From about the yeer CCCC. [...]ill DCCC. CAP. V.

I. Tithes were now paid in diuers places, to Ab­bots, to the Poore, to the Clergie.

II. Some Consecrations were then made in perpe­tuall right, at the pleasure of the Owner.

III. That storie of Charles Martell his taking away Tithes, and making them feodall, cannot be iustified.

IV. The opinions of S. Ambrose, S. Augustine, S. Hierom, and S. Chrysostom. the first two teach, the Tenth due by Gods Law; the other two per­swade only that a lesse part should not be offerd.

V. Of Canons, for the payment of Tithes, that are attributed to this Age.

[Page 46] VI. No Canon or other Law was yet generally re­ceiud to compell any payment of Tithes, although a­mong the Offerings of deuout Christians, gifts of that quantitie, were receiued as due by the Doctrine then in vse, in some places only.

ABout the beginning of the next, or rather some yeers before the end of the first part of this diuision, and afterward, Tenths were paid, or, for holy vses offerd (as the phrase was) in diuers places, in Offerings of that quantitie; and some testimonie is of Churches also endowd with the perpetuall right of them in the later halfe of this four hundred yeers. Great Opinion was now of their be­ing due. And some Canons and Prouinciall Consti­tutions, attributed to this time, ordain a payment of them. But not aboue one of these (and that's only Prouinciall) is of any credit.

I.

That they were offerd vnder the name of Tenths in part of Italie, may be collected out of S. Ambrose who was Bishop of Millan before, and af­ter the yeer CCC.XC. And the like for the Dio­cesse of Hippo may be supposd out of S. Augustines vehement Sermon for the payment of them. The words of both these Fathers (which in relating their opinions are anon transcribed) may enough proue, that some did in those times offer them. And it may be, In Epist. ad Ne­positnum [...]e vita Clericorum. S. Hierome pointed at the receiuing of Tithes then so offerd, in those words of his, spoken in the person of a Clergie-man. Si ego pars Domini sum & funiculus haereditatis eius, nec accipio partem inter cae­teras [Page 47] tribus, sed quasi Leuita & Sacerdos viuo de De­cimis, & Altari seruiens Altaris oblatione sustentor, habens [...]. ad Tim. c 1 p. 6. [...] victum & ves [...]itum; his contentus ero & nu­dam crucem nudus sequar. But 'tis no necessitie to vn­derstand him so. it may well be, that de Decimis there is but a continuance of the comparison made by quasi Leuita; as if he had said, But liue like a Le­uite that liud of the Tithes, and seruing at the Altar, am maintaind by the offerings at the Altar &c. what in Gratian is falsly attributed to him, is before re­memberd. In Aegypt also, some holy Abbots had Tithes of all fruits offerd them about the beginning of this age. Certatim Decimas vel primitias frugum suarum memorato seni (to Abbot Iohn) de suis sub­stantij offerebant, Collat. Abbat. Theone, 21▪ cap. 1. & 2. saies Cassian, the Hermit that liud about the yeer CCCC.XXX. and the Ab­bot receius the offering with this kind acknowledge­ment; Deuotionem huius oblationis (cuius dis [...]ensatio mihi credita est) gratanter amplector, quia fideliter primitias vestras ac Decimas indigentium vsibus futu­ras, velut sacrificium Domino bonae suauitatis offertis. Where it appears the Abbot receiud them as a Tre­surer for the poor. And about the yeere CCCC.LXX. Christians also in Pannonia, by example of S. Seuerins bountie, gaue the Tenth of their fruits to the poor. Deuotissime (saies [...]ugippius in v [...] ­ta S. Seuerini, cap. 17. & 18. my autor that then liud also) frugum suarum Decimas pauperibus impen­debant; quod mandatum, licet cunctis ex lege notissi­mum sit, tamen quasi ex ore Angeli praesentis grata de­uotione seruabant. And a little after, he relates that the Inhabitants of Lauriacum (which some take for [Page 48] Lorch in Austria) being often admonisht by S. Seue­rin, to pay the Tenths of their fruits to the poor, had notwithstanding omitted it; wherupon, their Corne being blasted, they humbly come vnto him, poenas suae contumaciae confitentes, acknowledging their losse as a reward of their fault. And the Saint an­swers them; Si Decimas obtulissetis pauperibus, non solùm aeterna mercede frueremini, verùm etiam commo­dis possetis abundare praesentibus. whence is seen both the receiud vse of offering them in that place, as also the opinion of Seuerin. And in a Prouinciall Coun­cell at Matiscon. Conc [...]l. [...] cap. 51 Mascon, held in the yeer D.LXXXVI. that is, the XXIII. of King Guntheram, by all the Bi­shops subiect to his gouernment in France, the pay­ment of Tithes, into the hands of the Ministers of the Church, is spoken of, as of good antiquitie at that time, and grounded vpon the Mosaicall Laws, which they call there diuinas, and adde; quas leges Christianorum congeries longis temporibus custodiuit intemeratas. that long time they speak of, might haue had perhaps beginning from the doctrine of those two great Fathers, S. Ambrose, and S. Augustine, a­bout the yeer CCCC. whereof, more presently. But obserue also that, Leo the Great (he was Pope from CCCC.XL. to CCCC.LX.) hath di­uers Sermons, yet remayning, De ieiunio Decimi mensis & eleemosynis, wherein he is very earnest and large, in stirring vp euery mans deuotion, to offer, to his Parish Church, part of his receiud fruits, but, speaks not a word of any certain quantitie. The like may be noted in some Homilies of Vide cum in Epist. ad Philippe [...]s. & Sermonem 103. [...]n cos. qui Cleri­corum opulen­tam inuiderunt, Tom. 6. Edit. Sa­ [...]liana. S. Chrysostom, [Page 49] touching the Churches maintenance, in which you might wonder how Tithes were omitted, if either deuotion or doctrine had neer the beginning of these CCCC. yeers made payment of them (espe­cially in the more Eastern parts) of any common vse. For the later part of those yeers, see towards the end of this Chapter.

II.

But beside the offering of Tenths yeerly (as was done, by the deuouter sort, sometimes to the Ministers of the Sacraments, somtimes to Abbots, and the like) a perpetuall right also of them was consecrated to some Churches, by grant or assign­ment, out of such or such land, at the owners plea­sure; and that long before the end of this four hun­dred yeers. These speciall indowments may be col­lected from a Canon of a Councell of Arelat. 4 c. 9. & videsi [...] c. 16. q. 1. c. 42.43. & 44▪ Arles, held in the yeer DCCC.XIII. which thus speaks: Vt Ecclesiae antiquitus constitutae, nec Decimis, nec vlla possessione priuentur. and other Prouincials of that time, and Laws of Charlemain agree with it; as that of his thus speaking; Anseg [...]sus C [...]pi­tular lib. 2. c. 36. & vide lib. 2. cap. 15▪ Ecclesiae antiquitus con­stitutae, nec Decimis, nec alijs possessionibus priuentur, ita vt nouis oratorijs tribuantur. These cannot well be vnderstood, vnlesse you interpret them to mean Churches anciently endowd with Tithes. And what was then about the yeer DCCC. said to be anciently endowd, must be referd back into some part of the time we now speake of. Neither are the moniments of that time without example of such endowments. It is reported that Pipin about the yeer DCC.L granted the Tithes of all that lay [Page 50] between Ourt and Lesche two Riuers of Ardoinne, to a church consecrated to the honor of S. Monon. So I take that in Apud Molanum in SS. Belgii in 18. Octob. S. Monon's life. Beato viro ob ti­tulum Christianitatis mactato Pipinus Rex regaliter Decimas obtulit, quas habet inter Letiam & Vrtam. So about the yeer Chronicon. Ca­me [...]ac. & A [...]reb. lib. 1. c. 15. DC.LXXX. Decimancula in Rodulfi Curte, that is, the right of a Tithe of small value, in a place calld Rodulfs Court, was conse­crated to the Church of Arras. And in a confirma­tion by King Pipin of the foundation Bonifac. Mogunt. Epist 151. Al [...]ae sunt ciusmo [...]i Do­nationes Pipini Re­gis & aliorum in Regesto Ms. Ec­clesiae Vltraiect en­sis, quod seruatur in Bibliotheca C [...]toniana. & vide proximum caput de [...]a [...]re. of the Ab­bey of Fulda (which was made in DCC.XLII.) consecrations of Tithes to the same Abbey, either alreadie made or thereafter to be made, are speci­ally confirmed. whatsoeuer it had or thereafter should haue in donis, oblationibus, Decimis (que) fide­lium, absque vllius personae contradictione firmitate perpetuâ fruatur, are the words. But these kinds of grants it seems were not yet in much vse. and what was of them, I ghesse, might haue beginning not long before DCC. yeers from our Sauiour. For if they had been known much before, the precedent of them could hardly haue been omitted by Mar­culphus, who liud vnder King Clouis the second a­bout the yeer DC.LX. and collected carefully the Formulae or precedents of al kinds of Deeds, Con­ueyances, and Grants, that were practiced in his time; amongst which he hath many by the name of Cessiones and Donationes, wherein lands and other profits were giuen to this or that Church, but ne­uer mentions any one for the gift of Tenths.

III.

If the common tale of Charles Martell his [Page 51] taking away the Tithes, that Churches were en­dowd with, and giuing them to the Laitie, about the yeer DCC.XL. were true, it were autoritie (both for generall payment, and speciall endow­ment in those times) of great antiquitie and faire proof. but although that of him be receiud as a storie by diuers of late time, yet cleerly it can ne­uer be iustified. He was indeed a robber of the Church; but he is not mentioned by any old autor of credit, to haue medled with Tithes. He was Monasteriorum multorum Euersor, and Ecclesiasti­carum pecuniarum in vsus proprios commutator, as In Epist. ad E­thelbald. R [...]g. M [...]r [...]. apud G. Malm [...]sb. lib. 1. cap. 4. quod t [...] de Carolo ist­hoc ibi dicitur, in editis Bonifaci [...] E­pistolis deest. Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, that liud in his time, complains of him. that is, he took Monaste­ries, Bishopriques, Church-Rents, and possessions from the Clergie, & prophand them to lay-hands, as a reward of their militarie seruice then done for Christianity against the Saracens, who from Spain inuaded the Countrie▪ wherupon also, another fi­ction is too patiently receiud; Legend [...]uch [...]rii apud Surium, tom. 1.30. Febr. & vide Gratian. c. 16. q. 1. post Canonem. 59. edit. Gregorian. that, Eucherius Bi­shop of Orleans in a vision saw him damned for it; and that by a search (according as an Angel admo­nished) in his tomb, it was also confirmd for truth; there being found in it, no relique of him, but on­ly a dreadfull Serpent. The first autor of this Hob­goblin storie seems of like credit with him, who e­uer he was, that first publisht that the taking of Tithes was Martels chief sacriledge. Tithes in his time were not so vniuersally as yet annext to chur­ches, as that they could be the main obiect of such a sacriledge. nor are they euer reckond so among [Page 52] those ancients, that largely speak of Lay mens op­pression by defacing whole Monasteries and Bi­shopriques in the times that next succeeded. Nei­ther is it cleer that in Eucherius his life, Martell was dead. for it is obserued and taught by that great and most learned Cardinall Tom 9 pag 111. & 138. [...]dit. [...]la [...] ­tini [...]na. [...]ed v [...]roin hacre alij aliter. & qui curios [...]s hic esse velis▪ prae [...]. [...] qua satis o [...]u [...]a [...]un [...] ▪ ad­ [...]is. Adreualdi au­toris v [...]tustiss l [...]b. 1. de miraculis S. Benedicti, c. 14. Baronius, that he liud at least ten yeers after Eucherius. How then could Eucherius cause his Tomb to be searcht; and there find a Serpent? That's enough, & truth too, that Boniface brands him withall for his tyrannical spoiling the Church of her other possessions; Lon­ga torsione & verenda morte consumtus est. the rest is only out of the Legend of Eucherius his life, which (as other things for the most part of that kind) is too full of falshoods to gain to it selfe any credit. And some late Canonists that out of his ty­rannie against the Church, interpret their Decimae infeudatae, or feudall Tithes, are alike in no small error, as in the next Age shall be manifested. For neither was the course then vsed in taking the Church reuenues for militarie maintenance, to giue them in fee to any Lay man. but leases for life were made by Church-men, to such as the Prince appointed, of great part of their possessions, wher­upon certain small Rents (according to a propor­tion ordaind by the State) were reserud. Those leases were somtimes vpon the Princes request re­newd, but vpon death of the Lessee, the estate and possession reuerted to the Church. all which ap­pears plainly in a Inter Ep [...]st. S. Boni [...]aci [...] post. 78. x [...]de, si placet, E­pist. 132 & Zachariae PP. ad [...]um E­pist. 142. Councel held in the yeer DCC.XLII. vnder Prince Carlomann sonne to Martell; [Page 53] where that, which was so leased, is called accor­ding to the phrase of the Time, Ecclesialis pecunia, ou [...] of euery Casa [...]a whereof a shilling was to be reserud to the Church or Monasterie, whence it was granted. That Casa [...]a was a quantitie of land known certainly from the custom only of euery Countrie, as a yard land, or a hide of land with vs. the same word, but varied in gender▪ often oc­curres in old Charters of our Saxon times, espe­cially in the Lieger books of Worcester, and Abing­don. And in that of Abingdon, a Charter is of King Edwi, made A. D. 956. to one Brithric of quinque Cassati terrae, the title or rubrique being Carta quinque hy­darum; and another there is with the same ru­brique, the words of the Charter it selfe being quinque Mansae; whereupon by a Marginall note in an ancient hand, one obserues those two to de­note but the same. Nota (saies he) quod Hidae, Cas­sati, & Mansae idem sunt. But this by the way. Of no lesse falshood or vpon other ground, then this fiction of Martell, is their C [...]nt. Madg [...]urg. 8. &c. V [...]teris hu­iusce ae [...]i sermonis ignari hallucinati sunt▪ in ipsam Sy­nodo ita legerant funda [...]as pecuni­as Ecclesia [...]um Ecclesijs restitui­mus. Et ita Codex vetutiss▪ Ms in Thesau [...]o illo Cotto­niano, pecunias autem Decimas significasse opina­bantur sedperperam & ridicul [...]. Pecu­nia [...] ibi praed a sunt. relation which attri­bute to that Synod vnder Caroloman, these words, Decimas occupatas à prophanis restituimus. Neither course nor any storie of the time can iustifie it.

IV.

For the Opinions of Fathers in the begin­ning of this Age; first, Tom. 5. serm. ser. 2. post. Dom. 1. qua­d [...]ag [...]ssima, & vide serm in Ascens. Domini. S. Ambrose thus, in a sermon of Repentance, teaches them due by Gods Law. Non nobis sufficit (saies he) quod nomen Chri­stianorum praeferamus, si opera Christiana non faci­mus. Decimas nostras annis singulis de cunctis frugi­bus, pecoribus &c. praecipit erogandas Dominus. [Page 54] Then he [...]ltes the Text of that Precept, out of Mo­ses, and goes on with Nouem partes vobis tributae sunt, sed qui Decimas dare noluistis ad solam Deci­mam reuertotis. Next, hee reprehends other offen­ces, and addes, Quicunque recognoscit in se quod fi­deliter non dederit Decimas suas, modo omendet, quod minus fecit quid est, fideliter Decimas dare, nisi vt nec peius, nec minus aliquando Deo offeras, aut de grano tuo, aut de vino, aut de fructibus arborum, aut de pecoribus, aut de harto, aut de negotijs, aut de ve­natione sua. De omni substantia quam Deus homini donat, Decimam partem sibi reseruauit, & ideo non licet homini retinere illud quod Deus sibi reseruauit. Agreeing with him, is S. Augustine in a whole Homily In serm. de Temp. in tom. 10. est vero 219. edit. Antwerp. atque ipsissima huius vocabula habentur in tractatu illo supposititio B. Augustino falso tributo, & de re­ctitudine Catholica conuersationis ▪ in­scripto. for the right of them; About Haruest hee made it (if it be his; for it hath been doubted whether it be his or no) on the XII. Sunday after Trinitie. Propitio Christo, saith he, fratres charissi­mi, iam propè sunt dies in quibus messes colligere de­beamus, & ideo gratias agentes Deo qui dedit, de of­ferendis, imò reddendis Decimis cogitemus. Deus e­nim qui dignatus est totum dare, Decimam à nobis dignatur repetere, non sibi, sed nobis sine dubio pro­futuram. and grounds himself vpon that of Cap. 3.10. Ma­lachy, the text of honor the Lord thy God with all thy substance, and the like. Then exhorts them. Decimae tributa sunt egentium animarum. redde er­go tributa pauperibus; offer libamina sacerdotibus; and admonishes, that, if they haue no fruits of the earth, they should pay the Tithe of whatsoeuer they liue by; Quodcunque te pascit i. e. viuend [...] g [...]nus. ingenium, [Page 55] Dei est; & ind [...] Decimas expetit vnde viuis; de militia, de negotio, & de artificio redde Decimas. aliud enim pro terra dependimus, aliud pro vsura vi­tae pensamus. And then vrging more Texts out of the old Testament touching Tithes and first fruits, and telling them, that the neglect of payment is the cause of sterilitie and blasting; Haec est (he saith) Domini iustissima consuetudo, vt si tu illi Decimam non dederis, tu ad Decimam reuoceris. And after­ward with much earnestnesse, Decimae ex debito requiruntur, & qui eas dare noluerit, res alienas in­uasit. & quanti pauperes in locis vbi ipse habitat, illo [...]ecimas non dante, fame mortui fuerint, tantorum homicidiorum reus ante tribunal aeterni iudicis appa­rebit, quia à Domino pauperibus delegatum suis vsi­bus reseruauit. Qmi ergo sibi aut praemium compa­rare, aut peccatorum desiderat indulgentiam prome­reri, reddat Decimam. These two great Bishops a­gree; and from the Law giuen to the Israelites, take their whole doctrine. S. Hierome is by some vsed for an autor to the same purpose, and that from his Ad cap. 3. Ma­lachia. Commentarie to the text of Malachy, which (after he hath opened the words of the Pro­phet, being only about the neglect of payment of Tithes and first fruits; about the neglect of pay­ment only, not the right of them) are these; Quod de Decimis primitijs que diximus, quae olim dabantur à populo Sacerdotibus ac Leuitis, in Ecclesiae quoque populis intelligite, quibus praeceptum est non solum Decimas dare & primitias, sed & vendere omnia que habent, & dare pauperibus, & sequi Dominum [Page 56] Saluatorem; quod si facere nol [...]mus, sal [...]em Iud [...] ­rum imitemur exempla, vt pauperibus partem demus ex toto, & Sacerdotibus & Leuitis honorem debi­tum deferamus. Who hence thinks, that his opini­on agrees with the other two, may as well inferre, that he meant also, that all men were still bound to sell all they had, as in the Apostles times. Hee speakes only, as admonishing Christians to giue their almes to the poore, and double 1. Tim. 5.17. honor to the Labourer in the Lords seruice, not binding them at all to offer this or that part, but leauing plainly a Christian libertie; wherein yet, true deuotion indeed, as he means, should not be more backward then the Iews were, when they duly paid. He that indifferently reads him, will thinke no otherwise. Neither is S. Chrysostom at all different from him. He perswading Hom [...] epist. 1 ad Corinth. in cap. 16. euen labourers and artificers to giue bountifully their offerings to the Church for holy vses, according to the Apostolicall ordinance in the Churches of Corinth and Galatia, brings the Iewish liberalitie in their payments of Tenths for an example (beneath which, he would not haue Christians determine their charitie) and sayes withall, that he speaks these things not as comman­ding or forbidding that they should giue more, yet as thinking it fit that they should not giue lesse then the tenth part ( [...], as his words are) of all profits gaind either from the earth, or by merchandize, or whatsoeuer iust imployment either of person or estate. but not of Vsurie and Warre, which (at least as it was vsed in [Page 57] those primitiue Ages) was held by most Doctors Videsis Lactan­tium lib. de vero cultu cap. 18. & Tertull. de Corona Militis. of the time, as vniust as Vsurie. and indeed, where it was iust, there no part of the gaine or spoiles was to be giuen to the Priests, by the do­ctrine of some Abrah. Ben. ka [...]. ta [...]. pracept. 501. Rabbins, that affirm it as expresly taught Deut. cap. 18.1. within a Text of Moses. But his excepti­on of Vsurie agrees with the Canonists of late times, that will not haue Tithe paid of vniust gain, no more then Ibid. cap. 23.18. the hire of a Whore, or the price of a Dog, was to be brought into the Temple. what is there called the price of a Dog, is by Iosephus Origen. Iudai [...]. lib. 4. cap. 7. ta­ken for monie giuen for the lone of a Dog to breed withall. You may adde to the opinions of this time that of Homil. 16. in E­uang. & dist. 5. de Consecrat. c. 16. S. Gregorie, where he admonishes the hallowing of Lent, consisting of six weeks, out of which, the Sundayes being taken, XXXVI. dayes remain for the Tenth part of the yeer; fracti­ons of dayes omitted. this Tenth of time he would haue vs giue to God, vt in lege iubemur (as his words are) Domino Decimam rerum dare.

V.

Some Canons, both Pontificiall and Syno­dall, made for the right and paiment of Tithes, are attributed to the ages that fall about the midle of this time. But I haue not obserud aboue one, that is of any credit, as referd hither; neither was that euer receiud into the bodie or any old Code of the Canons. That one is Prouinciall, and made in the yeer D.LXXXVI. in the Councell of M [...]tis [...]o [...]. 2. Cap. 5. Mascon (a Bishoprique in the Diocesse of Lions) where all the Bishops of King Guntherams Kingdom being present, speak of reforming Ecclesiasticall customs [Page 58] according to an ancient example, and then begin with Leges Diuinae, consulentes Sacerdotibus ac Mi­nistris Ecclesiarum, pro haereditaria portione omni po­pulo praecaeperunt Decimas fructuum suorum locis sa­cris praestare, vt nullo labore impediti per res illegiti­mas, spiritualibus possint vacare Ministerijs; quas leges Christianorum congeries longis temporibus cu­stodiuit intemeratas. Vnde statuimus vt Decimas Ec­clesiasticas omnis populus inferat, quibus Sacerdotes aut in pauperum vsum aut in captiuorum redemptio­nem erogatis, suis orationibus pacem populo ac salu­tem impetrent. Here is no small testimonie aswell of ancient Practice in paying of them, as of great Opinion for their being due. But although the whole Councell hath to this day remaind with the subscriptions of the Bishops to it, yet (whateuer the cause was) not so much as any Canon of it is found mentioned, as of receiud authoritie in any of the more ancient Compilers of Synodall de­crees; notwithstanding, that the fullest of them, I meane Isidore, liud long after this Councell held, and hath some other Synods of the Continent of France, as of Orleans, of Arles, of Agatha. But this he mentions not. The first that published it, was Frier Tom. 2. Conc [...] ­lior. fol. 90. Crab, in his Edition of the Councels vnder Charles the fift. Yet also in some that colle­cted the Canons since Isidore, Decrees of elder time then that is, are to this purpose spoken of; as you may see in Iuo Decret. part. 3. cap. 11 [...]. at the end of a Decretall of Gelasius that was Pope in the yeer CCCC.XCII. where these words are annext, Decimas iusto ordine, [Page 59] non tantum nobis, sed maioribus nostris visum est, ple­bibus tantum vbi sacrosancta dantur baptismata de­beri. This stands continued with the rest of Gela­sius, in the print. But in an old and very fair Copie neer as ancient as Iuo, remaining in the Librarie at Pauls, these words begin with a coloured capitall, as a seuerall Paragraph; and indeed are not Gela­sius his, but Pope Leo's the fourth, who liued a­boue CCC.L. yeers after. that appears plainly out of the Epistle C. 12. [...]. 2. & 25 &c. of Gelasius (whereto they are annext) which Gratian hath in all, sauing this, ac­cording to Iuo, yet cites this passage in another place C. 16. q 1. c. 45. by it selfe, out of that Leo, from whom also 'tis likewise taken by Anselm and Gregorius Pres­byter, who haue in their collections the rest of Ge­lasius his Epistle according to Iuo, as it is noted to the Text publisht by command of Gregory the thirteenth. And in those Decrees Decret. G [...]las [...], cap. 20. of Gelasius that are extant touching the Church-treasurie, or reuenue, no mention is of other then of redditus Ecclesiae & oblationes fidelium. A like falshood is committed by them Ex Binio in tom. 2. Concil. alij, qui de hac re agunt. that attribute a Prouinciall Constitution touching the distribution of Tithes amongst the Bishops and inferior Ministers to the first Councell of Orleans, held in the yeer D.VII. and that by finding som words to this purpose ad­ded to a Canon which in the printed Iuo Decret. lib. 3. cap. 202. hath a marginall reference to some Councell of Orleans. It is most certain that the first Councel of Orleans, Concil. [...]urel 1. cap 9.10. & 11. hath no word of Tithes in it, but speaks of the distribution only of such things as in Altario obla­tione [Page 60] fidelium conferuntur, and possessions of other like kind of Church-lands. and according to that, Burchard and Gratian C. [...]0 q. 1 c. 7. de his. cite it; who haue also those words that Iuo there hath, excepting only that of Tithes. And some other Prouincials of the Concil. Aurel. 3. cap. 5. & Aurel. 5. cap. 15. same place and age, to the same purpose, speake afterward of oblationes & facultates, but not a word of Tithes. All which shews plainly that no such matter was euer in the first Councell of Or­leans. The truth is also that Iuo himself cites it not out of any Councell of Orleans, but from, I know not what Councell of Toledo, as his Ms. copie is, and as it is truly publisht in the printed book. all that directs to the Councell of Orleans there, be­ing only the marginall note of du Molin a Cano­nist of Louain that set it forth. But neither any of Orleans or Toledo hath it all as he relates it. The truth is; that Canon of his is made vp out of two Councels indeed, the first Arelat. 1. cap. 11. of Orleans, and the ninth of T [...]l [...]ta [...]. 9. cap. 6. Toledo, and agrees well with both, sa­uing for so much as is expresly spoken of Tithes. That which in those two had been ordaind for Of­ferings and other reuenues of the Church, he not vnfitly applies to Tithes, being a more known part of that reuenue in his time; and thither draws al­so an old Councell of Synod Rom. sub Syluestro Papa cap. 4. Rome as if it had spoken expresly of them, & writes all in no other syllables then De [...]ret. lib. 3. cap. 136. Burchard had before deliuered with a like title of ex Concilio Toletano. But this excuses not those which make the words of such a collection, out of two or three old Councels, applied to a la­ter [Page 61] time, to go for a Canon of any one of them. Many such are occuring in Burchard and Iuo e­pecially, and some in Gratian; which are noted vpon their credits, and, in some editions, placed in the times to which they attribute them, licet for­san falso tali sint Pontifici, vel certè tali Concilio per scriptorum incuriam adscripti, as Frier In Prologo [...]m. ad Tom. 1. Concil. Crab well admonishes. A like falshood is in attributing, out of the same Part. 3. c. 174. Gar [...]as apud Bi­nium in Tom 2. Concil. ex eo alij. Iuo, an expresse Canon for the pay­ment of first Fruits and Tenths, to the Prouinciall Synod of Siuill, held in the yeer D.CX. in these words. Omnes primitias & Decimas tam de pecori­bus quàm de frugibus, diues simul & pauper Ecclesijs suis rectè offerant. and a litle after: Omnis rusticus & artifex quis (que) de negotio iustam Decimationem fa­ciat. and then, Si quis autem haec omnia non Deci­mauerit, praedo Dei est, & fur, & latro; & male­dicta quae intulit Dominus ( [...]) Cain non recte diui­denti congeruntur. There is litle reason to doubt, but that the reference of that Canon in him, to that Councell of Siuill is false. The Councell of that yeer and place is extant, whole in diuers editions, as it was certified by eight Bishops which were at it; and in that no taste is of any such matter. The old Ms. copie of Iuo, of or very neer his time, in the Librarie of Pauls, hath it ex Concilio Spanensi, the printed book being ex Concilio Hispalensi; what Spanensi is, I know not. if it were Spalensi, it were the same with Hispalensi, for which Spalensi is al­waies in Isidores Councels, as Spania is somtimes Palladiu [...] hist. Lausiaca in M [...]lan [...] & in Concilio Sar­di [...]ensi subscribit Osius ab Spania & Coltus ab Spa [...]ii [...]. anciently for Hispania. what euer he meant by it, [Page 62] cleerly the whole Canon is of much later time; the first words of it also being nothing but the sylla­bles of one of Charlemains Laws Ans [...]gisu [...] Ca­pitular lib. 1 [...] cap. 91 quod ipsum etiam habet Iuo part. 16. cap. 262. that was not made till DCC.LXXX. yeers from Christ. that is, Vnicuique Ecclesiae mansus integer absque vllo seruitio attribuatur. where Mansus is for a Farme or dwelling place, in the same sense as at this day Manse is vsed in the Laws of Scotland. Some o­thers like these occurring are mistaken. and you may obserue that Gratian more warily abstaind from vsing such Canons mistitled; among which also, from these. But the lesse falshood is to be im­puted to Iuo, in regard that Burchard before him had almost all his syllables; from whom hee tran­scribed. yet that excuses not his negligence com­mitted in not carefully examining his autor; which often causes grosse impostures, sometimes procee­ding from malice, somtimes from ignorance, to be receiued as perfit truth; especially by those that cite, without more regard, Prouinciall Synods ab­solutly there mentioned for the first of that name, when indeed they are often of farre later time. Slothful Readers are soon so deceiued. But among the known and cerain moniments of truth, till a­bout the end of this CCCC. yeers, no Law Pon­tificall, or Synodall (saning that of Mascon) de­termins, or commands any thing concerning Tents; although very many are which speaking purposely and larely of Church Reuenues, Obla­tions, and such like, could not haue been silent of them, if that quantitie had been then establisht for [Page 63] a certain dutie· You may see Synod. Agath. c. 4. & 7. & [...]8. Sy­nod. Rom. 4. sub Symmacho PP. c. 4. & 6. edict. Leones. & Anthemii C. de Sacros. Eccles. L. 14 iubemus, &c. c. 10. q. 2. c. 2. Nouell. 120 & 131. Co [...]c. Pa­ris. 1. cap. 1. Turo­nens. 2. cap. 26. Bra­carens. 2. cap. 2. Leg. Wis [...]gothorum lib. 5. &c. enough in those to which the margin refers you; all made in this part of our diuision; none vsing other words (to this purpose) then facultates, praedia, [...], oblationes, vota fidelium, res Ecclesiae delegatae, or collatae, and the like, as the phrases are in the other first CCCC. yeers. some of which kind yet the Canonists and others, in Prouinciall Synods, haue in the later ages, compiling their Decrees, made to serue as if they had expresly named Tithes. as you may see in that example rememberd before out of Iuo, and Burchard; in that of the Councell of Gangra in C. 16. q. 1. c. 57. in Canonibus; in that of the 29 Chapter of Gelasius his Decree in the Councell of Tribur held DCCC.XC. cap. 13; in that of the first Oecumenicall Councell of Chal­cedon cap. 17. in c. 14. of the same Synod of Tri­bur; and in that of the ninth Councell of Toledo Burchard lib. 3. cap 135. & Iuo part. 3. cap. 201. in an old Councell of Cologne. hee that reads those old Canons only, as they are so applied, in late autoritie, to Tithes, might perhaps soone think that at first they were made specially and by name for them. The matter is plainly otherwise. what was ordaind in them about Oblations, is out of them in later times (Tithes and Oblations be­ing then supposed of equall right) expresly exten­ded also to Tithes. the word Oblations, as you see in those times, being vsuall for Tithes also when they were giuen; and offerre Decimas was the com­mon phrase, for to giue Tithes. About the end of these yeers in a Prouincial Synod held at Friuli [Page 64] in D.CC.XCI. vnder Paulinus Patriarch of A­quilegia, the words are, De Decimis verò vel pri­mitijs (saluis scilicet allegoricarum rerum mysticis Sacramentis) nihil meliùs puto dicere quàm quod scriptum est in Malachia Propheta, dicente Domino; inferte omnem Decimam in horreum meum &c. and vpon that place, the supposition of the dutie being grounded, a Commination is added; Quis non timeat vel contremiscat illam maledictionem quam minatur nolentibus offerre? The opinion of the Synod is here plainly seen. and it is rather a de­claration by Doctrine, then a constitution by Precept.

VI.

But howeuer either this of Friuli, or that before cited of Mascon, had their Prouinciall au­thoritie, no Canon as yet was receiued in the Church generally, as a binding Law, for payment of any certain quantitie; which not only appears in that we find none such now remaining, but also is confirmd by the testimonie of a great and lear­ned French Bishop (in whose Prouince also Mas­con was) that could not be ignorant of the receiud Law of his time. Hee liud and wrote very neere the end of this first foure hundred yeers (I thinke, in the very beginning of the next.) And, in a Trea­tise about the dispensation of Church reuenues, expresly denies, that before his time any Synod or generall doctrine of the Church had determind or ordaind any thing touching the quantitie that should be giuen, either for maintenance or buil­ding of Churches. Because his words are speciall [Page 65] autoritie also against those counterfeit titles of Canons before spoken of, they shall haue place here. Iam verò (saith Agobardu [...] Lug­dunensis de dispen­satione &c. contra sacrileg [...]s, pag. 276. edit. Massoniana, Parisijs. he) de Donandis rebus & ordinandis Ecclesijs nihil vnquam in Synodis consti­tutum est, nihil à sanctis patribus publicè praedica­tum. Nulla enim compulit necessitas feruente vbique religiosa deuotione & amore illustrandi Ecclesias vl­trò aestuante &c. This Autor is Agobard Bishop of Lions (very learned, and of great iudgement) and had not so confidently denied what you see hee doth, if any Decree, Canon, or Councell generally receiud, had before his time commanded the pay­ment or offering of any certain part. How the au­toritie of that Councell of Mascon stands with his meaning, I well conceiue not. But cleerly, hee speaks truth, in regard of what was generally re­ceiud. For neither in the Codex Ecclesiae vniuersa­lis, or the Codex Ecclesiae Romanae, or Africanae, Fulgentius Ferrandus, Cresconius, or Isidores col­lection (all which, in those elder ages, were as parts of the body of the Canon Law) is once any men­tion of the name of Tenths. And indeed, that Councell of Mascon, with all other Church-Laws in Bonifac. Arch. Mogunt. epist. 132. Zacharia [...] PP. ibid. epist. 143. & Will [...]baldus in vita Bonifac. cap. 9. & 10. France, lay a long while neglected before Agobards time, as in the age of our fathers that of Mascon likewise did. Yet withall, no doubt can be made, but that in most Churches in this time, a­mongst the offerings of those of the deuouter sort, Tenths or greater parts of their annuall increase were giuen, according to the doctrine of those Fathers before mentioned, and those other testi­monies. [Page 66] Whereto you may adde that complaint of Boniface Epist. 105. ad Cutbertum Arch. Cantuariensem. [...] item E­pistola [...] videsis num. 107. Archbishop of Mentz, about D.CCL. against the Clergie. Lac & lanas (sayes he) ouium Christi oblationibus quotidianis ac Deci­mis fidelium suscipiunt, & curam gregis Domini de­ponunt. And in an Exhortation M [...]. in Bibli­oth. Cotton. writen neer D.CCCC. yeers since: Ille bonus Christianus est qui ad Ecclesiam frequentiùs venit, & de fructibus suis non gustat nisi prius ex ipsis Domino aliquid offerat; qui Decimas annis singulis Pauperibus reddit; qui Sacerdotibus honorem &c. These also shew a vse of payment among the firmer and deuouter Chri­stians in those times. But they were then disposed of diuersly; now you see to the Priests, now to Ab­bots, now to the Poor. and when they were offe­red to Baptismall or Episcopall Churches, they were receiud as indefinit Offerings, the quantitie whereof was wholly arbitrarie, in respect of any constitution or generall Law in vse. The quantitie of the Offerings was arbitrarie, but some kind of Offering was necessarie. He that offered not at all, of his fruits, was compellable, it seems, by Excom­munication (as in the Ph [...]t. Nomocan. tit. 5. & C. de Epis­copis & Cleric. l. 39 Easterne Church; where that compulsion also was taken from the Churches autoritie in the Patriarchat of Constantinople) but not as yet, he that offerd a lesse quantitie. And that it was a speciall bountie to offer the Tenth, you may see in the old Aethiopian Biblioth. Pa­trum, tom. 4. Masse, where a distinct prayer is for those, Qui obtulerunt munera sanctae vnicae, quae est super omnes, Ecclesiae sacrifici­um scilicet Fortè legen­dum primitiarum & Decimarum. primarum Decimarum, gratiarum [Page 67] actionis signum & monimentum. And it seems the disposition of the Offerings were so in the Patrons power (by the practice of some places) that hee might assigne a Concil. 2. Braca­rens. cap. 6. & vide Toletanum 9. cap. 1 certaintie of them to the Mini­ster of his Church, and employ the rest at his plea­sure (which agrees enough with the right challen­ged, in the succeeding ages, touching Inuestiture and arbitrarie Consecrations; whereof, more in the next CCCC. yeers) although in this age also some Canons Concil Aurelia­nens. 1. cap. 13. of the Clergie subiected all new­built Churches to the Bishops gouernment; but were little obeyed. For meere Church-Laws, hi­therto. Some secular Constitutions are, that a­bout the yeer D.CC.LXXX. were made for the payment of Tithes, by Charles King of France, Italy, and Lumbardy, and afterward Emperour. But because they fall so neere the end of this part of our Diuision, and are rather to be accounted amongst the Laws of his Empire (which began not till neer XX. yeers after; that is, about D.CCC.) then only of his Kingdome, and were af­terward receiud into the Imperiall Capitularies, whence we haue chiefest notice of them; they are purposely referd into the next CCCC. yeeres, as the first Latitude, required in our Diuision, per­mits. Neither before them, did any generall Law, that yet remains in publique, and is of credit, or­dain any payment of Tenths in the Westerne Church. For in the Eastern, neuer any Law, that I haue obserud, mentions them.

Between about the yeer D.CCC. and neere M.CC. CAP. VI.

I. Payment of Tithes, how performed.

II. Arbitrarie Consecrations of them alone (like Grants of Rents-charge) at the Lay-owners choice, to any Church or Monasterie, were frequent; and sometimes Lay-men sold them to the Church. Redimere Decimas.

III. Appropriations of them with Churches; wherein they passed as by themselues, from the Patron seuerally and directly in point of in­terest. The beginning of Parish Churches. Disposition of the Offerings receiued there. Lay-foundations of Parish Churches. The interest that Patrons claymed. Right of Ad­uowson. The ceremonie of putting a Cloth or Robe vpon the Patron, at the consecration of the Church. The vse of Inuestitures, by which (as by liuerie of Seisin) Lay Patrons gaue their Churches. Commendatio Eccle­siae. Benefice. None anciently receiued the character of Orders, but when also the ordi­nation was for the title of some Church. Thence came the later vse of Episcopall Insti­tution. Whence some Patrons came to haue most part of the Tithes. Canonica portio. The Clergy and Councels against Inuestitures. [Page 69] Their continuance till towards M.CC. when Institution (as it is at this day) vpon presen­tation grew common· How Appropriations were in those times made. The ancient Epis­copall right to Tithes, especially in Germa­nie, and the Northern parts. How Monks iustified their possession of Tithes and Parish-Churches. The right of Tithes generally denied in Turingia, to the Archbishop of Mentz.

IV. Of Infeodations of Tithes into Lay-hands, both from the Clergie and Laitie; and of their Originall.

V. Of Exemptions granted by the Pope. Tem­plars and Hospitalars accounted no part of the Clergie.

VI. The generall opinion was, that they are due iure diuino. but this, indifferently thought on, seems to haue denoted rather Ecclesiastique or Positiue Law (by the doctrine and practice of the Clergy) then Diuine Morall Law.

VII. Laws Imperiall, and Canons Synodall and Pontificiall, for the payment of Tenths. The grosse error of some that mistake Nona and Decima in the Capitularies. The first Gene­rall Councell that mentions Tithes.

THe practice found in the time twixt about D.CCC. and M.CC. from Christ, con­sists in some ordinarie payments of Tithes, as in the former ages; in more frequent Consecra­tions [Page 70] of a perpetuall right of them alone to any Church, or Monasterie, at the owners choice; in Appropriations of them with the churches in which they were by custom or consecration established; in Infeodations of them into Lay-hands; and in Ex­emptions for discharge of paiment. By the more generall Opinion of the Church, they are exprest to be due Iure diuino; but that is warily to be inter­preted out of the generall practice cleerly allowd by the Clergie. From the beginning of this time Canons are very frequent for the right of them. But the first Law that may at all be stiled generall for it, was ordaind by Charles the Great, and re­ceiud, but litle practiced, through the Empire. Of all these in their order.

I.

Not only from deuotion, but through Ec­clesiastique censure also, aided with secular power, about the very beginning of this CCCC. yeers, many Churches in the Western Empire, had the Tenth paid as a dutie. This may be collected out of an Epistle writen by Alchwin to Charles the Great, touching the exaction of Tithes (which hee calls iugum Decimarum and plena per singulas domus ex­actio) of the Hunnes and Saxons; who being then lately, by Charles, conquerd, had newly receiued the Christian faith, Alchwin there aduises, that it were better for the Christian cause, to omit it a­mongst them, till they were grown firmer, and speaks of it as a thing of known vse among other setled Christans. His words are: Vestra sanctissi­ma pietas sapienti consilio praeuideat, si melius sit rudi­bus [Page 71] populis in principio fidei iugum imponere Deci­marum, vt plena fiat per singulas domus exactio illa­rum. an Apostoli quoque ab ipso Deo Christo edocti & ad predicandum mundo missi, exactiones Deci­marum exegissent, vel alicui demandassent dari, con­siderandum est. Scimus quia Decimatio substantiae nostrae valde bona est. Sed melius est illam amittere quàm fidem perdere. Nos vero in fide Catholica na­ti, nutriti, & edocti, vix consentimus substantiam nostram plenitèr Decimari? Quanto magis tenera fi­des, & infantilis animus, & auara mens illarum lar­gitati non consentit? This Epistle was writen about DCC.XCVII. as the historicall part of it per­swades. and the generall Laws, by which that ex­action might haue been made, are among those which about DCC.LXXX. the tame Charles had ordaind in an assembly of Estates, of which more in the last Paragraph of this Chapter. But the exe­cution of those Laws soone afterward (as anon shall be declared) failing; this practice of paiment also became to be of rare vse. and although diuers Synods soon followd which commanded a Tenth, as what was due of it selfe to the Church (whence also in some places a Parochial paiment doubtlesse continued, and by prescription and custom esta­blished a ciuill right in some Churches) yet Aliter Ecclesiastici. quod vid [...] prox. §. the Laitie (not much subiecting themselues to any Church-Laws of the time, that toucht their pos­sessions) frequently exercised their arbitrarie dis­positions, especially of such of them as were not al­readie consecrated, or by custom, or prescription [Page 72] setled, and therein pretended them due only but as their own choice, either by Consecration to a­ny Church or Monasterie whatsoeuer, or by In­feodation into Lay-hands, should determin. And those also which were established by former Con­secration, Custom, or Prescription, were very of­ten arbitrarily disposed of also by Lay-Patrons in their Appropriations.

II.

For arbitrarie Consecrations; the Concil. M [...]g. 16. q. 1. c. 42. Metens. circae ann. 890. cap. 2. M [...]g▪ circa a d▪ 846 Benedictus L [...] ­uita lib. 5. c. 46. Laws ordaind in the first of these CCCC. yeers, that speak of Decimationum prouentu [...] priori Ecclesiae le­gitime assignatus, and locus vbi decimae fuerant an­tiquitus consecratae, and Decimae quae singulis dantur Ecclesijs, and such more point at the vse of them. And although, out of any continuance alone of voluntarie paiment, a kind of Parochiall right (which also by the Laws Leo 4. in c. 16. q. 1 de Monachis c. 45 &c. 56. & saepe in Capitularibus. of the time euery Re­ctor should haue enioyed in the Territorie where he dispensed the Sacraments) were created, yet Consecrations of Tithes (not yet established by a ciuill title) made to the Church of another Parish at the Lay-owners choice, were practiced and con­tinued in force; as may plainly be collected out of an old Law about the beginning of these yeeres made (but not put in execution) for punishment of such consecrations by compulsion of the partie to restore to the Church the quantitie of the Tithe so aliened. Quicunque (are the Leg. Lo [...]gobard. lib. 3. tit. 3. cap▪ 7. Hlothari [...] Imp & in Addit. q. ad Ca­pitular. cap 73. words of it) De­cimam abstrahit de Ecclesia ad quam per iustitiam dari debet, & eam presumptiose, vel propter munera aut amicitiam vel aliam quamlibet occasionem, ad a­liam [Page 73] Ecclesiam dederit, à Comite vel a misso nostro distringatur, vel eiusdem Decimae quantitatem cum sua lege restituat. So another was made against parsons, vnder paine of depriuation, that they Benedict Leui­tae, lib. 7. c. 141. should not perswade Parishioners to come to their Churches, & suas decimas sibi dare. With it agrees the complaint made about the same time in the Councell of Synod. T [...]cin [...]ns· c 16 q. 1. [...]. in s [...]cri [...] Canonibus 56. Pauia, against such as vsed to giue away their Tithes alijs Ecclesijs pro libitu. And many expresse examples are of such grants made, not otherwise then as of Rents charge arbitrarily created. some shall be here added. But, because since the last chapter printed, the Chartulary of the Church of Vtrecht among many other select mo­niments to the purpose of this discourse (through the fauor of that right worthy and learned Sr Ro­bert Cotton, my most honord friend) came to my hands, wherin an obseruable consecration of tithes in the former CCCC. yeers, is preserued; it shall here (not much out of its place) be first rememberd. There, in confirmations to that Bishoprique made by Pipin, Charles the great, and other of the suc­ceeding Emperors, is expressed that some neer an­cestors of that Charles (as the elder Pipin, Charles Martell, Carloman) had giuen great endowments to it, and among them, Videsis, ante alia, diplomae ibid. dat▪ 2. I [...]do [...]i [...]i 1. Imperatoris. in quo, quae superio­res concesserant, recensentur. Omnem Decimam de Man­cipijs, terris, & telonijs, vel de negotio, vel de omni re; vndecun (que) ad partem regiam fis [...]us teloneum exi­gere aut accipere videbatur. it seems it must be re­straind to what the grantors possessed in the Terri­torie about Vtrecht, although no such thing ap­pears [Page 74] in the diuers Charters there remaining of it. For the following times; in the same Chartularie, is a commemoration of the possessions of the Bi­shoprique, wherein diuers particular Tenths pos­sessed by speciall grant are reckond; as Tenths of wreck, of treasure troue, of fishing. and a relation is of promise made to the Bishop by one Gutha to endow a Church, which he gaue to Vtrecht, with the Tithes of diuers Mannors. In Beuorhem (the words are) tradidit Gutha Ecclesiam necdum con­secratam in ius & dominium Sancti Martini (to that Saint was the church of Vtrecht consecrated) ea videlicet ratione, vt, post consecrationem eiusdem Ecclesiae, Decimae darentur ad supranominatam Ec­clesiam de villis hijs nominibus vocitatis; Beuorhem, Gisleshem, Hegginghem, Schupildhem. And in the yeer DCCC.LII. Raginer Duke of Lorrain, for the health of his own soule, and the soules of his wife, children, and parents, giues to the Abbey of Vito in Verdun, a whole Town called Longuion with the appurtenances, and all the Tithes of the Land that he had within the bounds and precinct of the same Town. Villam nostram (as the Charter Diplomat. [...]7. & 35 in Stemmat. [...]otharingiae apud Francisc. de Rosicres speaks) quae dicitur Longuion cum omnibus appen­dicijs suis ac Decimis quas in Banno dictae villae ha­bebamus. and one of his successors Rigimir, by Charter dated DCCCC.XLVI. for like conside­ration gaue to another Monasterie, seated vpon Moselle, all the Tithes within the libertie of the Town where it stood, in these words; Imperpetuum omnes Decimas quas habeo in Banno praefati oppidi [Page 75] tam in blado, quam in vino, ac alijs rebus. where Bannus or Bannum is vsed for the continent with­in the vtmost precinct of the Town; in which sense Banleuca, as also leuga circumiacens, occurs in the moniments of this Kingdom, as In placi [...]. de iu­rat. & assis. apud Cicestr. 47. Hen. 3. R [...]t. 44. Banleuca de A­rundell, for all comprehended within the limits or land adioyning, and so belonging to the Castle or Town, which are both as one to this purpose. So the Monks of Clugny in Burgundie, founded by William Count of Auuergne in the yeer DCCCCX. had Tithes of diuers possessions giuen them; which the phrase of the time stiled Biblioth. Cl [...]ia­cens. pag. 265. Decimas indo­minicatas, in a Charter to them made by Lewes the fourth of France, in the yeer DCCCC.XXXIX. and those Tithes were often confirmed to them by Pontificiall autoritie: as by A. D. 948. Agapetus the second, A. D. 1144. Lucius the second, and afterward by Vrban Biblioth. Clu [...]i­a [...]. pag. 1447. the third, in the yeer M.C.LXXXV. in whose Bull, a recitall and confirmation also is of an instrument of Adhemar Bishop of Xantoigne made to this Monasterie, that hath these words in it. Damus & concedimus vobis Decimas quas à Laicis acquisistis vel acquirere poteritis, with a command that Lai­men in the precinct of their Abbey, should not conuey their Tithes to any other Churches. And when the Abbey of Vendosme was founded about the yeer M.L. by Godfrey Martell Earle of Aniou, the Tithes Ex Tabular Mo­nasterij a [...]ud Iae­cob. irmondum in G. Vindoc [...]ens. pag. 66. of the Salt-pits in som part of Poictou, were consecrated to it. the like had the same Mo­nasterie in some Salt-pits possessed by the Bishop of Xantoigne, which although it had enioied for [Page 76] threescore yeers, yet the Bishop began to denie a­ny more paiment, and for his owne gaine, would haue maintaind this opinion, That no church-lands were to pay Tithes to any Church. But Godfrey Ab­bot of Vendosme about the yeer M.C.XX. sharply corrects him in an Epistle▪ and shews that the opi­nion of all France and Italie, then was, that al­though lands charged to any Church with the pai­ment of Tithes, were possessed by another Church or Monasterie, yet the Tithes were still paiable Parochially from the one Church to the other. That Abbots words are obseruable, because also they shew a generall practice of paiment Parochi­ally by Churches to Churches. ‘Nobis dictum est (saith Goffrid. Vindo­ci [...]ens lib. 3. E­p [...]st. 41. he) quia dicitis, quòd Ecclesia non debet Decimam dare. Hoc verum est, vbi Eccle­sia nihil habet in Paroecia alterius Ecclesiae, vbi verò Ecclesia, in alterius Ecclesiae Paroecia, pos­sessionem aliquam habet, vel quippiam quòd De­cimari debeat, ibi Ecclesia Ecclesiae Ita etiam Pe­trus Cluniac. lib. 1. Epist. 33. & 36. Decimam reddere debet, si illud iustè possidere desiderat. Hoc tenet Italia, hoc tenet Gall [...]a; Ibi enim no­uimus Ecclesias Ecclesijs Decimas reddere, & maiores minoribus, & minores maioribus, vbi altera earum possessionem obtinet in iure alteri­us. hoc facimus Ecclesijs, hoc Ecclesiae fecerunt nobis.’ and according to this had he a Decree for the Monasterie from Pope Calixtus the second. This, by the way here, for paiment among the Clergie. But for more arbitrarie consecrations by Lay men; in the yeer M.C.XXIV. Ansellus de [Page 77] Garlanda, in his foundation of the Abbey of Saint Mary of Gornay in France, among other possessi­ons giues it In Diplomat. Ludouici Crass [...] a­pud Andream Quercetan n No­ti [...] ad Petrum Abe­lardum, pag. 1174. Decimam de Berchorellis, and Duas partes Decimae de Ber [...]herijs, and totam Decimam de Ponteuz, and apud Terciacum medietatem Deci­mae. Many like examples might be added, but one more only shall suffice, in which the frequencie of the practice may be easily ghest at. that is found in a Bull, of confirmation, made by Pope Innocent the III. of the possessions of the Abbey of the Holy Crosse, and S. Leufrid, in the Diocese of Roan; a­mong which Innocent. 3. E­pist. Decretal. lib. 2. pag. 435. edit. Co­loniensi. diuers appropriated Churches are with their Tithes (and so expressed: Ecclesia N. cum decimis) but beside them also many Tithes se­uerally granted by diuers Barons and Gentlemen to the Abbey, out of such or such lands, without a­ny Churches, are confirmed, as Decimam de feudo Hugonis de Sensei apud Neufuillam. Decimam Wil­lielmi de Maudit apud Luderuillam de feudo Williel­mi Pelet apud Amercort. Decimam de feudo Matthaei de Gamichijs apud Maneuillam. Duas partes Deci­marum de feudo Pagani de S. Luciano, & de feudo Orselli, & de feudo Flooldi, and Decimam de Hen­dicruilla, & de Sesseuilla in feudo Autulij. Decimam de Boelio in feudo Roberti filij Williellmi. Decimam de Mesuilla in feudo Hugonis de Lace. & Decimam de Buison in feudo Hugonis Bigot &c. If one Abbey had so many arbitrary Consecrations, who can doubt of the most common vse of them? But if you desire more examples, look in the places Vide, si placet, Chartam Galfr [...]d [...] Viceconitis Mo­nasterio S. Dioni­sij datam apud Andr. Qu [...]r [...]etan. in notis ad Bibl. Cluniac. pag. 14. Chartam W. Co­mitis Niuern. apud eundem pag. 174. Adelardi Cast [...]i­gunterij Dom. apud la [...]. Sirmondum in notis ad Goffr. Vindoc. pag. 95. Gottefredi Bullo [...]i. apud Aubert. Mi­raum in lib. de Canonicis Colle­gijs c 91 Innoc. 3. Epist. Decret. l. lib. 1. pag▪ 160. noted in the margin, but especially wher anon we haue the [Page 78] practice of our own Cap. 11. Nation by it selfe declared. Out of them all (being but few in regard of what questionlesse might be had in the Records of chur­ches, and Monasteries, yet remayning in other States) you may find a vse of that arbitrarie dispo­sition till about the yeer M.CC. when the distri­bution of Tenths also to the Poore according to the owners free will (which I take to be consecra­tions, or grants to Monasteries; for the Monks were vsually called Pauperes, and were so indeed by their vow) was expresly complained against, as a great fault of the time by Pope Innocent the III. For he then preaching of In serm. [...]. de Dedication [...] Templi pag. 83. Tom. 1. nec vigo [...]em e­iusmodi donatio­nes obt [...]nere san­ [...]uit ille, extr. tit. de De [...] c 7 cum. Apostolica. Zache's charitie, that consisted aswell in making restitution of what was due to others, as inerogation of almes to the poor, obserus that he gaue of his own, and paid what was other mens. Dedit proprium & reddidit alienum. Grauiter ergo peccant (saies he) qui Decimas & pri­mitias non reddunt Sacerdotibus, sed eas pro volunta­te sua distribuunt indigentibus. But as great a fault as it was, it was a common one; and being commit­ted by the Laitie was vsually allowd in fact by the Pope and the Ordinaries; whateuer they thought of it in right. And of such autoritie was this vse, that an opinion was bred from it among very great men of the Clergie, that, as arbitrarie Consecrati­on was a cause of the right of Tithes in a Church whereto they were conueid, so continuall paiment of many yeers (which being by diuers, of the more deuout, faithfully performed, those Clergie men tooke as equiualent to a personall consecration of [Page 79] the Tenths of their increase, whereuer it were re­ceiud) had so setled the perpetuall right of the Tithes of any Familie, that whither soeuer it trans­planted it selfe, it must still send its Tenths to the place where before it paid them; as if this continu­all paiment had foreuer so bound it, that it might not pay them otherwise. This was the opinion of diuers Bishops in the Patriarchat of Grado, as you may see by the same Pope Innocent his Decr [...]ral. Epist. lib. 1 pag. 83. reprehen­sion of them, and Extr. de Paroch. cap. 5 si [...]nificauit. of others elswhere also. Neither were these grants alwaies free consecrations, but oft times were made for valuable consideration gi­uen by the Church, which is exprest in the phrase B [...]nedict. Leui [...]a Capitular. lib. 5. cap▪ 46. Conc. Me­gunt. c. 16 q. 7. c. 7. Leg [...]s Longobard. lib. 3. tit. 3 cap. 8. Redimere Decimas, vsed in the Synodall and Im­periall Laws, of this time, made De Decimis quas porulus dare non vult nisi quolibet modo, or munere ab eo redim [...]at [...]r. For, howsoeuer Hincmar Bishop of Rheims, in reprehending Apud Fl [...]d [...]ar­d [...]m in hist. Eccle­sia Rhemensis, lib. 3. cap▪ 25. the Monks of S. De­nis, because they were about to take mony of a Par­son for a right of Tithe, aduised them with absit vt Laici audiant, quod nemo etiam peccatis publicis im­plicatus in mea Parochia facere audet. as if it had been almost vnheard of in that age (he liud about DCCC.LX.) that any man had euer tooke mony for a grant of his Tithes▪ yet plainly the autoritie of those Laws shew, it was no such raritie. nor was it out of practice about the end of this CCCC. yeers, as may be collected out of a question dispu­ted in Summa part. 3. qu [...]st. 51. memb. 6. art. 4. Alexander Hales touching Tithes held by Lay men, In territorio alterius Ecclesiae quae non po­testeas redimere. although perhaps his meaning was [Page 80] only of feudall Tithes. But neither did the Laitie thus only Vide etiam quae in proxima secti­one de Danis. Tu­ringis, alijs item adferuntur. dispose Tithes not alreadie consecra­ted, but in som kind also (by Appropriations) such as were before established to Parochial Churches.

III.

In declaration of the course of Appropria­tions, it is first necessarie, to know so much of the nature of Parish Churches in those times, as with­out which the Appropriations then vsed cannot be vnderstood. Briefly therefore, for Parish Chur­ches; it is plain that as Metropolitique Sees, Patri­archats (Exarchats also in the Eastern Church) and Bishopriques: those greater dignities, were most vsually at first ordaind and limited Videsis Ana­cl [...]. & Steph. PP. in Epist. Decre [...]. Hin [...]mar. Rh [...]mens. in Opusc. 55. ca. 15 & Consulas in­primis Iosephum Scaelig [...]rum in No­t [...]tia Gallia, & in Epistolu pag. 247. editione Franco­surtana. & Ph. Berterij, Diatri­bas in Pithanon. accor­ding to the distinction of seats of gouernment, and inferior Cities, tha had been assigned to the Sub­stituts or Vicarij of the Prefecti-praetorio or Vice-Royes of the East and West Empire, so were Pa­rishes appointed and deuided to seuerall Ministers within the Ecclesiastique rule of those dignities, according to the conueniences of Country Towns and Villages; one or more or lesse (of such as be­ing but Concil. Sardic. cap. 6. small Territories might not by the Ca­nons, be Bishopriques) to a Parish; the word Pa­roecia or Parish at first denoting a whole Bisho­prique (which is but as a great Parish) and signify­ing no otherwise then Diocese, but afterward be­ing confined to what our common language re­strains it. The Curats of those Parishes were such as the Bishop appointed vnder him to haue care of soules in them, and those are they which the old Greek Neocasar. cap. 58. & vide Anti [...] ­chen. cap. 87. & 89. Councels call [...] or [...] [Page 81] [...] or [...], that is, Prebyteri Leg. Aleman. cap. 13. Parochiani, within the Bishoprique. neyther were the Chorepiscopi much different from them. These had their Parishes assigned them, and in the Churches where they kept their Cure, the offerings of deuout Christians were receiued, and disposed of in maintenance of the Clergie and reliefe of distressed Christians, by Vide Concil. Gangr. Can. 67 & Chalced. Can. 204. the Oeconomi, Deacons, or other Officers thereto appointed vnder the Bi­shop. Neither had those Parochiall Priests at first such a particular interest in the profits receiued in Oblations as of later time. All that was receiued wheresoeuer in the Bishoprique, was as a common Treasury to bee so Vide Concil. Antioch. c. 103. & 104. & Vrban. c. 12 q. 2. c. 26. dispensed. One part was al­lowd to the maintenance of the Ministerie (out of which euery Parochiall Minister had his salary, ac­cording to the monthly pay spoken of in the first CCCC. yeers) another to the reliefe of the poor, sicke and strangers, a third to the reparation of Churches, and a fourth to the Bishop. so it appears by the ancient Synod. Rom. sub PP. cap. 5. & Gela­sis Decret. cap 27. atque hic diuisio­nis modus in vsu erat vetustioribus istiusce aeui Chri­stianis; quod in­nuit Wala [...]ridus Strabo (qui floruit a.d. 840. lib de r [...]b. Ecclesiast. cap. 17. vide Grat. c. 12 q. 2. c. 26 & seqq. Canons, if we may at least herein, coniecture of the vse of the time, by what they haue ordained. And it is like enough to haue been no otherwise, so long as these Parochiall functions were so personall that they were not as now, so an­next to foundations and endowments, but rather exercised as by messengers, sent from the Bishops, who had no such reference to Lay-Patrons, as they that afterward came in vpon Inuestiture or Pre­sentment haue had, but only were protected by some appointed by the State for Vide, si placet, Theodor. Balsamon. in [...] pag. 454. post Con. Carth. Can. 7. Iu­sti [...]ian. Nouell. 15. & Capitular. Ka­rol. & Iudonic. lib. 5. cap. 31. & lib. 7. cap. 508. [...], or Defen­sores [Page 82] of the Church, as they called them. the name of Defensores being in the primitiue time, for this and other purposes, giuen to such Protectors, [...], in regard of their as­sistance and helpe to such as sufferd iniury, as Iustini­ans words are. And in the first ordination of this Hierarchie of Bishops and Parochiall Priests, it seemes, in some Lands wherewith the Bishoprique was endowed, the Churches were erected, in which the Bishop had a kind of right of aduowson; who, taking on him the generall care of his Diocese, or­dained Incumbents in euery of them. and the ob­lations there receiud were of the Churches com­mon treasure, and so to be diuided and disposed of quadripartitly. But that quadripartit diuision was chiefly in the Diocese of Rome. For by some Concil. Aurel. 1. cap. 13. Toletan. 9. cap 6 Bratar. 2 ca. [...]. & vide Anse is Capitul [...]r lib. 1. c. 87. & Addit ad Capitu [...]ar. 4▪ cap. 37 &c. 9. q. 3. c. 2. & seqq. Canons of the French, Spanish, and some other Churches, it was tripartit, and had other diffe­rences. But, all this in the primitiue times. and from the first establishing of Christianitie by a dis­position of the Hierarchie, till about D. yeers from Christ, it seemes, it continued. and such kind of Parishes only were those spoken of in that Epistle of Pope In Epist. Decr [...] ­tal. & in c. 13 q. 1. c. Ecclesia [...]. Denis the I. about CCLX. if at least that Epistle be not a fiction. if it be, then our Ca­nonists doe ill to vse it at all. if not, then plain­ly they abuse it, where they pretend in it an origi­nall of such kind of Parishes as since for the most part haue had their beginning from lay-foundati­ons. But not long after such time as lay men began to build and endow Parish-Oratories or Chur­ches [Page 83] in their Lordships, and in them place or in­uest Chaplaines (ordaind, that is, made Priests by the Bishop, but not instituted by Presentation as at this day) that might receiue the offerings of such as repayred thither for holy seruice; that for­mer kind, of making a common treasurie in euery Diocese, was discontinued, and the Chaplaine or Incumbent, acknowledging the Lord, of his Churches Territory, for Patron, (not much other­wise then, as in the ancienter course, euery Paro­chiall Priest did the Bishop that collated to him) receiued now the profits that rose out of Chri­stian deuotion, to a particular vse of his owne Church; the Canons neuerthelesse sauing the fourth part to the Bishop. For, that Episcopall right grew afterward to bee so established by the receiud Extr. de Offic. iud. cap 16. conque­r [...]ute, & de prae­script. c. 4. de quarta Canon Law, that till this day, where prescription of XL. yeers excludes not, the fourth part of all Oblations and Tithes are, by it, due to the Bishop. and some Panormit ad tit. de Decim. c. 1. [...]. 3. Canonists make it as a duty succeeding in lieu or proportion to the Tenth of the Tenth that was payd by the Leuits to their Priests. But howeuer the Canons were (in which also it had beene often constituted, that euery Church Dist. 96. &c. 16 q. 7. passim. and the profits thereof should be subiect to the Bishops disposition, as to the only immediat superior; and in some Dist. cap. 26. pia m [...]tis. that the founder should be vtterly excluded from all interest) yet diuers lay-Patrons in those elder times had, or at least chal­lenged, in the Oblations receiud from Christian [Page 84] deuotion in their Churches, an interest somewhat like to what more anciently the Bishop had in the offerings made at the Churches wherein hee only placed the Ministers. Whence the erecting of Churches became, amongst some, to bee rather gainfull then deuout. for the Patron would arbi­trarily diuide to the Incumbent, and take the rest to his own vse. This is manifested in the II. Coun­cell of Bracara, held about D.LXX. where a Ca­non forbids the consecration of Churches built not pro sanctorum patrocinio, but sub tributaria con­ditione, as the vse was of some places; that is, to the end that the lay-founder might haue halfe or other part of the Oblations. Si quis, are the words, Basilicam non pro deuotione fidei sed pro quaestu cupi­ditatis aedificat, vt quicquid ibi de oblatione populi colligitur, medium cum Clericis diuidat, eo quod Ba­silicam in terra sua quaestus causa condiderit, quod in aliquibus locis vsque modo dicitur fieri, Hoc ergo de caetero, &c. And such a practice is titled a custom of the ancient times in an Epistle 1. C. 10. q. 1. c. 15 attributed to to Pope Damasus. And in the IX. Councell of Toledo about the yeer DC.LX. Lay-Patrons are forbidden to vse iuris proprij potestatem in Church goods or lands, as if great pretence in those times had been of their right in disposition of them. and, in the Imperiall Capitularies of about the yeer DCCC. diuers times prouision is made a­gainst such lay men as thought it had been their right only to dispose of the endowments and of­ferings [Page 85] of such Churches as they were Patrons of, and that the Bishop should bee wholly excluded. But it fell at length that, without much difficulty, the Church, what through Constitutions, what through Constitutions, what by their Doctrine, had remedy for this vsurpation vpon the Offrings solemnly consecrated to the Priests at the Altar. And in the following times it had been abstaind from as the playnest part of sacriledge. Yet neuer­thelesse, another interest, that is, the interest of Patronage, and a right of disposition of the Tem­porall endowments, which the Lay founders first challenged in their new erected Churches, which was a right of Collation or Inuestiture, whereby the Incumbent might receiue full possession with­out ayd of Bishop or other Church-man, could not so easily be gotten from them, although some Capitular. Kar [...] ­li & Ludouici lib. 7. c. 213. Imperials were prouided against it. For al­though no lay man could, of himselfe, make any building to bee a Church, without the Bishops consecration of it (as euen among the Gentils, it was carefully foreseen, that in all new Temples Cicero in Orat. pre domo sua. one of the Priests solemnly holding a Pillar of it in his hand, should make the dedication) yet it be­ing consecrated and endowed, the lay Patron, in these ancient times, tooke vpon him not only the Aduocationem, or aduowson (that is, the defence or patrocinie of the Incumbents title; as officium aduocationis is vsed in the Vlpian. ff de rei vindicatione L. 540. Imperials) but also the Collation by Inuestiture without presentation at [Page 86] euery vacancy. And the right of aduowson (wher­to the other of Inuestiture in those times was an­next) in some places the Bishop confirmed to him by putting a Robe or such like on him at the dedi­cation. as the example Anonym. in vita S. Vdal [...]ici cap. 7. is of Vlrique Bishop of Auspourg, in one of his dedications, about DCCCC.L. where Consecratione peracta as the Autor sayes) dotèque contradita comprobato illic presbytero, altaris procurationem commendauit, & Ecclesiae Aduocationem firmit [...]r legitimo haeredi, Pā ­no imposito, commendauit. From this right of Col­lation and Inuestiture reserued by Lay-Patrons, the practcie came to be that Parish-Churches and all the temporalties annext to them, as the glebe and tithes (and what else in succeeding times be­came to be endowments) were at euery vacancy, conferd by the Patrons to their new Incumbents, by some ceremony, not differing from our liuerie of Seisin (which is nothing but Inuestiture; for In­uestiture Iuo Carnotens. Epist. 41. & passim [...]. is only the immediat giuing of seisin or possession) with these words, Petru [...] Dam [...]an. lib. 1 Epist. 13. ad A [...]exandr. 2. Accipe Ecclesiam, or the like. Neither vpon presentation did the Bishop institute, as of later time the vse had bin. and wher­as, at this day, nothing passes out of the Patron, or vests in the Incumbent, in point of interest (the presentation being only as a nomination, and the interest and possession being immediatly had from the acts of the Bishop and Archdeacon) it was far otherwise in these elder times. For the Incumbent as really, as fully, and as immediatly receiued the [Page 87] body of his Church, his glebe & what tithes were ioynd with it, in point of interest from the Patrons hand, as a lessee for life receiues his Lands by the Lessors liuery. whence by the phrase of the time that kind of giuing a Church was stiled Benedict. Le [...]t. lib. 5. cap. 83. & Addit. 4 c. 37. & Synod. Rom. c. 16. [...]. 7. c. 33. Monast [...]rium. Commen­dat [...]o Ecclesiae, that is, the Lay Patrons committing or liuery of the Church and the endowments to the Incumbent to take care of and dispose as a V­sufructuary of what the Patron was Proprietarie, or as a Tenant of that whereof hee was in the re­uersion. and in such sense is Commendo vsed, ioynd often with trado, in Tully as, Commendo, ac trado. and hence came the Commenda, wherein not the Title, but possession, profits, and custody of the Church is cōmitted. and the difference is obuious between Ecclesia titulata & commendata commenda­ta hauing chiefe reference to the possessions. And hence was the name of Benefice, for a Church and endowments so giuen. For as such lands or annui­ties, as in the Empire, were giuen for perpetuall salaries to military persons, had the name of Be­neficia, so, what was thus conferd vpon spirituall souldiers in the Church, had afterward the like ti­tle. But, at this Commendation of the temporalties so made only by the Patron, the Bishop indeed had the vsuall consecration of the Incumbent, but no­thing at all to do with the dispositiō of the church or endowments. For, the Law then being that Or­ders could not be giuen [...], Concil. Chalc [...]d. [...] Can. 114 & dist. 70. vide si place [...]extr. de prebend. cap 16▪ cum secundum. sine titulo, or absolutely, but only when a Title of a Church, or [Page 88] some speciall Ministery was at the same time as­signed to the ordaind Clerk; all orders otherwise giuen being void, so that at euery new inuestiture a lay Patron could not haue (as at this day) a Clerk alwaies ready made for his Church; it was a neces­sity that for euery new inuestiture (vnlesse a resig­nation of some other Church had preceded) the Bishops Ordination or Consecration was to bee vsed, which afterward grew to be what now is In­stitution. And although the character of Orders were generall, in so much that, as now also, he that receiud them was a vniuersall Priest, yet, in euery Ordination, speciall expression was made of the Title of the Church (that is, the Saint, Angell, or Martyr, to whose memory the Church was dedica­ted; in words Ordo Romanus de Diuinis Off [...]c [...]is. to this purpose: Eligimus in Ordi­nem Presbyterij &c. ad titulum S. Mariae, ad Ec­clesiam quae est in pago illo &c.) to denote that the end of it was that the Ordained should there ex­ercise his spirituall function, and not leaue it du­ring life. for which a Law was made also that such as were to be cōsecrated or ordaind by the Bishop, should before they were ordaind by the Patron in the Church (for the Inuestiture or Commenda­tion was also an Ordination; and by the name of Videsis Duaeri­num de sacris Eccl. Ministerii [...] lib. 1. cap. 16. Ordinatus also, was hee denoted that was so in­uested should either by oath or caution secure their continuance vpon that Church only. so you must Leuita lib. 5. cap. 108. vnderstand that in the Capitularies, Vt Presbyteri qui in Titulis consecrantur, secundum Canones, antequam Ordinentur promissionem, sta­litatis [Page 89] loci illius faciant; the vse then, it seemes, being, that Clerks ordaind would at their plea­sure resigne into the Patrons hand (for it is probable, that resignation Vide [...]undem, lib. 6. cap. 197. & lib. 7. cap. 173. in those times, into the Patrons hand, without assent of the Bi­shop, like surrender of particular tenants to them in the reuersion, was in practice, and deuested the title of the Church; although at this day, by the Canon Law, it be grown cleerly otherwise) and being then capable, without new ordination of the Bishop, of any Spirituall Function, would take Inuestiture of other Churches without con­sent or knowledge of the Bishop; against which also, some Laws Vide [...]undem, lib. 5. cap. 26.43. & 82. were made in the beginning of this CCCC. yeers, but, with the rest, litle obeyed. From this vse of Commendation, or Inuestiture, it came also, that if an Aduowson had descended in coparcenerie, the Church had as many encumbents as the parceners had parts. Singulae partes Addita ad Ca­pitul. cap. 25. & Concil. Lateran. sub. Alex. 3. Can. 17. & vide▪ Ap­pend. addict. Con­cil. part. 15. cap. 7. singulos habebant Presbyteros: Euery of them giuing an interest in a part, ac­cording as they might haue done of any other inheritance descended vnto them. Nor (as it seemes) from other originall then this challen­ged and practiced interest, came those droicts ho­norifiques des Seigneurs es Esglises (whereof you may see the Treatise lately written by Matthias Mareschal) and the custome yet remaining in diuers places, especially in France, whereby the Incumbent Vide extr. tit. de Prabend. c. 30. ex [...]irpand [...]. & de iur [...] patron. c. 23. pr [...]ter [...]a. & lib. 6. tit. de Pr [...]bi [...]di [...], cap. 1▪ suscepti & le Code des De­cis. Fortens. Decis. 15. lib, 1. tit. 10. hath not for himselfe aboue a [Page 90] small part of the Tithes, at the arbitrarie dispo­sition of some spirituall Patron, who takes the rest (according to this anciently practiced inte­rest of Patrons) to his own vse. What is so al­lowd to the Incumbent, is stiled his Canonica portio; which was, I think, Chro [...]i [...]. Richer­sperg. pag. 176. & 204. reserued to him in some Grants of the Archbishops of Saltzburg as Patrons, of their Tithes, to the Abbey of Ri­chersperg in the yeer M.C.XLIV. Neither let any man out of this, or from other autoritie in Vide Synod. v [...] ­ [...]ust. sub Ioann. 9. An. D. 904. vt omnis decimatio &c. & Synod. Au­gusta [...]am, an. 952. &c. Canons, gather, that all Tithes were arbi­trarily disposed of by the Bishop in these midle times; which yet is falsely affirmed by some that rashly thinke, what euer a Canon mentions (be­cause some of the Clergie would haue had it so) was a practice of the time. but the contrarie plainly and frequently appears. only as in the primitiue times, when Parishes were not distin­guished by limitation of Ecclesiastique profits, but only by the Ministers Function, the Bishop alone challenged, and frequently had, all Offe­rings, or [...], as appears in those old Canons before mentioned, and especially in those of the Councell Vide Concil. Gangr. cap. 7. & 8. & ad ea Z [...]nara [...]. of Gangra, made against the Eu­stathians; so also after payment of Tithes grew into more vse in these midle times, he pretended by the Canons (as in the examples which wee a­non haue of the Turingians, and those of Holtz) a right to Tithes through the whole Diocese, as his parish, where no Parochiall right was setled [Page 91] in seuerall Rectors of Parishes. But cleerly, in such as were once, according to secular Law, made proper to this or that Church, he had not, euen by the Canon Law that was in vse, more then his fourth, or other part, varied by seuerall customes; and by customes or [...]xtr. de Pr [...] ­script. [...]. 4. de quarta. prescription he lost it. Neither was this practice of Inuesti­tures, only in bestowing of Parish Churches. In Monasteries and Bishopriques the like was. but the increasing power of the Clergie took it a­way wholly in the lesse Churches (sauing that in collations of free Chappels, Prebends, or other Benefices, without parochiall Cure, according to the Droict de Regale of the Kings of Vide 19. Ed. 3. tit. Quare impedit, 60. England and Vide I. F [...]rhault de priuil [...]g. Regni Fran [...]a, prin. 8. & R [...]buff. praz. B [...] ­n [...]fici [...]rum, cap. [...] Reseruationibu [...], & Seru [...] en [...]. Vol. des playdoiez en l'arrest touchant la Chappelle S. Nicholas en l'Es­glise S. Brice de Colchi, Diocese de Noyon, p. 209. & Vol. 1. p [...]g. 298. & Petr. Gregor. in Synteg [...]. iuris v [...] [...]ersi, lib. 17. c. 7. & 8. & Pasquier. Re [...]rch liu▪ 3. c. 31. & 32. France especially, in some kind it hath remained) and much altered it in Bishopriques and Monasteries. It was in substance forbidden in the eighth Generall Actio 10 Ca [...] 22. A D. 871. Councell of Constanti­nople; then by Decree in the Councell of Rome vnder Gregorie the seuenth, about M.LXXVIII. in words, which as well shew how the vse of In­uestitures at that time remaind in many places (for some few yeers before, it appears, they were very common among the Laitie, and scarce tax­ed by the Clergie) as also what opinion the Church had of them: Quoniam Inuestituras Ec­clesiarum contra Statuta sanctorum Patrum (that is, against the many Canons made against Lay mens disposition of Church-reuenues) à Laicis personis in multis partibus cognouimus fieri, & ex [Page 92] eo plurimas perturbationes in Ecclesia imo ruinam sanctae religionis oriri, ex quibus Christiana religio conculcatur; Decernimus vt nullus Clericorum In­uestituram Episcopatus, vel Abbatiae, vel Ecclesiae de manu Imperatoris vel Regis vel alicuius Laicae personae, viri vel feminae, suscipiat. And in the generall Ext [...]t in Ro­ma [...]ae e [...]li [...]oni [...] ▪ tom. 4. [...] & Ilud sub Jnno [...]n [...] 2. ce­leb [...]atum▪ & in Vaticana s [...]ruan­tur Mss. iam veró etiam in nupera B [...]ti editione re­periuntur. Councell of Lateran, held in M.C.XIX. vnder Calixtus the second, chiefly against Inuestitures, one Canon is; In parochialibus Ec­clesijs Presbyteri per Episcopos constituantur, qui eis respondeant de animarum cura, & de ijs quae ad Episcopum pertinent. Decimas & Ecclesias à Lai­cis non suscipiant absque consensu & voluntate E­piscoporum, Et si ali [...]er presumptum fuerit Canoni­cae vltioni subiaceant. The like was in the next generall Councell vnder Innocent the second. and very many other Pontificiall Decrees Habentur apud Gratianum dist. 63. &· c. 16. q. 7. were to the same purpose. For by this time, through the vse of giuing of Orders without Titles of Churches (against the old Dist. 70 [...]. 1. & 2. Canons) and Resig­nations into lay hands; euery lay Patron easily could haue a Clerk capable of his Benefice, and so inuest him, without so much as notice of the Bishop. And, notwithstanding those Decrees, both Oecumenicall and Pontificiall, that pra­ctice of Inuestitures could not presently be ta­ken from the Laitie, although soon after that generall Councell held vnder Innocent the se­cond, in M.C.XXXIX. it began to be lesse frequent, and Institution vpon Presentation [Page 93] here and there succeeded it. But not long be­fore that Councell, it was much complaind a­gainst by the Clergie, and stiled by Vide Goffrid. Vindoc [...]nens. lib. 3. epist. 11. & Iuonem Carnot. Epist. 235.238, & 239. some of them, Haeresis inuestiturae. others of them by no means admitting it to be an Haeresie, but only a vsurpation of the rights of the Church, which should not be disposed of by lay hands. Besides other occurrences of Inuestitures in Epistles, Councels, and Storie of about M.C. you may see especially the Epistle twixt Iuo Bishop of Chartres, and Iohn Archbishop of Lions, with o­thers of Godfrey Abbot of Vendosme (all writ­ten about M.C.XXX.) in which it is largely disputed of; and in them it appears plainly, that although the Church would neuer haue permit­ted it to the Laitie, and did also sometimes ex­tort renuntiations of it, yet the Pope often re­granted the right of it in France and Germanie to such as had renounced it. Whence also Iuo concluded, that it was but a ciuill right belong­ing (by their Canons) to the Church, and no such thing, as of its owne nature, could not be enioyd by the Laitie. But the Canons gaining force, as the Papall power encreased, at length, about the end of this CCCC. yeers, it became wholly out of vse. for not till then was it left off; and that the course of Institutions vpon Presen­tations was not before commonly practiced (es­pecially in the case of lay Patrons) appears by diuers Concil General. sub Al [...]x. 3. cap. 9. & [...] c 4 10, 1 [...]. & tit. de [...]. & t [...]t. de Praeb [...]nd [...]. c. 31. in Lat [...]ran [...]n. Canons relating as much, to which I [Page 94] referre you. and more hereof in the English vse. By reason of these Inuestitures (wherein the Glebe, Tithes, and all Endowments of the Church, as well as the Church it selfe, in point of interest or estate, passed from the Patron, and at euery vacancie were in him as in the only pro­prietarie of them) when Appropriations in these ancient times were made, it was not only the Church it selfe, or the Titulus Ecclesiae (for that also, once by consecration created, was giuen by lay Patrons, when the Clerk had already his Or­ders) or the patronage, that was directly in point of interest conueyed, but withall the Glebe and Tithe made parochiall by Grant, Foundation, or Custome. And the title of the Church, the Monasterie (according to the Patrons prouision in many Appropriations; and in others, at their pleasure) still gaue afterward by Presentation of a Clerk, whom the Bishop instituted. For the Clergie, except Bishops and such as had Epis­copall right by priuiledge, gaue Ad hanc rem, vide c. 16. q. 2.1. & 6. vsually by Presentations; these Inuestitures being altoge­ther against their Canons, and but like the Bi­shops Collations. Neither did any such thing follow vpon such Presentation as Disappropri­ation, in regard of the Endowments or Tempo­ralties. for such was the nature of the Appro­priations, that the Church remaind notwith­standing presentatiue. and the Incumbent, that came in by presentation, had the Church only [Page 95] vnder the name of Vicar, and in anothers right, and receiued the Tithes and the profit of the Glebe, no otherwise then to the vse of the Mo­nasterie, in which the Appropriation had setled them, as Inuestiture should haue done in an In­cumbent. Neither was the Title of the Church, and the Endowments, so entire a thing, but that, according to the Patrons interest and will, they might by the Law then in practice be so se­uerd. The ordinarie instruments of such Appro­priations plainly shew it. And all the mainte­nance of the Incumbent was at the bountie of the Monasteries allowance. And it is exprest v­sually in old Instruments of Appropriations, that such a Clerk should answer to the Bishop de spiritualibus, vobis autem (to the Monasterie) de temporalibus. Which is complaind against in that of Iohn of De N [...]g [...] Cu­rialium, lib. 7. c. 17. Salisburie: Personatus quosdam introduxerunt, quorum iure ad alium onera, ad ali­um referuntur emolumenta. Herewith agrees the generall Ita etiam extr. tit. de Priuileg. c. 2. §. in Ecclesijs. Concil. General. A.D. 1215. cap. 61. extr. de Pro [...]. & dig [...]. c. 31. & Luc. 3 in App. ad Con­cil. Lateran de [...] D. 1180. tit. de iur [...] Patronat. cap. 24. & Roger. Houed [...]n. in annal. [...]ol. 460. [...]· Councell of Lateran, held in the yeer M.C.LXXX. where the ancient course of fil­ling Churches, thus appropriated to Religious Houses, is commanded to be thenceforth better obserued. In Ecclesijs suis quae ad eos pleno iure non pertinent (that is, those which they held both exempt from Episcopall Iurisdiction, and in them had the right of Institution and Destituti­on by Priuiledge) instituendos Presbyteros Epis­copis praesentent, vt eis quidem de plebis cura re­spondeant; [Page 96] ipsis verò de rebus temporalibus ratio­nem exhibeant competentem. For how euer by the Canonists of later time, this in the Councell, and in our Appropriations, be vnderstood vari­ously, and, for the most part, of Churches where­of Religious Corporations had only the Patro­nage, and according to their Law, no propertie; whence also they interprete that rationem compe­tentem for an account only which the Patrons might exact, but not for a denoting of the pro­pertie or right that the Religious Houses had in the profits; yet doubtlesse in those times, that suis Ecclesijs in this and the like Canons had re­ference to Churches appropriated only, or to such as were possessed by equall right to expresse Appropriation. And although Innocent Vide [...]um ad [...]i [...]. de Praeb. c. in Lat [...]rane [...]si 31. & tit. de Priuileg. c. 2 § in Ecclesijs editione Venet. the fourth, being of the ancientest Writers on the Decretals, rather iustifies that more common o­pinion (whereof you may haue most speciall de­claration in our Constit. pro [...] tit. de locato & condu­ct [...] ▪ cap. licet bona v [...]r [...] asserunt [...]on ligari. Lindwood) yet others, and as great Lawyers of that time, expressely sup­pose, that the Temporalties are by that passage vnderstood due and payable to the Monasterie, and that not an account only was to be made of the dispensing of them. Expressely In summ. tit. de Offic. Ordinarij, [...]. sunt autem. Hostiensis vpon the difference of their Churches held ple­no iure, and not pleno iure: Vbi pleno iure non pertinet, tunc habet ibi Monasterium temporalia & representationem Praesbyteri Vicarij tantum &c. Whereas if it were theirs pleno iure, they had al­so [Page 97] Institution and Destitution to themselues. And Ho [...]iens. summ. tit. de [...]pell [...] M [...] ­nach § qu [...]a [...], & [...] Priuil [...]g § qu [...]d oper [...]t [...]r▪ elsewhere likewise he makes the enioying the Temporalties to be denoted by, Pro rebus Temporalibus debita subiectio. And so Durand (whom they call Spec u [...]. tit. a [...]ca­pell [...] Monach. §. 2. Speculator) in his precedent for the Libell, whereby a Monasterie hauing founded a Church, was to demand the Tempo­ralties, thus proposes the suit, Cum Ecclesiam il­lam Monasterium à fundatione habuit (for in those ancienter times the right of Foundation of a Church and Appropriation were as Vide Hosti [...]ns. summ. [...]. tit. §. quid [...]it. one to Religious Houses) & sic per consequentiam in temporalibus sibi debeat respondere, petit tempora­lia in ipsa Ecclesia sibi adiudicari, &c. Is it not then plaine, that respondere in temporalibus de­notes the taking of the Temporalties to the Mo­nasteries vse? Hostiensis and Durand are better authoritie to proue how the Law was anciently taken, then a cart-load of the later and more barbarous. Other reasons might be brought to proue this. but I presume no man will doubt it, that knowes how to examine it. I only adde this obseruation, to help cleere it, out of a Bull of Pope Lucius the second, to the Prior and Ca­nons of Kenelworth, wherein licence Ms. Reperitur in Vol. quo com­pingitur Fride godꝰ po [...]a in Biblioth. Cottonian. is giuen them, to hold their Churches in proprios vsus, that is, in manu vestra (as the words are) retinere & earum Beneficia ad proprios vsus reseruare, con­stitutis ibidem Vicarijs & Diocesano Episcopo prae­sentatis, qui eis de spiritualibus, vobis verò de Tem­poralibus [Page 98] omnibus, videlicet Decimis & Obuentio­nibus debeant respondere, dum modo Vicarijs & cae­teris Ministris earundem Ecclesiarum in necessarijs prouideatis, &c. What can be plainer, then that the phrase of respondere in the Canons is here as it were purposely declared, as we haue conceiud it, according to Antiquitie? And sometimes al­so Appropriations were made by Lay men Amodaeus Co­rne▪ [...]baudiae in [...]. Mo [...]ast. [...] An. D. 1015. dat. extat in Biblioth. Cluni [...]c. pag 413., re­seruing to themselues a ius patronatus, and ius praesentandi. But all the profits of receiud Tithes and Glebe were theirs, who so had the Appro­priations, and were dispensed at their pleasure; and to the Curats, in both kinds, as they thought fit, were some Salaries giuen. which turnd after­wards oft time into Vicarages that belong to such Appropriations; whence also it came, that their Presentations haue been since and are now taken to be only to those Vicarages, being made perpetuall; whereas indeed, their Vicars were originally presented to the whole Rectorie, but had the benefit no otherwise then is before de­clared. The words of conueyance in Appro­priating commonly were, Dedi & confirmaui Ecclesiam de N. cum decimis, or cum Decima­tione, &c. Whereby the Church Glebe and Tithes passed equally, by way of interest, to the Monasterie. So anciently, and at this day, ma­nie Couents, but especially the Praemonstraten­ses, haue diuers Churches continually in their owne hands. And some of the Monks receiud [Page 99] into Orders, discharged the Cure. And in such Instruments (of the elder Times) as more com­monly ordayned, that they should keep the Church presentatiue, the Church it selfe passed also it seems as well in right of propertie, as of patronage; which sometimes also (as is before noted) was excepted to the grantor. Examples enough are extant, wherein all this is apparant. For that more generall way of appropriating Tithes (the Church still remaining presentable, which specially is pertinent hither) you may see the Grants and Bulls made to the Abbey Biblioth. Clu­niac. p. 1430.1454· of Clugny, to the Abbey of Innocent. 3. in Epist▪ tom. 2. p. 435. alibi s [...]p [...]. & vide si placet, Chartam Abbati Verz [...]lia [...]. apud Andr [...]am Quercetan. in No­tis ad Biblioth. Cluniac. pag. 133. S. Germans in Aux­erres, and many other like recited in Pope Inno­cent the third his Decretals, as also the Charter of Henry Earle of Apud A [...]bertum Miraum in Orig. Canob. cap. [...]3. vbi & B. Jd [...] diploma consulas. Brabant to his Abbey of Afflighem, neere Bruxels; of Thierry Earle of Holland Apud I. Dou­zam. Annal. Holl. lib. 10. to the Abbey of Egmond; which, being but a few of a multitude, enough shew the vse of the time in conueying Tithes in Ap­propriations seuerally, and as distinct from the Church; and more are of this nature, where we speake of the English vse. And although also, Confirmations and Bulls of Popes and Bishops are sometimes added to such ancient Appropri­ations (as you see in an ancient Biblioth. Clu­niac. pag. 265. Charter, by Lewis the fourth, of France, in the yeere DCCCCXXXIX. to the Abbey of Clug­ny, where the Appropriations of Churches and Tithes, Sicut per priuilegium Romanum, & per [Page 100] scripta Episcoporum ad quisierunt, are confirmed; and in other Monuments of succeeding Times) yet those were gotten by the Monks, to satisfie the Canons; not to giue validitie in secular or common Law, then practiced. But also some Instruments of Appropriations are, wherein, from Bishops only, Tithes of other mens Lands were conueyed to Monasteries; as in that espe­cially of Athelbero, Bishop of Hamborough, in the yeere MCXLI. In App. ad Hist. Brom. pag. 114. & [...]19. whereby he giues to the New Minster in Wipenthorp, then newly founded by Vicelin, in the Territorie of Holst, eiusdem Villae Decimam cum aliarum quarundum Villa­rum subter positarum Decimis, veluti in villa Sta­uera, Horgan, Bra [...]htenuelde, Tuenthorp, Gode­land, Wlmersthorp, Boienbutle, Husberg, Cumer­ueld, Padenworth, Withorp, Padenstede, Bullig­stede, sed & alias Decimas iuxta fluuium Gestere in vtroque littore à villa Elmeshorne vsque ad la­cum Wicflet, &c. with diuers other. And by another Charter, dated MCXLVI. he giues to the same Monasterie other Tithes of great va­lue; and some of his successors Ba [...]dwin. Arch. Hamburg. An. D. 1174. follow his ex­ample. If you question how the Bishop came to haue power to make these Grants, eyther in re­gard of Parochiall Curats by the Canon Law, or of the Lay owners interest, according to the practice of the Time; know, that in this and most of the Bishoprique of Germanie especially (which began with the Christianitie of the Dio­ceses, [Page 101] about, or since the beginning of the French Empire) the right of Tithes, through those Dioceses, was challenged by the Bishops onely (and that iustly enough by the Lawes of the Empire, which presently are related) be­cause the Parishes being not limited, nor indeed Christianitie so at first setled, that they could haue beene well assigned to Parochiall Curats, the Bishops were the true and immediat Paro­chiall and ministring Rectors in their Bishop­ [...]iques. and although afterward, Parish Chur­ches were founded, yet to them they would not resigne their ancient right in Tithes, which from their first Function there, they had eyther enioyed, or still pretended to, both in regard of the value of them, as also because euery foun­ded Church was to be otherwise endowed with Manse and Glebe. Neither had it beene altoge­ther safe among so obstinate a people (which could scarce by any means be brought to pay a­ny Tenths) to haue permitted euery Parish Re­ctor afterward to haue demanded them, or taught them due to himselfe. for to such as had both at once receiued the Doctrine of the Faith, and the declaration of the right of Tithes due to the Ministers (which were only, when they re­ceiued it, the Bishops; if you respect only, as you must, the Ministers setled among them) it might haue seemd a different Doctrine, to haue after­ward taught them due to any inferior part of the [Page 102] Hierarchie; especially in the weaker yeeres of that Church. Hence is it, that the Archbishop of L [...]m [...]ert. Schass­ [...]burg. pag. [...]7. Mentz claimed all the Tithes in Turingia, the Bishop of K [...]antz. Wan­dal. lib. [...]. c. 38. & 39. Lubek, of Vide Greg. 7. R [...]g [...]st. l [...]b. 2. [...]pist. 77. Saltzburg, and others, the Tithes of their Dioceses. and hence only those of Hamborough so liberally dispose of them. Neither could any of these reasons so well haue place in other Countries. for (except in Germanie, and those more Northerne parts) Christianitie was in most places of Europe, it seems, so established, and the Hierarchie of Bi­shops and parochiall Rectors so setled, before a­ny common Doctrine or generall Law, for pay­ment of Tithes, was so diuulged (for a thing of necessarie obseruation) in the Church, that when it came after to be commaunded, it could not be, in any conceit, better ordered, then ac­cording to the diuision of limited Parishes. and, those wanting at the time when the Faith, and the Doctrine and Laws of Tithes, came first into those parts, how could it on (the other side) fall out, but that they should be taught due only to the Bishopriques? Which opinion also, it is no wonder, that those Bishops should be willing to preserue and continue, after Parishes were there diuided, and after Tithes came at length to be paid them. For long they preached, and much stirre was about it, before they could get a vsuall payment of them. Neither need you mistrust, that their right to Tithes, so cleerely [Page 103] pretended in the Appropriations by the Bi­shops of Hamborough, was onely from the Epis­copall right which the Canonists allow, Extr. de De [...]. c. 13. quoniam. in case where the Lands, wherein the Tithes encrease, are not assigned to any one Parish Church. the contrarie thereof appears enough in other con­ueyances made to the same Monasterie; in which the same Bishop Athelbero, first in MCXLII. appropriats to it the Parish Church of Bishorst vpon Albis, cum banno fimul & cum omnibus ap­pendicijs eius acquisitis, vel ac quirendis, and with the largest bountie, that the thing giuen might carrie with it. but afterward, in MCXLVI. hee graunts to it also a good part of the Tithes within the Banne and precinct assigned to the same Church; which plainely shewes, that he graunted Tithes of Lands, alreadie assigned to parishes. For his Parish Churches and their pro­fits were no other, then what Foundations, spe­ciall Endowments, and the Offerings of the pa­rishioners, within their Banne or Limits, had made them. Which is well iustified by an old Rimer, that in Verse, which would grieue Apol­lo's heart to heare, sings Athelbero's liberalitie to the Monasterie, and expresses the Tithes of foureteen Villages, and other places giuen by him, and then comes to two Churches (that he afterward appropriated to it) Bishorst and Ic­horst, and names them only as they had Bannes or Limits and parishioners; as

[Page 104]
Bishorst cum Bannis, Bannos cum parochianis
Ichorst cum Bannis, Bannos cum parochianis.

And then addes,

Et Bishorstensis Decimatio tota paludis
Additur & quaeque fratrum labor occupat aequè.

Where you see, hee diligently remembers also an Exemption giuen to it by that Bishop: which could hardly haue been, if the generall right of Tithes had not beene supposed in him. But out of these things you may probably collect, that by this time (that is diuers yeeres before the end of these CCCC. yeeres) in some of those Nor­thern Churches, Tenths were payd more iustly, according to the desire of the Clergie, then in other places; where you shal find arbitrarie con­secrations by Lay men, continuing till about MCC.. For if the Bishop had not had these Tithes payd, but had pretended only right in them, his bountie to the Monasterie had been to litle purpose. So in the Diocese of Olden­burg, about MCLX. payment was duely, it seems, made to the Bishop by all, sauing those which had improued the deserts of Wagria, which could by no means be brought to it. De­cimas ex more Wandalio lib. 4. cap. 38. & 39. soluere recusauerunt, sayes Krantzius; being yet readie to giue a compe­tent part of their encrease. And although Ge­rold the Bishop and Count Adolph ioyned toge­ther; the one with perswasion (wherein he pre­tended [Page 105] to them Exempla, as the same Author writes, Ecclesiarum omnium & praesertìm proxi­marum, and told them of Diuinum de Decimis praeceptum:) the other with power, to make them tithe their profits; yet they vtterly refused, and with tumult and clamors made open profession, Seruili conditioni nunquam se colla submissuros, per quam omne Christicolarum genus Pontificum pressurâ laboret. Neither were the Danes in those Ages easier to be brought to the payment of Tithes to the Church. Indeed they so much abhorred it, that no greater cause was, why they barbarously betrayed and murdered their King Knout An. D. 1078. Krantz. Dani [...] 4. cap 37. & in prae [...]. ad Hist. Regni Norwag & Dan. lib. 6. cap. 50. the fourth, then that hee would haue imposed it. And about the yeere MCLXXX. vnder King Waldemur the first, Absalon Bishop of Lunden would haue had them all paid their Tithes, and that vnder paine of an Interdict to continue against them: but they stoutly refused, and answered by publique message to the Cler­gie, That notwithstanding the Interdict, they should carefully minister Diuine Seruice and Sacraments, or els depart the Countrey: if they did neither, Non solùm rerum amissionem sed membrorum etiam truncationem demorarentur. And it is well noted by Krantzius, that the Northern Nations generally, were very hardly brought to pay▪ but after continuall and earnest Doctrine of the Church, and command of Prin­ces, at length many of them yeelded; that is, as [Page 106] may be coniectured, in the first halfe of the yeer MCC. Through the frequent vse of those ar­bitrarie Consecrations, and those Appropriations, Churches with their Tithes, and Tithes of seue­rall possessions, were in exceeding number esta­blished in Monasteries, as well of Nunnes as Monkes. The Tithes of LX. of LXXX. or more Parishes, were by those courses, annext sometime to one Monasterie; which the Head and Couent possessed, not as any part, or as pre­tending themselues to be any part of that Cler­gie which made vp the Euangelicall Priesthood, or deserued them by ministring Diuine Seruice and Sacraments to the owners. For indeed, di­uers of these appropriated Tithes were out of such lands as lay so distant from the Monaste­ries, not in other Dioceses only, but also in o­ther Kingdomes, that the owners neuer saw or knew the Monks, or their Cloister, nor otherwise heard of them, but by their Cellarars or Pro­uosts that exacted payment. Whereupon it was in time of our Edward the third affirmed in a petition in Parliament,R [...]t. Parl. 50. Ed. 3. a [...]. 94. That Aliens (which by reason of appropriations made to their Houses beyond the Seas, or to their Priories or Cells in this Kingdome, or the like) did so deuoure the Salaries due to Parish Curats, and so neglect the Diuine Seruice which they should haue taken care for in euery Parish, that they did more hurt to holy Church, then all the Iewes and Sa­racens [Page 107] of the world. Which might haue been well applicable to some kind of Non-residence of Denizens also. But the religious persons iu­stified their consuming this Ecclesiastique reue­nue by reason only of their Prayers, their Tears, their Psalmes, their Almes, and the like exercises of Deuotion; beside their maintenance of Cu­rats with arbitrarie Salaries, in the Parish-Chur­ches appropriated to them. Which is at large seene in an Epistle of Peter Abbot of Clugny to S. Bernard Abbot of the Cistercian Order at Clareuaulx, about the Monks of Clugny their possessing of a large number of Parochiall Tithes. The Cistercians had made diuers com­plaints against them, and one was vpon this ve­rie point, in these words: Ecclesiarum Petr. Cluni [...]. lib. 1. epist. 28. circ. An. D. 1150. Vide, si placet, Ioa [...]. Sarisbur. de Nugi [...] Curialium▪ lib. 7. cap. 21. Paro­chialium, primitiarum & Decimarum possessiones quae ratio vobis contulit? Cum haec omnia non ad Monachos, sed ad Clericos, Canonica Sanctione, pertineant; illis quippe quorum officij est baptizare & praedicare & reliqua quae ad animarum perti­nent salutem gerere, haec concessa sunt, vt non sit eis necesse implicari saecularibus negotijs; sed quia in Ecclesia laborant in Ecclesia viuant. Hereto, a­mong diuers other imputations, the Abbot of Clugny answers, and giues his reason for their enioying of Tithes, thus: Quia Monachi ex ma­xima parte fidelium saluti inuigilant, licet Sacra­menta minime ministrant, estimamus ipsorum primi­tias, Decimas & Oblationes, & quaeque beneficia [Page 108] eos dignè posse suscipere, quoniam & reliqua populo Christiano à Presbyteris (that is, by the Curats which they maintaind) faciunt exhiberi. And a­nother of great note before this Abbots time, pretends speciall charitie towards the poor, for sufficient reason why Monasteries and Hermita­ges had Tithes giuen them: Vt copiosiora (saith Petr. Damian. lib. 2▪ epist. 14. he) alimenta proficiant, dantur in Monasterijs & Eremis Decimae quorunque prouentuum, & non modo pecorum sed & [...], i. aui [...]m [...] Galli­narum. ornicum pariter & ouorum. The same reasons hold in iustifying of Appropriations to Nunneries, where the per­sons are not capable of the Ministerie. And a­mong Examples of the Age, take this one for some confirmation, in these elder times, of the right which Monks pretended to them. In the yeere MLIX. a great [...]. Schaffnaburg▪ in Annal. pag. 466. edit. Ar­g [...]nt [...]rat. Videsis etiam Francisci Monaldi consilium de iur [...] ▪ Abb [...]tiae S. Mari [...] [...] Carcer [...]bus in Dioec [...]si Pataui­ [...]a apud Ioh. Bap­tist. C [...]sar part 1. consil. 46. controuersie fell be­tween Meginher Abbot of Herfeildi, and Bur­chard Bishop of Halberstadt, about Tithes of large Territories in Saxonie, appropriated to the Abbey. The Abbot stood vpon the Appro­priation; the Bishop vpon his Episcopall right, which by the Canon Law is, and anciently was, the same with parochiall, in places not limited to any certain Parishes. The Bishops great­nesse with the Iudges of both Lawes, made the Abbot so despaire of successe in the Suit, that he prosecuted no further; but withall, summo­ned the Bishop to appeare before the Almightie in his Iudgement-seat, within some few daies [Page 109] there to answer in the same Action; and verie soon after departed this life. Not many daies interceded, but the Bishop riding towards the Court where this Suit had depended, to dis­patch some proceedings touching it, suddainly fell from his Horse very sick; and being carried into his Inne, gaue most strict charge (as one di­uinely moued) that the Abbey should haue re­stitution and quiet possession of those Tithes for euer; and admonisht them all, that were by, That who euer had been parties with him in that oppression against the Abbey, should by the like Iudgement from Heauen, suffer as he did; confessing to the two Bishops of Magdeburg and Hildenesheim (then visiting him) that he was now called, according to the Abbots summons, to answere his exaction of the appropriated Tithes, before the Iudgement Seat of the Al­mightie: and soon after, hee most miserably died; Vto his Arch-priest, who had been his great Instrument in the Suit, the same yeere sud­dainly following him. But how euer either the vsuall practice, or this example wrought; a yeer or two after, this questioning of Tithes vpon E­piscopall right (that is, vpon pretence that all Tithes of euery Diocese were due to the Bishop, as to the Rector of a great Parish; for such a right was most specially pretended by Bishops in Germanie, as is alreadie declared, and that both against Appropriations & arbitrarie Con­secrations) [Page 110] bred most perillous disturbances of State, and of no small consequent in those parts. For in the yeere MLXII. when Otho succee­ded his brother William in the Marquisat of Turingia, Sigifrid Archbishop of Mentz denied him the relieuing of his Fiefs held of the Arch­bishoprique, vnlesse hee would giue him all the Tenths of his Demesnes, and compell all the Tenants of his Marqusat to doe the like. This was exceedingly distasted by the Turingians, in­somuch, that they openly profest, they would sooner lose their liues, quàm patrum suorum legi­tima amittere; that is, then part with their an­cestrell right of detaining, or disposition of Tithes, according to their vse, either of Infeo­dations or Appropriations. so you must of ne­cessitie vnderstand it; and other passages in the Author (Lambert of Schaffnaburg, then liuing, who relates it) make that sense of it plaine. Nei­ther was this Otho, for as much as in him lay, wanting to the Archbishops request. But in the yeere MLXVII. vpon his death, hee left ioy enough to his countrey men, in regard of that his yeelding about the Tenths, which none of his ancestors had giuen example of. but in him it was the chiefe Seminarie, as the Monke sayes, of the many calamities suffered in the Saxon Warre of that time. Great disputation of Ca­nonists followed some six yeeres after, in a Councell held, about this Episcopall right, in [Page 111] Erpesfurt, where not only the Tithes of Lay men were called Vide Schaff­naburg pag. 487. in question, but Tithes appro­priated to the Abbeyes of Fulda and Herfeldt, and of all their possessions, were challenged by the Archbishop; his Canonists vehemently dis­puting for him; and the Emperor Henry the fourth, who much inuaded the rights of the Church, vrging him forward, that indeed hee might haue had a moitie with him. At length, the Abbots diuided with the Bishop by a speci­all transaction; and, when they yeelded, the Lay men, seruing the time, agreed to giue him theirs also. But presently the exaction of them ceased. Hoc anno (MLXXIII.) post exortum bellum Saxonicum (sayes the Monke) nulla deinceps ex­actio facta est Decimarum in Turingia; gaudenti­bus Turingis quod occasionem inuenissent, vt tradi­tas sibi à patribus leges manu militari tuerentur. And although the Archbishop againe questiond it, no successe followed. Of Appropriations of Tithes, hitherto.

IV.

The vse of Infeodations, or Conueyan­ces of the perpetuall right of Tithes into Lay hands, is rememberd by Peeter Damian, that complaind of it to Pope Alexander the second, about the yeer MLX. Insuper etiam & Decimae (saith Petr. Damian. lib. 1. epist. 10. & lib. 4. epist. 12. he) ac plebes adduntur in Beneficium sae­cularibus. Where plebes is taken for Parish Chur­ches, as it is often vsed in the old Canons: and they are the same, to this purpose, with parochial [Page 112] Tithes and Temporalties; although literally, they interpret only [...], that is, the Lay people of the Parish, or those of whom the Cure is; which word is often for plebes in the Greek Canons of the African Church. The Originall of the practice of these Infeodations of Tithes appears not in old moniments. Those which referre them to the time of Charles Martell, or Vide Kr [...]ntz. Metropol. l [...]b. 4. c. 2 Vbi [...]d morem Mandrabu [...], con­iectura [...] de hac rein [...]eliciter ad [...]it. any age neer him, are in grosse error; neither is any mention of them, for the space of about CCC. yeeres after him. Lands and Monaste­ries consecrated, were Vide, cum his quae supra adno­ta [...]imus, Flodoard. hist. [...]h [...]mens. Ec­cles. lib. 2. cap. 12. etiam in Ecclesia O [...]ientali Mona­sterijs sacris Laici saepe vsi [...] sunt. constat in [...]. [...] Patriarchae Con­stantinop. edit. in comm [...]nt. Zonara, & in Cano [...]. 13. Sy­nod, O [...]cum [...]nica 7. about those times of Martell often possest by the Laitie, and often wrongfully, as the storie of him, Carloman, and their successors, plentifully discouer. and there­of enough in the former Chapter. But no Tithes in those times were Infeodated, as also is iudici­ously obserued and taught by the learned Ste­phen En les r [...]cerches de la Franc [...], liu. 3. chap. 35. Pasquier, Aduocat Generall en la cham­bre des Comptes, whose diligence yet failes, when he confidently deliuers, that these Infeodations began about the time of the holy Warres that were between MXC. and MC. The contra­rie appeares plainely, not only in that of Peeter Damian, who liued long before, but also in the Counell of Lateran, held in MLXXVIII. where this Canon is, Decimas quas in vsum pie­tatis concessas esse Canonica authoritas demon­strat, à Laicis possideri Apostolicâ authoritate pro­hibemus. siue enim ab Episcopis vel Regibus, vel [Page 113] quibuslibet personis eas acceperint, nisi Ecclesiae reddiderint, sciant se sacrilegij crimen incurrere: Which in the same syllables is iterated in the generall Councell of Lateran, held in M.C.XXXIX. vnder Innocent the second. But in the first you see cleerly, that Infeodations of Tithes were ancienter then the Holy Warres: Which is plainely confirmed also by the Coun­cell of Cleremont, held in MXCV. by Vrban the second; where it was forbidden, That Lay men should thenceforth Altaria vel Ecclesias sibi retinere, that is, keep Churches and conse­crated Tithes in their owne hands. for so was the common C. 1. q. 3. c. 4. quasitum signification of Altaria at that time in France. And obserue there withall, that they had beene practiced not alone by Lay men, but by Bishops also; as is declared in Peeter Da­mians Lib. 4. Epist. 12. complaint against them for it. Likewise it seems, Religious Orders made Fiefs or Tene­ments of Tithes 6. Decretal. tit. de Dec. c. 2. §. san [...]. for Lay men. Testimonie of these Infeodations are very frequent in the Ca­non Law, which commonly-stiles the Tithes so conueyed into Lay hands, Decimae Laicis in feu­dum concessae, and Feudales, and Infeudatae, that is, Feudall Tithes, or as the French Lawyers call them, Dixmes infeodees. And to this day these Infeudations remaine; especially in France and Spaine, and also elsewhere. Neither are the Tithes so possest, other then meere Lay possessi­ons, and determinable before the secular Iudge. [Page 114] But thereof, more in the practice of the next CCCC. yeeres, in which the ancient Infeoda­tions haue continued. But since the yeere M.C.LXXX. none could, in France especially, be newly created; that is, no Lay man might thenc [...] ­forth begin Infeodations of Tithes parochially due by the Canons. So was it ordained in the generall Councell of Lateran then held, in these words: Prohibemus Extr. tit. de De [...]. c. 19▪ prohibemus. ne Laici Decimas cum ani­marum suarum periculo detinentes in alios Laicos possint aliquo modo transferre. Si quis verò recepe­rit & Ecclesiae non reddiderit, Christianâ sepul­turâ priuetur. So hath the continuall practice (which in such a case is the best interpreter) since been in that Countrey, which hath receiued this Canon for a binding Law. Neither is it Neque aliter sa [...] intelligunt vetustiores illi iuris interpretes Innocent. 4. Ho­st [...]e [...]sis. Bernardus. & vide H [...]nricum Bow [...]i [...] ad tit. de Dec. c. quamuis. other­wise to be vnderstood; how euer diuers of the later Canonists, with ignorance enough, draw it to a different sense, and oppose it against the right of all feudall Tithes, being ancienter then the Councell, and since passed ouer into Lay hands. And whereas they commonly suppose, that all these ancient feudall Tithes were at first spirituall, and transferred from Church-men (at the request of Princes) into Lay hands, and since wrongfully detained; surely it is an error. nei­ther is there any ancient warrant sufficient for it: many of them were doubtlesse created by Lay mens Grants, as Rents-charge, Estouers, Tur­baries, and the like are. Who can doubt of it, [Page 115] that obserues but alone this Canon Prohibemus? Whence also may be strongly inferd, that the greater number of Infeudations were through Grants made by Lay men to Lay men, as Con­secrations were, at their pleasure, made to Chur­ches. for what is there only forbidden by the Councell, may be thought the greatest and most preiudiciall practice of the time against the pro­fit of the Clergie. Neither is any prouision there made against the other kind of Infeudati­ons, which passe Tithes from Church-men. And although the words & Ecclesiae non reddiderit, in the Canon (and in the bodie of the same Councell, in Roger of Houeden) seeme to sup­pose, as if it had been made for such Tithes as had been taken from the Church; yet indeed, the truer reading is tradiderit, as appears in the bodie of that Councell first fully publisht out of the Vatican, in the last Tome of the Generall Councells printed at Rome by command of the present Pope Paul the fift; wherewith agrees o­ther Editions, but of lesse authoritie. And per­haps also some old Infeodations were made by Lay Patrons in the vacancie of their Churches, by the same challenged right as they alone made Appropriations. For, as by our common Law, the Patron and the Bishop may in the time of vacancie dispose of the Endowments (as by the Canon Law also, if the Chapters consent, or the Popes, be had;) so in those elder times, vpon [Page 116] equall reason, when the Patron had the only dis­position and interest of the Church (as is alrea­die shewd) he alone sometimes granted any part, at his choise, it seems, to Lay or Clergie men. Why not any part as well as all? And that Pa­trons granted whole Churches into Lay hands, appears by diuers passages in Flodoards Rhemish historie, by that before cited out of Damian, and by the generall Councell of Lateran, vnder Innocent the second; where it is ordained, that they should be restored from the Lay men to the disposition of the Bishops. And an example is extant among the Records of the Apud [...]. D [...]u­zam. in Annal. Holland. lib. 5. Monasterie of Egmond in Holland; wherein Charles King of France (who is commonly therein taken for Charles the Bald; but Douza thinks it to be ra­ther Charles the Simple, and made about D.CCCC. and is thereto perswaded by Syn­chronisme, the best triall of such truths) recites, that Hagano, one of his Nobles, humbly reque­sted of him for Thierry (the first Earle of Hol­land) quasdam res; Ecclesiam videlicet Hec­munde, cum omnibus ad eam iure pertinentibus à loco qui dicitur Zwtherdes Haghe vsque ad For­trapa & Kinn [...]m, &c. Which by patent hee grants him in fee, & vt libere haec omnia teneat atque possideat, habeat que de his potestatem iuxta libitum suum ordinandi seu saciendi. If the Church it selfe of Egmund (the Parish Church; for it was then no Abbey, but afterward made [Page 117] one by that Thierry) passed not by this patent into Lay hands, I sufficiently vnderstand it not. neither is it spoken of, but as what might, accor­ding to the vse of that time, be cleerly made a Lay fee. Through these kind of Grants, practiced both by Lay & Clergie men, Princes, and priuat persons, the ancient Infeodations of Tithes had their originall, as well as by Leases from the Church; and not by imposition of Tenths by Princes, as some Videsis Krantz. Metropol. lib, 1 c. 2 haue ignorantly coniectured; although also it be certaine, that Princes some­times ioyned S [...]bassnaburg. An D▪ 10 [...]3. & Krantz l [...]b. 4. Wandaliae. cap 37. with the Bishops to bring in the payment of Tithes, that thereby themselues might haue beneficiall Infeodations of them from the Church. But as Princes made Infeo­dations out of their owne Demesnes, or their owne Churches; so other priuat Lay Persons. And the Clergie, sometimes of Tithes alreadie vested in them; and sometimes, it seems, out of their Demesnes. And perhaps especially religi­ous persons, exempted from payment by Bulls, made some out of their owne Demesnes, as may be coniectured out of a Decree 6. lib tit de Dec. c. 2▪ § san [...]. of Pope Alex­ander the fourth, that speaks particularly of In­feodations made à religiosis exemptis & alijs. And for example of Tithes alreadie possessed, and thus granted by the Church, you may speci­ally see that of Engelbert Count of Goritz, who had an Infeodation Innoc [...]t 3. epist. lib▪ 2 p. [...]47. & vi [...]e ib. p 48 [...]. Edit. Colon [...]ensi. anciently from the Church of Trieste, in the Patriarchat of Aqui­legia. [Page 118] and Henrie Count of Ratzenbourg Krantz. Wan­dali [...], lib. 4. cap. 38. & 39. had an Infeodation of all the Tithes which were paid to the Church in his Territorie, from the Bishop of Oldenbourg. so one Hildeward had one in the App [...]nd. ad hist. [...]ramens. p. 134. Diocese of Hamborough, and surrenderd it to Baldwin Archbishop there, about M.C.LXXIV. But examples of them were Vide extr. de Dec. c. 17. very many, the dissike whereof was one speciall cause, pretended by those of the De­serts of Wagria in Holst, about M.C.LXX. why they would pay no Tithes. Praeterea (sayes Wandali [...] lib. 4. cap. 38. Krantzius) & hoc adiecerunt, non multùm a veritate aberrantes, quòd omnes paenè Decimae in luxus cesserint hominum saecularium. To these testimonies, of Lay mens arbitrarie detaining, disposing, or receiuing of Tithes in those el­der ages, you may adde Ms. lib 2. de [...] temptu mundi. in Bibl [...]oth. Cotton. Bernardus Morla­nensis (an English Monke of Clugny, about King Stephen) his complaint of non-payment to the Clergie. thus speaks he in his affected forme of Verses.

Rusticus hordea, mittit in horrea, farra recondit.
Horrea grandia, vasa capacia multaque condit.
Nec pecus aut sata dante Deo data vult Decimare.
Nec sacra portio, nec Decimatio redditur arae.

V.

The like libertie as Lay men had enioied (in not subiecting themselues to the payment of Tithes, according to the Laws of the Church, but bestowing or retaining them at their own [Page 119] wills in most places, euen from the beginning of Christianitie, vntill about the yeer M.CC.) was another way purchased, for some time, by reli­gious houses, so to discharge themselues of cen­sure of the Canons, and that by Exemptions or Papall priuilege. For howeuer the Laitie iusti­fied themselues by their secular right, admitting of Canons that toucht their estates, but as they saw cause in their own iudgments; yet Religious persons, who were alwayes of the Pontificiall side, and reckond in the Catalogue of the Cler­gie, and possessed diuers large Territories, durst not so oppose what was ordaind either by de­cree at Rome, or in Synods Generall or Prouin­ciall. Therefore when from the beginning of this Age, both Doctrine and Canons (of which more presently) had made the dutie of Tithes of a known right among the Clergie; Clergie men became somwhat strict obseruers of the pay­ment, as you see plainly in that before cited out of Godfrey Abbot of Vendosme, with whom Peeter Abbot of Clugny agrees. And, although Videsis [...]. 16▪ [...]. 1. c. 46. & notas ed [...]tioni Greg [...]riana adiectas. Canons be in Burchard, Iuo, and Gratian, referd to, I know not what ancient Councell of Chalons or Mentz, whereby Lands, occupyed by Bishops or Abbots, seem to be discharged; according to which also, another Decree is found in the Vatican, annext to some Councels of Pope Vrban the second, yet it seems by the autoritie of those Abbots and other testimonie, [Page 120] that they were not practiced as Church Laws. But what some of the Clergie durst not do for the Canons, they had licence for by Exemptions from the Pope. And, beside those other Ca­nons; from Extr. tit. de dec. [...] ▪ no [...]u [...] g [...]nu [...], & App. Concil. Late­ran. part. 13. cap. 16 Paschal the second, about M.C. there was granted to all religious persons, a speciall discharge from Tithes. but it seems al­so that this Exemption soon took not force in execution. for it was made diuers yeers before those two Abbots wrote, and (if I vnderstand them) expresly affirmd the common practice of the contrarie. And in an instrument of compo­sition twixt the Templars Chronic. O [...]d. Praemonstrat. and Praemonstraten­ses in the yeer M.C.XLII. one speciall ar­ticle was, that, Nullus in vtroque ordine, alter ab altero, tam de nutrimentis, quam de laboribus De­cimas exiget vel accipiet. whence some inference might be that no cleer exemption preceded (at least in force and practice) for both. But how­euer, afterward about M.C.L. most of all the religious Orders were Extr. de dec. c. 10 ex parte vide [...] ▪ Sar [...]riens. de N [...]g. Curialium lib. 7. cap 21. & Append. ad Concil. Lateran part. 13. cap. 3. & 10. & part. 41. cap. 4. exempted, by Pontifi­ciall priuilege, from payment out of possessions kept in their owne occupation, which Pope Ha­drian the fourth (about that time) restraind to the Cistercians, Templars, and Hospitalars, and decreed that all other religious Orders should pay Tithe of whatsoeuer encrease they had in their own occupation, sauing of Videsis Alex. 4. in 6 de dec c. 2. statuto. & Inno [...]ent. [...]. tom 2. p 410. [...]. Coloniensi. new Im­prouements by culture, of pasture for their Cattell and of Garden fruits. But neither were [Page 121] they by these exemptions, freed from payment of Tithes, which were taught due only by com­mon right to the Church. They were discharged also from such as had formerly been Petr. [...]. Epist. 8 [...]. apud [...]ochell. in Decre [...]. Eccles. Gallicaen. lib. 6. cap. 19. consecra­ted out of their possessions, by their Founders or Benefactors, to other Churches, ouer which also the Pope challenged supreme autoritie in disposition of their Reuenues. But the Laytie would not permit such exemptions to extend to their Infeodations. Milites Galliarum, sayes Peeter of Blois, speaking of the Cistercians, sibi ius Decimationis vsurpant, nec vestris priuilegijs deferentes, eas à vobis potenter extorquent. But, that of those three Orders. was afterward in the yeer M.CC.XV. in the generall Councell of Lateran, limited to such Lands as they Extr. de dec. [...]. 34. Nuper Abbate [...]. had before that Councell purchased. where obserue by the way, that Exemptions were then chiefly allowd to two Orders, which are not properly to be reckond amongst any part of the Clergie, or Ecclesiastique persons. For the Templars and Hospitalars were deuout Souldiers only, nei­ther could Videsis Ioan [...]. Sari [...]ur. de Nug [...] Curialiu [...], lib. 7. cap. 21. they iustifie their enioying of tithes, either through exemption from the Pope or consecrations from the Laytie, by the reasons which other Cloister Monks vsed. Their pray­ers, or deuotions in priuat, were not the seruices expected from them in the Church; but their swords and valour only gaue the desert, as at this day may be truly affirmed of the Hospitalars [Page 122] or Knights of St. Iohns of Hierusalem, which being now, as in those ancient times they were, only Souldiers of the Church, haue therefore been diuers times lately Le [...] Aduo­ca [...] [...]n la dicte ceur. [...] 7. adiudged in the Court of Aides in Paris to be no part of the Clergie. But also, by the succeeding Popes, other like priuileges were granted to Vide Innocent. [...] 2. pag. 139. [...] ad [...] Later. [...]. 13. cap. 2. & seqq. Bishops, Abbots, and at their pleasure. But of the Practice of these CCCC. yeers, thus much.

VI.

Of the Opinions left in the moniments of the Clergy, both touching the Right of tithes, and those Practices, next briefly. Very frequent are the testimonies in the old Councels of about the beginning of these CCCC. yeers, in which Tithes are spoken o [...] as due generally by Gods Ordinance. as, Decimas Deo dari omnino non neg­ligatur, quas Deus sibi dari constituit, quia timen­dum est, vt quisquis Deo debitum suum abstrahit, ne forte Deus per peccatum suum auferat ei necessa­ria sua, which occurres in the Prouinciall Coun­cell of Mentz held in DCCC.XIII. and is iterated in some Vt in Concil. M [...]gunt. a. d. 846. & a d▪ 887. other succeeding of the same Prouince, & in the Benedict. Leuit. lib. 5. cap 9. Capitularies. And it is or­dinarily grounded vpon the Leuiticall Laws (which are obuiously cited for the right of Tithes in the very Vide Co [...]cil. [...]. lib. 1. cap. 11 & seqq [...]om. 3. edit penult▪ [...]in▪ pag. 586. syllables of Moses) but somtimes also on Abrahams & Iacobs examples, as in Walafrid Strabo, that liud about DCCC.XL. whose words are, Decimas Deo & Sacer­dotibus D [...]i dandas Abraham factis, Iacob promis­sis [Page 123] insinuat, deinde lex statuit & omnes Doctores sancti commemorant; the self same being C. 16 q. 7. c. 6. referd also to one of the Councels of Mentz of those times. And res Leuit. lib. 7. cap. 152. Dominicae and Dominica Concil. Ti [...]in. quod Regiaticini [...] d [...]ci [...]ur, sub L [...]o [...]. [...]. sub­stantia and Dei Agrippin▪ [...]pud Burchard. lib 3. cap. 135. census, and the like are the at­tributes giuen to Tithes, by the ancients of this age, which also they stile [...]quisgran. sub Steph. 5. c. 116. extr. de dec. c 26. Na [...]n [...]tens. syn. c. 10. patrimonia pauperum, and Tributa egentium animarum, and Stipendia pauperum, hospitum, peregrinum; whence also the Clergie was not to vse them quasi suis sed quasi commendatis, as the words are of the Coun­cell of Nantes, held about the former part of these CCCC. yeers. And Pope Alexander the third in an Epistle Extr. de d [...]. c. 14. & 15. to the Archbishop of Rheimes, sayes, non ab hominibus sed ab ipso Deo sunt institutae. and in another to the Bishop of Amiens, he calls them Sanctuarium. and Caelestin Eod. c. 23 ex transmissa & c 26. tua nobi [...]. the third; Fidelis homo de omnibus quae licite potest acquirere, Decimas erogare tenetur after him, Innocent the third; Decimas Deus in signum vniuersalis dominij sibi reddi praecepit suas esse De­cimas & primitias asseuerans. and his generall Councell of Cap. 54. & extr. de dec. c. 33. [...]um non sit. Lateran agrees with him. and it appears that S. Vlrique Bishop of Auspurg about the yeer DCCCC.L. in his Visitations had especially this article of inquirie; Berno [...]bbat in vita [...]. [...] cap. 10. Si Decimas recte darent; which shews his opinion that they were generally due. With these take the autori­tie of the Poenitentials exercised by the Clergie in that Age, by which, strict examination was to [Page 124] be made at Shrifts, whether the penitent had paid all kind of Tithes, in these words. Hast thou at any time neglected to pay thy Tenths to God, which God himselfe hath ordained to be giuen him? or if thou hast done so or consented to the defrau­ding of the Church therein, first restore to God four-fold: and then must thou suffer penance with bread and water only, for twentie dayes. So it is deliuerd in Lib. 19. de Poe­nitenti [...]. & in Paenitential. Ro­man. tit. 8. cap. 17. idem habetur. Burchard Bishop of Wormes, that collected the Canons about the yeer M. Nei­ther was any difference in the nature of the en­crease by the common opinion of this time. The tenth of Calestin. 3▪ extr. de dec. c. 22. non est. & 23. ex transmissa all, aswell of all kind of Personall as Prediall, was taught due. Neither find I any man in this Age that by Doctrine expresly op­posed any of this, sauing only that French Leu­tardus, who about the yeer M. held the payment of them necessarie. Decimas Rodulphus Gla­ [...]r hist. [...]. c. 11. dare, dicebat omnimodis esse superfluum & inane. But also o­ther opinions he had, that being against the v­suall Doctrine of the Church, gaue him the name of Heretique, which he kept till his mise­rable death. This may suffice for the expresse testimonies of Opinion of this CCCC. yeers touching the generall right of Tithes. But al­though this opinion be so frequently deliuered in such termes as may denote the Tenth due by Gods Law, (that is, as it should at first sight seem, by the Diuine morall Law, or the Diuine naturall Law, which should bind all men and [Page 125] euer, and are to this purpose both one) ye it is plain, by so much of the practice of the Laitie as the Clergie commonly allowd of, and by the ge­nerall opinion of the Time, that the persons held capable of them, were not only the labou­ring Priesthood or Ministering Clergie. The disposition of them in perpetual right to Monks, Nunnes, the poor in Hospitalls, to religious orders of Knights, and that out of one Prouince or Kingdome whatsoeuer into any other, in this time was allowd cleerly in practice; and accor­ding to that practice they were enioied. And the Clergie also generally agreed, that, by their Ca­nonicall forme of conueyance, Tithes might be giuen (although some ancient Leo 4 in c. 16. q. 1. c. 45. &c. Canons were for Parochiall right) to any Church, to Mona­steries, Hospitalls, reliefe of Poor or Sick: that is, as Epist. 207. asti­pulatur, c. 16▪ q. 1. c. 68. qui canon falso ad D. Hie­ronymum refer­tur & Concil. Cla­rim [...]nt, An▪ Do. 1095. c. 1. q. 3. c. 4. &c. 16 q. 7 c. 2. Iuo Bishop of Chartres (being a great Canonist about M.C.XXX.) in his iustifying the right of Tithes expresses it; Decimas & fi­delium oblationes Ecclesiae (so you must read, and so is his In Bibliothec. Cottoni [...]n [...] [...] vbi Codex editus ha­bet Ecclesiastica. Ms. copie) lex caritatis communicare po­test non tantum Monasterijs sed etiam Xenodochijs, infirmis & peregrinis. For, saith he, licet Decimae & oblationes principaliter clericali debeantur mi­litiae, potest, tamen, Ecclesia omne quod habet cum omnibus pauperibus habere commune. But this might not be done, as they would haue it, by the Lay owner only. For he well addes, that ne­uerthelesse no Monasterie might, by the Vrban 2 c. 16. q. 7. c. 39. Ca­nons, [Page 126] lawfully receiue a conueyance of Tithes, ab illis ad quos non pertinet, id est à Laicis. yet you see cleerly that Monasteries and other Churches did receiue them from Lay men, and continual­ly enioyd them. So that the chiefest difference twixt the Laitie and Clergie herein came to be, who should dispose or conuey the Tenths (ac­cording as they varied also about Inuestitures) not what persons (sauing in the vse of Infeoda­tions) might haue a perpetuall right in them. and in that difference the Clergie yeelded so fre­quently in receiuing, allowing and confirming arbitrarie conueyances (as is before shewd) of Tithes, no otherwise then as of Houses or Glebe, to Monks, Nunnes, or Churches farre di­stant; that if they held them due to the labou­ring and Parochiall Minister (were he Bishop or other) by the Diuine morall Law, they did in this no lesse then commit against their own con­sciences, and exercise a kind of continuall and fearfull sacrilege. And indeed it appears that it was expresly held against the Diuine Law, to conuey Tithes to any other Church then where the owner vsed most commonly to receiue his soules food. For the Clergie in a Petition to the Emperor Lewes the second, in the Councell of Pauia in DCCC.LV. confidently affirmed that it was generally taken, that such a conuey­ance to another Church pro libitu was aswell diuinae C. 16. q. 1. c. 56. Legi, as sacris Canonibus contrarium. [Page 127] But then cleerly also, the chiefest practice of these CCCC. yeers was herein contrarie to the Diuine Law; a strange imputation to lay on the time, if at lest Diuine Law there, & Deus praecepit, and Deus constituit, & the like in their other pas­ages for Tithes, denoted the Diuine Moral Law. But if you so vnderstand it, how could that Lex Charitatis, that Iuo speaks of, so dispense with it? And with what colour could the Church so frequently practice against it, or pretend arbitra­rie Consecrations to be so meritorious? But for an Interpretation of their meaning, by shewing how others conceiue that Lex diuina here, look in the next CCCC. yeeres. As for Exempti­ons; some complaints were made against them by such as lost by them; as you may Pet Cl [...]niac. lib. 1 epist. 33▪ ad Innocent. 2. & Pe­trus Bl [...]s epist. 82. apud Bochel Ec­cles. Gall Decret. lib. 6. cap. 19. see by the Monks of Clugny, complaining against the Ci­stercians, and by Peeter of Blois. But out of them also may be collected, that the generall Opinion of the age was not, that they were due by the Diuine Morall Law. Was Rome, in those an­cient times so bold to grant so many Dispensa­tions expressely against the Diuine Morall Law? Yet also Iohn De nugis Curia­lium, lib. 7. cap. 21. Bishop of Chartres, in those times, found much fault with the Exemptions giuen to religious persons. Miror (saith he) vt fidelium pace loquar, quodnam sit quod Decimas & iura aliena vsurpare non erubescunt. Inquient fortè Religiosi sumus. Planè Decimas soluere Re­ligionis pars est. And more to this purpose you [Page 128] may find in him, where he tells you, that these Exemptions did derogare constitutioni Diuinae. But the Clergie generally was much against the vse of Infeodations of Tithes and Churches in­to Lay hands, although it were practiced by some Bishops and Religious Houses; who com­mitted strangely, if they were also of opinion, that the right of Tithes was due to the Priest­hood immediatly from the Morall Law. Quid est enim (saith Peeter Lib. 4. epist. 12. Vide etiam Bul­lam Vrbani 3. in Biblioth. Ci [...]iac. An. D. 1185. Damian) Decimas in v­sum saecularium vertere, nisi mortiferum, eis virus, quo pereant, exhibere? Hinc accidit quod & plebe­sanis iusta detur occasio, vt Matricibus suis Eccle­sijs obedientiam subtrahant, vt non eis legitima Decimarum persoluant. And Alexander the third directed the Bishop of Amiens to Extr. de dec. c. 15. ad ba [...]. & vide App. ad Concil. Lateran. part. 4. cap. 1. decree, that a gift of a Tithe by an Abbot into a Lay hand, was void, quoniam sanctuarium de iure haeredi­tario possideri non debet. But these are only a­gainst Conueyances of Tithes alreadie conse­crated to Churches, and so hallowed. But, such as were by their first creation infeodated to Lay men, can no more be accounted (in their own nature) differing from other Temporall and Lay possessions, then Rents-charge, Estouers, the tenth sheaf, or the like at this day granted in fee by one Lay man to another. Neither in­deed was the Churches right (what euer it were) to her Tithes properly diminished by such Grants. for if, at this day, the owner [Page 129] grant the tenth sheaf of lands titheable, to a Lay man, may not the Grant be good, as a Charge out of the land? and yet the Church there hath her right as before. But the truth, it seems, was, that in those elder times, Lay men that had created a Tenth into Lay hands, rarely, or not at all, paid any to the Church; and those Infeodations, once made, gaue them greater pretence, of with-holding what the Church demanded: as if it had been enough to say, they must not, could not, pay two Tenths out of their land; and that if a Tenth were once created to any man, nothing els might be exa­cted vnder the like name. The same may bee thought on in Consecrations to Monasteries. For if Tithes had been held generally due and paid parochially (as now) then cleerly, although a Lay man had granted a Tenth to another Church or Monasterie, what other soeuer had been due parochially, had, Vide, si placet, 44. Ed. 3. sol. 5. & 44. Assis. pl. 25. notwithstanding the Grant, still remaind payable to the Parson. How could it haue been otherwise? And so no small number of doubly-paid Tithes had re­maind at this day.

VII.

The Laws made in this time for pay­ment of Tithes, were Imperiall, Prouinciall, and Pontificiall. The first of the Imperiall, was made by Charles the Great, in a generall assembly of Estates, both Spirituall and Temporall, vnder him, in the XI. yeer of his reigne ouer France [Page 130] and Germanie, and in the yeere of our Sauiour, DCC.LXXVIII. it was there ordaind, Vt vnus quisque Constit Karcli edit. a Vito A­m [...]rb [...]chio, cap 7. Leg Longohard. lib 3 tit 3. cap. 1. Capitular, lib. 5. cap. 123. suam Decimam donet; at que per iussionem Episcopi sui ▪ (or Pontificis, as some Co­pies are) dispensetur. Which Law indeed, with diuers other, for true payment of Tithes, were generally made by him before his Empire, which began not till the yeere DCCC. yet because this was in the same termes receiued into those Capitularies collected by Benedictus Leuita, as from him being Emperor, it may well enough be titled Imperiall, and it is the first to this pur­pose extant, which can be at all stiled Generall, and was ordained by both powers, Secular and Spirituall, to any whole State: vnlesse you will beleeue, that in Scotland a Law was established by King Congallus and his Clergie, about D.LXX. after Christ, for the generall payment of Tithes there, according as Hist. Sc [...]torum. lib. 9. cautē de Congallo Bucha­nanus, lib. 5. Sa­cerdotes, inquit ▪ praedijs alijsque prouentibus dita­uit. Tò Decimis adijcer [...] vir doctis­simus non ausus est. Hector Boetius hath related. Congallus, indeed, is by others affirmed to haue been verie carefull for the Cler­gies maintenance. But it will, I think, fall out to be too bold an assertion of that faining Hector, who often, as it were, makes Laws for the Scotish Kings, that hee may relate them; or else hee was deceiud by them from whom hee took it. No good Authoritie can iustifie such particulars of that age there. neither is it to be receiud other­wise then as fabulous, and proceeding out of that common mistaking of ancient passages of [Page 131] Church-reuenues, and confident (but ignorant) application of them to Tithes. But from that Law of Charles the Great was that exaction of Tithes, spoken of before by Alchwin; and thence are Tithes, in Ansegisus his collection of his Imperialls, so frequently mentioned, as of known right; and hence also had the title of the German Bishops, before spoken of, its originall. Those Capitularies, both of Ansegisus and Le­uita, were collected by them about the yeer D.CCC.XL. in both of which, frequent con­stitutions are for Tithes, and for the A [...]segis. Capi­tular. lib. 1. c. 155. &c. parochiall right also of them. Yet with them also take the constitutions of Charles the Great, about the same time collected, but published by Vitus A­merpachius in the yeer M.D.XLV. as also others occurring in the collection of Melchior Golda­flus. These, together with the Lawes of the Lum­bards, haue very many constitutions of about the beginning of these CCCC. yeers for this purpose; and one only shall suffice to be here transcribed. De Decimis Benedict. Leuit. lib. 5. cap. 46. quas populus dare non vult, nisi quolibet modo ab eo redimantur; ab Epis­copis prohibendum est ne fiat: & si quis contemtor inuentus fuerit; si noster homo fuerit ad praesentiam nostram venire compellatur, caeteri vero destringan­tur vt inuiti Ecclesiae restituant quae voluntarie dare neglexerunt. This was made either by Charles, or Lewes the first. but it is falsely re­ferd to the Emperor Lothar, in the Laws of the [Page 132] Lumbards. It was prouided you see against such as would not giue their Tithes, vnlesse they were purchased of them for valuable consideration. But the effect that these Lawes had, was short; the Laitie soon disobeying such commands as diminished their reuenues. And it enough ap­pears in the storie of about the yeere Vide Baronium [...] 9.10. An. D [...]. 8 [...]5 & [...] lib 3. Io [...]an. PP. 8. [...]. [...]1. 2 [...]. 45. 262.293. DCCC.XLV. that little or no practice was of any of those Lawes of the Capitularies, in behalfe of the Clergie; nothing being more frequent, then not only the denying them what they would haue had, but also the taking from them what they otherwise possessed. Nor could they haue sufficient remedie for it, either in the Councell of Meaulx, where, vnder Lothar the first, they humbly sought it, or long afterward, as is mani­fest in the Moniments of the succeeding ages. But by the way, whereas some (both strangers, and of our own countrey men) out of the ioint mention of Nona and Decima in those Imperi­all Capitularies of Charles and Lewes the first, fetch an example of a Ninth paid to the Church as well as a Tenth, and bring it as a character of the times deuotion; as if the Tenth had not then been thought enough, vnlesse a Ninth also, like a second Tenth, had been offered; it is a ri­diculous error, and proceeds from grosse igno­rance of the Common Lawes, Storie, Councels, and vse of that age. The Ninth and Tenth there spoken of, were only the rent due from the Te­nants [Page 133] of Church lands by the ordinarie reser­uation of the Tenth, as of what was held, by many, of it selfe due to the Clergie, and of the Ninth, as of the Rent or consideration to be giuen to them as to Lessors for the receiued profits. so will it plainly appear in a multitude of old Ansegis. lib 1. cap. 163. lib 2. cap. 2. Leuit. lib. 5. cap. 145. Concil. Turon. 3 cap. 46. Meldens An. D [...]. 845. cap 62. Flo­doard. hist. Rhemens. Eccles. lib 3 cap. 4. Vide & Goldast: constit. Imp▪ tom▪ 3. pag. 648. & quae a [...]iecta sunt C. 16. q. 1. c. 59. edit. Greg. autorities, to which I refer you. Neither was the Ninth here thought due otherwise, then as among the ancient Bauarians, the Tenth on­ly from occupiers of Church Lands. The Tenth of the profits was all that their Laws Leg. Bai [...]ario­rum tit. 1. cap. 14. de Colonis & s [...]rius Ecclesia. appoin­ted to be paid for rent to the Church by Lessees. But also very many Prouinciall Constitutions were made for the true payment of Tithes about the beginning of this CCCC. yeers. as in the Councell of Mentz in the yeer DCCC.XIII. Admonemus atque praecipimus vt Decimas Deo omnino dari non negligatur. which words were receiued also into the Imperials. and with them agree diuers Councels, held about the same time; as the Councels of Rheims; the fourth of Arles; the second of Chalons, and many other following. And in Scotland (if we may beleeue the Hector. Bo [...]t. hist. Scot. lib. 10. Autor, for though he speak very good language, yet he is of no such sound credit) a­bout the yeer DCCC.XL. King Gregorie in his Laws for Church liberties, ordaind that the Spirituall Court only should haue conisans of Tithes; which had been perhaps all one as to haue established them to be generally due. for [Page 134] by the opinion of that Court it is likely they would then also haue been iudged so. And also among the ordinances Idem lib. 12. of Cing Macbeth about the yeer M.LX. the same Autor puts one in these words, Decimam partem Terrae nascentium pa­storibus Ecclesiarum liberè conferto: Many more of like nature are where we speak seuerally of the English Constitutions. For Pontificiall decrees; Publique moniments, I think haue none in ex­presse termes of command (except you look back to that Sup. cap. 5. faind one of Pope Damasus) an­cienter then that attributed to A. D. 1059. in Synod. Rom &c. 16. q 2. c. 3. Pope Nicholas the second. Praecipimus (saies he) vt Decimae & primitiae seu oblationes viuorum & mortuorum Ecclesijs Dei fideliter reddantur à Laicis, & vt in dispositione Episcoporum sint; quas qui retinuerint a Sanctae Ecclesiae communione separentur. The selfe same words Dist. 32. c. 6. praeter § d [...]iude. are also vnder the name of his next successor Alexander the second. That of Pope C. 16. q. 1. c. 45. Leo the fourth, about the yeer DCCC.L. De Decimis, iusto ordine non tantum nobis sed etiam maioribus nostris visum est, plebibus tantùm, vbi sacrosancta baptismata dantur, debere dari, may be reckond for a Canon for the right of Tithes, if you will. but it seems rather it was at first a Declaration of an opinion then a Consti­tution. But both the other and that, with di­uers passages also out of S. Augustine, S. Ambrose, and others, and those old Prouinciall Councels, that make for the generall right of Tithes, were [Page 135] confirmed for generall Canon Law in Gratians C. 13. q. 1. & c. 16. q. 1. c. 41. & seqq. &c. 16. q. 7. passim Concordia discordantium Canonum, by Pope Eugenius the third in the yeer M.C.LI. or presently after. for howeuer some Canonists ignorantly otherwise place the Collection of that first part of the bodie of the Canon Law; it is most plain that it was in that yeer collected by him; which is best iustified by a most ancient copie of it writen before the Paleae were inser­ted, and remaining in the Vatican, with this Vide prole­gom. ad Corpus Iuris Canonici, auspic js Greg [...]rij 13. editū. & [...]bb [...] ­tem Vsporgensem. in­scription: Decretum Gratiani Monachi Sancti Faelicis Bononiensis Ordinis sancti Benedicti com­pilatum in dicto Monasterio Anno Domini millesi­mo centesimo quinquagesimo primo, tempore Euge­nij Papae Tertij. enough other testimonie is of it. And in the Councell of Cleremont held in M.XCV. by Pope Vrban the second it was de­creed, Ne laici Decimam partem de laboribus suis retineant. some other passages of Popes are a­bout that time against the selling of Tithes, which they call Simonie. And in 16. q. 7. c. 1. after the passage of Gregorie the seuenth, before cited out of his Councel of Rome against feudall tithes, these words follow as if he had continu­ed them; Oportet autem congruentiùs nos Deci­mas & primitias, quas iure Sacerdotum esse sanci­mus, ab omni populo accipere, &c. which compre­hend in them a Constitution. but neither these or any of the rest that follow there, are in that Councell of Gregorie, neither find I whence [Page 136] Gratian had them. But an Epistle Regest l [...]b. 9. epist. 14. of that Gre­gorie is extant, wherein among other admoniti­ons to some Princes of Spain (after such time as the profession of Christianitie there, was purged of some Gothique corruption, by a Vide Marianam de reb. Hisp. lib. 9. [...] cap. 11. Councell held vnder Richard Abbot of Marseilles, the Popes Legat in MLXXVI. so I vnderstand that reference made, in the Epistle, to a kind of new conuersion to the Faith) he perswades them, Decimas, quae ad vsum tam ipsorum quam Eccle­siarum & pauperum proficiant, dare, totique reg­no indicere. Quod quidem nulli debet graue videri, pro meliori parte, videlicet semper victurâ animâ, quemque decimam Deo offerre, cum pro morituro corpore plurimae gentes coniugibus suis tertiam re­rum legibus compellantur exsoluere. He admoni­shes, you see, and perswades, but commands not. He thought not, it seemes, his own power great enough to haue had effect in disposition of a Tenth part of euery mans reuenue, and therefore abstaind from command. neither could he haue pretended the autoritie of any Law or Canon, generally receiued into practice. for neither in his time, nor long after, till about MCC. were Tithes so generally paid (as since) without spe­ciall Grant or Consecration (as is sufficiently shewed:) neither had any Generall Councell as yet once remembred the Dutie, or the name of Tenths. The first of the Generall Councels that mentions them, is the Ninth, that is, that of La­teran, [Page 137] held vnder Calixtus the second, about M.C.XIX. extant in the Vatican, and first pub­lisht in the late Edition of the Greek Generall Councels printed at Rome by autoritie of the present Pope Paul the fift, and now newly in­serted into Binius his last A. D. 1618. Edition. But they are there spoken of only, as they were receiud by speciall Consecrations. and in the Generall Councell of Lateran, held in M.C.XXX. vn­der Innocent the second, feudall Tithes are in the same syllables mentioned, as in the Decree of Gregorie the seuenth, before cited out of the Councell of Rome. And this also, taken out of the Vatican, is to be found only in those two late and fullest Editions. But of the Generall Coun­cels (before that Edition at Rome) ordinarily known and read, the first that names Tithes, is the Eleuenth, that was held vnder Alexander the third, in M.C.LXXX. But there, Infeodati­ons of them into Lay hands, and Consecrations or arbitrarie Conueyances of them to Vide infr. c▪ 7. §. 1. Reli­gious Houses, without assent of the Bishop, are only forbidden. Neither was any Canon of a Generall Councell as yet found, that purposely commanded payment of them; nor any that ex­pressely supposed them a dutie of common right, before Cap. 53. & in extr. tit. de Dec. [...] 33. cum non sit. & vid [...] caput prox. §. 1. that of Lateran in the yeere M.CC.XV. held vnder Pope Innocent the third, about which time, Ecclesiasticall Autoritie became more powerfull, the Canons were more receiud [Page 138] into practice (that before were litle, especially herein, obeyed) and Parochiall right to Tithes grew to be more established; whereof, more in the next and last part of our generall Diuision, and in the English practice. But if that Canon in the Lateran Councell, held vnder Alexander the third, against arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes without assent of the Bishop, might be vnderstood literally, and of new Tithes so crea­ted (neither is any thing in the Councell that denies that to be the meaning of it) then needed wee not perhaps seek further for the cause of that Assertion amongst our common Lawiers, That, before the Councell of Lateran, euery man might haue giuen his Tithes to what Church hee would. Who euer obserues the practice of the preceding time only, and the words both of that Councell, and, to the same purpose, of the other held vnder Calixtus the second, may well enough be perswaded, that the intent of those Canons were no otherwise. But in regard wee find that Canon of Lateran, vnder Alexander the third, to bee differently interpreted by Innocent the third, within twentie or thirtie yeeres after the making of it, and vnderstood only of Feudall Tithes formerly granted out from the Church into Lay hands (according as the Canonists af­ter him also take it) we cannot be altogether so secure of that other interpretation. In Latera­nensi Concilio (saith Extr. de his qua f [...]a pral. sine as­sens. capituli, c. 7. cum Apostolica. Innocent; meaning, that vn­der [Page 139] Alexander the third) est inhibitum ne quaelibet Religiosa persona Ecclesias & Decimas de mani­bus Laicorum, sine consensu Episcoporum recipiat; per quod indirectè datur intelligi quòd sufficit consensus Episcopi, vt licitum Ecclesiae sit Deci­mas de manibus recipere Laicorum. Hoc autem de illis Decimis intelligimus quae Laicis in feudum perpetuò sunt concessae. But we must take it vpon his word only, and the credit of the following Canonists, that the Canon was so to be vnder­stood. They may, as they will, vnderstand it by iudiciall application. but you may, at least, doubt still, that the Historicall vnderstanding of it, is to be had out of arbitrarie Consecrations before practiced. And it was euen equall to ordaine, that Lay men should not arbitrarily consecrate, and that they should not consecrate without assent of the Bishop; euery Bishop (I think) being supposed a carefull obseruer of the former Canons, which would haue induced pa­rochiall right to Tithes, and generall payment. So that what in this kind might not be done without his assent, was conceiud as likely to be neuer done to the Churches preiudice. Let eue­rie able reader iudge here. but let him not be much swayed with the rable of late Canonists, that goe away cleer with this of Pope Innocent. When the Pope had said so, they made no scru­ple of the truth of it; and one takes it (as their fashion is) from another with too much easie [Page 140] credulitie. But although this be not sufficient ground for that assertion of our common Lawi­ers (which cleerly, being rightly apprehended, is true; though lazie ignorance crie against it, euen to hoarsenesse) yet enough other will be found, whereof more toward the end of the tenth Chapter.

Of the time from M.CC. or neere thereabouts, till this day. CAP. VII.

I. The Canons of Generall Councels, and De­cretals, for parochiall right in Tithes (not for­merly otherwise conueyed) which now became more established.

II. The opinion of the Canonists, in the question of what immediat Law Tithes are due by, is, that they are payable iure diuino.

III. How the same question is determined by the opinion of the Schoolmen.

IV. Of those that held them meer Almes.

V. The opinion in Diuinitie, that concludes them due iure diuino. With a Determination of the Vniuersitie of Oxford touching Personall Tithes.

VI. Laws, Customs, and Practice of France, in exaction of them. Of their feudall Tithes at this day.

VII. Laws, Customs, and Practice in Spain, [Page 141] touching the generall payment of Tithes. Tithes there, in Lay mens hands.

VIII. Customs and Infeudations in Italie; Payment in Venice; in Germanie: Of the Hungarians, Polacks, Swethians, and others, touching the dutie and possession of Tithes.

IX. Of Tithes in Scotland. With an Example of an Appropriation of Churches and Tithes there, by Robert de Brus. And something of Tithes in Ireland.

IN these following times, the Canon Law grew to be of more force, and Parochiall right (through the Decrees made against that former course of arbitrarie Conueyances, and from the passages of Canon Law, that sup­posd the generall right of Tithes) became to be more established. But the Opinions of Canonists and Diuines haue been and are much different in the question, vpon what Law the generall right of them is immediatly grounded. But by the Practice of the Common Laws (for so much as I haue read) of all Christian States, they are subiect to Customes, and that somtimes as well in non payment as in payment of a lesse part. And In­feodations of them into Lay hands, yet continue in France, Spaine, Germanie, and elsewhere. And of Customes only and Infeodations wee shall principally speake in the practice of this time. For, what euer might here otherwise be remem­berd touching Compositions, Exemptions, or [Page 142] such like, is but a meer consequent of those Cu­stomes, and of the Opinion that makes them due only by Positiue, Human, or Ecclesiasticall Law.

I.

It is sufficiently manifested in the practice of the former CCCC. yeers, that the Laitie did vsually conuey their Tithes by Consecrations and Appropriations to what Church they would, and by Infeodations to Lay men. Their Infeoda­tions were forbidden by the Videsis, cap. 14. & 9. edit. Romana & extr. de Dec. c. 19. & de Preb. & d [...]g. cap. 31. in Latera [...]ens. tit. de [...]ure patron. c. 17. nullus▪ & de his qua fiunt a pr [...]. c. 7. cum Aposto­lica. Generall Coun­cell of Lateran, in M.C.LXXX. whence that most known Canon Prohibemus, before cited, was taken into the bodie of Gregories Decre­talls, and hath euer since been, and still is, in au­toritie, and that also in the secular Lawes of France especially. It was in the same Councell ordained, That no religious Orders should re­ceiue any Appropriations or Consecrations of Churches or Tithes, without assent of the Bi­shop. Ecclesias & Decimas (are the words) de manu Laicorum, sine consensu Episcoporum tam illos (that is, Templars and Hospitalars, against whom the prouision was chiefely made) quam quoscunque alios Religiosos reciperc prohibemus. This was confirmed in the Generall Councell of Lateran, held vnder Innocent the third, in the yeer M.CC.XV. And a Canon of the Gene­rall Councell of Lateran, vnder Calixtus the se­cond, in the yeer M.C.XIX. (wherein paro­chiall Ministers were also forbidden to receiue [Page 143] Tithes, or Churches, from the hands of Lay men, by Inuestiture especially, Absque consensu & voluntate Episcopi) was afterward, in diuers Epistles of Pope Alexander the third, recei­ued Extr. de iure patr. c. 10.11.21. & de Instit. c. 3. ex frequantibus & Append. Concil. Lateran. part. 15. cap. 18. and confirmed. And although manie Decrees were before against those Conueyan­ces, yet till these Generall Councels (vnder A­lexander and Innocent) neither was the Autori­tie of the Church so powerfull, neither were E­pistles sent from Rome so frequent, to put that in execution, which had so been there established against that challenged right of the Laitie. But by this time, when the arbitrarie disposition of the owner was thus prouided against (reference being made to the Bishops assent, that was bound to square all things by the C. 16. q. 1. c. 45. & 56. Canons, which would haue Tithes paid parochially, and became to be much more obeyed then before) it grew frequent, to haue Decretall Epistles sent from Rome into euery Prouince, both to ratifie the former Consecrations and Appropriations, (which the Popes Vide Innocent. 3 in extr. de his qua s [...]a pral c. 7. began also, at pleasure, to declare sometimes void, if made by Lay men a­lone) and also to exact parochiall payments of other Tithes, not canonically conueyed out of the Parish: and the reason sometime was ad­ded; that is, Extr. de dec. in c. 29. cum cont [...]ng [...]. Perceptio Decimarum ad Paro­chiales Ecclesias de iure communi pertinet. and the Generall Councell Ibid. c. 33. cum non sit.. of M.CC.XV. had taken it cleere, and so exprest it, that in signum [Page 144] vniuersalis Dominij quasi quodam titulo speciali sibi Dominus Decimas reseruauerat: And after a few words, the Canon is concluded with Deci­mare cogantur Ecclesijs, quibus de iure debentur. And the action for parochiall Tithes in those times, as now, is called Ibid c. 31. du­dum aduersus. iure communi fundata intentio; that is, by common right, Tithes prae­diall and mixt were due to the Rector of the Pa­rish (were he Bishop or Priest) if they were not otherwise, by speciall title, enioyed by some o­ther Church, or discharged by Canonicall Ex­emption. But how little this common right had before been practiced, appears not only in what is alreadie declared, of the vse of the former time, and in the doubts made by Gratian in the Decree, and Pope Lucius the third, Alexander the third, and others in their Epistles touching it, but also in other occurrences of somewhat before the beginning of these CCCC. yeers, amongst which you shall find, that both the reli­gious and secular of the Clergie would vsually take Couenants from their Tenants, to pay them the Tithes, and so preuent the Parson of the Pa­rish where the land lay. If parochiall right had then been common, how could such a Couenant haue preuented the Parson? That practice is both related and remedied in the C. 56. & extr. de [...]actis c. 17. plerique & videsis Append. ad Concil Later. part. 13 cap. 6. Generall Councell of Lateran, of M.CC.XV. and an example of it in the Archbishoprique of Ma­tera is remaining among the Decretals Tom 3. Epist. De­cretal. lib. 2. p. 483. of In­nocent [Page 145] the third, where also it appeares, that the Archbishop had complaind to the Pope, That the Land-occupiers in his Diocese vsed to di­uide their Tithes at their pleasure, and arbitrari­ly giue part to the Church, part to the poor, part to their kinred. for which hee had remedie by Pontificiall Decree. Hereto you may adde that of an old Councell ofC. 13. quast. 2. [...] 6. vbicunque, in Concilio ipso, c. 15 Tribur, in DCCC.XCV. Vbi quis Decimas persoluebat viuus ibi sepeliatur & mortuus. As if euery man, by the choice of the place of his deuotion, in paying his Tithes, might make it his Parish. And when Alexander the third, about the yeer M.C.LXXX. was to answer the doubt touching Parochiall right of Prediall Tithes (that is, whether they were due intuitu territorij, in regard of the li­mits within which they grew, or obtentu Perso­narum, by reason of the person, and so to be paid to the Church wheresoeuer the owner for the most part receiued the Sacrament and heard Diuine Seruice) he knew not how to determine it; and withall acknowledged, that although it had been often moued, it was neuer resolued. Sane (saith Epist. Decretal. lib. 3. Ms in Bi­blioth. Cottoni­ana. he) cum huiusmodi quaestio tempori­bus praedecessorum nostrorum mota fuerit, non de­terminata, alijs intuitu Territorij, alijs Personarum obtentu Decimas asserentibus debere persolui, non est nobis facile certum tibi dicere: which are the words of that Epistle; a part whereof is in Gre­gories De Decima, c. cum sint. Decretals. So, that although by the [Page 146] Canons they would haue had a vniuersall pay­ment of Tithes, and although some much anci­enter Vide C. 16 qu▪ 1. cap 45. & 56. autoritie be in that Law for Parochiall payment, yet they had long before, and about the beginning of this last CCCC. yeeres, so much controuersie touching Parochiall right, that euen thence alone you may see, it was not so much as, in Opinion, established. Enough more like Examples are of that time. And you may obserue, that where Pope Alexander doth by Decretall command a Parochiall payment in the case of the Monks of Extr. tit. de dec. c. 4. commissum. & Append▪ ad Concil. Lateran. part. 13. cap. 12. Boxley (for so you must read in Gregorie; not Bosse, as it is in the most polite Edition) yet his ground is from a vse of Parochiall payment in that particular; without which, he had been as vncertaine there, as he and others are in Epistles of that time. But so farre also was the former course of arbitrarie Consecrations now withstood, that not only the Lay owner might not of himselfe consecrate the right of his Tithes at will, but also, although the Bishops assent had ioind with his in conueying any Tithes (except only such as were infeodated to him before the Councell of Lateran of M.C.LXXX.) the Conueyance had been declared void; and to that purpose only, of passing Feo­dall Tithes out of Lay hands to the Church, was the Bishops assent D [...]h [...] qua f▪ ap [...]al. sine cons. c. 7. cum Apostolica decreed to bee sufficient. But howeuer, through those Oecumenicall and Pontificiall Decrees, a more certaintie of Paro­chiall [Page 147] right was now begun; and though those old Canonists also, Pope Innocent the fourth, Cardinall Hostiensis, and some others, about the yeere M.CC.LX. writing on the Decretals, took Parochiall right as a thing cleerly esta­blished in Law, yet it is reported by some Anci­ents of good credit, that sufficient remedie was not fully prouided against that practice of the former course of Arbitrarie dispositions of Tithes, till the Generall Councell of Lions, held vnder Pope Gregorie the tenth, in the yeer M.CC.LXXIV. in which, they say, it was constituted, Vt nulli hominum deinceps liceat De­cimas suas ad libitum, vt anteà, vbi vellet assig­nare, sed Matrici Ecclesiae omnes Decimas persol­uerent. So Randall Higden the Monk of Che­ster, Henrie M [...]. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. Knighton Abbot of Leycester, and Thomas of Walsingham a Monk of S. Albons, tell vs; and all three of them liud but about C. yeers from the time of that Councell, and might so perhaps, haue had for it some ancienter Au­toritie from some now lost moniments. And vpon this, doubtlesse, was that assertion cor­ruptly related in the printed Examination of W. Thorp before Arundell Archbishop vnder Henrie the fourth; where he answers, That one Pope Apud Fox. in H [...]n. 4. pag. 494. Gregorie the tenth ordained new Tithes first to be giuen to Priests now in the new Law. But the bodie of that Councell (which was first publisht only in the late Edition of the Generall [Page 148] Councels at Rome, and is now also in the last E­dition of Binius) hath no such matter in it. One Canon is there, specially against Extat i [...] lib. 6. tit. de feb. Eccles. non ali [...]n. c. 2. hoc consultissimo. Allenation of Reuenues of the Church by Clergie men, and another, against vsurpation In 6. t [...]t. de El [...]ctione, c. 13. in generali. of them by Lay Patrons in time of Vacancie; but neither out of them, or the rest, can you extract what those Monks haue related. But although they might erre in the relation of the Canon, yet, doubt­lesse, they had some speciall memorie, that Pa­rochiall right to Tithes had been but of late yeers, and sometime after M.CC. receiud into the more known and practiced Law; although the Doctors so confidently before talke of it. For we must not doubt, but that those elder Ca­nons, notwithstanding their great autoritie, were by most different degrees of time receiud into vse, and in some places, not till long after M.CC. as wee see particularly in that of the pra­ctice in the Diocese of Palentia, till M.CCC.XXII. which was, that euery man, wheresoeuer hee dwelt, yet might declare himselfe to bee of what Parish hee would, and to that Parish only giue his Tithes: Which was remedied by a Councell then held at Villadolid, vnder Willi­am Bishop of Sabina, the Popes Legat; where he begins with, Parochiarum diuisio à sanctis pa­tribus instituta certitudinem Parochianorum & Decimarum debitam solutionem inducit. For in­deed, Parochiall payment regularly was now [Page 149] grown, by the Canons gaining force, to be the only debita solutio. The next authoritie of a Ge­nerall Councell for Parochiall right (after that of Lateran; wherein yet nothing directly consti­tutes it, but rather it is supposed, as of former time) is the Condemnation, in the Councell of Constance, of Wicklefes assertion, That Tithes were meer Almes, and that parishioners might, ad libitum suum (as his position was) eas auferre propter peccata suorum Praelatorum. And since that, in the Generall Councell of Sess. 25. de refor­matione. cap. 1 [...]. Trent vnder Pius the fourth, about M.D.LX. this Canon was published. Non sunt ferendi qui varijs arti­bus Decimas, Ecclesijs obuenientes, subtrahere moliuntur, aut qui ab alijs soluendas temerè occu­pant & in rem suam vertunt, cùm Decimarum so­lutio debita sit Deo. Et qui eas dare noluerint aut dantes impediunt res alienas inuadunt. Praecipit igitur sancta Synodus omnibus cuiuscunque gradus & conditionis sint, ad quos Decimarum salutio spectat, vt eas (ad quas de Iure tenentur) iu poste­rum Cathedrali aut quibuscunque alijs Ecclesijs, vel Personis quibut legitimè debentur integrè per­soluant. Qui verò eas aut substrahunt, aut impedi­unt, excommunicentur; nec ab hoc crimine, nisi plenâ restitutione secutâ, absoluantur. For Popes Decretals of this time, I referre you further to the Laws made or receiud in England.

II.

In the Opinions that haue been since the beginning of these CCCC. yeeres, touching [Page 150] Tithes; the chiefest to be obserued here, are those which determine, by what immediat Law Tithes are payable. For how euer very many other que­stions, about the dutie of them, are vsually dis­puted, yet resolue but this, one way or the other, and most of the rest that follow, about Customes, Appropritations, Exemptions, and such more, will soone haue little doubt. This point hath been controuerted both betwixt Canonists and Di­uines, and between Diuines and others of their own profession. The Canonists (except very few) with one consent grounding themselues vpon the letter of some of those passages of Prouin­ciall Councels, of Fathers, and of Popes, before rememberd, generally deliuer, that Prediall and Mixt Tithes are due to bee paid iure Diuino, which is commonly taken for the Diuine Morall Law, and they vsually cite also the Leuiticall Precepts, to iustifie it. Yet doe they allow the right of former Tithes, Canonically setled by Cosecrations, Appropriations, and Exempti­ons also, for the most part. for to those they re­quire Pontificiall Confirmations, or a supply of them, by such prescription of time, as may sup­pose them. For they take this Ecclesiastique re­uenue to be no otherwise due to the Clergie by common right, but that the Pope (whom they, to the vtmost, maintaine, as they haue reason; for out of the Popes autoritie, first came their generall profession, as it now remains one) may [Page 151] as a supreme Steward of the Clergies mainte­nance, dispose of this or that particular part of it. This is their common Opinion, although some, in the Point of Exemptions, haue made scruple. But where none of those speciall Titles precede, there they cleerly agree also, that by common right, all Prediall and Mixt Tithes are due parochially. Neither need Speculator lib. 4. part. 3. tit. de Deci­mi [...]. Prosper Farni­a [...]. Criminal. decis. Rota Rom. 291. [...]. 13. alij passim. the Rector in his Libell vpon his Actio Confessoria (which is the generall name of such Actions as lie for de­mand of incorporall rights, as with vs, our Quod permittat, Quare impedit, Droit d [...]auowson, and the like) propose more, then that the increase is within his Parish; and the other Titles (if any be) must be shewd in the Exception, or Answer. But by the way; though the Doctors commonly suppose the Action for Tithes to be Confessoria, and grounded vpon common right, yet that great and ancient Lawier, Bishop Durand, or Speculator, would haue them demanded by the Condictio ex Canone, that is, as we call it, by Acti­on vpon the Statut. The Canons whereupon he would haue it grounded, are those passages of S. Hierome and S. Augustine in C. 16. q. 1. c. 65. & 66. and hee takes for his autoritie, why this kind of Action should be brought, that of ff. de condict. ex l [...]g. L. Vnic. Pau­lus, out of the Imperials, Si Obligatio lege noua introductasit, nec Cautum eadem lege, quo genere Actionis experiamur, ex lege agendum est. So that as ex Lege in the Imperials, so ex Canone in the [Page 152] Pontificiall Law, the Action should be brought. He liud long since, and perhaps, in regard of the various practice that had preceded against the common opinion of his profession touching the common right, he thought it most secure for the plaintife, to ground his Libell vpon the Canon, rather then vpon common right. But for Perso­nall Tithes (which yet they agree not all to be due iure Diuino; although Pope Ad tit. de Pa­roch. & al▪ Paroch. [...] figu [...]ficauit. Innocent the fourth make it a wonder to see any man denie it, and diuers of them follow him; the old prece­dents also of Libels in Speculator being equally for these, as for prediall) they are held payable only to the Church, where the owner, for the most part, receiues the Sacraments and Diuine Seruice; not where the gaine is made. neither in them is any regard had to the parish. Whence it comes, that Iews and Panor [...]it. & gl. ad [...] tua nos, tit. de Decimis. Saracens (because they haue no personall vse of the Euangelicall Ministerie) are to pay none by this Law, sauing in case where they hinder the continuall pay­ment of some former personall Tithe had from Christians. The best Autoritie they bring for personall Tithes, is that in Deut. XII. where Tithes and the offerings of your hands are spo­ken of. By reason of that most receiued ground amongst them, That the Tenth is due to the Church iure Diuino, their most common opini­on is also, that euery man is bound to pay the whole Tenth, or the value of the whole Tenth, [Page 153] of all encrease, notwithstanding any custome or prescription to the contrarie. Indeed, no reason is, that a custome should take away what God had immediately, and, by his Morall Law, esta­blished. The consequent is good, were the ante­cedent cleerly proued. But some of them, and such as are of no small name, deliuer their Law to be only, that custome cannot wholly dis­charge any Land of Tithes, but it may diminish the quota, or bring them to a lesse quantitie, or value; that is, that a custome to pay a Twelfth, Twentieth, or lesse, is good. This some also al­low only in customes immemoriall, which they suppose to haue the force of a Papall priuiledge or exemption. But their common and receiued opinion is, that in Prediall and Mixt, no pre­scription or custome to pay any lesse part or va­lue then the Tenth, or de modo Decimandi, much lesse de non Decimando, can be good. (Which well agrees with the Ciuill Law also. For by a rescript of the Emperor Anastasius C. tit de Pra­script. 30. vel 40. ann. l 6. comperit sed & vide ibid. Bald. Cyn. & Sa­lic [...]tum., no pre­scription may be of non payment of all or a lesse part of Tributes, Subsidies, or other Rents of the publique Treasurie; that is, of such things as are due to the Emperor in signum vniuersalis Dominij, as Tithes are supposed to God and his Ministris.) Except only, where the certaintie of some equall yeerly payment, without regard to euery annuall encrease, may be adiudged to be equiualent to a Tenth, by reason of the incer­taintie [Page 154] of sterilitie or fruitfulnesse. In this Gl. & Panormi­tan. ad c. in ali­quibus extr. de De­cimis, alij. case they allow a Custome, although the Tenth of e­uery particular yeer be not paid; because, Eccle­sia, they say, potest se habere ad damnum vel Lu­crum indifferently. But those other common o­pinions of theirs are so frequently obuious, that to cite Autorities for them, were but to imitate Rablais his Bridoye. Yet wee may specially re­member, that the Doctors of the Rota (of Rome, I think) according to their profession also aboue C. yeers since, determind, Petr. Rauenn. apud Maiorem in sent. 3. dist. 37. quast. 36. quod quota Denaria est de iure Diuino hodierno die. But some Cano­nists withall are, and those of no small note, that agree, the determination of the Tenth to be on­ly de iure Ecclesiastico, and that no more Ius Na­turale, or Diuinum Morale, is in it, then what commands a competence of meanes to be giuen to the Priesthood. So Variar. resolut. lib. 1. cap. 17. Couuaruuias; so, some others. But few enough are of this opinion. All that are of it, make no doubt of the right of Cu­stomes (prouided alwayes, that a sufficient reue­nue be possessed by the Minister) but allow the payment of them to be diminished or taken a­way by Custome or Prescription. But they are generally against the possession of Feudall Tithes held by Lay men (which they suppose, but false­ly, to haue all had beginning from the Church) although Infeodated before the Councell of Lateran. Yet indeed some of them expresse an allowance of them; but that is rather in ming­ling [Page 155] common Laws with their Canons, then wri­ting as Canonists. The common Laws of all Nations (where feudall Tithes are; and I thinke certainly, in all Christian Nations feudall Tithes at this day are found) allow them now, and suffer the Canons to haue no power ouer them. And thence is it (lest they should grossely determine against such possessions as the Church anciently, as well as the Laitie, had by Infeodations setled, and Posteritie still maintaind) that some receiue into their Conclusions an admittance of what their own profession abhorres. Which may not be amisse said also of such of them as maintaine a Custome in the quota, or the like. For that is done rather by striuing to conforme the Canons to the common Laws, or secular Constitutions of the State where they liue (as our Ciuilians, in the practice of the ancient Canon Law, do here also) then by iudging according to the bodie of the Canons, that regularly allow no sufficient exception against parochiall payment of the whole prediall Tenth, but only Papall autoritie, or a Title canonically setled in some other Church. And the better to make these Infeo­dations stand with their opinions, they haue also a vsuall distinction of Ius percipiendi, and fructus Decimarum. The Ius percipiendi, they say, can­not be transferd, nor euer was, by the old Infeo­dations, because euery lay man is incapable of it. but the fructus Decimarum only, as they teach, is [Page 156] what passed, and is still possessed, in considerati­on that the possessors should defend the Church from Heretiques and Tyrannie. The summe of what the old Canons haue, both against ancient and new Infeodations, is in the former Chapter noted; and according to them, how that distin­ction will hold, I see not. But, among them, great opinion is also, that all Feudall Tithes are to be restored to the Church, and that he which holds them, may not lawfully passe them ouer to ano­ther Lay man; but may only, with assent of the Bishop, giue them to some Church. Nec multum refert quae Ecclesia habeat dummodo extirpentur à Laico, as Panormitan sayes. And to this, they abuse that Canon Prohibemus, of the Councell of Lateran, that was not indeed made against Tithes then infeodated, but only against new Infeodations, as Pope Innocent the fourth there well teaches. For, saith he, Non loquitur de Deci­mis infeodatis, sed de alijs male detentis. Which iustifies what is in the former CCCC. yeers, a­gainst the receiued Interpretation, deliuered.

III.

The Diuines, of since the beginning of this time, haue had their seuerall Determinati­ons and Doctrines vpon this point, and those may be, for method, put chiefly in a Three-fold difference; although rather the second Doctrine (as presently will appeare) were but an issue of the first. and the chiefe question among them comes to this, Whether, by Gods immediat [Page 157] Morall Law, the Euangelicall Priesthood haue a right to Tithes, as to their Inheritance, in e­quall degree, as the Lay man hath to his Nine; or if they haue them only as by human Positiue Law, and so giuen them for their spiritual labor? that is, in brief, Whether by originall distribu­tiue Iustice, or by commutatiue, they are paya­ble? although, in the Opinion which wee shall here make the third, all Positiue or human Law be, for the most part, neglected; whereof, more presently. But in that (which we here make the first of those three Opinions) it hath been held, that the Tenth considered quoad quotam partem, or, as it is, a determined part, and denoted from that number, is due only by Law Positiue and Ecclesiasticall; but, quoad substantiam suam, or Cleri sustentationem, or in regard to it, as it de­notes a necessary or competent part of the main­tenance of the Clergie, that is due by the Di­uine Morall Law. And to the purpose of this distinction, they interpret the Leuiticall com­mandments of Tithes; and deliuer that quoad substantiam suam, or as it was generally for the maintenance of the Minsterie in the Iewish Church, it is Morall or Naturall, there being (according to consideration of it so farre) the very Character of it writen in the Tables of mens hearts; that is, that Spirituall Laborers are to be rewarded with temporall bountie, as euery laborer is worthie of his hire. But quoad [Page 158] quotam partem, it is, they say, a Iudiciall (or Ce­remoniall, as some will) and that it hath been brought into the Law of the Gospell by Eccle­siastique Doctrine & Constitutions (both which we haue before related) proceeding from it only per vim eius exemplarem, or by imitation of the Iewish state, ordered by the Almightie; and not in that regard per vim obligatiuam, or any con­tinuing force of it vnder the Gospell. And that the Church was not bound to this part, but free­ly might as well haue ordained the payment of a Ninth, or Eleuenth, according to various opor­tunitie. This is commonly taught by the old Schoolemen, Hales, Aquinas, Henricus de Gan­dauo, R. de Media Villa, Cardinall Caietan, and diuers others; (but fullest, in my iudgment, by Ioh. Ad 3. Sent. dist. 37 quast. 36. Maior) and maintaind by great men, that in our times follow their wayes of disquisiti­on. The first that expressely made this distincti­on, was that Alexander Hales, that liued about M.CC.XXX. and thus Part. 3. q. 51. memb. 3. determind, Praecep­tum de Decimis est praeceptum Iudiciale, vnde non est dicendum Morale, quia secundum suam determi­nationem (that is, secundum quotam partem) non est scriptum in corde hominis, nec Ceremoniale, quia non est datum principalitèr in figuram signifi­cationis, sed Iudiciale quia datum simpliciter in ra­tionem aequitatis mutuae distributionis, vt sit aequa­litas dati & accepti inter seminantem spiritualia & dantem temporalia, secundum quod possibile est, [Page 159] &c. And 2▪ 2. q. 87. art 1. Aquinas; Determinatio Decimae partis soluendae est autoritate Ecclesiae; and adds, that the ground of it, which he calls radix, is the text Epist. 1. ad Ca­rinth. cap. 9.11., If wee sow vnto you spirituall things, is it a great thing, if wee reap your carnall things? The same is by Hen. de Gaudano Quodlibet 4. q 28. exprest in these words, Adueniente Lege Euangelicâ & ces­santibus Ceremonijs, cessauit & solutio Decimae, pro quota illa: sed mansit pro illo quod in illa erat iure Legis Naturae, & ad illud reduxit Lex Euan­gelica· And deliuers accordingly the right of them to be partim de iure Naturae & Euangelij, that is, quatenus vacantibus Diuino Ministerio communiter ab omnibus debet prouideri; and, par­tim de iure humano Ecclesiastico, or Positiuo, that is, quoad quotam partem. And to the same pur­pose, the rest. But whereas some make that lear­ned Hales the first Autor of this doctrine; doubtlesse they erre. For howeuer Lex Diuina, Deus Praecepit, and the like, frequently denote the right of Tithes in the former CCCC. yeers; yet first consider, what is there admonished tou­ching the practice of the time, and from thence you may, perhaps, interpret their meanings to be otherwise, then as they are commonly (and especially by the Canonists) taken. Could the Church haue, before his time, held cleerly, that the Tenth was due by the Morall Law, and yet, against their owne consciences, generally, giue way to, and practice also, those Conueyances, [Page 160] which can haue no power ouer that which the Morall Law, euer binding vniformely, hath or­dained? And indeed some great Doctors teach, that the Ius Diuinum, denoted in those passages of the bodie of the Canons, was no otherwise vnderstood, then only that we are bound to it by the Law Positiue of the Church, imitating the Diuine Iudicials (which retaine still, as Cardinall Caietan teaches, their vim exemplarem, though not obligatiuam) and is well enough thence sti­led Ius Diuinum. Cum ergo dicitur (sayes the Cardinall Ad 2. [...]. q. 87. art. 1.) Lege Diuina, aut Deo iubente ad Decimas tenemur; intellige exemplariter. Nei­ther doth he otherwise interpret other passages of the Fathers, which are to that purpose. Ne­que aliud, are his words, sancti patres intellexe­runt. and remember also, that those Fathers af­firme it not in disputation, but only in exhorta­tion to the people; which is specially obserua­ble to any that knows the course of their wri­ting. With Caietan also (in that the Law for Tithes is not Morall) Bellarmin, Suarez, Mal­der Bishop of Antuerp, and late professor at Lo­uain, and others accord, and make it the commu­nis opinio Theologorum; and some will haue it Ceremoniall, rather then Iudiciall. but wee dis­pute not thereof. But also an example is brought out of S. Ambrose his vse of Videsis I Maior. ad 4. se [...]t. dist. 15. quaest. 3. Quadragesima di­uinitus constituta, denoting the Ecclesiastique commandement of Lent, that was but in a kind [Page 161] of imitation of our Sauiors abstinence. Which shews, that what is from the holy Word exem­plarily taken, is denoted sometimes with such attributes, as might signifie a Morall Constitu­tion. And the truth is also, that Ius Diuinum is very often, and was, about the time of the bodie of the Canon Law published, taken for Ius Ec­clesiasticum, or Ius Ciuile quod ad Ecclesiae admini­strationem spectat. as you may plainly see in an Epistle of Alexander the third, that liud till M.C.LXXX. where he directs, that a Church ha­uing been in possession XL. yeeres of Tithes growing in another Parish, should haue them still by that prescription, because in such case, de iure diuino & humano melior est conditio possi­dentis. Who sees not, that he there vses Ius Di­uinum for Positiue & human Law of the Church? What hath the prescription of XL. yeeres, or primer possession to do with the direction of Di­uine Morall Law? Or indeed, if he had meant, that Tithes, quoad quotam, had been due for the Ministers Salarie by the Diuine Morall Law, how could prescription haue had place against it? Part of that Epistle is Extr. de Pr [...] ­script. c. 6. ad au [...]es. in the bodie of the Canon Law. But because it is fuller, and indeed more authentique, in a verie In Ms. lib. 5. in Bibliotheca Cottoniana. ancient Copie of Decretall Epistles (the most of them being of A­lexander the third) it shall thence be hither faith­fully transcribed. Alexander Mauricio Episcopo. Ad aures nostras, te significante, peruenit, duas Ec­clesias [Page 162] saepius sub examine tuo litigare super Deci­mis quas vna Ecclesiarum in alterius Parochia XL. annis possedit, ac per hoc L. putat eius a­ctionem extinctam petit eius actio­nem extentam. Altera vero volens eas iure Paro­chiali euincere, praescriptionem non debere sibi ob­esse proponit. Ideo quid iuris sit in hoc casu, tua nos duxit fraternitas consulendos. Tuae itaque fra­ternitati literis praesentibus innotescat, quod iure diuino & humano melior est conditio possidentis, quoniam quadragenalis praescriptio omnem prorsus actionem secludit. And, that Ius diuinum was in that sense taken in these Ages, appeares also by Hales; where, although Part. 3 q. 51. membr. 5. he before held cleer­ly, that the commandement of the quota pars was iudiciall, yet he sayes, that Decima sicut Domi­ni generalis cenfus is payable iure diuino, that is plainly (in his meaning) by the Ecclesiastique Constitution of the Church, imitating the Di­uine Iudicials. Neither was the phrase other­wise vsed in that of the Generall Councell of Lateran, held before the time of Hales, in the yeer M.CC.XV. Illae quippe Decimae necessa­riò sunt soluendae, quae debentur ex lege diuina vel loci consuetudine approbatâ. I know the Cano­nists miserably wrest themselues about the inter­pretation of that place. but, when they haue done all in mistaking it, could the Councell think, that loci consuetudine, some were due, yet that all lege diuina; taking it for the Morall Law. for, if any, then all, by the Morall Law. Cleerly then the [Page 163] English Bellarm. etiam optim [...] interpre­tatur, lib. 1. de Cler▪ cap. 26. of that was, Those are necessarily to be paid, which are due either by the Positiue Law of the Church (which extends not alwaies vni­uersally) or Custome of the Place. Some refer that ex consuetudine to personall Tithes, suppo­sing Vide Henric. Bowhic in tit. de dec. c. peruenit. them due only by Custome or Positiue Law. And that also might be a tolerable inter­pretation, if at the time of the Councell such a distinction had been receiud twixt personall and prediall. But can it then stand for truth, that Hales was the first that brought this opini­on of the quota being due by human determi­nation in the Church, and not by the Diuine Morall Law? Indeed he was the first that accu­rately disputed the question as a Schooleman, and expressely made the distinction, but cleerly not the first that so held the point. To the for­mer Testimonies hereof, adde that of Hugo de S. Eurdi [...]. Theolog. lib. 1. part. 11. cap. 4. Victore, who liud neere C. yeeres before Hales. He speaking of payment of Tithes be­fore the Law, vnder the Law, and since, con­cludes with, Primùm igitur ante legem, paruulós Consilio nutriuit (Deus) posteà sub lege exercitatos praecepto tentauit. Nouissimè sub gratia perfectos in libertate spiritus ambulare permisit. By this first Opinion of the Schoolemen, to which the ancient Fathers are (you see) by some of them squared, no difference is to be made of Prediall, Mixt, and Personall Tithes, how euer some scru­ples about that difference, haue been needlessely [Page 164] handled by them. For quoad substantiam Deci­mae, or Decimam sustentationis, as they call it, or, as the laborer is worthie of his hire, both are e­qually due. The Morall Law, according to them, designes not out reall possessions to be more sub­iect here to the naturall part of commutatiue iu­stice, then personall profit. And therefore also Alexander Hales aptly determines, that Decimae tam personales quam praediales sunt in praecepto, that is, both quoad substantiam, but neither quo­ad quotam. And, that in Venice, and other such Cities, where no Prediall Tithes are, a Perso­nall Tenth is due by the Positiue Laws of the Church, as, in them also, a sufficient maintenance is to be had for the Clergie, by the Morall or Naturall Law. In summe, by this opinion, Cu­stomes of payment of lesse, of nothing, and o­ther Ciuill Titles, that haue force against Eccle­siastique Law Positiue, are allowd, so long as the maintenance of the Minister be otherwise com­petent. Both failing, then is that defect to be supplied (notwithstanding any Ciuill excepti­on) due by the Diuine, Naturall, or Morall Law; which, inscribd in all hearts, admonishes, that re­ward is due to euery laborer; much more to him of the Spirituall Haruest. Other questions a­bout Tithes are disputed in the Schoolmen. but it is not hard to coniecture, how the most are to be determined (according to them) by their re­solution of this alone; therefore I omit them. [Page 165] You see how opposit this Opinion is to that re­ceiud among the Canonists, twixt whom and the Schoolmen Ockam. lib. 1. dialog. 3. was vsually great dissention. It is not to be doubted, but that the Schoolemen lookt much further into all that they medled with, then the Canonists could do. And had the Canonists agreed herein with them, they might, with fewer absurdities, haue maintained diuers of their scrupulous Positions. And some of Raynutius apud Hosti [...]sem in summ. tit de deci­mis▪ num. 10. them were so moued at the Schoolemens Disputations, about Hales his time especially, that they knew not which way at all to determin it. This difference of the Canonists and School­men is rememberd by I. Maior. Theologos hic (saith Ad Sent. 3. dist. 37. quast. 36. he) Canonistae Haereticos vocant, quia di­cunt Decimas non esse de iure diuino. But which are here the more competent Iudges of the two, he tells you further, in his answers to Peeter of Rauenna, a Canonist of his time. He liued about C. yeers since.

IV.

The second Opinion in Diuinitie, is of those, that (hauing their first ground out of the determination of the Schoolemen) held Tithes to be meere Almes, and not to be paid to the Ministers of the Gospel by any Parochiall right, as a necessarie dutie to the Euangelicall Priest­hood, but that they might be retained and dis­posed of at the owners will; especially if the Pastor See Wicleues complunt to the K. and Parliament artic. 3. well performed not his function. Of this, were both, some of religious Orders in [Page 166] their Preaching, and also others opposit enough to them in Doctrine. The Dominicans and Fran­ciscans especially (who began both about the yeer M.CC.X. and had in their Monasteries store enough of Schoolmen) made it a gainfull Doctrine to teach Lay men, that they were not bound to pay their Tithes to their Ministers, as to whom, by any Law of God, that portion ne­cessarily belonged. For when the determinati­ons had preceded, by which the quota was con­cluded, not to be due Iure diuino, they of this side neglecting (for the most part) the positiue and human Laws made for them, and regarding only the expresse Law of God, taught them due only as Almes, or as what debito charitatis, not debito iustitiae, was to be dispensed. By this Doctrine the Mendicants especially often got them to themselues (like the old Vide Zonar. in Concil. Gangr. Can 7. Eustathians) as Almes to be arbitrarily disposed of to such as took a­ny spirituall labour. as also made their own de­taining of them in Lands, out of which they were Parochially due, to seem the lesse wrong­full. but against their detaining of Parochiall Tithes a Canon was made in the Generall Clementin. tit. de Decim. c. 1. Religiosi. Councell of Vienna, held in M.CCC.XL. and their Doctrine was taxed by Pope Innocent the fourth about M.CC.L. writing Ad extr. tit. de Paroch c. vlt. significauit. vpon the Decretals, where he calls them isti noui Magi­stri, & Praedicatores qui docent, & praedicant contra nouum & vetus Testamentum. and Richard [Page 167] Archbishop of In desensor. C [...] ­ratorum. & vide, si placet Alex. lib. 4. consil. 60. Armagh, complains against them for possessing the people with an opinion that the command of Tithes was not Morall, but only Ceremoniall, and not to be performed, by constraint of conscience, to the Minister; and that out of whatsoeuer at least was giuen to any of the foure Orders of Mendicants, no Tithe was in conscience to be deduced for the Mini­sters. with these in substance did others also at the same time agree, that otherwise were oppo­sit to the whole Nation of Friers. as with vs Iohn Wiclefe, Walter Brute, William Thorp, and some such more whose Arguments for their opinions are at large in Foxes Acts and Moni­ments of the Church of England, whither I had rather send the Reader then stuff this place with them. Wiclefes Et videsis in Fascicul▪ rer. expe­tendarum, pag. 143. in Wicleu [...] Thesi­bus. Position (for 20. Hen. 7. fol. 17. which as for an Heresie some haue been since questiond with vs) is before related, as it was condemned in the Councell of Constance. and Thomas Walden the Prouinciall Gouernour of the Carmelits in England, about the end of the time of Henrie the fourth, wrote against him in it, vindicating the dutie to the Church, but not so much, secun­dum quotam sed magis secundum substantiam, as his Doctrinal. fidei tom. 1. lib. 2. Artic. 3. cap. 64. & 65. own words are. Hereto may be added one of the articles of the Bohemians, published a­bout CC. yeers since, wherin a Diuine right to Tithes since the Fox in Hen. 5. pag. 602. Gospell is denied. wherupon also they long since took all temporalties from [Page 168] their Ministers, and brought them Ioh. Maior in Sent. 3. Dist. 37. q. 3 [...]. to stipends. Others haue been possest with this conceit, and among them you may remember Gerardus Paul Grysaldus apud Camill. Bo­rell. in Consiliorum part. 1. consil. 45. edit. à I. Baptist. Casare. Sa­garellus, before Wiclefe, burnt also for an He­retique. And the great Erasmus gaue the com­mon exacting of Tithes by the Clergie of his time, no better name then Tyrannie. But that of his, diuers haue sufficiently both reprehended and confuted, and especially Albertus Pius Car­pensis, in his labour against him. With this may be reckond that of William Russell a Franciscan who vnder Henry the fift had publiquely preacht that the payment of personall Tithes to the Pa­stor, were not in Gods Commandement; but that it was lawfull for euery Christian to dispose of them arbitrarily to charitable vses. but of him, see more in the next and third Opinion, where the words of his Doctrin are exprest in a letter from the Vniuersitie of Oxford, to the Conuo­cation of the Clergie.

V.

The third Opinion is of those who agree with the Canonists, that the right, of the quota of Tithes, immediatly is from the Morall or Di­uine Naturall Law; some impudently vrging with a commandement giuen to Adam; others of them prouidently restrayning all their argu­ments to such grounds for the Conclusion, as may be had out of Abrahams example, referd to the application of it in the Epistle to the E­brews; but others also not so circumspectly, ta­king [Page 169] in the Leuitical commandements of Tithes for their most sufficient autoritie. For the first kind that talk of Adam; I think indeed that in the time of this light of learning, none haue durst venture their credits vpon such fancies. yet, that it was some opinion that had at least in pretence many autors in the Church of Eng­land, in the blinder time of our ancestors; I thence collect, for that in a Penitential made for direction of Priests in auricular Confession, and writen (as my Copie is) about Henrie the sixth, the Priests examination and aduise vpon the point of Tithing, is thus expressed. Hast thou truly doo thy Tithings and Offrings to God and to holichirch? thou shalt vndirstande that at the beginning of the worlde, whan ther was but oo man, that is to sey, Adam, God chargyd him that he sholde truly of al maner thyng giue God the Xth. parte, and bad hym that he sholde teche his chil­dren to doo the same maner, and so forthe al men into the worldis ende. And forasmuch as ther was that tyme no man to receiue it of hem in the name of holichirche, and God wolde not that thei sholde haue but IX parties. Therefor he commandid hem that of euery thyng, the Tithe parte should be brent. I fynd that afterward Adam had two sonnes Caime and Abell, Abell tithed truly and of the best. Caym tythed falsely and of the werst: at last the fals Tyther Cayme slough Abell his brother. for he blamyd hym and seyd that he ty­thed [Page 170] euel, wherefore our Lord God accursid Caym and al the erth in his werk. So ye mow se that fals tything was the cause of the first manslaughter that euer was. and it was cause that God cursid the erthe it is literally transcribed as I find it. that writing of Cayme for Cain is ordinarie in the moniments of that age, as you may find in Wick­leues works, Waldensis his Doctrinal▪ and others of like nature. But see here the effect of per­uerse opposition on both sides. Some Friers, prouiding only for their own wealth, would haue had them reckond meer Almes, and so haue gotten them from the Secular Priests. and others would haue had them retaind by Lay men. The Secular Priests on the other side would rather instruct the Laitie with ridiculous falshoods (in the termes whereof they would not spare to a­buse the holiest Name) then not seem to say e­nough for their own gain. In those times they did so. they saw the Friers dangerous doctrine to their reuenues, and therefore omitted no ar­gument, no course in opposing it. a notable te­stimonie whereof is had also in that of Frier Ex. Arthium Arch. Cant. ha [...]sit V. C. Arth. Duck LL. D. in vita Th. Chicheley Cant. Archepisc. pag. 73. William Russell a Franciscan that in the Con­uocation of 5. Hen. 6. was vehemently accused because he had preached, that Personall tithes were not necessarily payable by Gods Comman­dement, but that euery man might dispose them at his pleasure in charitable vses. the summe of which was, that euery man might or should ra­ther [Page 171] giue them to the begging Friers. a doctrin of no small preiudice to the Secular Priests, if once publiquely receiued. This Russell was by the Conuocation enioyned to recant at Pauls Crosse on a prefixt day, before which he fled the Kingdom; and after publique citations a­gainst him, was solemnly pronounced an Here­tique for it. his opinion also being condemned by both the Vniuersities. the letters then sent to the Conuocation, from Oxford, both shew the determination of that Vniuersitie on the point and the particular Tenet also of Russell. therefore we insert them. the direction is to the Clergie of Canterburie-Prouince from the Vni­uersitas studij Generalis Oxoniae, after which fol­lows a preface in generall termes against such as forsook the ancient waies and fell into new here­sies. then they go on with sed quia in multis noui­tas (so are the words of it, as I haue it faithfully transcribed Ex Archiui [...] Oxon. in [...] Biblioth. Bedleiana. to me through the courtesie of my most honord friend Mr. Thomas Allen of Glocester Hall; whose name it were not without offence in me, at all to mention without speciall reuerence, aswell to his singular humanitie as to his fulnesse of learning & worth in good Arts) Sed quia in multis nouitas parit pericula, in quibus antiquitas non peccabit, illud esse censemus incon­cusse tenendum quod ab antiquis patribus constat clarissime praefinitum. Verùm quia nuper nobis in­notuit cuiusdam nouelli (that is of Russell) insana [Page 172] doctrina contra Decimas personales (cuius miramur audaciam & dolemus insipientiam) sed eius perti­naciam & Ecclesiae contemptum sustinere veremur, & ne nostra L. Saciturnitas. taciturnitate seu negligentia tacito consensui adscribatur, in ipsa materia scribere cu­rauimus quod concordes sentimus, & in euidens te­stimonium nostro [...]igillo communire decreuimus, ad veritatis dilucidationem & obsequium Ecclesiae, vt tenemur. then they deliuer their determinati­on thus. Dicimus & firmiter concipimus quod Decimae personales tam ex praecepto iuris diuini quam sanctorum Patrum traditionibus sub autori­tate Ecclesiae in concordi iuris iudicio debentur Ec­clesijs & earum Ministris Curam animarum ha­bentibus & Sacramenta ministrantibus ex autori­tate Ecclesiae. Magna nam (que) est sacro Sanctae Ec­clesiae autoritas extra quam fides plane perpendit nullam posse peruenire salutem fidelibus. Ne illie ergo resideat spiritus pestilens aut opinio corrum­pens vbi locus quaeritur fidei Orthodoxae, verba per aduersarium praemissae nostrae sententiae praedicata, quae etiam sub Auaritiae subtili suco deprehendimus palliata, reprobamus & tanquam erronea & hae­retica declaramus. Quorum demens tenor cum re­probo sensu sic sequitur, Catholica damnatione ful­minandus. Decimae personales (this was the do­ctrin of Frier Russell) non cadunt sub praecepto diuino, saltem vt soluantur Parochiali Curato; quare licet vestrûm vnleuique, nisi consuetudo in contrarium fuerit, in pios vsus pauperum eas di­spensare. [Page 173] Et iterum. Personales Decimae sub diui­no non cadunt praecepto neque iure debentur, vbi so­lutionis non est consuetudo. But they thus damne it. Quiscunque hanc sententiam tenuerit, & perti­naciter defenderit apud reputationem nostram Hae­reticus est censendus, & quia à sana doctrina Ec­clesiae est diuisus, à corpore eiusdem Ecclesiae, velut membrum putridum, est praescindendus. O honora­bil [...] fratres & Domini, O vniuersitates Catholicae, & quicunque fideles scrutamini Scripturas, Ca­nones inspicite ac eorum naturales concipite ratio­nes. quam proditorium est tributum negare altissi­mo? quam inhumanum à laborantibus abstrahere debitum? quam graue schismatis exemplum autori­tati Ecclesiae publice & pertinaciter resistere? ac e­tiam iustitiae obuiam contra praecepta Canonum res alienas invadere: nimis cruenta ac sacrilegia est haec auaritia quae antiquissimi iuris Decimale debitum solum Consuetudini adscribit, & in dubium re­vocat vt laborantium victum iuste exhauriat. quod Ministris Ecclesiae ad eorum honestam sustentatio­nem firmum persisteret si Decimae possunt ad libitum conferri & ius Decimandae ex Debito non esset? O vtinam aut resipiscant & ad Ecclesiae gremium re­deant, qui tanto facinori fauere conantur; aut a­sperrimis censuris, ne simplices inficiant, mordaci­ter feriantur. Sic vnanimes in vera doctrina Ec­clesiae permaneamus vt ad eum tendere valeamus, de quo canit Propheta. Quaerite Dominum & con­firmamini, quaerite faciem eius semper. sic laetetur [Page 174] cor quaerentium Dominum hic in via, quatenus ip­sum quaerentibus dignetur esse merces in patria, Amen They were, me thinks, somwhat vehe­ment and very confident in the point. Neither haue I elswhere seen so great autoritie against Russell. If Russell were therefore an Heretique, doubtlesse he hath had and now hath many fel­low-Heretiques. for thus, many, nay the most of such as most curiously inquire herein, and diuers Canonists also that are for the morall right of prediall and mixt Tithes, denie that personall are otherwise due regularly then as custom, or Law positiue (which is subiect to custom) di­rects. But iudge you of it, Reader. I only relate it, and return to their prosecution against Rus­sell. at length news came that he was at Rome, whither presently the Conuocation sent agents (to whom they allowd for an honorarie salarie, a farthing out of euery pound of Church liuings) that might there question him before the Bishop of Rome. a delegation of the Conisance of the cause was made to a Cardinall, who adiudged him to perpetuall imprisonment vnlesse he re­canted. the Frier afterward brake prison and ran home again, where at Pauls Crosse (when nothing els could satisfie the secular part of the Clergie) he solemnly abiured his heresie, as they calld it. and to preuent the like in the doctrin of other Minorits, Chicheley the Archbishop en­ioind them all that in their publique Sermons [Page 175] they should teach personall Tithes to be due by the Laws of God and the Church. Of later time others haue writen for the diuine right and ge­nerall dutie of Tithes. you may see Albertus Pius Carpensis against Erasmus, Baronius Ad annum Christi 75. his digression touching them, others, but especially the diuers Treatises writen to that purpose of late by our Countrie men, which are read in e­uerie hand. I purposely abstain from particular mention of their names. But neither haue only single autors been lately of that side for prediall and mixt. whole Synods also of this age haue in expres words been for them, through whose au­toritie & this ancienter before rememberd they might haue fortified their Conclusions with far greater names, then by citing some one or two late single men, as they vsually do. To o­mit the Councell of Mentz held in the yeer M.D.XLIX. where it is deliuered that De­cimae debentur iure Diuino (and some other are to that purpose in the Decreta Ecclesiae Gallicanae, collected by Bochell) In Edictes & O [...] ­donuane [...] de France tom. 4. tit. 22. an E­dict of Henrie the second of France in M.D.XLII. relation is of a remonstrance made to him by the Bishop, Dean, Canons, Chapter and Clergie of Paris, wherein they take it cleer, that tithes and first fruits were introduitees & institu­ees de droit diuin & partant deussent estre payes Loyauement & sans fraude. The like, of the Clergie of the Diocese of Troyes, is mentioned [Page 176] in an edict of Charles the ninth, in M.D.LXII. in the same words. and in the yeer before by a Generall Synod of all the Clergie of France at Poissy, a complaint was made with that pre­tence in it. the words of the Edict best shew it, Charles &c. à tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres Verront, salut. De la part de nos chers & bien a­mies consiellers les Archeuesques & Euesques de nostre Royaume et des deputez des Clergez, qui ont este n'aguerez assembleza Poissy par nostre commandement, nous à este remonstre, que combien que les Diximes & Primices, qui sont leur princi­pall reuenu, soient introduitees & instituees de droict diuin, & partant deussent es [...]re payees loy­aument & sans fraude: ce neantmoins plusieurs A­gricoles, proprietarees, &c. with these may be rec­kond, that of the Clergies petition in the Rot. Parl 50. Ed. 3. art. 199. par­liament of 50. Ed. 3. wherein they begin with Licit Decima siluae, presertim caeduae, de iure diui­no & ecclesiastico Deo et ecclesiae sit soluenda, &c.

VI.

But Although by this Opinion and that of the Canonists, Tithes be generally due by the diuine Law, and so not subiect (if with them you take it for the diuine morall or naturall Law) to Ciuill Exceptions as Customes and Prescriptions, of discharges or of paiment of lesse, or such more, whence also reall compositions haue been condemned Append. ad Co [...]il. Lateran. part. 4. cap 1. quia Decimae cum temporalibus non sunt commutandae, as the words of an old Pope were to the Bishop of Cusa; yet the practised [Page 177] Common Law (for by that name, as common is distinguished from sacred, are the Ciuill or Mu­nicipall Laws of all Nations to be stiled) hath neuer giuen way herein to the Canons. but hath allowd customes, and made them subiect to all ciuill titles, Infeodations, discharges, composi­tions, and the like. Of Compositions no more shall be spoken, seeing they consist rather in in­diuiduals, then of any generall course. we only remember them here as one kind of discharge, a­mong other that haue been allowd by common Laws. and where Customes, and Infeodations hold, no man can doubt of the lawfulnesse of Compositions. But of Customes; in the Edicts made by those Kings of France vpon those re­monstrances it appears, that, what euer the Cler­gie supposed by their Dixmes introduitees and instituees de droict diuin: they complain of abuse only in due paiment of Tithes out of lands suiets & redeuables aux dits dixmes &c. that is, sub­iect and liable to the paiment of Tithes. neither in other words do the Edicts and their verifica­tions giue them remedie. And notwithstanding that it were once (according to sundrie Canons of that Church) thus commanded by an old Law of the yeer Edict & Ordi­nances tom. 4. pag 493. M.CC.XXXVIII. made by S. Lewes, Decimae quibus fuit longo tempore ecclesia per malitiam inhabitantium defraudata, Statuimus & ordinamus quod restituantur citius, & amplius laici decimas non detineant sed eas ha­bere [Page 178] clericis permittant; yet, in that state, against the whole course of the Cannon Law in this kind, they haue, what by reason of ancient Infeo­dations still continuing, what through customs, allowed diuers lands to be not at all subiect to any Tithes payable to the Church. For their Infeodations (although none can be there new created) such as were made before that Canon prohibemus of the Councell of Lateran, held vn­der Alexander the third, are to Videsis Guido­ [...]om [...]P. Decis. 2 [...]8. & Cons [...]t. Bitur [...] [...]it 10. de Custumes pre­dial [...], §. 11. this day remai­ning, and are conueied and discend as other lay inheritances; excepting only such, as being dis­charged of feudall seruice, haue been giuen in to the Church. For, their Lawiers with the common opinion (but erroneously) suppose that all such Infeodations came from the Church; and therefore they agree if any feudall Tithes be conueied into the Church Vide Carol Mo­lin. in Consu [...] Pa­ris. de [...] Fiefs §. 68. pag. 1296. & seqq. & Bertrand. d' Ar­gentr [...] in Consu [...]t. Britan. [...]rtic. 266. pag 1114. freely by themselues (not as annexed to other fiefs, as castles, or man­nors, nor subiect to tenures reserued) that then they are in the Church, as it were iure pos [...]liminij, or as we say, by way of remitter; that is, they are so annext, that they may not be transferd againe into Lay-hands, more then any other Tithes which are the ancient reuenue of the Church. whence it hath been adiudged also in the Parlia­ment of Paris in the case of the Bishop of Ba­ieux, that Tithes so conueied are not I. Lucius Paris. Placit. Curia lib. 2. tit. 5 §. 2. subiect to the custome of droict de Retraict lignagier, that is, the right of the heire apparants redeeming an [Page 179] inheritance sold by his ancestor within a yeer and a day, or some such certaine time. But this point of remitter, they ground not so much vp­on the nature of the Tithe, as vpon an old Law of S. Lewes, wherein libertie is giuen that all persons Decimas percipientes in nostra terra, & in feudis mouentibus mediate vel immediate de nobis quas clerici perciperent, si eas laici non perciperent, possint eas relinquere, dare & alias quocun (que) iusto titulo, & licito modo ecclesijs concedere tenendas imperpetuum, nostro vel nostrorum successorum as­sensu minimè requisito, &c. whereas (by the way) som of their lawiers Bacquit des droicts de Domaine tract. 4. part. 3. chap. 30. say, that feudal Tithes there purchased by Clergie men, are at this day subiect to the doict de nouueaux acquests i. a kind of fines for alienation, which I could not yet learne how it well stands with this of S. Lewes. But they commonly interpret it as an ordinance to this end, that when the Church (the Parish Voyez Pasquier en [...] Recherche [...] liu. 3. chap. 35. Church only to which they are supposed to haue been due) had gotten them free by sale or gift or otherwise, they should be perpetually annext to it. and were it not for this ordinance, which in­terpretation hath thus applied, their Lawiers ought to haue enquired more carefully about the originall of euery Infeodation. for, where it began from a Lay-man, there, what cause is of re­mitter? And these kind of feudall Tithes also of their own nature are meer Lay possessions and determinable in that kingdome, only before the [Page 180] secular Iudge, as it appears, not only in an old Ordinance of Philip le Beau, touching the iu­risdiction of Tithes, and in the Protocolle or Re­gister of the Chancerie of France, but also in a late Arrest of the Parliament of Paris, where a Curat sued before an Officiall for his Canonica portio (which hath been there somtime Code des D [...]cis. lib. 1 tit 10. decis. 15. adiud­ged the fourth part. but is arbitrarily determi­ned) against some other Churchman that enioi­ed the Tithes of the Parish, who pleaded to the iurisdiction, that the Tithes were feudall, and desired that he would not hold plea of what so much belonged to the Kings Court; but the Of­ficiall first gaue sentence that the Defendant should bring in his proofs of the Tithes being feudall; which failing, he proceeded to the point of the Action. thereupon by appel comme d'abus it came into the Parliament of Paris, which after solemne Argument gaue Co [...]bin enles Loix de. a France Arrest 66. Et Code des decis. liu 1 tit. 10. decis. 17. & voyez Papou en Notaire vol. 2. liu. 8. fol. 551. iudge­ment that the Officiall had vsurped ouer the Royall Iurisdiction, in that he had at all pro­ceeded after the simple allegation of Infeo­dation, which alone binds the hands of the Ecclesiasticall Iudge that hath no more power to enquire of the infeodation or of Tithes as feudall, then of any other Lay inheritance. and in the same case, reference is made to some other iudgments of like nature: and the reason giuen in the Arrest is mainly, because Tithes of their own nature and originally are not otherwise spi­rituall, [Page 181] or belonging to a spirituall Court, then only as they were annext to a Church or some o­ther hallowed place. La raison est, are the words, que suyuant le doctrine de S· Thomas, nous Tenons qu'en la loy de grace, les Dixmes sont deues non de droict diuin, mais positif; & l'esglise en naissant n'a este faict Dame de ce droict, ains par le don & concession des Rois, Princes, & autres a qui de droict il appertenoit. whence, if they were annext to any Church, they were of Ecclesiasticall iu­risdiction that was giuen anciently for them; but being as feudall inheritance, although they once were in the Church, yet a new Character of be­ing meer Lay is restored to them. Those Bertrand. d'Ar­gentre in Cons. Brit. art. 266. des Ap­propriances, pag. 1111. In­feodations of Tithes are there very frequent, and in very many Parishes the Tithes are ta­ken only by Lay men. But for them, so much. Customes in payment and non payment of the Tenth, haue euer held in that Church, which might alone be proued out of some passages in Gerson, and in Ad sent. 3. dist. 37. quast. 36. Iohannes Maior, who tells vs that plurimi in Italia & Francia de multis rebus quotam non dant. But it may more fully be mani­fested by Edicts of late time. in one of Charles the ninth, and another of Henrie the third; Dixmes se leueront selon la Coustume des lieux & la cotte accustumee in iceux. Et ou la dit Coustume serra obscure & incertaine, serra suiuie celle des lieux circumuoisins. The French Customes (ac­cording to diuers vsages of their Prouinces) are [Page 182] frequent for paying a lesse part then the Tenth, and cleerly allowed Videsis Guido­nem Papam Decis. 284. Code des decis. l. 1. tit. 10. decis. 7. by diuers Iudgments. Nei­ther is the Canon Law, which allows not Cu­stoms, suffered to be there practiced. And for cu­stomes of paying none or de non decimando; in some cases they hold there also; and that by force of that Lex famigerata (as Du Ad Edict. Henr. 2. contra datas paris & abus. Cu­ria Roma [...]a. Molin calls it) their Philippine which is an Ordinance made by Philip le Beau in M.CCC.III. (but it is falsly and diuersly referd to other of their Philips) commanding that no new exaction should be made of Tithes not accustomed to be paid. Se­nescallus (it saies) ad requisitionem consulum loco­rum quoruncunque, defendat ipsos consules & v­niuersitates & singulos à noua impositione seruitutis facienda per Praelatos & alias personas Ecclesia­sticas, & a noua exactione decimarum & primitia­rum & prestationis passatae, prout de iure fuerit & hactenus est consuetum fieri. By this autoritie, whereas in the Parish Code des Decis. li [...] 1. tit. 17. De­cis. 9. of Branthel, in the Dio­cesse of Meaux, the Prior and Couent de Nostre Dame de Vaurart purchased certain Land that had formerly paid Tithe Corne to the Rector, and made fish Ponds in it, the Rector afterward was bard in his Action for Tithe of the fish; and one reason was vpon this Philippine, because no such Tithe had beene vsed to be paid. so in Au­uergne, in Berry, and other Prouinces, some customes of Et testatur e [...] ij [...] Conuarunias lib. 1 Var. Resolut. cap. 17. non payment hold good. And oft­time the King there sends commands grounded [Page 183] vpon this Philippine, that new Tithes not vsual­ly paid should not be exacted by the Clergie. Li­terae (saith Carol. de Gr [...]s­sallo Regal. Franc. lib. 2. iur [...] 7. my Autor) dietim conceduntur in Cancellaria Regia super nouis decimis, ne a Laicis exigantur per eorum Praelatos, quae fundantur in ordinatione Philippi Pulchri Francorum Regis fa­cta die Veneris ante Cineres, anno M.CCC.IV. Cap. XXIX. huius tenoris, Item quod Senescal­lus &c. And expresly the customs of Tit. 10. des Coustomes predia­les, §. 12. Berry. Item par la Custome, disme est doibt paier seule­ment des choses d'ont est accoustume payer Disme, &c. where Boerius saies, he hath seen it accor­dingly for other places often adiudged at Paris. and in an Edict of 10. Hen. 4. of France touch­ing the payment of Tithes by those of the refor­med Religion, the payment is commanded only, P. Matth. hist. tom. 1. liu. 2. pag. [...]25. in 8. selon l'vsage & coustume des lieux. and accor­dingly diuers Arrests of Parliament also haue been. And although somtimes Customes haue beene there disallowd, especially de non deci­mando; yet that hath proceeded chiefly from the vsurpation of the Canons, where the secular Law was wrongfully neglected; as you may see in the example of that of the Ecclesiastical court at In 3. Sent. dist. 37. quast. 36. Rhosne, wherein the Laitie were compel­led adreddendas Decimas de faeno & aliquibus a­lijs de quibus apud eos inconsuetum erat reddere decimas, as Maiors words are, who concludes, that had the Iudge been other then a Canonist, he would not so haue adiudged it.

VII.

In Spaine also some infeodated Tithes from ancient time are in Lay hands, which the P. Matth. ad Guid. Pop. decis. 2 8 ex Chronico Io [...]. 1. R. Castella, & vide Petr Bellu­gam in Spec. tit. de Decimas. Clergie about M.CCC.LXXX. would haue had into their reuenue, vnder Iohn the first of Castile and Lions; but could not. and in an Or­dinance of the same Iohn, against all such as should vsurp the Ordennantas Reales de Castella lib. 1. tit. 5. leg. 1. & 3. right of Tithes, a prouiso is that it should not extend to such Tithes or Church Reuenue, as the Crowne or any subiect had from ancient time enioied.. And a third part of Tithes due to the King, is menciond in their Recopilacion por Philip. 2. lib. 1. tit. 5 & Gregorio Lopez du Partina 1. tit. 20 leg. 22. Laws, as graunted to him from the Pope, of which, at his pleasure new Infeodati­ons are made. And Petrus In 2.2. D. Thom. di [...]put. 40. memb. 1. [...] [...]6. de Lorca remem­bers, that the Pope Regibus Hispaniae cōcessit ter­tiam partem Decimarum & alijs secularibus abs (que) consensu singularum Ecclesiarum. among these you may reckon those Tithes in the Crowne, which by graunt from the Pope, King Ferdi­nand and Queene Isabel had in the Kingdome of Granado, in consideration of their endow­ment of Churches there. and of them and their iurisdiction, whereto they are subiect, thus Practic. quast cap. 35. Co­uaruuias an excellent Lawier of Spaine. Semel, saies he, ex literis regijs vidi Decimarum causam tractari inter Ecclesiasticos apud Granatense Prae­torium, ex eo quod Reges Catholici Ferdinandus & Elisabeth Decimas huius Regni Granatensis obtinuerint à Pontifice Maximo cum onere dotan­di Ecclesias. that is, the Iudges held plea of them [Page 185] by Commission from the King, not by spirituall power, which otherwise regularly hath conisans of Tithes; although another great Lawier Gregorio Lopez ad Partula 3. tit. 4. leg. 17. of that Countrie denie that the Conisance of such Tithes lawfully belongs to any other iurisdicti­on then spirituall. Neither hath the Canon Law been so powerfull there, as to make Tithes payable against Customes, for paiment either of a lesse part, or none. And howeuer in an Ordi­nance of the yeer M.CC.XCIV. Alfonso Fa [...]ro Real a Espanna lib. 1. tit. 5 y en Pragmaticas y leyes recopilados por mandado de los &c. Ferdinando & Isa­bel. the ninth, published his mandamos y establescemos por siempre, que todos los hombres del nuestro reg­no den sus diezmos derechamente y cumplidamen­te a nuestro Sennor Dios de Pan y de Vino y gana­dos y de todas las otras cosas que deuen dar de re­chamente segun manda sancta yglesia, wherein he seems to establish, that whole Tithes without a­ny Diminution should be alwaies paid to the Church, of Corne, Wine and Cattell and all other things (which Ordinance also is exempli­fied and confirmed by Iohn the second of Castile, and Ferdinand and Isabel; and accordingly, Al­phonso Diaz de Montaluo his glosse on it, makes it to be consonant wholly to the Canon Law) and the whole course of their ancient bodie of the Law, in their Partidas be agreeable with it. yet the practice in that state hath been and is, that if suit be commenced in the spiritual Court for new Tithes, formerly not accustomed to be wholly or not all paid, and such custome or pre­scription [Page 186] be pleaded, and the Officiall or Ordi­narie allow it not, vpon complaint to the Kings Court, the defendant shall (as in case of Prohibi­tions in England) haue his remedie. This is de­clared by Practic. quast. 35. their Couarruuias. Erit, saith he, obseruandum, causam Decimarum quandoque in his regnis (that is, France and Spain) tractari a­pud regios Auditores; nempè cum Laici conten­dunt Decimas ab eis exigi, quae legitima Temporis praescriptione (which is vsually thought should be immemoriall, and so is their Alfonso de A­zeuedo in Reg. Con­stit. lib. 1. tit. 5. l. 5. practice; although the most common time in other things be XL. yeers) minime debentur, & sunt remissae; denique conqueruntur contra morem & consuetudinem Decimas ab eis exigi. nam etsi condemnentur à iu­dice Ecclesiastico nihilominus, ex quaerela, causa, retinetur apud Regia Praetoria. Siquidem & li­terae Regiae passim dantur à supremo Senatu ad id vt Laici non cogantur Decimas illas soluere quae solui legitimâ temporis praescriptione non consue­uerunt. And with him agrees Alfonso de Azeue­do, that writes vpon their Ordennanças Reales. But these kind of their prohibitions are groun­ded vpon their Ordinances, forbidding Decimas a Laicis exigi, quae per consuetudinem contrariam non consueuerunt solui, as Couarruuias sayes; and to that purpose was an Edict Couarru. Var. Resolut. lib. 1. c 17. of their Charles the first (Emperor de fift) at Toledo in M.D.XXV. and another like of his at Madrid about three yeers after, and before foure yeers [Page 187] were thence past, at Segouia, and another at Vil­ladolid. And vpon these oftentimes (sayes Al­fonso de Azeuedo) Writs of Prohibition go out to the Ecclesiasticall Iudges, that proceed super nouitate, to forbid that similes non permittant no­uitates, & processum causae Regio ipsi senatui ori­ginaliter mittant. Which agrees with the verie words of the Ordinances Recopilacion de las leyes por manda­do de Phil. 2. lib. 1. tit. 5. l. 6., that speak of Noue­dades in exaction of Tithes against custome. And one speciall vse is there, that the Kings giue their Partida 1. tit. 20. leg. 11. & [...] Lopez. Personall Tithes to their own Chaplains attending on them.

VIII.

Neither hath the Canon Law wrought otherwise in Italie, but that there also particular Customes, as well of Non Decimando, as in the Modus, are frequent. Multis Italiae locis (sayes Caietan Ad 2.2. q. 87. art. 1. sic & Ioh. Maior ad 3. sent. 37. dist. 36 quast.) contingit ex consuetudine, that no­thing at all is paid. And so is the practice there, for the most Relation of the Religion vsed in the West parts, §. 39. part, at this day. the Parish Priests beeing sufficiently maintained by Manse and Glebe, and the reuenues that are in some places paid, as according to a Modus. And of the Ita­lians and others, where like Customes were, A­quinas thus; Vide si placet Henric. Bowhic ad· extr. de dec c. per­uonit. Et Antoniu. summ. part. 4. tit. 11. cap. de Decimis. Haud laudabiliter ministri Eccle­siae Decimas Ecclesiae requirunt, vbi sine scandalo requiri non possint propter desuetudinem vel prop­ter aliquam aliam causam. In Venice, sayes Ad c [...]n aliquibus tit. de Decimis. Pa­normitan, non in vita sed in morte soluuntur De­cimae personales de omnibus mercantijs iocalibus & alijs mobilibus. And in the whole Seigniorie [Page 188] of Venice, as my Autor Francisc. Mo­nabi [...] in part. 1. Consil. 46. num. 51. edit. [...]. Baptistae Caesaris. deliuers, no Parish Church hath through that name Decimas seu ius Decimandi, but only another Stipend or Quarte­sium (as they call it) de possessionibus seu terris con­sistentibus intra confines eorum curae. Neither haue Infeodations of Tithes into Lay hands been lesse known in Italie, then elswhere. For example, you may see the Maria Anguis. sola edit. dict. part. 1 Consil. 49.50. &c. case of the Mutij, a Noble Familie of Piacenza, who had by immemoriall prescrip­tion and confirmation by Bulls, an ancient In­feudation of all Tithes growing in the Territorie of Verano, within the Diocese of Piacenza.

By the Constit. Sicul. lib. 1. tit. 7. Ordinance of Frederique the se­cond, about M.CC.XX. in the Kingdomes of Naples and Sicily, a command is, That of all profits belonging to the Crowne of those King­domes, a whole Tenth should be paid, and that euery subiect should truly pay all such Tenths as had been vsed to be paid in the time of William King of Sicilie. Subiectis (are the words) nostris indicimus, vt Decimas quas de feudis & bonis suis antecessores eorum praedicti Regis Guilielmi tem­pore prestiterunt, venerabilibus locis, quibus Deci­mae ipsae debentur, cum integritate per soluant.

In Germanie, the Canonists note a Custome, that Gl. & Pano [...]mi­tan. alij item ad c. in aliquibus tit. de Decimis. pro Decimis soluunt certas mensuras siue Coloni aliquid recolligant, siue non. And this by their Law they allow, because it stands indiffe­rent, whether the Church lose by it, or no. but also, some Lay men take Tithes of new improue­ments [Page 189] by right of their Lordships. Status Im­perij saeculares (sayes a Thomas Michael in lib. de Iuris. Conclus. 49. Iudge of the Imperiall Chamber) Decimas Noualium percipere iure Ter­ritorij possunt. Which the Clergie complaind a­gainst, in a Diet at Norimberg, but in vaine. And of Zasius de s [...]nd. p. 4. & Vnlteius de Feud [...], lib. 1. cap. 5. §. 13. those Tithes, Infeodations are there made, at the pleasure of the owners, into Lay hands. Which was so in practice there also anciently, as is witnessed by an old Hostiens. in summ. tit. de Dec. num. 13. Canonist, that liud a­boue CCC.LX. yeers since; where disputing the question, Vtrum Laicus possit sine peccato De­cimas percipere, and bringing the ordinarie Au­torities for the negatiue part, he tels vs, both for Germanie and other Countries, in these words, In contrarium potest induci generalis consuetudo in Hispania & Francia & Burgundia & Ale­mania in plerisque locis. And in the Countie of Flanders an Edict was Ord [...]nancion in Vlaenderen Bouck. 2. Rubric. 12. made by Charles the fift, dated at Malines in M.CCCCC.XX. which commanded, that no Clergie or Lay man pretending right to Tithes, should exact or sue for other Nouuelles Dismes aultres qu'ilz & leur predecesseurs ont accustume prendre & auoir passe quarante ans & audessus. but that they should rest content with what was due only, ac­cording to the former vse of payment, sauing in case of new improuements, and such like, as it was explaned by another Edict some ten yeers after. both together are the same almost as our Statute of 2. Ed. 6. And in the Generall Coun­cell [Page 190] of Lateran of M.CC.XV. a relation is of some Nations, who although Christians, yet se­cundum suos ritus Decimas de more non soluunt; and, that other men leased their Land to them, because in regard of no Tithe being paid by them, the greater rent might be reserued; against which, remedie is there prouided. The words are, In aliquibus regionibus quaedam permixtae sunt gentes quae secundum suos ritus Decimas de more non soluunt, quamuis censeantur nomine Christia­no, &c. Whereupon Innocent the fourth, that might well know the meaning of the Councell, liuing so neer it, notes that the Christians, who by their own customs did not pay, were Greeks, Armenians, and the like. and Summa part. 4. tit. [...]1. Antoninus expres­ly remembers the generall non payment of them in the Eastern Church as a thing not to be censu­red to be against Gods Law. Neiher indeed haue I met with any Canon Law of all that Church that euer commanded any thing touch­ing Tithes.

Among the Laws of Hungarie, we find, Deci­mas In Euchirid. Artic. Decret. Re­gni. Hungar. à Sambuco edito. non soluunt Nobiles de proprijs terris, and Decimas non soluunt Rasciani, Rutheni, Valachi, and Decimas non soluunt Iudices propter laborem eorum circa decimandum. although for other per­sons generally they haue strict Laws for pay­ment of them.

In the Statutes of Poland, it appears that I. Herbort in Stat. Polonia lit. D. & Iacob. Prilusius leg. Pola [...]. lib. 1. [...]ap. 4. a­bout M.CCC.LXX. vnder K. Cazimir the [Page 191] second, the Clergie (especially for the Diocese of Cracow) made diuers Laws (with his con­sent) vpon great differences about the paying of Tithes. One in speciall is, that Tithe must be paid of all that increases through the labour of the Plough, exceptis Rapis, papauere, caulibus, cepis, allio, & quae his sunt similia in hortis. and Si quis ligonisando plantauerit, Decima ab eo nul­latenùs exigatur. Some other particulars they haue about paying Tithe of Hemp and Flax (which happens somtime to be more, somtime lesse then a Tenth; because the certaintie is only from the number of beasts vsd to the plough) and of other things. whence it appears that the vse of Tithing there is not consonant to the Canon Law. And Theodor Zawake deliuers it for a Law of this Countrie, that Decimae ex ter­ris vastatis accipi non debent, which I think is to be referd to a thirtie yeers libertie of non pay­ment giuen especially by Bodantza Bishop of Cracow, to such as were Tenants of Lands late­ly wasted by the Lituanians and Tartars which is declared in the Law, remaining at large in the Collections of Herbort and Prilusius. whi­ther for more particulars I refer you.

In the Laws of Suethland and Gothland, the Text Ragwald. Inge­mundi de Iure Ec­clesiastico, lib. 1. cap. 7. is, Decimae separentur & reponantur in agro, quarum tertiam partem suscipiat presbyter, & de reliquis duabus partibus capiat Ecclesia ter­tiam partem. which I vnderstand so, that the Par­son [Page 192] is to haue all sauing a third part out of the two parts, which were to be imploied on main­tenance of the Church.

In Scotland by a Law Statut. Dauid 2 cap. [...]2. n. 3. of Dauid the second about M.CCC.XL. it was constituted that no man should hinder the Clergie in disposing Tithes: Sic quod suis Decimis possint pacificè & cum integritate gaudere, sub paena Excommunica­tionis, quoad Clerum. & Decem librarum penes Regem And Tithes there, haue been (and in many Vide Parl. 22. Iac. 6. act. 9. places are paid) Parochially, yet also granted, altered, and disposed of by Vide Parl. 9. Iacob. 6. & 11. eiusd. cap. 29. positiue Law as in other Countries. in the late plantati­on of new Churches ordaind by the last Parlia­ment Parl. 22. Iac. 6. act 3. there, manse and glebe and vitaile are as­signed for maintenance to the Rectors, but not Tithes. And after the Statut of Annexation in the eleuenth Parliament of our present Soue­raign, whereby Church reuenues (sauing Paro­chiall Tithes, Manse and small glebe, and some other speciall possession) were resumed to the Crown, an Act was made in the Parliament Parl. 12. Iacob. 6. cap. 1 [...]9.fol­lowing against a kind of infeodations (which they call erections of temporalties and teindes of Kirkland into temporall Lordships, sauing such as had been before erected. And for the particu­lar course of setting out payment of Tithes some speciall Lawes of late time they haue in Scotland, and in the other States before spoken of▪ but they belong not so much hither, being [Page 193] not of the essentiall part of the practice of pay­ment nor of the receiued right of Tithes. there­fore I wholly omit them. One example of an Appropriation in Scotland may be here not vn­timely added, which falls about the yeer M.CC.XC. and shews a kind of arbitrarie disposition (euen at that time) of Parochiall Tithes of lands lying there, in a conueyance of a lay mans made to the Monasterie of Giseburn in Yorkeshire. The Grantor was that Robert de Bruis, afterward King, & one of the Ancestors of our Soueraign. The Originall thus speaks. Seruatur auto­graphum in The­sauro Cottoniano Omnibus ad quos presens scriptum peruenerit Robertus filius Ro­berti de Brus Dominus Vallis Anandiae salutem in Domino sempiternam Nouerit vniuersitas vestra me concessisse & praesenti scripto confirmâsse Deo & Ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae de Giseburn & Ca­nonicis ibidem Deo seruientibus & seruituris, Ec­clesiam de Anand cum terris, Decimis, & possessio­nibus ad eam pertinentibus & Ecclesiam de Log­maban cum terris Decimis & possessionibus ad eam pertinentibus, & Ecclesiam de Kirkpatric cum Capella de Logan & omnibus suis pertinentijs & Ecclesiam de Rainpatric & Ecclesiam de Cum­bartres & Ecclesiam de Gre [...]enhowe cum omni­bus pertinentijs earum; Tenendum & Habendum Deo & praefatis Canonicis & eorum successoribus liberè quietè & honorifice, Ita quod liceat eis per­petuis temporibus de Decimis praedictarum Villa­rum, libere disponere & ordinare pro voluntate [Page 194] sua, & cuicunque voluerint eas ad firmam dimit­tere dare vel vendere, & alio quocunque modo vo­luerint & vbicunque voluerint commodum suum facere sine Impedimento mei & haeredum meorum & hominum nostrorum, &c. The seale, in green wax, annext to it, hath impression of a Knight armd and mounted, as for present onset in the wars, & is circumscribed with Esto Ferox vt Leo.

How the Laws of Ireland stand for Tithes, is best seen in the Statuts of that Countrie of 28. Hen. 8. cap 17. of dissolutions, and 33. Hen. 8. cap. 12. of payment according to ancient custom and recouerie of Tithes, after the dissolution, gi­uen into lay hands, in like manner as in Eng­land. And here may be no vnfit place to remem­ber that ancient Law ordained by Rot. Pat. 14. Hen. 3. membr. 4. Henrie the third, within the Archbishoprique of Dublin, whereby it was commanded that euery man non expectato mandato Regis vel assensu, de gurgiti­bu [...] & Piscarijs, Ecclesijs in quarum Parochijs sunt praedicti gurgites vel piscariae, Decimas sol­uant. quia R. non vult in periculum animae suae, huiusmodi Decimas detineant. We purposely o­mit particular mention of such of the reformed Churches, as in this last age haue brought their Ministerie to stipends, and alterd almost all the former practice of Ecclesiastique policie. For the practice of payment, and other disposition of Tithes, and for the Laws, and Opinions, touch­ing the right of them, thus much. But whateuer [Page 195] this Kingdom of England might haue specially afforded, for Laws and practice of Tithing, shall by it selfe, in its own singular order, be next deliuered.

CAP. VIII. The Laws of England made in the Saxon mycel synodes or ƿitenagemotes, in Parliaments, and in the Councells here held either Nationall or Prouinciall, or by the Pope, for the due pay­ment or discharge of Tithes in this Kingdom. Petitions or Bills in Parliament touching them, are inserted. all in their course of time.

MOst of the English Laws, Constitutions, and Bills in Parliament, that are reserud to this place and here collected, were o­riginally writen in Saxon, Latin, or French. and the Saxon, for the most part, were anciently (but it seems since the Norman conquest) turnd into a barbarous latin that yet better shews their meaning then a purer. Such as are found in La­tin only I haue faithfully deliuered according to the Copies that gaue them. Neither durst I su­spect that any Reader fit for the matter should need an Interpreter. no otherwise haue I done in what is of the old French; it can hardly be a­ny thing but inexcusable sloth, that can trouble any Reader (that is fit also for the matter) in the [Page 196] vnderstanding it. But in regard the old Saxon is known at all to few, and that hardly any bet­ter interpretation of the Laws writen in that language can be then the old barbarous Latin, I haue ioined alwaies (where it might be) both the Saxon and the Translation. To haue left out the originall, had preuented some freedom of the Readers iudgement, and tied it to the tran­slators. to haue added no translation, had been as a purpose to haue troubled euen the fittest Readers with a strange tongue; which also to haue otherwise interpreted, had been but to en­uie them the help of those Ancients (that had better means to▪ know the interpretation of those Laws) and so make them looke only as through spectacles of mine new made. I was wil­ling to giue all (as the course of the collection would permit) that herein might help to make a ground of free iudgement. yet also where I see cause of note I adde it, but refer all to able cen­sure. The Laws and Constitutions thus succeed.

I.

An ancient Ms. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. collection of diuers Canons writen about the time of Henrie the first, with this inscription of equall age; ‘Incipiunt ex­cerptiones Domini E [...]gberri Archiepiscopi Eburace Ciuitatis, de iure Sacerdotali, hath these words, Vt vnusquis (que) Sacerdos cunctos sibi pertinentes erudiat vt sciant qualitèr De­cimas totius facultatis Ecclesijs diuinis debitè offerant.’ and immediatly follows, ‘Vt ipsi Sacer­dotes [Page 197] à populis suscipiant Decimas; & nomi­na eorum, quicunque dederint, scripta habe­ant, & secundum autoritatem Canonicam co­ram testibus diuidant, & ad ornamentum Ec­clesiae Vide supr. cap. 6. §. 3. primam eligant partem, scundam au­tem ad vsum pauperum atque peregrinorum per eorum manus misericorditèr cum omni humilitate dispensent; tertiam verò sibimet ipsis Sacerdotes reseruent.’ If the credit of this be valued by the inscription, then is it about DCCC.L. yeers old. For, that Ecbert liud Archbishop of York from the yeer DCCXLIII. to DCC.LXVII. But the autorite of that Title must vndergo censure. Who euer made it, sup­posed, that Ecbert gathered that Law and the rest ioind with it out of some former Church Constitutions, neither doth the name excerptio­nes denote otherwise. But in that collection som whole Constitutions occur in the same syllbles as they are in the Capitularies of Charles the Great, as that of vnicuique Ecclesiae Ansegis. lib. 1. cap. 91. vnus mans­que integer, &c. and some others which could not be known to Ecbert that died in the last yeer of Pipin father to Charles. how came be then by that? and how may we beleeu that Ecbert was the autor of any part of those Excerptions? vnlesse you excuse it with that vse of the midle times which often inserted into one body and vnder one name Laws of different ages. but ad­mit that. yet what is secundum Canonicam auto­ritatem [Page 198] coram testibus diuidant? The ancientest Canonica autoritas, for diuiding Tithes before witnesses, is an old Imperiall, attributed in some Editions Edit. Viti A­merba [...]hij. cap. 7. to the XI. yeere of the reigne of Charles the great, being King of France, in o­thers Leg. Longobard. lib. 3. tit. 8., to the Emperor Lothar the first. But referre it to either of them, and it will be diuers yeers later then Ecbert's death. And other mixt passages there plainly shew, that whose soeuer the Collection was, much of it was taken out of the Imperiall Capitularies, none of which were made in Ecbert's time. Perhaps, the greatnesse of his name was the cause why some later Com­piler of those Excerptions might so inscribe it, to gain it autoritie. for he was both brother to Ed­bert King of Northumberland, and the first also that, after Paulinus, restored the name of Arch­bishoprique, and the Pall, to Yorke. And the heads of a Synod held in Ecbert's time, vnder King Ethelbald, and Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterburie, are yet extant; but not any expresse mention is found in them of Tithes, although most of the particulars of Church-gouernment are toucht there.

II.

The Autors of the Centuries Conaur. 8. cap 9. pag. 583. edit. Basil. 1567. haue a Synod held in the yeer D.CC.LXXXVI. vn­der two Legats sent from Pope Hadrian the first with letters, for reformation and establishing of Church Laws, to Offa King of Mercland, and Aelfwold King of Northumberland, and to the [Page 199] two Archbishops. the particulars of the Synod are related in an Epistle to the Pope from those Legats (which were the first that had so come from Rome hither after Augustine) wherein it is related, that Gregorie Bishop of Ostia, one of the Legats, went into Northumberland, and Theo­philact Bishop of Todi, the other, to Offa, who with Kenulph King of West-Saxonie, called a Councell for the Southern patt, as Aelfwold for the Northern. Gregorie sayes, That in the Nor­thern parts ad diem Concilij conuenerunt omnes Principes Regionis tam Ecclesiastici quam secula­res; and after many Institutions of Canon Laws there, the XVII. Chapter is, ‘de Decimis dan­dis sicut in Lege scriptum est: Decimam par­tem ex omnibus frugibus tuis seu primitijs deferas in Domum Domini Dei tui Rursum per Prophetam: Adferte, inquit, omnem De­cimam in horreum meum vt sit cibus in domo mea, & probate me super hoc, si non aperuero vobis cataractas coeli & effudero benedictio­nem vsque ad abundantiam, & increpabo pro vobis deuorantem qui comedit & corrumpit fructum terrae vestrae, & non erit vltra vinea sterilis in agro dicit Dominus. sicut sapiens ait: Nemo iustam Eleemosynam de his quae possidet facere valet, nisi prius separauerit Domino quod à primordio ipse sibi reddere delegauit. Ac per hoc plerumque contigit vt qui Decimam non tribuit ad Decimam reuer­titur. [Page 200] Vnde etiam cum obtestatione praecipi­mus, vt omnes studeant de omnibus quae pos­sident Decimas dare; quia speciale Domini Dei est; & de nouem partibus sibi viuat & E­leemosynas tribuat. Et magis eas in abscon­dito facere suasimus quia scriptum est; cum facis Eleemosynam, noli tuba canere ante te.’ The autoritie of this Canon, may be known out of what is there further added. ‘Haec De­creta, beatissime Papa Hadriane, in Conci­lio publico coram Rege Aeelfwaldo & Archi­episcopo Eanbaldo & omnibus Episcopis & Abbatibus Regionis seu Senatoribus Duci­bus & populo terrae proposuimus; & illi vt superiùs fati sumus cum omni deuotione men­tis iuxta possibilitatem virium suarm, adiu­uante supernâ clementia, se in omnibus custo­dire denouerunt, & signo Sanctae Crucis in vice vestra, in manu nostra confirmauerunt, & posteà stylo diligenti in Charta huius pa­ginae exarauerunt signum Sanctae Crucis infi­gentes. Then follow some subscriptions of Bi­shops, Et His quoque saluberrimis admoniti­onibus, Presbyteri, Diaconi Ecclesiarum, & Abbates Monasteriorum, Iudices, Optimates, & Nobiles vno opere, vno ore consensimus & subscripsimus.’ After this so concluded in the Northern state, the same Legat, together with Mal­uin and Pyttell, Embassadors from Aelfwold, take with them all those Decrees and Canons, and goe [Page 201] to the Councell held vnder Offa for the Western parts, ‘Vbi (as the words are) gloriosus Rex Offa cum Senatoribus terrae vna cum Archi­episcopo Iaenberchto (some call him Lambert) Sanctae Ecclesiae Dorouernensis (that is, of Canterburie) & caeteris Episcopis Regionum conuenerat, & in conspectu Concilij clarâ vo­ce singula capita perlecta sunt, & tam Latinè quam Teutonicè’(that is, in English-Saxon, which then was the selfe-same with Dutch or Teu­tonique) ‘quo omnes intelligere possent, dilu­cidè reserata sint: qui omnes consona voce & alacri animo gratias referentes Apostolatus vestri admonitionibus (the Legats so write to the Pope) promiserunt se diuino adminicu­lante fauore iuxta qualitatem viriū promitissi­mâ volūtate in omnibus haec statuta custodire.’ And Offa and his Bishops, Abbots, and some Princes subscribe with the Crosse to it. What Copie of this Synod the Centuriators had, or whence they tooke it, I find not. But if it be of good autoritie, it is a most obseruable Law to this purpose. being made with such solemnitie by both Powers of both States, of Mercland and Northumberland, which tooke vp a verie great part of England; and it is likely, that it was made generall to all England. In the relation of the Legats to the Pope, mention is of Kenulph King of West-Saxonie, his ioyning with Offa in [Page 202] calling the Councell. but the confirmations of the Decrees haue no reference to him▪ But, by the way, if you examine it by storie and Synchro­nisme, Kenulph perhaps could not haue at all to do with it. For some of our old Monks expresse­ly affirme, That in the second yeer Henric. Hunting­don, lib. 4. pag. 197. & Reg. de Houed. p. 235. edit. Lo [...]din. sed vide etiā Rog. de Hou [...]den, sub ann. 786. & Ac­thelwerd lib. 2. cap. 20. & Flor. Wigorn ▪ sub ann. 785. of Brithric, next successor after Kenulphs death, Pope Adri­an sent his Legats in Britanniam ad renouandam fidem quam praedicauerat Augustinus. And that they then held their Synod at a place called Cealchithe. how could Kenulph be there then, as the Legats relate? Beleeue the Monks as you will. but indeed, an exactnesse here is not easie extracted out of the disturbed times of our Chronicles. They talk also of a Synod held in Wicanhale for the North parts, a yeere or two after. Doubtlesse they intend this same that is extant in the Centuries; if at least it be of suffi­cient credit. Neither can it be suspected by any circumstance in the subscriptions; which being so many, might haue by chance soon got among them a character of falsehood, had it not been genuine. In the printed Houeden, Gregorie, one of the Legats, is called Georgeus, perhaps for Gregorius. but my Ms. hath also Georgius. But if Henry of Huntingdon and Roger of Houe­den giue vs the time right of the Legats com­ming hither, then is that mention of Kenulph, in their supposed Epistle to the Pope, a plaine [Page 203] character of falsehood, or ignorance, in some transcriber; who also, in one place, hath Oswal­dus for Aelfwaldus King of Northumberland. But those which speak of that Synod of these Legats, seeme to suppose it extending through the whole Kingdome. See also §. VIII.

III.

In the Vide Fad. Edo­uard. & Guth [...]uni edit Lambard. cap. 6. Laws made between K. Alfred and Guthrun the Dane (to whom the Prouinces of East-Anglia and Northumberland were giuen to hold of the Crown) and renewd also between the same Guthrun and K. Edward, sonne to Al­fred, about the yeer D.CCCC. this occurres, Gif hƿa Teoþunge forheold, gylde lashlite mid Denum, ƿite mid Englum, that is, as the old Latin Transla­tion hath it, Si quis Decimam contrateneat, red­dat Lashlite cum Dacis, Witam cum Anglis. Lashlite denotes the Danish common forfeiture, which, as it is thought, was in most offences XII. Ores (that was commonly XX. shillings, for XX. pence made an Ore commonly; and sometime, according to the variation of the Standerd, Vide Regist. Bur­ton. apud Camden. in Belg. pag. 186. edit. Lat. XVI. pence was an Ore. But in Oxfordshire specially, and Glocestershire in Domes-day, XX. goe to an Ore) as the Eng­lish common forfeiture, or the Wite, was XXX. shillings. The occurrence of these two names, is frequent in the Saxon Laws; and it may seem by this, that some other Law preceded for the payment of Tithes, or els that the right of them [Page 204] was otherwise supposed cleer. For the autoritie of this and the rest comprehended in those of Alfred and Guthrun, obserue that in their title; ‘& ða ƿitan eac ðe syþþan ƿaeron, oft & Unseldan ꝧ sealf ge [...]ƿodon & mid gode gehyhton,’ that is, and the Wisemen (or the Baronage) of succeeding times very often renewed that Councell of theirs, and in bonum adduxerunt, as in the old Translation those last words are turned.

IIII.

It is reported of King Aethelulph, that in the yeer D.CCC.LV. Decumauit (as Ethelward writes) de omni possessione sua in par­tem Domini & in vniuerso regimine sui principa­tus sic constituit. The words of his Charter, whereby he did it, are, Cum Concilio Episcopo­rum ac Principum meorum Consilium salubre at (que) vniforme remedium (hee means remedie against those miseries which the English had endured by Danish irruptions) affirmantes consensimus, vt a­liquam portionem terrarum haereditariam antea possidentibus omnibus gradibus siue famulis & fa­mulabus Dei Deo seruientibus, siue Laicis miseris semper Decimam [...]. hydam, s [...]u s [...] ­ [...]liam. mansionem vbi minimum sit, tum Decimam partem omnium bonorum in liber­tatem perpetuam donari Sanctae Ecclesiae dijudi­caui, vt sit tuta & munita ab omnibus saecularibus seruitutibus &c. So is it reported in the Abbot of Crowlands Historie, and varies not much in William of Malmesburie, and Nicholas Ms. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. of Glo­cester, [Page 205] who both haue it also at large. But in Mathew of Westminster, no other Decima is mentioned in it, then Decima terrae Meae. Out of the corrupted Language, it is hard to collect what the exact meaning of it was. How most of the Ancients vnderstand it, is best known by the words wherein they summe it. Ingulphus thus of it; Omnium Praelatorum ac Principum suo­rum qui sub ipso, varijs Prouincijs totius Angliae praeerant, gratuito consensu tunc primò cum Deci­mis omnium terrarum ac bonorum aliorum siue ca­tallorum vniuersam dotauit Ecclesiam Anglica­nam per suum Regium Chirographum. And hee tells vs further, that Aethelulph, in the presence of his Baronage, at Winchester, offerd the Char­ter vpon the Altar, and the Bishops receiued it, & sent it to be published in euery Parish Church through their Diocesos. In Florence of Worce­ster it is in these words abbreuiated. Aethelul­phus Rex Decimam totius Regni sui partem ab omni Regali seruitio & tributo liberauit, & in sempiterno grophio in Cruce Christi pro redemp­tione animae suae & antecessorum suorum vni & trino Deo immolauit. So also Roger of Houe­den. An old French fragment of the Ms. ad calcem Nich. Glocest. in Bibl. Cotton. English Historie sayes, that hee dismast la dime hide de tute Westsaxe, and that it was pur pesire & ve­stre les pouures. The old Archdeacon of Hun­tingdon thus; Totam terram suam ad opus Ec­clesiarum decumauit propter amorem Dei & re­demptionem [Page 206] sui. And in the rythmes of In Bibl. Cotton. & apud V. C. Tho. Alien. Oxon. Robert of Glocester.

The King to holye Chirche thereafter euer the more drough,
And tithed well all his lond, as he ought, well enough

If we well consider the words of the chiefest of these Ancients, that is, Ingulphus, we may conie­cture that the purpose of the Charter was to make a generall grant of Tithes payable freely and discharged from all kind of exactions vsed in that time, according as the Monk of Malmes­burie, & Ms. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. Iohn Pike in his supplement of the Historie of England, expresse it. Decimam, say they, omnium hydarum infra regnum suum à tribu­tis & exactionibus regijs liberam Deo donauit. that is, granted the Tithe of the profits of all Lands, free from all exactions. for, the granting of the tenth part of the Hides or Plough-lands, denotes the tenth of all profits growing in them, as well as Decima acra sicut aratrum peragrabit, which is vsed for tithing of the profits, in the Laws of K. Edgar, Ethelred, and Knout, and ac­cordingly also is this, of Ethelulph, related in the Saxon Msss. in Bibl. Cottoniana. Chronicles of Peterborough, Can­terbury, and Abingdon. he did tithe his landes o­fer all his rice gode to lofe &c. as the words are. that is, his Lands ouer all his Kingdom &c. and doubtlesse Ingulphus no otherwise vnderstood it then of perpetuall right of Tithes giuen to the [Page 207] Church, where he remembers it by tunc primo cum Decimis &c. So that the tithe of prediall or mixt profits was giuen, it seems, perpetually by the King with consent of his States both Se­cular and Ecclesiastique, and the tithe of euery mans personall possessions were at that time also expresly included in the gift, because (it seems) before that, the payment of all Tithes had com­monly been omitted. The ancientest of Writers that hath the Charter whole is that Ingulphus: but questionlesse it is much corrupted especially in that of portionem terrarum hereditariam antea possidentibus omnibus gradibus. for what may that signifie? But in Matthew of Westminster it is far­thest from deprauation of language; where, after portionem, follows terrae meae Deo & Beatae Ma­riae & omnibus Sanctis iure perpetuo possidendam concedam; Decimam scilicet partem terrae meae vt sit tuta &c. the priuilege or libertie annext to it is, that it should not be only free from all taxes and exactions vsed then in the State, but also from that Vide, si placet, Tit. Honor. part. 2. pag. 301. trinoda necessitas (whereto all Lands whatsoeuer, were subiect although otherwise of most free tenure) by which they ment their expe­ditio or militarie seruice, pontis extructio, & ar­cis munitio. this freedom of that time you must it seems so interpret, that euery man was from henceforth to be valued in all Subsidies and Taxes according only to his nine parts of his Lands and profits; and the profits of the tenth [Page 208] being due to the Church, were both in his and their hands hereby discharged from all paiments and taxes whatsoeuer. But should it be vnder­stood only for a particular consecration to the Church of one time, and of the Land Sic intell [...]git, ni fallor, Foxus Hist. Eccles. Angl. pag. 123. it self to be possessed by the Clergie or emploied to other good vses of charitie, then had it no more due place here among the Laws of Tithes, then the storie Camden. In Bel­gis, [...]ol. 173. of Robert Earle of Glocester his giuing euery tenth stone (of his prouision for the buil­ding of a Towr neer to Bristow) to the erecting of a Chappell, or Edward Idem, pag. 308. in Irinobantibus. the Confessor his building Westminster Abbey with the tenth of one yeers reuenue, or Polydor. Virgil. Hist. Angl. lib. 4. Offa's giuing the Tithe of his estate to the Clergie and the Poor, or the like. But I conceiue it as is before declared. It is fit to adde here also another of Ethelulphs grants or Constitutions by the Parlamentarie consent of that time, made to like purpose; and that at large, because it is not in any published autor. In the Mss. in Bibl. Cotton. Chartularies of the Abbey of Abingdon it occurres in the one, with the title of Priuile­gium Aethelwlfi Regis, in the other with Quomo­do Adelwlfus Rex dedit Decimam partem regni sui Ecclesijs. then follows the Charter or Constitu­tion. Ego Aethelulf gratia Dei Occidentalium Saxonum Rex in sancta ac celeberrima Paschali solennitate, pro meae remedio animae & regni po­steritate & populi ab omnipotenti Deo mihi colla­ti consilium salubre cum Episcopis, Comitibus, [Page 209] & cunctis Optimatibus m [...]is perfeci vt Decimam partem terrarum per regnum nostrum non solum Ecclesijs darem, verùm etiam & Ministris nostris in eadem constitutis in perpetuam libertatem habere concessimus, ita vt talis donatio fixa incommut abi­lisque permaneat ab omni regali seruitio & omni­um secularium seruitute absoluta. Placuit autem Aelhstano Episcopo Scirburnensis ecclesiae & Swi­thuno Wentanae Ecclesiae Episcopo, & Ducibus communiter. Hoc autem fecimus in honorem Do­mini nostri Ihesu Christi & beatae semper Virginis Mariae & omnium Sanctorum & Paschalis festi reuerentiam, vt Deus omnipotens nobis & nostris posteris propitiari dignetur. Scripta est autem hac Cartula anno ab incarnatione Domini nostri Ihesu Christi DCCC.LIV. indictione II. die Pa­schali, in Palatio nostro qui dicitur Wiltun. Qui autem augere voluerit nostram Donationem augeat omnipotens Deus dies eius prosperos. si quis vero minuere vel mutare praesumpserit, noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius sa­tisfactione emendauerit ✚. Ego Aethelwlf Rex ✚. Ego Aelhstan Episcopus ✚. Ego Swithun Episco­pus ✚. Ego Wlflaf Abbas ✚. Ego Werferd Ab­bas ✚. Ego Ethered & ego Alfred filij Regis con­sensimus. the ancientest hand wherein this is writen in the Chartularies, is of about Henry the second his time. and for the credit of it, you must relie vpon those Chartularies. It differs in date both of place and time from the other. this [Page 210] is dated at Wilton, that at Winchester. this in DCCC.LIV. the second Indiction at Easter. that DCCC.LV. and in some, the fourth In­diction, and in others, the third in Nouember. such a difference of Indictions may well be, if the Autors that deliuer it, added that note for the time that they conceiud it to be made in, not for the very Characters of the Date of the Originall instrument. for, Nouember falling in the fourth Indiction Imperiall, may be of the third Indicti­on Pontificial. the one beginning in September, the other in December following. that diffe­rence is in the relations of it between Florelegus and the Abbot of Crowland. and the Abbot per­haps reckond by the Pontificiall Indictions, and the other Monk by the Imperiall. if at least their Copies be not corrupted. But whereas in Mal­mesbury the date of that first Charter is DCCC.XLIV. Indict. IV.V. Nonas Nouembris. plain­ly it is false, neither could that Indiction be in the Character of the yeer DCCC.XLIV. which fell in the seuenth Indiction.

V.

In a Volume Ms. in Biblioth. Cottoniana cap. 65. & variis causit. that belonged to the Ab­bey of S. Augustines in Canterbury, titled Sta­tuta Synodorum, writen in a hand of about DCCCC. yeers after Christ, or somwhat more, one Paragraph is de Decimis. But the Mosaicall commandement (for few of the Iudicials of Mo­ses are wanting in it) & a passage in S. Augustine are the only autorities brought for them. No [Page 211] Councell or positiue Canon is mentioned in it to that purpose; although for other things, Sy­nodus Romana, Synodus Auraicensis, Narbonensis, and very often Synodus Hybernensis oecur in it. The Autors vsed, by him that compiled it, are S. Augustin, S. Hierom, S. Gregorie, and Isidore, (which were in those midle times the Quod elitera fa. e [...]t ex Leonis Epist. in Dist. 20. cap. 1. chiefe, almost the only Fathers of the Church that were read) and sometimes Gildas and S. Patrike. whence it may seem that it was collected by som Briton or Irishman. and certain Canons of that Abbot Adomann spoken of by Eccles. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 1 [...]. Bede, are annext to it. Neither did the Autor of it doubt but that he had all the Councells of credit that preceded him, as his own testimonie in his Preface iustifies. there, after a short relation of the IV. most known and generally receiued, of Nice, of Con­stantinople, of Ephesus, of Chalcedon, he addes: Hae sunt quatuor Synodi principales fidei Doctri­nam plenissimè praedicantes. sed & si qua sunt Concilia quae sancti Patres spiritu & diuino pleni sanxerunt post istarum quatuor autoritatem, omni manent stabilia vigore, quorum gesta in hoc opere condita tenentur. But to the same Volume is ioind another Collection, with this inscription; Incipiunt Pauca Iudicia quae desunt de supradi­ctis, in which the old Canons of Rome (that is, the Codex Romanae Ecclesiae, or some other in the nature of it, which was receiud into these Nor­thern parts, as a Director of the Church, in the [Page 212] eldest times of Christianitie here, as you may see in our Protuli eun­dem librum Ca­nonem, ait Theo­dorus Cant. Arch. in Concil. circa ann. 670. apud Hertford celebra­to. Bed. Hist. Ec­cles. lib. 4. cap. 5. ancientest Church-storie) is cited, and diuers autorities out of those Fathers and a few of the elder Councells. But, no denominated Pontificiall or Synodall is rememberd there for Tithes. Only the Texts of Moses for Tithes, first Fruits, the first Born, and such more are num­berd together; and then follows a Chapter de Diuisione Decimarum, with this declaration: Lex dicit; ipsi Sacerdotes populi suscipiant decimas, & nomina eorum, quicquid dederint, scripta ha­beant & secundum autoritatem Canonicam &c. in the self same words as are before attributed to the Excerptions of Ecbert. The exact age of those Statuta Synodorum, appears not. But they were collected about K. Athelstans time. at least, then was the Copie that remains of them writen, as may be coniecturd alone (if other reasons failed) from the similitude twixt the Character found in them and that of the Text of the holy Euangelists, which King Athel­stan caused to be fairly writen, and consecrated to S. Cutbert. That text with those Statuta are both yet preserued from the iniurie of time, a­mong those inestimable moniments of that noble Knight Sr Robert Cotton. For those Pauca iudicia that follow; they are of a later hand then the Statuta; but of what time, it sufficiently ap­pears not. That Lex dicit in them may be referd to the Canon Sup. §. 1. related out of the Excerptions [Page 213] of Ecbert. but whence that Canon is originally, I haue not yet learned.

VI.

King Athelstan Leg. Aethelst. edit. à Lambardo. about the yeer DCCCCXXX. by aduise and consent of the Bishops of the Land, made a generall Law for prediall and mixt Tithes, in these words. ‘Ic AEþelstane cyning mid geþeahte ƿulfhelmes mines hihbisceipes. & oþra minra bisceopa bebeode eallum minum gereafum ðuph ealle mine rice (on þaes drihtaenes nama. & eal­ra halgena, & for mine lufu) ꝧ hi aerost mines age­nes ðam teoþe gesyllaþ. ge ðaes libbendes ry­fes. ge ðaes gearlice ƿestmes; In Ms Cotto­niano inseruntur illic haec verba: sƿa man rightast maege. oððe gemetan, oððe ge­stellan, oð­ðe ƿaegan. i. in the iustest way that may be; either by measure, num­ber or weight. & ꝧ ilce gedo eac ða bisceopas heora geƿhilcra. & eac mine ealdormanna. & gereafa; & ic ƿille ꝧ mine bisceopes & gereafa ðaes demaþ eallum ðe hio gehyrsumian gebyraþ. & ꝧ ilce to þam tide fulfremaþ ðe ƿe hio settaþ. & þaes sie to ðaem daeg ðaer beheafdunges Seint Iohannes þaes fulh­teres;’ which is anciently thus turnd In Historia Iornallensi Ms. in Bibl. Cotton. into La­tine. ‘Ego Athelstanus Rex Consilio Wulfhelmes Archiepiscopi mei & aliorum Episcoporum meo­rum mando praepositis meis omnibus in toto regno meo, & praecipio (in nomine Domini & Sancto­rum omnium & super amicitiam meam) vt inpri­mis de meo proprio reddant Deo Decimas tam in viuente captali quam mortuis frugibus terrae. & Episcopi mei similitèr faciant de suo proprio & Al­dermanni mei, & Praepositi mei. Et volo vt Epis­copi & Praepositi mei, hoc iudicent omnibus qui eis parere debent, & hoc ad terminum expleant quem eis ponimus, i. decollatio S. Iohannis Baptistae.’ and [Page 214] the example of Iacob, with a Text or two out of holy Writ and S. Augustin, is added to moue deuotion. That translation agrees wholly e­nough with the Saxon, sauing in those words mortuis frugibus; the Saxon being yeerly fruits, which also another Vet. Leg. ibid. Ms. Copie of this translation expresses by ornotinis frugibus, corrupted plainly from hornotinis frugibus, i. the fruits of one and the last yeer, or the yeerly increase. and perhaps some ignorant Monk finding ornotinis, and not vnderstanding it, because he would be sure to square it to his own abilitie of learning, made it mortuis. which kind of changing hath examples enough in bold but ignorant Criticisme. that which the old Translator calls viuens captale, is, libbendes yrfes i. liuing cattell, in the Saxon; which hath often Ina Leg. cap. 37.40. & 42. ceap also for chattels, and somtimes specially for liuing cattell, but the old In dicta historia Iornallens. Ms. Latine of the Saxon Laws turns ceap also into captale, whence cattalla is like enough to haue discended. and the first stock of Cattell which by King Ina's Cap. 38. Laws was to be giuen to Or­phans, was called frumstole in Saxon, but pri­mum captale in the old translations. In Bramp­ton's Dict. Hist. Ior­nall [...]nsi. Historie (which is full of the Laws of the Saxon times) after those constitutions of Grate­ley, part of which are in Lambard's [...], follows a thankfull acknowledgment to K. A­thelstan for this Law of Tithes, in these words. ‘Karissime; Episcopi tui de Kent & omnis [Page 215] Kentsirae, Thayni, Comites & villani tibi Do­mino dulcissimo suo gratias agunt, quod no­bis de pace nostra praecipere volusti, & de commodo Nostro perquirere & consulere; quia magnum opus est inde nobis diuitibus & egenis. Et hoc incepimus, quantâ diligentiâ potuimus, consilio horum sapientum quos ad nos misisti. Vnde, Karissime Domine, primum est de nostra Decima, ad quam valdè cupidi sumus & voluntarij & tibi supplices gratias agimus admonitionis tuae.’

VII.

About D.CCCC.XL. Edmund King of England in a Micelne Synod, that is, a great Synod, or Councell, a kind of Parlament, both of Lay and Spirituall men (which are ex­prest by godcundra and ƿorldcundra) held in Lon­dan, made this Leg. Edmund. apud Lambard. cap. 2. Act. Teoþungum ƿe bebeodaþ ael­cum Cristenum men be his Cristendome. & cyric­sceat, & aelmesfeoh; Gif hit hƿa don nylle. ry he aman­sumod. Which is anciently In Dict Hist. Iornallinsi. turned; Decimam praecipimus omni Christiano super Christianitatem suam dare; & emendent Cyrycsceatum i. Ec­clesiae censum, & aelmesfeoh i. Eleemosynae pe­cuniam. si quis hoc dare noluerit, excommunicatus sit. And all agrees with the Saxon, sauing only, that nothing answers to the word emendent. That Cyrycsceat is a Church-rent of Corn, or the first fruits of Corn yeerly in those times, and regularly payable at S. Martins day to the Church Videsis Ina leg. cap. 4. & 62. & a­pud Malmesbur. lib 2. c 11. Cnutonis R. Epist. ad Anglos. & Lambard. in ex­plic. verb. in Pri­mitiae. & Canuti leg. c. 10. & Edgari leg. cap. 2. & 3.; and is sometimes writen Curcscet; [Page 216] sometimes otherwise. And in an old Ms. Expo­sition of Law-terms, occurres, Cherchesonde, vne mesure de Ble que checun homme soleit enuoier a Seint Esglise en temps de Bretons. Plainely, Church-Corn is vnderstood; and Cyrksceat, that is, Church-rent is the originall whence Cherche sonde is there corrupted. And among Articles Annal. Monast. Burtonens. Ms. apud V.C. Thom. Allen. Oxoniens. inquirable by euery Escheator in 44. Hen. 3. about the Profits, Estate, Tenue, and Issues of the Kings Tenants, one is of Cherche­scot tam in blado quam in Gallinis, & in alijs exitibus. It is Circset often in the book of Domes­day. Where it is found belonging sometimes to Abbeys, somtime to Parish Churches, somtimes to others. It was still as first fruits. And this old testimonie is for the antiquitie and continu­ance also of payment of it here. Churchesset [...]leta Ms. lib. 2. cap. 47. ‘certam mensuram bladi tritici significat quam quilibet olim sanctae Ecclesiae die sanctae Martini tempore tam Britonum quam Anglo­ram Supple selue­bant.: Plures tamen Magnates post Nor­mannorum aduentum in Angliam illam con­tributionem, secundum veterem Legem Moysi, nomine primitiarum dabant, prout in breui Regis Knuti ad summum Pontificem transmisso continetur, in [...]. quo. quibus illam con­tributionem appellat Chirchsed, quia semen Ecclesiae.’ But what the Autor meanes by that Letter or Brief of King Knout, sent to the Pope, I as little know, as why hee cites that for [Page 217] autoritie to proue what the Baronage did after the Normans. Indeed, an Epistle is Apud G. Mal. mesbur. lib. 2. c. 11. extant, which Knout sent into England (by Liuing Ab­bot of Tauis [...]ok) as hee was taking his iourney home-wards from the Pope. and therein, menti­on is of this Curc scet. of any other I am yet ig­norant. That Aelmesfeoh, or Almes-money, was the Peeter-pence, due yeerly at the first of Au­gust, by institution, as some will, of King Ina, as others, of King Aethelulph. And they were cal­led also Romefeoh, Romescot, Heorþpening.

VIII.

Of the same time, some Constituti­ons are extant, Ms. compact. In Vol. quod Codex Eccles. Landau. diettur in Bibl. Cotton. made by Odo Archbishop of Canterburie (yet not, for aught appears by them, in a Synod) with this Preface, Ego Oda humilis & extremus diuina largiente clementia, almi Prae­sulis & Pallij honore ditatus, quaedam documenta omni Christicolâ non indigna, quae à praecedentibus illustrium virorum Praeceptis certissima comperi, ad consolationem Domini mei Regis scilicet Aetmun­di omnisque populi excellenti Imperio eius sub­iecti, in ista cartula, coadunare decreui. Vnde de­uotissimè obsecro & clementissime hortor audien­tum mentes vt si quando haec recitanda audiant in­teriùs videlicet & in corde, frequenti meditatione plantent, & multiplici bonae operationis munere ex eo fructum pacatissimum in tempore messis sibi colligant. Primo capitulo praecipimus & manda­mus vt Sancta Dei Ecclesia &c. And so goes on with some particulars which belong to Church-discipline; [Page 218] the X. and last Chapter being only for Tithes in these words. X. Capitulo manda­mus & fidelitèr obsecramus de Decimis dandis si­cut in Lege scriptum est. Decimam partem ex om­nibus frugibus tuis seu primitijs deferas in domum Dominij Dei tui. Rursum Propheta, Afferte, Malach. 3. in­quit, omnem Decimam in horreum meum, vt sit cibus in domo mea & probate me super hoc si non aperuero vobis cataractas coeli & effudero bene­dictionem vsque ad abundantiam & increpabo pro vobis qui comedit & corrumpit fructum terrae ve­sirae. & non erit vltra vinea sterilis. Vnde & cum obtestatione praecipimus vt omnes studeant de omni­bus quae possident dare Decimas; quia speciale Do­mini Dei est; & de nouem partibus sibi viuant & Eleemosynas tribuant. Where note, the sylla­bles are of that which in the Centuries is referd to an English Councell of D.CC.LXXXVI. before in §. II. For this of Odo, although no expresse Occurrence denote, that it was in a Councell, yet you may much incline to beleeue it was in one, if you compare it with De gest. Pontis. lib. 1. fol. 114. a. what you find in the Monk of Malmesburie of him.

IX.

King Edgar about the yeer D.CCCC.LXX mid his ƿitena geþeahte, that is, with the aduise and counsell of his Wisemen, or Baro­nage, ordained, That the Church should enioy all her Liberties,

& Leg. Edgari cap. 1.2 & 3. apud Lamb. man agyfe ylce aelc teoþunge to þaem ealdan mynstre ðe seo hyrnesse to hyrþe; & si þonne sƿa geleast. aegþer of ðaegnes inland. ge of neatland. sƿa his sulh gega;

[Page 219]2. Gif hƿa ðonne degna sy. ðe on his boclande eyri­can haebbe ðe legerstoƿe on sy. gesylle he ðonne ðrit­dan dael his agenre teoþunge into his cyrican;

3. Gif hƿa cyrican haebbe ðe laeerstoƿe on ne sy. ðonne do h of ðaem nygan daelum his ƿreost ꝧ ꝧ he ƿille;

4. And sy aelcre geoguþe teoþunge gelaest be Pente­costen; & þaera eorþ ƿaestma be Em [...]ihte;

5. Gif hƿa ðonne þa teoþunge geleastan nelle sƿa ƿe ge-cƿaeden habbaþ. fare ðaes Cyningesgerefa to. & þaes Bisceopes. & þaes mynstres maessepreost. & niman un­þances ðone teoþen dael to ðaem minstre ð hit to ge­byrrige. & taecan him to þaem nigoþon dael; & to daele mon þa eahta daelas on tþa. & fo se Land hlaford in Ms. hlaford to heal­fan. to healfan se bisceop. sy hit cyninges man. sy hit ðegenes;

that is, in the old Apud Brampton in Hist. Iornall. fol. 54. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. Latine Copies:

1. Et Reddatur omnis Decimatio ad Matrem Ecclesiam cui Parochia adiacet, de terra i. Baronum seu liber [...] tenentium. Thai­norum & Villanorum, sicut Vide infra §. IX. & X. aratrum pera­grabit.

2. Si quis Thainorum sit qui in feodo suo Ec­clesiam habeat vbi caemiterium sit, det ei tertiam partem Decimae suae.

3. Si non sit tibi atrium (but the Saxon hath here the same word as before for caemiterium, that is, laegerstoƿe) det, ex suis nouem partibus, Presbytero, quod vult.

4. Et omnis Decimatio Iuuentutis reddita sit ad Pentecosten; & Terraefrugum, ad Aequino­ctium.

[Page 220]5. Si quis Decimam dare sicut diximus nolue­rit, adeat Praepositus Regis & Episcopi & Sacer­dos illius Ecclesiae, & reddant Ecclesiae cui perti­nebit Decimam suam; & Nonam partem dimit­tant ei qui Decimam suam detinuit, & octo partes in duo diuidantur dimidium Domino, dimidium E­piscopo; Sit homo Regis, sit homo Thaini.

This Latine agrees well enough with the Saxon; al­though in this last §. si quis, for Episcopi Vide §. XII. & XVII. Sa­cerdos, Lambard hath & Episcopus & Sacerdos illius Ecclesiae &c. But whereas the Translator vses the word Ecclesia only for Church; in the Saxon, that which he calls Matrem Ecclesiam, is denoted by ealdan mynstre, and that Ecclesia, in §. 2. si quis Thainorum, by Cyrican; whence, our word Kirk, or Church, is framed. For the difference of Church and Minister here, some­what where anon wee speak of Parishes of that time.

X.

A Councell or a kind of Parlament held vnder King Ethelred, by the aduise of his two Archbishops, Elfpheg and Wulfstan, (about the yeer M.X.) is yet extant, wherein Laws are for Tithes. But because it remaines only a Manu­script of about the time of the Norman Con­quest, the Preface of it shall be here first noted, that thence the autoritie of it may be the better vnderstood. It is inscribed with Ms. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. in [...] quo Ordo Corona [...] is qui [...] Saxonico in vsu erat▪ narratur. Incipiunt Sy­nodalia Decreta. then begins with; ‘Quodam tempore contigit vt Regis Aethelredi edicto [Page 221] concrepante, Archipraesulumque Alfeagi & Wulfstani hortatu instigante, vniuersi Anglo­rum Optimates die Sancto Pentecostes ad lo­cum ab indigenis Eanham nominatum acciti sunt conuenire. Collecto itaque ibidem Chri­sticolarum coetu venerabilium quamplurimo­rum de Catholicae cultu Religionis recupe­rando, deque etiam rei statu publicae repa­rando vel consulendo plura & non pauca vt­pote diuinitus inspirati ratiocinando sermo­cinabantur.’ Then follows some Constitutions about Monks, Abbots, Canons, and other of the Clergie. After which, the Councell goes on with, ‘Post haec igitur Archipontifices praedicti Con­uocatâ plebis multitudine collectae, Regis E­dicto suprascriptae omniumque consensu Ca­tholicorum omnibus communitèr praedica­bant vnum Deum colendum esse debere, Pa­trem videlicet &c. And diuers Canons suc­ceed; and among them occurres, Nec Ecclesiae antiquitùs constitutae Decimis vel alijs pos­sessionibus priuentur ita vt nouis Oratorijs tribuantur; which very words are found in an elder Councell of Mentz, and in the Imperiall Capitularies. Then immediatly follows, Deci­mationes Frugum & Vitulorum & Agnorum, necnon & Aratrales Eleemosynae, Ecclesiasti­caque munera Domino per singulos annos temporibus rependantur congruis. Eleemo­synae videlicet Aratrales quindecim diebus [Page 222] post Pascha peractis; Vituli quo (que) & Agnicu­li Decimales erga Pentecosten, Frugum verò terrae Decimationes circa omnium festiuita­tem Sanctorum Ecclesijs persoluantur oppor­tunis.’ To it, is ioind the most part of it Exemplar item Saxonicum repe­ritur in Codice vetust [...]ts Legum Sax. in [...]aep [...]us lau­data Bibliotheca. in Saxon. but that Preface is wholly therein wan­ting. neither doth any thing in the Saxon an­swer to that, Nec Ecclesiae antiquitus constitutae &c. But those Tithes are there reckond among godes gerightas, that is, things due vnto God. and the Saxon text for them is; geogoþe teoþunge be Pentecosten. & eorð ƿaestma be ealra halgenamaes­san, that is, the Tithe of yong cattell is to be paid at Whitsontide, and of fruits of the earth at Al­hollows. and according to this, in an old Saxon Ms. inter Leg. Saxonicum Bibl. Cottoniana. collection of Christian dutie, AElc man, (saies the Autor) teoðunga gelaeste mid rihte, that is, Let euery man pay his Tithes iustly. Those Aratrales Eleemosynae were called sulh aelmessan, that is, Plough-almes; which was a peny to be paid of euery plough-land. and the Ecclesiastica munera were only the first fruits of Corne paid at S. Martins day; whereof before §. VIII.

XI.

In some Laws of K. Ethelred remai­ning in Abbot Brampton his Historie, we read. Histor. Iornal­lens. ibid. fol. 65. Omnis Thainus Decimet quicquid habet. and Praecipimus vt omnis homo super di­lectionem Dei & omnium Sanctorum det Cyricsceatum & rectam Decimam suam sicut in diebus antecessorum nostrorum fecit quan­do [Page 223] melius fecit, hoc est, sicut aratrum peragra­bit, decimam acram, & omnis consuetudo reddatur super amicitiam Dei ad matrem no­stram Ecclesiam cui adiacet, & nemo auferat Deo quod ad Deum pertinet, & praedecesso­res nostri concesserunt.’ The inscription of those Laws mongst which these are found, is, Haec instituerunt Ethelredus & Sapientes eius a­pud Habam. By this, and that of Edgar before cited, it appears that the Tithe of euery tenth acre according to the order of tithing the whole Farme, was to be paid to the Church. which al­so is made more plain in the next Law of King Knout.

XII.

‘Gelaeste man (are the ƿords of Leg. Canuti, cap. 8. one of K. Knouts Laƿs made about M.XX.) godes gerihta aeghƿilc geare rightlice georne; þaet is sul­haelmesse fiftene niht ofer Eastran. & gegoþe teoþunge be Pentecosten. & eorþ ƿaestma be ealra hal­gena maessan; & gif hƿa þonne þa teoþunge gelaestan naelle. sƿa ƿe gecƿedan habbaþ. ꝧ is se teoþa aecer. eal sƿa se sulh hit gegaþ. þonne fare to ƿaes Cyninges gerefa. & þas biscopas, & þaes land rican, & þaes mins­tres maessespreost. & niman unþances þonne teoþan dael to þam minstre he hit to gebyrige. & teacum him to þam nigoþum dael; & to daele man þa eahta daelas on tƿa. & fo se landhlaford to healfum, & to healfum se bisceop; sy hit Cyninges man. sy hit ðe­gener;’ this is In historia Ior­nallensi fol. 71. b. M [...] Bibl Cotton. sed optimum ha­rum legum ex­exemplar. extat in Bibliotheca. Se­reniss. Principis Magnae Brit. ad D. Iacobi. anciently thus turned; ‘Reddantur Deo Debitae rectitudines annis singulis, hoc [Page 224] est Eleëmosyna carucarum, XV. diebus post Pascha, Decimae de nouellis gregibus in Pen­tecosten, terfenorum fructuum in festo om­nium Sanctorum. Si quis hanc Decimam da­re nolit sicut omnium nostrum commune est institutum, hoc est Decimam acram sicut ara­trum peragrabit, eat praepositus Regis & E­piscopi & Domini ipsius tetrae cum Sacerdote & ingratis auferant & Ecclesiae cui pertinebit reddant. Nonam verò partem relinquant ei qui Decimam dare noluit. Octauas partes re­liquas in duo diuidant & sit vna medietas E­piscopi, alia terrae Domini, siue sit homo Re­gis siue Thaini.’ with this Latin, the Saxon a­grees. and it is almost but a repetition of King Edgars Law for Tithes. and those two Para­graphs in King Edgars, the one touching a con­ueyance of a third part of the tithes to a Church that had right of Sepulture, the other concer­ning a Church that wanted that right, are also repeated (as many other Laws of the former a­ges) in those of King Knouts; which are called Lege In Biblioth. d. S [...]renissimi Prin­cipis. Anglicae generally in the ancientest Latin Copies that I haue seen.

XIII.

The Copie of the Laws of Edward the Confessor, that bears this title; ‘Leges bo­ni Regis Edwardi quas Guilielmus Bastardus postea confirmauit, hath this Leg. Edward. Con [...]ss. cap 8. & in Reg. de Honed [...]n. Annal. 2 pa. 343. b for Tithes: De omni annona, Decima garba Deo debita est & ideò reddenda. Et si quis gregem equarum [Page 225] habuerit, pullum reddat Decimum. Qui v­nam vel duas habuerit, de singulis pullis sin­gulos denarios. Similiter qui vaccas plures, habuerit, Decimum vitulum. Qui vnam vel duas, de vitulis singulis obolos singulos. Et qui caseum fecerit, det Deo Decimum. si verò non fecerit lac decima die. similiter agnum Decimum, vellus Decimum, caseum Deci­mum, butyrum Decimum, porcellum Deci­mum. De Apibus verò similitèr Decima com­modi. Quin & de bosco, de prato & aquis & molendinis, parcis, viuarijs, piscarijs, virgul­tis & hortis, & negotiationibus & omnibus rebus quas dederit Dominus. Decima pars ei reddenda est, qui nouem partes simul cum Decima largitur. Qui eam detinuerit per Iu­stitiam Episcopi & Regis (si necesse fuerit) ad redditionem Forte adigatur. arguatur. Haec enim praedicauit B. Augustinus, & concessa sunt à Rege Baro­nibus & populo.’ But howeuer those Laws are attributed to the Confessor; it is certain that as the Ordinarie Copies of them are, and as they speak in the published Volume of Saxon Laws, they are not without many mixtures of some­what later transcribers.

XIV.

In a Synod, Recens Ms. apud V. C. Rob. Cotton. writen in Saxon, & held a­bout the Cōquest, diuers Laws preceding, about the punishment of crimes by fasting VI.VII.X. yeers together with bread and water, a perswasi­on follows for Almes &c. in it we read teoþge on godes [Page 226] godes est eal ꝧ he age. that is, Let Tithe be paid of all that is possest though the Lords bountie.

XV.

Out of a Ms. of Excester I haue seen In Excerptis M [...]. apud eun­dem. transcribed a Canon of a Councell held at Windsore, some yeers after the Norman Con­quest (I think vnder Lanfrank) in these words: Vt Laici Decimas reddant sicut scriptum est.

XVI.

In a Conuocation at Westminster Apud G. Mal­mesb lib 2. de gest. Pontific. fol. 129. b. [...] 1102. held in 3. Hen. 1. vnder Anselm Archbishop of Can­terburie, and Girard Archbishop of Yorke, for both Prouinces, it was ordaind Vt Decimae non nisi Ecclesijs dentur. It was not only a Synod of the Clergie; but Royall autoritie with the as­sent of the Baronage (at least of the greater No­bilitie) was ioind with it. for thus speaks the Monk of Malmesburie relating it. ‘Anno Do­minicae Incarnationis 1102. quarto autem praesulatus Paschalis summi Pontificis, tertio regni Regis gloriosi Henrici Anglorum, ipso annuente, communi consensu Episcoporum & Abbatum & Principum totius regni, adu­natum est Concilium in Ecclesia beati Petri in Occidentali parte iuxta Londoniam sita, in quo praesedit Anselmus &c. and then. Huic conuentui affuerunt, Anselmo Archiepiscopo petente à Rege, Primates regni, quatenus quicquid eiusdem Concilij autoritate decer­neretur, vtrius (que) Ordinis concordi curâ & sol­licitudine ratum seruaretur. Sic enim necesse erat; quia multis retrò annis, synodali cultu­ra [Page 227] cessante, vitiorum vepribus succrescenti­bus, Christianae religionis feruor in Anglia nimis refrixerat.’ and agreeing to this reason is a passage in the Apud Eund. lib. dict. fol. 117. b. & in Epist. Lan­franci Ms. in Bibl. Cottoniana. Synod of London, held vnder Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury in 9. Will. 1. Et quod (are the words) multis retro annis in An­glico regno vsus Conciliorum obsoluerat, renouata sunt &c. that Canon seems to haue been made against arbitrarie consecrations of Tithes then practiced, whereof anon largely.

XVII.

The Laws In lib. Rub. Scaccari [...] Ms. cap. 12. of Henrie the first haue one title, De placitis Ecclesiae pertinentibus ad Re­gem, and vnder that, are these words: Si quis re­ctam Decimam superteneat, vadat praepositus Re­gis & Episcopi & terrae Domini cum Presbytero & ingratis auferant & Ecclesiae cui pertinebit reddant, & nonam partem relinquant ei qui Deci­mam partem dare noluit. according to those of King Edgar and King Knout §. IX. & XII. before related.

XVIII.

Alberique Bishop of Ostia, Legat in England to Pope Innocent the second, in 3. of King Stephen, held a Synod at London; and in that (as I haue seen it In Excerpti [...] Ms. in Biblioth. Cotton. transcribed out of a book of Worcester) this Canon is, De omnibus Primi­tijs rectas Decimas dari Apostolica autoritaee prae­cipimus, quas qui reddere noluerit anathematis in eum sententia proferatur. Primitiae must, it seems, be here vnderstood for euery new yeers encrease.

XIX.

Vnder Henrie the second a Pontifi­ciall Decree was sent to all the Bishops of the [Page 228] Prouince of Canterburie (about the yeer M.C.LXX.) by Pope Alexander the third comman­ding Extr. tit. de Dec. c. 5. peruenit & in App. ad Con [...]il. Lat. tit. de Decim. them that they should admonish all men in their seuerall Dioceses, & si opus fuerit, as the words are, Sub excommunicationis districtione compellere, vt de prouentibus Molendinorum, Pis­cariarum, Faeno, & Lana, Decimas Ecclesijs, qui­bus debentur, cum integritate persoluant. the dire­ction of it was, Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo & e­ius suffraganeis. To this you may adde that o­ther Extr. d. tit. c. 6. Nunci [...]s. of the same Popes to the Bishop of Win­chester: Mandamus, quatenùs Paraecianos tuos de Apibus, & de omni fructu Decimas persoluere Ec­clesiasticâ districtione compellas. Both these were afterward made part of Gregories Decretalls, and are of force to this day in the Canon Law of the Church of Rome.

XX.

In 21. of the same King Henrie the se­cond, Richard Archbishop of Canterburie held a Prouinciall Synod at Westminster, in which were neer all the Bishops and Abbots of his Pro­uince, as also the two Kings, the father and the sonne. there, diuers Constitutions out of old Councells and Popes Decrees were published to be obserued in his Prouince. among them, one is out of a Synod at Rosne, in Apud R [...]gerum de Houeden in An­nal. part. 2. fol. 311. [...]. these words: ‘Om­nes Decimae Terrae siue de frugibus siue de fructibus, Domini sunt & illi sanctificantur. sed quia multi modò inueniuntur Decimas dare nolentes; statuimus, vt iuxta Domini [Page 229] Papae praecepta admoneantur semel, secundò, & tertiò, vt de grano, de vino, de fructibus Arborum, de foetibus animalium, de lana, de agnis, de butyro & caseo, de lino & canabe & de reliquis quae annuatim renouantur, Deci­mas in egrè persoluant. quòd si commoniti non emendauerint, anathemati se nouerint subiacere.’

XXI.

Hubert Archbishop of Canterburie by his power Legatin, receiud from Pope Caele­stin the third, in 6. Rich. 1. held a Prouinciall Councell for the Prouince of Yorke; and there­in Apud eundem part. 2. fol. 430. one of the Canons thus speaks for Tithes. Cum Decimae sint tributa egentium animarum & ex praecepto Domini dari debeant, non est reddentis eas diminuere. Statuimus ita (que) vt de his quae reno­uantur per annum, cum omni integritate Decimae debitae & consuetae conferantur; ita vt inprimis Decimae abs (que) vlla diminutione Ecclesiae dentur, postmodùm de nouem partibus mercedes messorum & aliorum seruientium pro arbitrio soluentis tri­buantur.

XXII.

The same Archbishop Hubert in 2. of K. Iohn, Apud eundem part. 2. fol. 457 b. & 460. c. Generale celebrauit concilium Lun­donijs apud Westmonasterium contra prohibitionem Galfridi filij Petri Comitis de Essexe tunc tempo­ris summi Iustitiarij Angliae. for it appears that in those elder times there Consulas litt. de 10 Ed. 2. in vol in quo Tur­gotus Dune men­si [...] reperitur in Bi­bliothec. V.C. Tho. Allen. Oxon. & 41 Hen 3 in An­nal Burton apud in eundem. was great controuersie between the King, in whose right the Chief Iu­stice of England here sent out his prohibition, [Page 230] and the Archbishop touching this point; whe­ther the Archbishop, either as Archbishop or as Legat, might hold a Prouinciall or Nationall Councell without autoritie from the Crown; but that is now declared cleer Stat. 25. Hen. 8. cap. 19. and so practiced that he may not. In that Councell, notwithstan­ding the prohibition, he ordaind thus for tithes. ‘Cum Deo & Sacerdotibus Dei Decimas dan­das, Abraham factis, & Iacob promissis innu­ent, & autoritas veteris & noui Testamenti necnon & sanctorum Patrum statuta declarent Decimas de omnibus, quae per annum reno­uantur praestandas; id inuiolabilitèr decerni­mus obseruandum, ita quod occasione merce­dis seruientum vel messorum decima pars non minuatur, sed potius integre persoluatur. Habeant etiam Presbyteri potestatem ante au­tumnum excommunicandi omnes fraudatores decimarum suarum, & eosdem secundum for­mam Ecclesiasticam absoluendi. Huic adijci­mus sanctioni, vt de terris nouitèr cultis, non aliàs dentur decimae quam Ecclesijs Parochia­libus infra quarum limites terrae illae de quibus Decimis perueniunt excoluntur. Detentores verò Decimarum, iuxta Rothomagensis Con­cilij constitutum, si semel secundò & tertiò commoniti, excessum suum non emendauerint vs (que) ad satisfactionem condignam anathematis vinculo feriantur. saluo in omnibus S.S.R.E. honore & priuilegio.’ which Saluo is to euery of his Canons.

XXIII.

Among the Decretall Epistles of Pope Innocent the third, one Innoc. 3. in E­pist. Decre [...]. lib 2. pag. 452 edit. Co­loniens. is directed ‘Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, vt Ecclesijs Pa­rochialibus iustè Decimae persoluantur;’ and thus speaks. ‘Peruenit ad audientiam nostram quod multi in Docesi tua Decimas suas inte­gras, vel duas partes ipsarum non illis Eccle­sijs in quarum Parochijs habitant, vel vbi prae­dia habent, & à quibus Ecclesiastica percipiunt Sacramenta persoluunt: sed eas alijs pro sua distribuunt voluntate. Cum igitur inconueni­ens esse videatur & à ratione dissimile, vt Ec­clesiae quae spiritualia seminant, metere non de­beant à suis Parochianis temporalia, & habere; fraternitati tuae autoritate praesentium indul­gemus vt liceat tibi super hoc non obstante contradictione vel appellatione cuiuslibet, seu consuetudine hactenus obseruata, quod Cano­nicum fuerit ordinare, & facere quod statueris per Censuram Ecclesiasticam firmiter obser­uari. Nulli ergo &c. confirmationis &c. Da­tum Lateran. II. nonas Iulij.’

XXIV.

In a collection of diuers Constitu­tions for the English Church, out of Councells and others, titled only In vol. in quo Annal. Burton. apud V.C. Tho. Allen. Oxon. Constitutiones cuiusdam Episcopi, and writen about Hen. the thirds time, one of Tithes occurs. Decimas de omnibus quae renouantur per annum & maximè consuetas, dan­das decernimus & potissime de molendinis & pis­carijs & faenis & apibus & de terris arabilibus [Page 232] & ad prata posteà vel ad pasturam redactis, ita vt occasione mercedis seruientum vel messorum decima parte non frustrentur quo minus eam plene percipi­ant. Detentores vero earundem Decimarum si se­mel, secundo, & tertio commoniti excessum suum non emendauerint; concedimus quod per capellanos locorum vsque ad satisfactionem congruam excom­municationis vinculo feriantur. Cum autem hi qui decimas detinuerint vel subtraxerint ad poenitenti­am accesserint, non admittantur nisi per se vel per manum sacerdotis ei, cui decimae debentur, satisfa­ciant competenter.

XXV.

A Constitution for due paiment of Tithes Consti [...]. Eb [...]ra [...]. Ms. was made about 30▪ Hen. 3. by Walter Gray Archbishop of York. I haue only a note of it which I took out of the Ms. but the words I could not now transcribe for want of the Copie. the Copie it self I once saw in the Librarie of Mr. Henrie Sauill who is now with God.

XXVI.

The chiefest of the English Canon Laws, made for Tithes (both prediall and perso­nall) is that commonly attributed to a Coun­cel of Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canter­burie, held in 23. Ed. 1. at London; some Copies Vide Lindw. in Prouin [...] Const tit. de De [...]. c. quoniam propter in praefa­tionem. referring it to Archbishop Boniface and the time about 30. Hen. 3. or to an old Synod of Merton. But in the Synod of Merton held 42. Hen. 3. no part of it is extant. That I examined in the Ms. apud V.C. Th. Allen▪ Oxon. Annalls of the Abbey of Burton where the Canons of that Synod are at large collected. yet [Page 233] in the Pupilla Part. 9. cap. 5. oculi, writen by Iohn de Burgo Chancelor of Cambridge in M.CCC.LXXXV. it is called Constitutio facta apud Merton per om­nes Episcopos Angliae. These are the words of it, as it remains in the body of the Prouincial Con­stitutions. ‘Quoniam propter diuersas con­suetudines in petendo Decimas per diuersas Ecclesias inter rectores Ecclesiarum & Paro­chianos suos, rixae, contentiones, scandala & odia maxima multotiès oriuntur. Volumus & statuimus quòd in cunctis Ecclesijs per Cantuariens. Prouinciam constitutis, vnifor­mis sit petitio Decimarum & proventuum Ec­clesiarum. Imprimis volumus quod decimae de frugibus, non deductis expensis, integrè & sine aliqua diminutione soluantur: & de fru­ctibus arborum: & de seminibus omnibus, & de herbis ortorum nisi Parochiani compe­tentem fecerint redemptionem pro talibus de­cimis. Volumus & statuimus etiam quod de­cimae de foenis vbicun (que) crescant, siue in mag­nis pratis siue in paruis siue in cheminis exi­gantur, & prout expedit Ecclesiae persoluan­tur. De nutrimentis autem animalium scilicet de agnis; Statuimus quod pro sex agnis &· in­fra, sex oboli dentur pro decima. Si septem sint agni in numero, septimus agnus detur pro decima rectori, ita tamen quod rector Ec­clesiae qui septimum agnum recipit, tres obo­los in recompensationem soluat parrochiano [Page 234] à quo decimam illam recepit. Qui octauum recipit, det denarium. Qui verò nonum, det obolum parochiano vel expectet rector vsque ad alium annum donec plenariè Decimum a­gnum possit recipere si maluerit: & quum ita exspectat semper exigat secundū agnum me­liorem vel tertium ad minus de agnis secundi anni: & hoc pro expectatione primi anni. Et ita intelligendum est de Decima lanae. Sed si oues alibi in hyeme & alibi in aestate nutrian­tur diuidenda est decima. Similiter siquis me­dio tempore emerit vel vendiderit oues, & certum sit à qua parrochia illa oues venerint: carundem diuidenda est decima sicut de re quae sequitur duo domicilia. Si autem incer­tum fuerit, habeat illa Ecclesia totam deci­mam infra cuius limites tempore tonsionis in­ueniuntur. De Lacte verò volumus quod de­cima soluatur dum durat; videlicet de casco tempore suo. Et de lacte in autumno & hye­me nisi parochiani velint pro talibus facere competentem redemptionem, & hoc ad valo­rem decimae & commodum Ecclesiae. De pro­uentibus autem molendinorum volumꝰ quod decimae fideliter & integrè soluantur. De pa­sturis autem & pascuis tam non communibus quam communibus statuimus quod decimae fideliter persoluantur: & hoc per numerum animalium & dierum vt expedit Ecclesiae. De piscationibus & apibus sicut de omnibus alijs [Page 235] bonis iuste acquisitis quae renouantur per an­num, statuimus quòd decimae soluantur & ex­igantur debito modo. Statuimus etiam quod decimae personales soluantur de artificibus & mercatoribus scilicet de lucro negociationis▪ Similiter de carpentarijs, fabris, cementarijs textoribus, pandox atricibus, & omnibus a­lijs operarijs stipendarijs, vt videlicet dem Decimas de stipendijs suis nisi stipendarij ipsi aliquid certum velint dare ad opus vel ad lu­men Ecclesiae si rectori ipsius Ecclesiae placue­rit.’ then a word or two of Mortuaries; after which, ‘Sed quoniam inveniuntur multi Deci­mas sponte dare nolentes; Statuimus quod parochiani moneantur primo secundo & ter­tio vt decimas Deo & Ecclesiae fideliter sol­uant. Quod si non emendauerint primò ab in­gressu Ecclesiae suspendantur, & sic demùm ad solutionem decimarum per censuram Eccle­siasticam si necesse fuerit compellantur. Si au­tem dictae suspensionis relaxationem vel abso­lutionem petierint: ad ordinarium loci mit­tentur absoluendi: & debito modo puniendi. Rectores autem Ecclesiarum seu Vicarij aut Capellani annui qui predictas decimas pre­dicto modo propter formidinem hominum seu fauorem, timore Dei postposito, vt predi­ctum est, cum effectu non petierint: pena su­spensionis innodentur donec dimidiam mar­cam argenti pro sua inobedientia Archidia­cono [Page 236] loci persoluant.’ And then follow two other Constitutions, vnder Winchelsey's name, for some more peculiar order in payment. But that first referd to him, is in a Ms. In Biblioth. autoris. (written of about the time of Henry the sixt) of the English Episcopall Constitutions, seuerally thus titled, Constitutio Domini Stephani de Langtone Archi­episcopi edita de modo Decimandi. Stephen of Langton was Archbishop vnder King Iohn. But it is not extant in the Synod of his time.

XXVII.

In a Councell at London vnder Simon Mepham, Archbishop of Canterburie, held in 3. Ed. 3. a Extat. in Con­stit. Prouinc. lib. 3. Canon is against such as hindered Church-men from taken their Tithes, either by keeping them and their seruants from entring into the Land, or by exacting Conquer tur e­tiam de hac iniu­ria Io. de [...]thona in Constit. Othoboni c. mandata Dei. vero. Iustitiam fauor expellit. Gloues, Stockings, or some such bribes, before they would permit them take that right, which God, as it is there inserted, in signum vniuersalis Do­minij sibi reddi praecepit, & pro suo cultu Cleri­cis assignauit. All such offendors are branded with Excommunication: and another Constitu­tion of a Councell of Pauls, held in 17. Ed. 3. vnder Iohn Stretford Archbishop of Canterbu­rie, is to the selfe-same purpose.

XXVIII.

For Tithe of Copis Wood, or Silua caedua, also in that of Stretford, was a Extat. in Bl. Ca­nonin these words: ‘Quanquam exsoluen­tibus benè Decimas Deus frugum omnium a­bundantiam & possessionum promiserit vber­tatem: [Page 237] tamen dolentes referimus quod non­nulli nostrae Prouinciae contra testamenti ve­teris atque noui doctrinam de syluis suis cae­duis & lignis arborum caeduarum excisis circa quae minus, quàm circa fructus agrorum, labo­ris impendunt, Decimas Deo & Ecclesijs qui­bus debentur notoriè, propter hoc quod ipsas in praeteritum non dederunt, soluere contra­dicunt. quòd estimant idcirco licere quod Le­gem moris de longa inualuisse consue [...]udine arbitrantur, in dubium etiam reuocantes quid silua caedua sit censenda. Nos igitur aduer­tentes quod si sua portione Ecclesia sit de­fraudata diutinè, crimen praeterea non minui­tur sed augetur: ac fames & penuria omni­umque rerum egestas opprimunt bene Deci­mas non soluente; huiusmodi declaramus pouisione Concilij Siluam Caeduam, illam fore quae cuiuscunque existens generis arbo­rum in hoc habetur vt cedatur, & quae eti­am succisa rursus ex stirpibus aut radicibus renascitur; ac ex ea Decimam vtpote rea­lem & praedialem Parochialibus ac Matrici­bus Ecclesijs persoluendam; nec non siluarum possesso res huiusmodi ad praestationem Deci­marum lignorum ipsorum excisorum in eis, sicut feni & bladorum omni censura Ecclesi­astica fore Canonicè compellendos.’ By this, Tithe of all kind of Wood was payable. But in the Rot. Parl. 17. Ed. 3. art. 28. Parlament with which that Conuocation [Page 238] was held, a Petition was exhibited by the Com­mons, Que nul home soit tret en plee en Court Christien pur Dismes de bois ou de south bois si nonn en lieux ou tielx Dismes soloient estre donez. And the Answer was, Soit fait de cella auxi come il ad este fait einz cez heures.

XXIX.

And the yeer following, in the next Parlament, a Rot. Parl. 18. Ed, 3. art. 9. complaint was against that Con­stitution by the Commons. Item pria le Commen que come Constitution soit fait per les Prelats a prendre Disme de chescun mannere de Bois quel chose ne fuit vnques vsee, & que niefs & femes po­ent faire testament que est contre reson. que plese per lui & per son bon conseil ordainer remedie, & que son people demoerge en mesme l'estate qu'ils so­loient estre en temps de touts ses progenitours, & que Prohibitions soiēt grantes a touz ceux que sont empledes de Dismes de bois sans auoir consultation. Wich was no otherwise answerd, but with, Le Roy voet que ley & reason ent soient faits.

XXX.

Three yeeres after, in Rot. Parl. [...]1. Ed 3. art. 48. 21. Ed. 3. a Petition was touching the same matter put thus in by the Commons. Item monstre la Commune come nadgairs Lerceuesque de Cantirbiry & les autres Prelats ordenerent vne Constitution a doner Dismes de subbois venduz tant solement, la ou a­uant ces heures nulles Dismes furent donez, ore les gentz de Seint Esglise per force de la Constitution pernent & demandent les Dismes auxibien de gros bois come de subbois venduz & nient venduz e­contre [Page 239] oe qu'ils ont vsez puit temps de memoire, a grant damage de la Commone de quoi ils prient re­medie del vn point & del autre. To this is answe­red. L'erceuesque de Cantirbiry & les autres E­uesques ont responduz que tiele Disme nest de­mandee per reson de la dit Constitution forsque de subbois. But I well conceiue not why they com­plain of the Constitution, as made only for the Tithe of Wood sold. no such thing appeares in it, that iustifies their supposition.

XXXI.

This tithing of Wood, and of such other things as were not of Custome paid, still vexed the Commons. And therefore againe in a Parlament Rot. Parl. Fest. Hill. 25▪ Ed. 3. art. 37. of 25. Ed. 3. they exhibit this Peti­tion. Item pria la Commone, que si la Clergie en droit des Dismes de haut bois & southbois ou d'au­tre chose riens demandent ou attemptent de nouel forsque solement ceo & en les lieus d'ont ils ont este d'aunciens temps seisis come en le droit de lour Esglises, que pleise a nostre Seigniour le Roy ent granter Prohibition sans Consultation a touz ceux que le voillent demander en tiel cas, & que les dites gents de S. Esglise soient defenduz a deman­der Dismes de grosse bois. Here the Commons would haue had such a libertie of discharge of Tithes not vsually paid, as the Philippine in France, and the like Edicts of some other Na­tions giue the subiect. But the answer was, Le Roy & son Conseil se voillent de ceste Petition auiser.

[Page 240]XXXII. But vpon new Petition, by the Lords Temporall and Commons in the Parla­ment of 45. Ed. 3. it was enacted (as you see in the published Statutes, agreeing with the Re­cord) That Tithe should not be exacted of great Trees, being of XX. yeeres growth, or aboue. and that vpon a Suit commenced in the Spiritu­all Court for such Tithes, a Prohibition should be granted, as it had been in former time also v­sed. but that vse, it seemes, had been somewhat discontinued, through a reuerence giuen to that Synodall Canon of Archbishop Stretford. Al­though in 50. Ed. 3. fol. 10. b. Belknap saies, That it was neuer seen, that Tithes had been deman­ded of great Trees and of Timber. This Sta­tute Plowd. Comm. fol. 470.9. Nen. 6▪ fol. 56. &c. hath had still force in practice to this day.

XXXIII.

Yet, notwithstanding this Sta­tute, the Clergie were not so contented; but vn­der pretence that it was not indeed, by sufficient autoritie, made a Statute, but only an Ordinance (the contrarie whereof appears both in the Roll and in the consent of following time) oft times afterward brought the Temporaltie in question vpon their Canons; insomuch, that in the Par­lament of Rot. Part. 47. [...]. 3. art. 21. 47. Ed. 3. a Bill was put in by the Commons, reciting that of 45. Ed. 3. and then relating, that les persons de Seint Esglise enten­dants que cel Ordinance ne restreint my lour aun­ciene accrochements, surmettants que ce ne fuist [Page 241] my afferme pur Estatut, font occasions in Court Christien a contrarie del Ordenance suisdit a grant damage del people, per qui pleise a nostre Seignior le Roy d'afermer la dite Ordenance pur Estatut a durer pur temps auener, & que Prohibition especi­all sur mesme Lestatut de ceo soit fait en la Chan­cellerie defendant que eux ne [...]ignent plee en Court Christien des Dismes de bois del age auantdit, that is, of XX. yeeres. The answer hereto was, Soit tiele Prohibition grantee come ad este vse d'aunci­en temps. Thus did the Clergie and Commons so differ touching the execution of the Canons; and insomuch, that afterward also the Com­mons put in a Bill, Rot. Parl 51. Ed. 3. art. [...]6. Que nul Estatute ne Orde­nance soit faite ne grante au Petition du Clergie si ne soit per assent de voz Commens. Ne que vous dites Commens ne soient obligez per nulles consti­tutions qu'ils font pur lour auantage sanz assent de voz dites Commens. Car eux ne▪ veullent estre ob­ligez a nul de voz Estatutz ne Ordinances fa [...]tz sanz lour assent. But the answer was only thus, Soit ceste mature declarè en speciall. This by the way.

XXXIV.

Here may be Regist. Orig. fol. 4. a. rememberd thatagreement in the Parlament at Salisburie, Quòd consultationes fieri debent de silua caedua, eo non obstante quod non renouatur per annum. But to what Parlament to refer that agreement, expres­sed by Concordatum fuit coram Consilio Regis in Parlamento &c. I sufficiently know not, vnlesse [Page 242] to that of 7. Rich. 2. held at Salisburie, the Rolls whereof hath nothing of it.

XXXV

· In 5. Hen. 4. a Bill was put in by the Rot. Parl. 5. Hen. 4. art. 65. Commons, against the exaction of Tithes of Quarries of Stone and Slatt. Thus it speaks. Item priont les Commens que come plusors lieges nostre Seignior le Roy sont souent foits vexiz & trauaillez per Persons & Vicaires de Seint Es­glise per Citations & Censures de Seint Esglise pur Dismes de Peres & Sclattes oueres & trahez hors de Quares de sicomne nul Disme de nul tiel Pierre ne Sclatte vnques ne feust demande de nulle Disme ent paie, que pleise a granter que si ascun Prohibition soit fait en le cas que nul Consultation soit grant a contrarie. Hereto the answer was, Le Roy s'aduisera. But you may see hereof more in the ancient Opinions of the Iudges, deliuered in the Orig fol. 59. b. Register and Nat. Br. fol. 53. C. G. Fitzherbert.

XXXVI.

In 27. Hen 8. chap. 20. it is ena­cted by Parlament, That through all the Kings dominions, euery subiect according to the Eccle­siasticall Laws and Ordinance of this Church of England, and after the laudable Vsages and Cu­stomes of the Parish or other place where he dwel­leth or occupieth, shall yeeld and pay his Tithes &c. And some other speciall courses for reco­uerie of Tithes, are in that Act ordained.

XXXVII.

By the Statute of Dissolution of Monasteries of 31. Hen. 8. chap. 13. it was en­acted, That the King and his Patentees should [Page 243] hold the Possessions of the dissolued Monasteries discharged and acquited of payment of Tithes, as freely, and in as large and ample manner, as the Houses of Religion held them at their time of the dissolution.

XXXVIII.

After the dissolution of Mo­nasteries, to which, diuers Tithes and Parish Churches had been appropriated, and were now setled in the Crowne, and thence conueyed into Lay hands, an Act was made in 32. Hen. 8. cap. 7. commanding euery man, fully, truly, and effe­ctually, to diuide, set out, yeeld or pay all and sin­gular Tithes and Offerings, according to the law­full Customes and Vsages of the Parishes and Pla­ces where such Tithes or Duties shall grow, arise, come, or be due. And remedie is giuen for Eccle­siastique persons before the Ordinarie; and for Lay men, that claimed appropriated Tithes by grant from the Crown, in the secular Courts, by such actions as vsually Lay possessions had been subiect to.

XXXIX.

By the Acts of 27. Hen. 8. cap. 21. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 12. and the Decree made vpon them, the Citizens and Inhabitants of London and the Liberties were commanded to pay their Tithes to the Parsons, Vicars, and Curats of the Citie, according to a rate of the rents of their houses; that is, two shillings nine pence for eue­rie pound. and that if no rent be reserued, the Tithe should be duly paid, according to what [Page 244] their houses had been last letten for. and accor­ding to that also, are owners bound to pay. But a Prouiso is in the Decree, That where a lesse summe then after two shillings nine pence the pound hath been accustomed to bee paid for Tithes, in such places the former custome should be continued. And some other particulars are in it, which are too long to be here transcribed. you may easily see it whole. But anciently, in London, on euery Sunday and other principall Feast day; the chief maintenance of the Ministers was en­creased, by a farthing offered out of euery tenne shillings of rent. Ex Ordinatione antiqua, sayes Lindwood In Constit. Prouin [...]. tit. de Dec. c▪ Sancta, §. Nego [...]ationum., (and that Ordinance, as I haue heard, was either made by Roger Niger Bishop of London, in 13. Hen. 3. as a new one, or as a confirmation of former vse. as which of these, I purposely abstain here to enquire) in dicta Ciui­tate, tenentur singulis Dominicis diebus & in prin­cipalibus Festis & Sanctorum Apostolorum & a­liorum quorum Vigiliae ieiunantur offerre pro sin­gulis X. solidis redditus domus quam inhabitant vnum quadrantem. And the LII. farthings so yeerly paid on Sundaies only, came so neere to the iust Tenth of the rent, that they were thought on as a Tithe paid; the other being reputed ra­ther by the name only of Offerings. Which you may see in the same Lindwood; where he disputes the question, whether those farthings excused the Citizens from personall Tithes of their gaines; [Page 245] and concludes, that they did not. But before these Acts and the Decree, no Tithes, as Tithes, were generally paid in that Citie. in some places Vide 16. Ed. 3. quare impedit 147.38. Ed. 3. fol. 13. a. Grants case in Report. 11. fol. 16. a. they were, as in the libertie of S. Martins le Grand, which is rather in London then of it. neither can I but here remember that custom of the Eastern Church thus maintaind chiefly with Offerings, or [...], as they called them, which specially appears in the answere of Theodore In Respons. 57. inter monimenta Iuris Gra [...]-Ro­mani edit. à Leun­clauio & Frahe [...]. Balsamon Patriarch of Antiochia, to Mark Pa­triarch of Alexandria, touching the quantitie of what was to be offered. He tells him, that no cer­tain quantitie is appointed by the Canons, and that through inequalitie of mens estates (none of them giuing any such part to the Church as that it could discouer their abilities) which per­mits not a regular certaintie, they were conten­ted with what custom and free bountie of the gi­uers bestowed. [...] (saies he) [...]. which is in substance the same before in English.

XL.

In 2. and 3. Ed. 6. chap. 15. it was ena­cted that all prediall Tithes should be thence­forth paid as of right they had been within for­tie yeers next preceding, or according to custom ought to haue been, with allowance of Priui­leges lawfull Prescriptions or Cōpositions reall. and personall Tithes of gain by merchandise and [Page 246] artifice in such places, and as within XL. yeers preceding they had been accustomably vsed to be paid, are commanded to be paid yeerly at or before Easter. Other particulars and the reme­dies giuen by the Act may be easier found in it, then I can transcribe them.

XLI.

To these may not amisse be added those Laws for Tithes, proposed by the VIII. persons chosen to begin a new body of Canon Law for England in 5. Ed. 6. according to the first purpose of the Statut of 25. Hen. 8. cap. 19. (which was seconded also by the Statut of 3 and 4. Ed. 6. cap. 11.) whereby XXXII. persons as­signed by the King should haue made it. neither were those VIII. to haue giuen sufficient auto­ritie to it according to those Statuts, without approbation of XXXII. afterward that should haue censurd their reformation. The VIII. were Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterburie, Thomas Bishop of Elie, Richard Cox the Kings Almosner and Peter Martyr Doctors of Diui­nitie, William May and Rouland Tailor Doctors of Law, and Iohn Lucas and Richard Gooderik Esquires. In what they proposed, is found a con­stitution in the Kings name that all predial tithes should be paid in kind to the Ministerie integrè & expletè (with an exception of timber Trees of XX. yeers growth) as also of the profits of Milles, of Turbaries, Cole-mines, Quarries of stone and all other of like kind. Of all Agistments [Page 247] also Tithes are there paiable, and of the encrease of all kind of beasts, wild and tame; of fish, of butter, cheese, milk, wool, wax. and the Statut of 2. and 3. Ed. 6. for Tithes is there receiud for so much of it as is not against a generall paiment which they would haue had ordaind. But these as the rest in the Volume with them, were only intended for Laws, but neuer had sufficient au­toritie or confirmation. The intent was first that those Canon Laws only, which according to the purpose of the two Statuts of Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. should be compiled, might haue autoritie in the Vniuersities, and force in practice; but so, that there might still be praeseruatio legum nostrarum communium in suo vigore remanentium, as the words are in the Patent of Ed. 6. that authorizes the VIII. persons to consult about them.

For our Laws of Tithing either made or de­sired, thus much. But before we speak of the Pra­ctice, it is requisit that we enter into some dis­quisition touching Parishes or Parochiall right according wherto at this day from ancient time the paiment of Tithes is regularly performed.

CAP. IX.

I. Of Parishes in the Primitiue Church of the Britons.

II. Parishes in the Primitiue Church of the En­glish Saxons. first limited only in regard of the [Page 248] Ministers function, not of Parochiall profits. all the profits of euery whole Diocese, first made a common treasure to be disposed of by the Bi­shop and his Clergie, of the same Diocese. Resi­dence of the Bishop and Clergie in those times. The great regard then had to euery Clergie man.

III. Of diuision of our Parishes. whether Ho­norius Archbishop of Canterburie first deuided them. Parochia or Paroecia diuersly taken.

IV. Lay-foundations of Parish Churches; from whence chiefly came Parochial limits in regard of the profits receiud to the singular vse of the Incumbents. Limitation of Tithes by K. Ed­gar to the Mother Parish Church, or Monaste­rie. Monasteries preferd before other Churches for buriall. Mortuaries. Minstre. a third part of Tithes (according to K. Edgars Law) must be giuen to a new-built Church that had right of Sepulture by the Founder. Sepultura and Bap­tisterium. Capella Parochialis. a Parish com­manded to be made (out of another that was too large) by the Pope. one Parish ioind to another by the King.

IN consideration of our Parish Churches and Parochiall limits, the times of the Britons first, then of the English-Saxons and fore­ward are to be thought of. that is, the elder times of their Christianitie.

I.

For the Britons; litle or no Testimonie of credit is extant that discouers the Ecclesiasticall policie vsed by them, in their primitiue times, or declares the possessions of their Hierarchie. And we omit here wholy what might be collected out of that fabulous tale of Augustine preaching at Cometon in Oxfordshire, whereof more in the next Chapter. Although K. Lucius had institu­ted XXVIII. Bishops, and III. Archbishops (as the British storie tells vs) yet, how in those Dioceses any distinct Parishes were, appears not expresly. But we may very well think that such kind of Parishes only were in those Bishopriques as we haue alreadie Chap. 6. §. 3. shewd to haue been in the Primitiue Church elswhere. neither is it likely that in those times, the custom of this Island therein should differ from what was euen vni­formly receiud through those parts of Christen­dom, wherof we haue best testimonie remaining. But if all ancient autoritie were of credit, Parish Churches expresly mentiond of about the time of CCCCXC. and endowd as at this day might be found among the Britons. For when Dubritius was made Archbishop of Southwales which they called Dextralis Britannia, and his See appointed at Landaff vnder Mouris Prince of that Wales, diuers Churches with their en­dowments of Tithes, Oblations, and other pro­fits were appropriated to him and his successors; by the relation of an old Autor. ‘Propter san­ctitatem [Page 250] suam (are his Anonym. Ms. de primostatu Lan­dauens. Ecclesiae in Bibl. Cottoniana eadem in Codice Landau. qui Tilo dicitur habentur. Recens autem exscriptus Tilo reperitur in ea­dem Biblioth. words) & praedicatio­nem praeclaram Beati Pastoris & regalem pa­rentelam suam plures Ecclesiae cum suis doti­bus, Decimis, oblationibus, sepulturis, Ter­ritorijs & libera communione eorum datae sunt sibi & successoribus suis omnibus à Regi­bus & Principibus totius regni Dextralis Bri­tanniae. and then, Videns autem sanctus Du­britius Largifluam potentum manum erga si­bi comissam Ecclesiam, partitus est discipulos mittens quosquam discipulorum suorum per Ecclesias sibi datas, & quasdam fundauit Ec­clesias, & Episcopos per dextralem Britanni­am coadiutores sibi, ordinatis Parochijs suis, consecrauit.’ But this Autor wrote not be­fore about the beginning of the last CCCC. yeers from Christ, and spake of these things in the phrase of his own time. the hand and context and their relations in him iustifie it. he talks, you see, of Churches endowd and appropriated and founded, as if he meant no other then such as now are conueiable by Patrons and Ordinaries in the course of appropriations vsed in later a­ges, and filled with Incumbents that had in them like estates and particular interest in the profits as Parsons at this day. indeed, that in those times Churches were built here, no doubt can be made; neither is it to be conceiud how 1. Ad Cor. cap. 11.22. Sed v [...]desis Isi­dor. Pelusi [...]t. lib. 2. Epist. 246. Chri­stianitie could he in any Nation much ancienter (if generally receiud, or by any number) then [Page 251] Churches or some conuenient Houses or other places in the nature of Churches, appointed for the exercise of deuotion. and expresse mention Beda Hist. Ec­cles. lib. 1. cap. 26. is of a Church built here in the time of the Ro­mans, to the honor of S. Martin in which Augu­stin and his followers when they came first from Rome, made their holy assemblies, and others al­so they repaired. and saies Gildas, of the Clergie of his time, that is about D.LXXX. Ecclesiae domꝰ habentes, sed turpis lucri gratia eas adeuntes. But I ghesse, that vnder Dubritiꝰ few or no parish Churches were otherwise erected then for con­uenient places for such Ministers as the Bishop out of his Clergie arbitrarily sent thither, and that the offerings & other profits there receiud were to the common treasurie of the Diocese, and to be dispensed as is before declared, where we speak generally of those elder times. & in re­gard no more certainty of the establishing of the endowments, or places of residence in the British Hierarchie, may be found, I willingly permit to euery man his own coniecture.

II.

For the age of the Saxons; we read that Augustin and his companie, when they first came to K. Ethelbert in Kent, began there to imitat Beda lib. 1. cap. 26. Apostolicam primitiuae Ecclesiae vitam, ea tantum quae victui necessaria videbantur ab eis quas doce­bant accipiendo, and, that after they had conuer­ted the King, they builded and repaired Chur­ches. maiorem praedicandi per omnia, & Ecclesias [Page 152] fabricandi vel restaurandi licentiam accipiebant. So Ethelbert in his Charter of foundation (if you will beleeue the autoritie Cart. Antiq. l. 8. in arc [...] Londin. whence we haue it) of his Abbey in Canterburie, talks of alias quas fabricaui Ecclesias. And doubtlesse those Churches which they built, or repaired, as also the Temples of the Gentiles which by aduise of Pope Gregorie to Mellitus were not to be de­stroied, but conuerted to Christian seruice, had some kind of limits of adioining Villages or Towns, and so were in that respect Parochiall. But those limits and Churches were variously chosen and assigned to ministring Priests, accor­ding to the conuenience of the assembling of the Neighbour-inhabitants; but not so ordaind that euery Parishioner was bound to keep his deuoti­on within the limits of this or that parish church. that is, Parishes were then limited only in regard of the ministring Presbyterie (whence they were called scriftscyrean i. circuits, within which the Priests exercised their shriuing) but not in re­gard of the profits receiud from the Parishio­ners. For the whole Diocese (first of Canterbury, thē of the other elder Bishopriques, as they were instituted) was indeed the only limited Parish, in regard of the Parishioners profits. & the Cler­gie of the Bishop, that is, his familie of Church men, were the Curats in inferior Churches, ac­cording as the Bishop appointed and altered them; and whatsoeuer they receiued through [Page 253] deuotion of good Christians, made vp a com­mon treasure for the whole Diocese (whence it followd, that it was not materiall at what church any Parishioner offerd his Christian bountie, so he did it within the Diocese) which was both consonant to what is found to be the vse of o­ther Churches in the Primitiue times, and is also confirmed by that Augustin in his question to Pope Gregorie, touching Bishops. he demanded qualiter cum suis Clericis conuersentur? vel de his quae fidelium oblationibus accedunt Altari, quantae debeant fieri portiones? whereto the Pope answers that the custom is generally to make a quadri­partit diuision for the Bishop, for his Clergie, for the Poor, and for reparation of Churches. but he admonishes him, that in the tendernesse of the English-Saxon Church, he and his Cler­gie should still imitate the communitie of all things vsed in the Primitiue times vnder the A­postles. The Saxon of that question Extat in Beda exemplatis Saxo­nici Ms. lib. 3. in Bibl. Cottoniana is obseru­able. ‘AErest be Bisceopum; hu hie mid hiora gefe­rum drohtian & lufian scylen. Oððe in þaem lacum geleaffumra þe hie to ƿeofodum, & to godes cyri­cum brengað, hu monige daelas þara beon scyle,’ , that is, ‘first concerning Bishops. how they should bear themselues among their Clergie, or how many parts they should haue in the offerings that good Christians brought to Altars and to Gods Chur­ches.’ here it is more plainly exprest, that whate­uer came to any Altar or Church, within the [Page 254] Diocese, was one common profit to be deuided or emploied, as Pope Gregorie answers; where he tells him also that the Bishop and his Clergie Videsis B [...]dam Hist. Eccles. lib 4 cap. [...]7▪ must liue together, Sed, saith he, quia frater­nitas tua Monasterij regulis erudita, seorsum viue­re non debet à Clericis suis in Ecclesia Anglorum &c. So that you may collect that in these Pri­mitiue times of the English-Saxon Church the Bishop and the whole Clergie of the Diocese were as one body liuing vpon their endowments (bestowd on the Bishoprique) and their treasure that came from the sundrie places of deuotion whither som one or other of them at the Bishops appointment, was sent to preach the Word and minister the Sacraments. euery Clerk hauing his diuidend for his maintenance. Neither in these elder times, I think, did any of these of his Cler­gie or Chaplains vsually reside elsewhere then with him at his Bishoprique (as Deanes and Chapters at this day) or in some Monasteries whence they might as occasion required, at cer­tain times go into those Parishes which were di­stinguished only for seuerall functions of those Chaplains, lest want of such distinction might the sooner haue caused also a want of speciall discharge of this or that Cure. so that there were singularum Ecclesiarum Presbyteri Synod. Anglic. c. 1. & [...]. ann. 786. C [...]ntur. 8. cap. 9. qui populum erudire debent, and they were particularly or­daind for the Title of this or that Church, and euery one was bound by our canons of that time [Page 255] not to leaue the Church for which he was so or­dained. And from their residence with the Bi­shop, or out of the Parish in Monasteries, came it, as it seemes, that they were but rarely seen a­broad among the people. for so rarely were they seen abroad, that when euer any of them were es­pied in the Countrey, the people vsed presently to flock about him, and with all reuerence hum­bly to beseech his Benisons, either by signing them with the Crosse, or in holy prayers for them; and, with all earnestnesse of attention, they heard what he preached. This is that Vide eum hist. Eccles. [...]ib. 3. c. 26. & lib 4. c. 27. which Bede teaches, when he tells vs, that si quis Sacer­dotum in vicum forte deueniret, mox congregati in vnum vicani, verbum vitae ab illo expetero cura­bant. And againe, Erat quippe moris [...]o tempore populis Anglorum, vt, veniente in villam Clerico vel Presbytero, cuncti ad eius imperium verbum audituri constuerent, libenter ea quae dicerentur audirent, libentiùs ea, quae audire & intelligere poterant, operando sequerentur. How long this communitie in euery Diocese between the Bi­shop and his attending Clergie (which is deno­ted often by the name of Episcopi Clerus) con­tinued, fully appears not. But, that it was not out of vse till past more then C. yeers after Au­gustines comming, that is, till past D.CC. yeers from Christ, may be coniectured out of those testimonies of Bede, which extend as farre.

III.

Yet it is commonly receiud, that Ho­norius, [Page 256] the first Archbishop of Canterburie after Augustine, about the yeer D.C.XXX. first diui­ded his Prouince into Parishes. And in the late historie of the Archbishops of Canterburie, writ­ten by Mr Ioscelin, it is thus deliuered of him. Neque solùm Episcopos tanquam superiores tur­rium custodes Ecclesiae superimpo suit, sed etiam, Prouinciam suam primus in Parochias diuidens, inferiores Ministros ordinauit. And according to this, haue some of our greatest and most learned Writers related. But I doubt much how it can at all stand with truth. For if Parochiae be here meant only for such as were assigned Limits for those which were sent arbitrarily from the Bi­shop, out of the number of his Chaplains, or his Clerus, residing for the most part, in those elder times, with him at his Bishoprique; then cleere­ly, Honorius was not the first that made diuision of them. Such kind of Parochiae are euen neere as ancient as Bishopriques; and questionlesse, in Augustines time. how could otherwise, Gods Seruice be orderly had in the Infancie of the Church? And when euer seuerall Churches for Christian Seruice, or other places for holy As­semblies, began, then began such Parochiae. And that Churches were built here before Honorius his time, is before manifested. If, on the other side, Parochiae be taken for what it's vsually vn­derstood, that is, for such Limits as now make Parishes, bounded as well in regard of the profits [Page 257] receiud from the Parishioners (due only to the Minister of that Church) as of the Incumbents function and residence; how will that stand with the communitie of Ecclesiastique profits, and the Bishops and his Clergies liuing together, that may be without much difficultie discouered out of Bede, to haue continued after Honorius also? But where euer that testimonie of his diuiding Parishes was first found, I doubt it was mis-vn­derstood, through the various signification of Parochia. For in those ancient times, Parochia vsually denoted as well a Bishoprique, or Dio­cese, or bisceope scyre, as the Saxons called it, as a lesse Parish. That signification is very obuious in the old Councells of both Tongues (as it is also specially obserued by the learned Filesacus in his Paroecia) and in the moniments of this Kingdome. For it is related of King Cenwalch, that he diuided Beda Hist. Ec­cles. lib. 3. cap. 7. Prouinciam in duas Parochias, when he made a new Bishoprique at Winchester, that was taken out of the Diocese of Dorchester. And in the Councell of Hertford, held vnder Theodore Archbishop of Canterburie, one Ca­non is Ibidem lib. 4. c. 5. & videsis c. 16. q 2. c. 6. san [...]., Vt nullus Episcoporum Parochiam al­terius inuadat sed contentus sit gubernatione cre­ditae sibi plebis. So in Florence of Worcester, vn­der the yeere D.C.LXXX. Merciorum Pro­uincia in quinque Parochias est diuisa, that is, into fiue Bishopriques. And the truth is, that it may be said properly enough, that Honorius was the [Page 258] first vnder whom his Prouince was diuided into such Parochiae, or Bishopriques. that is, No other Bishopriques (except Canterburie, London, and Rochester) were in his Prouince vntill his time; those three being almost of one antiquitie. But vnder him, Byrinus was made first Bishop of the West-Saxons, and had his See or Bisceop setle (as they calld it) at Dorchester, and Foelix the Bur­gugnone was likewise ordaind first Bishop of the East-Angles at Dunwich. Which two Ordina­tions, in regard the like had not been in this Prouince of Canterburie from Augustines time till this Honorius, were perhaps the cause why it might be related, that Honorius primus Prouin­ciam suam in Parochias diuisit. Which, al­though it were to be conceiud of such Parishes as at this day wee call by that name, yet could not extend to all his Prouince. For not till long after his time, was Christianitie receiud in the Kingdome of Sussex, which was first conuerted by Wilfrid, first Bishop of Selsey, in the yeere D.C.LXXIX. Hitherto then, for aught can out of ancient Moniments be proued, no Limits Parochiall, in regard of the profits to be receiud from the Parishioners, and spent by this or that Minister only, were assigned. But the ancient course of a kind of communitie of all profits of the Diocese, with the Bishop and his Clergie, remaind still in vse. Neither was the interest of many Churches, it seems, as yet here in any Lay-founders. [Page 259] But the Bishops, as I thinke, had both the interest and gouernance of the Churches built by the King, and tooke care for building new in their owne endowments, and hallowing old ones, that had been either prophaned since Christian Seruice vsed in them among the Bri­tons, or formerly consecrated only to Heathen­isme. So may you vnderstand that of Byrinus, first Bishop of Dorchester. Factis dedicatisque Ecclesijs multisque ad Dominum, pro eius labore, populis aduocatis, migrauit ad Dominum, as Bedes words are; in the Saxon of which it is exprest, that the Ciricean ƿorhte & gehalgode, that is, made Churches, and hallowed them.

IV.

But afterward, when deuotion grew fir­mer, and most Lay men, of faire estate, desired the Countrey-residence of some Chaplains, that might be alwaies readie for Christian instructi­on among them, their Families, and adioyning Tenants; Oratories and Churches began to be built by them also: and being hallowed by the Bishops, were endowed with peculiar mainte­nance from the Founders, for the Incumbents that should there only reside. Which mainte­nance, with all other Ecclesiastique profits that came to the hands of euery such seuerall Incum­bent (in regard▪ that now the Lay-founder had, according to the Territorie of his De­mesnes, Tenancies, or neighbouring Possessions, made and assigned both the Limits within which [Page 260] the holy Function was to be exercised, and ap­pointed the persons that should repaire to the Church, and offer there, as also prouided a spe­ciall Salarie for the performance) was afterward also restraind from that common Treasurie of the Diocese, and made the only reuenue, which became perpetually annext to the Church of that Clerk who receiued it. Neither was it won­der, that the Bishops should giue way to such restraint. for had they denied that to Lay foun­ders, they had giuen no small cause also of re­straining their deuotion. Euery man, question­lesse, would haue been the vnwillinger to haue specially endowd the Church, founded for the holy vse chiefely of him, his Familie, and Te­nants, if withall he might not haue had the liber­tie to haue giuen his Incumbent, there resident, a speciall and seuerall maintenance; which could not haue been, had the former communitie of the Clergies reuenue still remained. Out of these Lay foundations chiefely, doubtlesse came those kind of Parishes, which at this day are in euery Diocese. their differences in quantitie being ori­ginally out of the difference of the seuerall Cir­cuits of the Demesnes or Territories possessed by the Founders▪ And after such time as vpon Lay foundations, Churches had their profits so limited to their Incumbents, no doubt can be, but that the Bishops, in their Prebends, or Ad­uowsons of Parishes, both in Cities and in the [Page 261] Countrey, formerly limited only in regard of the Ministers Function, restraind also the pro­fits of euery of their seuerall Churches, to the Incumbents; that so a vniformitie might be re­ceiued in that innouation of Parochiall right. At what time these Lay foundations began to be frequent, plainly enough appears not. But some mention is of them about the yeer D.CC. as you may see in Hist. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 4. & 5. Bede, where he speaks of one Puch, a Saxon Noble man, that had built a Church, and entreated Iohn, Bishop of Hangul­stad, to consecrate it; and the like also of one Addi. Alio item tempore, sayes hee, vocatus ad dedicandum Ecclesiam Comitis vocabulo Addi. Some such more, of about that time, may bee found. But about the yeere D.CCC. many Churches, founded by Lay men, are recorded to haue been appropriated to the Abbey of Crow­land, as you see in the Charters of Confirmation made by Bertulph King of Mercland, and of o­thers, to the same Abbey, reported by Ingulphus. Whence it may bee obserued, that by this time Lay foundations were grown verie com­mon, and Parochiall Limits also of the Parishio­ners deuotions. And in a Councell held in D.CCC.XVI. vnder Wilfrid, Archbishop of Canterburie, wee find, Vbi Ecclesiae aedif [...]centur, à propriae Diocesis Episcopo sanctificentur. And a Canon of the M▪ (in Biblioth. Certoniana) c. 10. same Synod ordains, That vpon the death of euery Bishop, Statim per sin­gulas [Page 262] Parochias in singulis quibusque Ecclesijs, pulsato signo, omnis famulorum Dei caetus ad Ba­silicam conueniat. Ibique paritèr XXX. Psalmos pro defuncti anima decantent, & posteà vnusquis­que antistes & Abbas DC. Psalterios & CXX. Missas celebrare faciat, & tres homines liberet, & eorum cuilibet tres solidos distribuat &c. with other Ceremonies of Fasting and Prayer (according to the time) for the soule of the Bi­shop. Here, it may seem, Parishes limited as at this day, are vnderstood. But the first expresse mention of limitation of profits (other then of the endowing) to bee giuen to this or that Church, is in those Laws of King Edgar, made about D.CCCC.LXX. where a three-fold diuision is of Churches. the first is called Ealdan Mynstre, that is, Senior Ecclesiae, which Leg· Franci [...]. apud [...]i [...]sacum, lib. de Pa [...]ci [...]. name anciently was giuen to Cathedrall Churches; the second, a Church that hath Legerstoƿe, or place for Buriall; the third, a Church that hath no Legerstoƿe. Where it is ordaind, that euery man, hauing not erected a Church of his own, should pay his Tithes to the Ealdan Mynstre ðe seo hyrnesse to hyrþ; that is, to the ancientest Church or Monasterie where he hears Gods seruice. Which I vnderstand not otherwise, then of any Church or Monasterie, whither vsually in respect of his Commorancie or his Parish (determined according to the Farmes, Houses and Lands, occupied with those Houses or Farmes) he re­paired; [Page 263] that is, his Parish Church or Monasterie. For we must remember, that in those times, Mo­nasteries (which somewhat before Edgar Regular. Con­cordia Anglica Nationis Monach. Sanctimonialium­que Ms. in Bibl. Cotton. & Mal­me [...]bur. lib. 1 de gest. Pontific. fol. 115. were for the most part filled with secular Clerks, who also, as other Clergie men took pains abroad in the spirituall Haruest; and vnder him by Arch­bishop Dunstans procurement were restored on­ly to Cloister Monks or Benedictines) aswell as other Churches erected either by Bishops or Lay men, were in many places the only Orato­ries & Auditories that the neer Inhabitants did their deuotions in, and perhaps were in regard of buriall most commonly preferd before other Churches whatsoeuer. which may be collected from a Canon of an In Statut. Synod▪ Ms. in sap. dict. Biblioth. cap. 9. old Synod of Ireland held about these elder times of the English Church. neither is it likely but that the manners of these Northern Churches in that age were enough a­greeable to each other. In that Synod it appears that any man might haue bequeathed his buriall to what Abbey best pleased him, and that the Abbot to whose Monasterie the bequest was made, should haue the Apparell of the dead, his Horse and his Cow for a Mortuarie, although he had before solemnly giuen all that he had to any other Abbot. whence may easily be conie­ctured that Monasteries were in chiefest reputa­tion for Videsis c. 16. quaest. 1. c. 1 [...] A­gap [...]tus & 13. q. 2. c. 6. vbicunque. sed & vide Ap­pend. ad Concil. Later. part. 43. cap. 4. buriall, and had a right of it before a­ny other kind of Parochiall Church, if the dead made choise of any of them. and by the way for [Page 264] that course of paiment of a motuarie (which the Saxons, Vide Canuti Leg. cap. 13. I think, calld saƿlsceat) the same Synod affirmes, that Omne corpus sepultum habet in iure suo Vaccam & Equum & Vestimentum & Orna­mentum sui Lecti; nec quicquam horum reddetur in alia debita, quia corpori eius tanquam vernacula debentur. and although the certain age of that Synod appears not, yet it was after such time as Parishes were limited in regard of the Parishio­ners repairing to one certain Church and gi­uing their deuotions there only. for in it also are these words: quicunque discesserit de sua Eccle­sia & in alia Ecclesia sepultus fuerit &c. what can sua Ecclesia be but such a kind of Parish Church, as at this day is titled so? that is, one li­mited in regard of the Parishioners and their profits receiued from them. But, in that of Ed­gars ealden Minstre, it is plain that although Minstre specially denote a Monasterie, yet all o­ther Parish Mother Churches are vnderstood by it. and indeed dyric and Minstre are frequent, as Synonomies in the Saxon moniments. But as the first part of his Law that giues all Tithes to the Mother Church of euery Parish, meant in them a Parochiall right to Incumbents, so also the se­cond part, that permits a third portion of the Founders Tithes to be setled in a Church new built, wherto the right of Sepulture is annexed, makes a dispensation for a Parishioner that would build such a Church in his Bocland or land [Page 265] possessed optimo iure, or as inheritance deriued from a Charter of feoffment. And howeuer that second part also of this Law, is iterated by King Knout, yet I doubt not but that such new erecti­ons within old Parishes bred also new diuisions which afterward became whole Parishes, and by conniuence of the time, took (for so much as was in the Territorie of that Bocland) the former Pa­rochiall right that the elder and Mother church was possessed of. For, that right of Sepulture or hauing a legerstoƿ, was, and regularly is a Cha­racter of a Parish Church or Ecclesia, as it is commonly distinguished from Capella. and an­ciently if a quare impedit had been brought for a Church, whereas the defendant pretended it to be a Chappell only, the issue was not so much whether it were Church or Chappell, as whether it had Baptisterium or Sepulturam, or no. so it appears in a case of Trinit. Placit. 23. Hen. 3. rot. 15. in arce Londi­nensi. 23. Hen. 3. where William of Whitanston in his count against the Archbi­shop of Canterburie, expresses, Ecclesiam de Hey in Sussex to be of his aduowson, and the Arch­bishop pleads that what he calls a Church, non est Ecclesia, imo Capella pertinens ad matricem Ecclesiam de Terringes, ita quod non est ibi Bapti­sterium neque Sepultura imo omnes qui nascuntur ibidem baptizantur apud Terringes, & similiter omnes qui ibi moriuntur, sepeliuntur apud Ter­ringes &c. and thence was it also that the whole Clergie of England put the inquirie of such an [Page 266] issue among their grieuances, when in 21. Hen 3. they desired Otho the Popes Legat, among other freedoms, to get for them of the King, Quod In Ann [...]l. Ms. Monasterij Bur­ [...]onc [...]sis▪ su [...] anno 1237. apud V.C. Tho. A [...]len. Oxon. iu­dices seculares non decidant causas Ecclesiasticas in soro seculari, nec tales homines determinent v­trum talis Capella debeat habere Baptisterium & Sepulturam an non. For, if it had the right of ad­ministration of Sacraments in it and Sepulture also, then differd it not from a Parish Church, but might be stiled Capella Parochialis, by which Lind [...]ood in tit. de Censibus [...]quam­uis Lex naturae ve [...]b Vna Ecclesia & in tit. de cel [...]r. M [...]sser. c essr [...]at 1. & v [...]de B [...]act fol. 241. b & [...]. lib. 5. cap. 14. & B [...]c­ton fol. [...]26. b name some Chappels are with vs known. and in the Saxon times also we find Coemiterium In [...]ulphus fol. 489. b. Ca­pellae, for the buriall place of a Chappell, which must be vnderstood of a Church that had the like right as that which is mentiond. in the se­cond part of Edgars Law. and those other chur­ches which in his and K. Knouts Laws are spo­ken of, that is, Churches without buriall places, feldcyrican, or field-Churches, are only what at this day we call Chappels of ease, built and con­secrated for Oratories, but not diminishing any thing of the Mother Churches profits. But also besides those originall Lay foundations, some Parishes haue had other beginnings since from alterations made in regard of the inconuenience of their former limits. And this by direction or autoritie both from the Pope, or Bishops, ac­cording as they saw occasion exacted; and from the King. For the Pope; we may see in the exāple remaining in the Decretals Extr. tit. de Ec­cles. adificand. c. 3. ad audient [...]am., where Pope Alex­ander [Page 267] the third sends his Decree to the Archbi­shop of York, reciting that in a complaint made to him, he had heard that a certain Town in his Prouince was so distant from the Parish church, that it was very difficult for the Inhabitants to repaire thither, especially in winter, and withall that the Church reuenue of the Parish (although that Town were exempted) was not insufficient for the Minister of the Mother Church, where­fore he commands the Archbishop to build in that Town a Church, and with assent of the Founder of the Mother Church, to institut at the Presentation of the Rector an Incumbent there, that might haue to his own vse all Eccle­siastique profits encreasing in the limits of the same Town, and so acknowledge a superioritie to the Mother Church, and that he should do it also whether the Rector of the Mother Church would assent or not. For the King; an old Pat. 13. Me [...]. 3. part. 1. membr. 7. ex­ample is in 13. Hen. 3. where because the Church of S. Peeters in Chichester was very poor, & that only two Parishioners were in it, the King at re­quest of Ralf Neuill then Bishop there & Chan­celor of England, grants, quod eadem Ecclesia demoliatur & praedicti duo Parochiani qui specta­bant ad ipsam assignentur imperpetuum Hospitali S. Mariae, quod eidem Ecclesiae est vicinum, vt ibi deinceps percipian [...] spiritualia & sint Parochiani eiusdem Hospitalis. And such like commands, oc­casions, and conueniences, doubtlesse haue al­terd [Page 268] and made the limits of diuers Parishes eue­riewhere, both in the Countrie and Cities, which haue to this day many of small Territorie, but of large number of Communicants. For Parochi­all limits, thus much.

CAP. X.

I. The Practice of Tithing. Of K. Cedwalla's Tithing, being no Christian. the custom of the German-Saxons, in sacrificing their tenth cap­tiue to Neptune. Decima vsed for a lesse part also in ancient moniments.

II. The Practice of Tithing in the Christian times of our Ancestors. the tale of Augustin and the Lord of Cometon touching non payment of them. the Tithe of euery dying Bishops substance to be giuen to the poor, by an old Prouincial Sy­nod: Tithes how mentiond in Domesday. Testi­monies of payment of them. Henrie the thirds grant of the payment of tithe of Hay & Mils out of all his demesnes. The beginning of Parochi­all payment of Tithes in common and established practice in England. How that common asser­tion; that euery man might haue disposed his tithes at his pleasure, before the Councell of La­teran, is true and to be vnderstood.

THe Laws of this Kingdom for payment of Tithes, and the originall of Parochi­all right to profits accruing within the [Page 269] limits of euery Parish Church (which were, after Lay foundations grew common, distinguished according to the adiacent possessions and tenan­cies of the Founders, and their Farmes, Man­nors, Towns, and the like) being hitherto de­clared; the Practice of the times remaines to be also discouered.

I.

In that, something also is obseruable a­mong the Ancients of this Kingdom of a kind of Tithing, related to haue been where Christia­nitie was not yet receiued. Some of them tell vs of Cedwalla King of the West-Saxons, that be­fore his being made Christian (about the yeere DC.LXXXVI.) he tithed all his spoiles of Warre to the Deitie. So the Monk of Malmes­burie. Arduum memoratu est, saith he, quantum etiam ante baptismum inseruiret pietati, vt omnes manubias, quas iure praedatorio in suos vsu [...] tran­scripserat, Deo decimaret. neither, if he did so, was it without some example of his Ancestors the German-Saxons (whence England was chief­ly filled) who were wont to sacrifice to Neptune (I think) the Tenth of all captiues taken in their pyracies and incursions made by Sea vpon the Gaules specially▪ so saies my Autor, that liud about the time of the German-Saxons first arri­uall here. his Sidon. Apolli­naru lib. 8. Epist. 6. words, of them are. Praetereà priusquàm de continenti in patriam vela laxantes, hostico mordaces anchoras vado vellant, mos est re­meaturis Demimum quenque captorum per aquales [Page 270] & cruciarias poenas, plus ob hoc tristi quod supersti­tioso ritu, necare super que collectam turbam peri­turorum mortis iniquitatem sortis aequitate disper­gere. Talibus se ligant votis, victimis soluunt: & per huiusmodi non tam sacrificia purgati quam sa­crilegia polluti, religiosum putant caedis infaustae perpetratores, de capite captiuo magis exigere tor­menta quam pretia. Neither, I think, is any other expresse mention of this their Tithing, among ancient moniments. and, for that their sacrifi­cing to Neptune; indeed the Autor Apollinaris here mentions him not. but, it being done at Sea and per aquales (for so is the true reading, al­though some there read aequales poenas) you may wel coniecture it was to Neptune or to their supposed Deitie of the Sea. and thus the most learned and noble Monsieur Sauaron in his notes vpon Apollinaris, expresly also makes it a sacri­fice to Neptune. and although it be true that a­mong their gods we find none namd, that is de­noted to answer to Neptune, yet, that some Dei­tie of the same nature, that is some great Sea god was in their superstitions, may be easily collected not only from this relation of their cruell deuo­tions, but also from their wondrous and accurat obseruation of the ebbs and flouds (called by them Ledons and Malins) which were the Videsis Ioseph. Scalig. de Emen­dat. Temp. lib▪ 2. & lib. 1. de Mira­bilibus S. Scriptu­rae D. Augustino [...] iptum &c. chief Directors of their account of times, as the Sun and Moons motion hath euer been to other Na­tions. which doubtlesse was no small cause that [Page 271] the Sea was to them reputed a Deitie, as the Sunne and Moone also, before other Crea­turers, in the ancient Theologie of the Gen­tiles. But for that of Cedwalla; let it be vpon Malmesburie credit, that he tithed his spoyles. Bede, who might better haue knowne it then Malmesburie could, relates no such thing of him. He sayes only, that when he conquerd the Isle of Wight, according to a vow that hee made to the Deitie, hee gaue for the Lords vse, the fourth part of the Isle (that is, CCC. Hides or Plough-lands of M.CC.) and of his Martiall gaines, to Wilfrid, Archbishop of Yorke, then being in those parts in banishment, and Bishop of Seseley. And Ms. in Biblioth. Cotton [...] de quo apud Malmesbur. lib. 1. de est. Pon­tif. fol. 114. a. Fridegod, that in the Saxon times wrote the life of Wilfrid in Verse, sayes hereof only by Apostrophe to Cedwalla, ‘Tu quoque Pontificem multâ tellure beâsti,’ and mentions no more in particular. That which in the Latin Bede, in this storie, is called Fami­lia, is hyd in the Saxon. And perhaps only such a kind of giuing a fourth, or any part, vpon vow to the Lord, was in that passage of Malmesburie vnderstood for Tithing. Why might it not, as well as the foure Thraues of Corne of euerie Plough-land, in the East-riding of Yorke, giuen by King Athelstan to the Church of S. Iohn of Beuerley (which came, on the other side, not neer to the Tenth) are stiled Decimae in a Bull of one of the Pope Gregories (I thinke the ninth) [Page 272] which I haue seene transcribed. As if Decimae in one notion had signified any kind of reuenue, deuoutly offered to holy vses. as, vpon other rea­son, [...] denotes also [...] among the Greeks. Those foure Thraues of euery Plough­land were, before that Grant, payable into the Kings Auenarie Fulcardus Dero­bornens. de vita & mi [...]ac I. de Beuer­laco recens Ms. in Biblioth. Cotton. by custome of the Countrey. And in Athelstans Charter (as I Ms [...] in eadem Biblioth. found it tran­scribed) they were thus exprest,

ða forne ðraue by heuen cyng
Of ilc a plou of Estreding.

And for that more generall notion of Decima or Decimatio, I haue seen the transcript of a Deed made Chartular. Ms. Monasterij de Gise­burne in dict. bib. by Robert de Hesel to the Monasterie of Giseburne in Yorkeshire, wherein hee giues duas garbas de tota terra quam de nouo colui in Territorio de Hesel postquam illam tenui aut quam ego de caetero colam vel haeredes mei, ita vt De­cimatio haec cedat in fabricationem Ecclesiae nouae de Giseburne. Here the gift of two Sheaues is called Decimatio.

II.

For the practice of payment among Christians, both Britons and Saxons; might wee beleeue the common tale of that Augustine, the first Archbishop of Canterburie Prouince, his comming to Cometon in Oxfordshire, and doing a most strange miracle there, touching the esta­blishing of the Doctrine of due payment of Tithes, wee should haue as certain and expresse [Page 273] autoritie for the ancient practice of such pay­ment, as any other Church in Christendome can produce. But as the tale is, you shall haue it, and then censure it. About the yeer (they say) DC. Augustine comming to preach at Cometon, the Priest of the place makes complaint to him, that the Lord of the Mannor hauing been often admonished by him, would yet pay him no Tithes. Augustine questioning the Lord about that default in deuotion; hee stoutly answered, That the tenth Sheaf doubtlesse was his that had interest in the nine, and therefore would pay none. Presently Augustine denounces him ex­communicate, and turning to the Altar to say Masse, publiquely forbad, that any excommuni­cat person should be present at it, when sudden­ly, a dead Corps, that had been buried at the Church doore, arose (pardon me for relating it) and departed out of the limits of the Church­yard, standing still without, while the Masse con­tinued. Which ended, Augustine comes to this liuing-dead, and charges him in the name of the Lord God to declare who hee was. Hee tells him, that in the time of the British State he was huius villae Patronus, and although he had been often vrged by the Doctrine of the Priest to pay his Tithes, yet he neuer could be brought to it; for which he died, he sayes, excommunicat, and was carried to Hell. Augustine desired to know where the Priest that excommunicated him, was [Page 274] buried. this dead shewed him the place; where hee makes an inuocation of the dead Priest, and bids him arise also, because they wanted his help. The Priest rises. Augustine askes him, if he knew that other that was risen. he tells him, yes; but wishes he had neuer known him. for (saith hee) he was in all things euer aduerse to the Church, a detainer of his Tithes, and a great sinner to his death, and therefore I excommunicated him. But Augustine publiquely declares, that it was fit mercie should be vsed towards him, and that he had sufferd long in Hell for his offence (you must suppose, I thinke, the Autor meant Purgatorie) wherefore hee giues him absolution, and sends him to his graue, where hee fell againe into dust and ashes. Hee gone, the Priest new risen, tells, that his Corps had lien there aboue C.LXX. yeers; and Augustine would gladly haue had him continue vpon earth againe, for instruction of Soules, but could not thereto entreat him. So he also returns to his former lodging. The Lord of the Town standing by all this while, and trem­bling, was now demanded if hee would pay his Tithes; but he presently fell down at Augustines feet, weeping and confessing his offence; and re­ceiuing pardon, became all his life time a follow­er of Augustines. Had this Legend truth in it, who could doubt, but that payment of Tithes was in practice in the Infancie of the British Church? The Priest that rose here from the [Page 275] dead, liud (if he euer liud) about CCC.XXX. after Christ, and would not surely haue so taxed the Lord of this Mannor only, if the payment had not been vsually among other good Christi­ans here, not taught only, but performed also. Neither need I admonish much of the autoritie of it. the whole course of it directs you how to smell out the originall. Beside the common Le­gend of our Saints, it is in some Volumes put a­lone, for a most obseruable Moniment. and I found it bound vp at the end of the Ms. life of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterburie, writen by Iohn de Grandisono. and it remains in the publique Librarie of Oxford. There also you haue it related in Ioannes Anglicus Ms. part. 1. lib. 17. cap. 72. his Historia Aurea, and, in the Margine, are noted to it these words: Hoc miraculum videbitur illis in­credibile qui credunt aliquid Deo esse impossibile. sed nulli dubium est quod nunquam Anglorum du­rae ceruices Christi iugo se submisissent nisi per mag­na miracula sibi diunitus ostensa. But let the truth be as it will, I doe not beleeue, that the fable can be found, nor any steps of it, aboue CCCC. yeer old at most. But, to leaue such testimonie, no doubt can be, but that some practice of pay­ment was here vsed very anciently, which (beside the deuotion to be supposed in Christians, and the Doctrine of ancient Fathers, which, verie likely, wrought here as in other Western Chur­ches) might be collected, by good probabilitie, [Page 276] out of those Laws alone of the Saxon times which questionlesse were not without some ef­fect, being so often renewd. Neither is the me­morie of some vse of payment here, in these more elder times, omitted in the reliques of an­tiquitie. In the Ms. life Jn Bibl. Cott. of the British Saint Cadoc, among some Laws of his Church of Lhancaruan, which seem to be attributed to his time (which falls about our Augustine or before) one is, Quicunque decimauerit, debet diuidere in tres partes. primam dabit Confessori, secundam Altari, tertiam orantibus pro eo. but the Autor of this whence we haue it, wrote not till after the Norman Conquest. And it is reported also of Eadbert Bishop of Lindisfarn or Holy Iland, that he was Eleemosynarum operatione (as Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 29. Bedes words are) insigni ita vt iuxta legem omnibus an­nis Decimam non solum quadrupedum, verum eti­am frugum omnium & pomorum necnon & vesti­mentorum partem pauperibus daret. which words are almost repeated also by Turgot Prior of Dur­ham, Ms. in Biblioth. Cotton. & apud V.C. Th. Allen. Oxon. that wrote the storie of that Bishoprique. But here no custom of the place or common vse is noted, but only a speciall deuotion of Ead­bert. and for that of iuxta legem; you must vn­derstand it of Moses Law. and so is it exprest in the Saxon Copie of Bede, where I read that he did it aefter Moyses ae, and that is, according to the Law of Moses. Neither is the regard in those times had to a tenth (although not yeerly) to [Page 277] to be paid as for a soules ransom, to the poor, after the death of euery Bishop out of his estate, to be here wholly neglected. Out of this regard may be inferd that therein also the Tenth was reputed as a sanctified part. And wee learne it out of a Councell Ms. (compact. inter Monimenta Eccles. Landa [...]. in Biblioth. Cott.) cap 10. held in DCCC.XVI. ‘In loco famoso (as the words of it are) qui dicitur Celichyth, Praesidente verò Wl­fredo Archiepiscopo caeterisque adsedenti­bus australibus Anglorum Episcopis,’ which hath this Canon. ‘Iubemus, & hoc firmitèr statuimus ad seruandum, tam in nostris die­bus quamque etiam futuris temporibus, om­nibus successoribus nostris qui post nos illis sedibus ordinentur quibus nos ordinati su­mus, vt quandocun (que) aliquis ex numero Epi­scoporum migrauerit de seculo, tunc pro ani­ma illius praecipimus ex substantia vniuscuius­que rei Decimam partem diuidere ac distri­buere pauperibus in eleëmosynam siue in pe­coribus & armentis seu de Ouibus & Porcis vel etiam in Cellarijs, necnon omnem homi­nem Anglicum liberare qui in diebus suis sit seruituti subiectus, vt per illud sui proprij la­boris fructum retributionis percipere merea­tur & indulgentiam peccatorum.’ And for the succeeding times of the Saxons; we may well coniecture a practice of payment out of King Knonts Epistle sent in M.XXXI. as he depar­ted homeward from Rome, by Liuing Abbot of [Page 278] Tanystok to Athelnoth and Alfrique, the two Archbishops by name, and to the rest of the Bi­shops & Baronage of England. he therein strait­ly charges them all, that according to the anci­ent Law they should take care that Tithes were duly paid among other Church reuenues, wher­in if he found default at his cōming they should expect seuere punishment. the words were: ‘Nunc Apud G. Mal­mesbur. de gest. Reg. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 11. igitur obtestor omnes Episcopos me­os & regni mei praepositos per fidem quam mi­hi debetis & Deo, quatenùs faciatis vt ante­quam in Angliam veniam, omnium debita, quae secundum legem antiquam debemus, sint per­soluta, scilicet eleemosyna pro aratris, & De­cimae animalium ipso anno procreatorum, & Denarij quos Romam ad sanctum Petrum de­betis, siue ex vrbibus siue ex villis, & mediante Augusto Decimae frugum, & in festiuitate S. Martini primitiae seminum ad Ecclesiam sub cuius Parochia quis (que) degit quae Anglice Cur [...] ­scet nominatur. Haec & alia, si cum venero, non erunt persoluta, regia exactione secundum leges in quem culpa cadit districtè abs (que) venia Forsan Com­pensabit. comparabit.’ and the Monk that relates it, addes, nec dicto deterius fuit factum. But what e­uer may be out of these testimonies concluded, it is noted among the Laws attributed to Ed­ward the Confessor, that what through the cold­nesse of deuotion, what through the neglect of demanding Tithes by the Clergie, that were o­therwise [Page 279] grown very rich in reall endowments, the practice of paiment of them was much dimi­nished. Sed postea instinctu diaboli (are the words which follow immediatly what is before in the Chapter of Laws §. XIII.) multi Decimam de­tinuerunt, & Sacerdotes locupletes negligentes non curabant inire laborem ad per quirendas eas, eo quod sufficienter habebant suae necessaria vitae. Multis enim in locis modo sunt tres vel quatuor Ecclesiae vbi tunc temporis vna tantùm erat, & sic ceperunt minui· but we are not sure that this ad­dition to the Law is as ancient as the Confessor. I think it indeed rather of somewhat later time. yet doubtlesse the generall practice of paiment according to those ancient Laws, howeuer it might be in elder times, was about the Norman Conquest, much discontinued, which may be specially obserued out of that book of Domes­day (the originall Copie whereof yet remains in the Receipt of the Exchequer) in which the Pos­sessions and Reuenues both of the Clergie and Laitie were accounted and valued, by the othes of Enquests taken in euery Countie vpon com­mission, and so returned thither about the end of the Conquerors raign. There, frequently e­nough, Churches are mentioned by the words of Ibi Ecclesia & Presbyter, or such like; and how many Carues or Hides of land, how many villans, and other endowments and reuenues be­longs to them, are reckond, with their values. [Page 280] But very rarely any Tithes among those Church reuenues are there found. if none at all had been namd, it might haue been thought that they had been omitted as a more sacred profit, then was fit to be taxed in such a Description. But some, although very few, occurre in it. as vnder Terra Osberni Episcopi in Boseham in Sussex, you may there find that Decimam Ecclesiae Clerici tenent, & valet XLs. where the lest value of the Man­nor is made at XLli. per annum. in Hampshire vn­der Terra Osberni Episcopi, you read Ecclesia S. Michaelis de Monte tenet de Rege in Basinge­stoches Hundred, vnam Ecclesiam cum 1. hida & Decimam de Manerio Basingestoches. Ibi est Presbyter. So in the same Shire vnder Terra Regis; Ipse Rex tenet Wallope &c. ibi Ecclesia; cui pertinent vna hida & medietas Decimae Ma­nerij & totum i. Church sce [...]. Curset, & de Decima villanorum XLVI. denarij & medietas agrorum. Ibi est ad­huc Ecclesiola ad quam pertinent VIII. acrae de Decima. for these VIII. acres of Tithes, see before in the Chapter of Laws §. IX.X. and XI. And in the same Shire also among the Abbot of Lire's possessions, the Tithe of Cladford is rec­kond, as also of Adrintone. and also the Tithes of Stanham are possessed there by one Richerius Parson of the Church of Stanham. and vnder Terra Canonicorum de Tuinham, is found, Ad hanc Ecclesiam pertinet tota decima de Twin­ham, & tertia pars Decimarum de Holchest. and [Page 281] in the Isle of Wight there, VI. Churches, belong­ing to the Abbey of Lire, Decimas habent de om­nibus redditibus Regis. So in Bedfordshire the Church of S. Marie de Cormelijs, hath diuers Tithes among its reuenues. But the mention of Tithes where Churches are neuerthelesse spoken of, is but very seldome through that whole De­scription. and indeed in certain Counties as So­merset, Deuon, Cornwall, and some few others, you shal rarely haue a Parish Church noted, but in others, very often Churches are, but very few examples of their hauing Tithes. sometimes also grants of Tithes by Lay owners are there men­tiond, out of the vse of which it may be well thought that the moities or third parts of tithes belonging to this or that Church, had their be­ginnings. But thereof more particularly in the next Chapter, where we speak of arbitrarie Con­secrations. And in most Appropriations of Pa­rish Churches made in the Saxon times (the an­ciēt course being to grant, in appropriating, Ec­clesiam cum Decimis) no mention is of Decimae, but other possessions of the churches granted are most particularly inserted in the instruments; of which some examples are published in Ingulphus Abbot of Crowland, and very many occurre in Chartularies of old Monasteries.Ms. in Bibl. Cott. But see also for this matter the autorities anon brought to ano­ther purpose in the XIV. Chap. §. 2. For the fol­lowing age (besides some examples related in [Page 282] the next Chapter, out of which some kind of known payment at least, to some Churches, may be without difficultie collected) that wee may here omit also the diuers Appropriations, in the Ante [...]lla V [...]u monumenta co [...]s [...]las si placet Ca [...]t [...]l. Roffensi [...] Ecclesia, ibid. times presently ensuing the Conquest, of Ec­clesiae cum Decimis, which denotes either some payment or interest of Tithes setled by Conse­crations in them; In the life of S. Cutbert Bishop of Lindisfarn writen by some Monk vnder Hen. I. it is related, that in that Autors time a great penurie of food being in Lindisfarn (that is, in Holy Iland) the Sea left vpon the shore LXV. fishes, wherof euery one was a sufficient draught for a yoke of Oxen; and that a Monk came to the Lord of the adioining soile, and desired the Tenth of that abundance so sent by the hand of God. Saltem Decimas (as the words are) quod Legis & Prouinciae consuetudo exigebat, Ecclesiae requisiuit, sed omnibus negatis rubore simul & do­lore confusus discessit. here the practice of pay­ment is noted by Prouinciae consuetudo. and a­bout the same time the fashion about Abingdon was to pay the Tithes to the Abbey (due either as it was an ealder Minstre by K. Edgars Law; or as they had been consecrated; whereof more in the next Chapter) by whole Hides and Acres. His diebus, saies the Chartularie of that Abbey, raro à quoquam Decima messium vt lege praecipitur in Abbatia ipsa dabatur, sed aut de Hidagio XL. manipuli quos vulgò garbas vocant, aut Decima [Page 283] suae culturae Acra porrigebantur. and for the time vnder Henrie the second; an Epistle sent from Rome by Pope Alexander the third, to the Bi­shops of Worcester and Winchester, recites the ge­nerall institution (which may be vnderstood for custom) of the Church of England to be that e­uery Parishioner should pay his Tithe corne to his own Parish. Cum homines (so it In Append ad Concil. Lat [...]r. part. 4. cap▪ 4. speaks) de Hortuna secundum generalem Ecclesiae Anglica­nae institutionem, de frugibus suis nouem partibus si­bi retentis Decimas Ecclesiae cuius parochiani sunt sine diminutione soluere teneantur &c. wherewith agrees the preamble of his Decretall, remaining yet in the body of the Canon Extr. tit. de De­cimis c. 5. peruinit. Law. there he be­gins with Quod cum Parochiani vestri (that is all the Parishioners within the Diocese of Canter­burie) Decimas bonorum suorum consueuerint Ec­clesijs, quibus debentur, cum integritate persolue­re; nunc tam laudabili consuetudine praetermissâ quidam ex eis de lana & de faeno, & de prouenti­bus molendinorum & piscariarum Decimas ipsis Ecclesijs subtrahere non verentur. hereto adde that of one of his predecessors Ibid. c. 4. Com­missum est. Hadrian the fourth to the Archbishop of Canterburie, where a Parochiall payment of Tithes seems to be spo­ken of as of known right. and in a composition made by the Abbot In Regest. Mon. Leonmin [...]t. sine Rading in Bibl. Cotton. & vide App. ad Concil. Lat part. 48. cap. 1. of Euesham a Iudge De­legat from Pope Honorius in M.CC.XX. it is taken cleer that certain Tithes de iure communi pertinent ad Ecclesiam de Leonminstre eo quod [Page 284] sitae sunt infra limites Parochiae Ecclesiae de Leon­minstre, according as the Texts of the Canon Law of about that time expresly also affirme. The composition was between some of the Di­ocese of Hereford, and the Abbot of Wigmore. like admissions of that Law are in other instru­ments, in the Leger book of Reading, for the Church of Lemster. But conclude not out of them for practice, without obseruation of the ex­amples of the next Chapter. And it appears that in 11. Hen. 3. a speciall grant was made by the King, that Tithes of Hay and Mills should be paid from thenceforth in all his demesnes lands (that is al occupied either by his Villains or Bai­lifes, or by Lessees that came in after the grant) which before then had not bin paid. Dominꝰ Rex, saies the Rot Claus. 11. Hen. 3. part. 1. membr. 9 in Dorso. & Rot. Claus. 12. Hen. 3. membr. 7. in Dorso. & Claus. [...]7. Hen. 3. Dors. 16. & Dors. Claus. 20. Hen▪ 3. membr 24. & Claus. 21. Hen. 3 membr. 10. record, de Concilio Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum suorum concessit vt Decimae faeni & molendinorum de singulis Dominicis suis in re­gno suo de caetero praestentur. Et mandatum est bal­liuis de Corsham quod de Dominico suo de Cor­sham Decimas faeni Ecclesiae de Corsham dari fa­ciant. T. R. apud Westmonast. XVIII. die Maij. and according to this, were diuers close Writs sent out in the following yeeres. Of the times afterward, wee find more certain testimonies shewing the common right of Tithes and that Parochiall; as the Writ of Indicauit, grounded vpon the Statut of Circumspectè agatis, made in 13. Ed. 1. discouers, that in and before that time [Page 285] the Parochiall Tithes were most knowne re­uenue of euery Church, with which agrees the ancient and present forme of the Count, in a Writ of Right of Aduowson of a Parish Church, wherein the Esplees are chiefely laid in Tithes, because the Aduowson of the whole Tithes, is no other then the Aduowson of the Church, as Iudge Stoner 4. Ed. 3. fol. 27. [...]. sayes in Corbets case. And by the practice of the Kingdome, it became cleer Law (as it remains also at this day) that re­gularly, if no other title or discharge, to be spe­cially pleaded or shewed in the Allegation of the Defendant, might appeare, euery Parson had a common right to the Tithes of all annuall en­crease (prediall and mixt) accruing within the li­mits of his Parish, without shewing other title to them in his Libell. That appeares frequently in our Yeer-books, where the Issues, taken vpon Parochiall Limits, are reported. But wee may here not vntimely remember an occurrence in the Petitions In Codic [...] Vet Ms. apud V.C.I. Borough. Scrinior [...] in Arce Lond. prafectu [...] of the Parlament of 33. Ed. 1. touching the Tithes of Cornwall, challenged by the Parsons and Vicars there. De Personis & Vicarijs (sayes the entrie) petentibus Decimam in Cornubia, vbi Rex soluit annuatim Episcopo Ex­oniensi pro Decima praedicta; ita responsum est. Fiat sicut consueuit tempore Comitis & Regis. The Earle and the King there meant, are that great Richard, and Henry the third. But this must not be vnderstood of the Tithes generally [Page 286] in the Countie, although the words might im­port as much, as if the Bishop had receiud them all. It was doubtlesse for the Tithe of the Stan­naries only. For it is true, that the Bishop of Ex­ceter had the Tithe of the profits or rent of the Stannaries there anciently giuen and paid him. and thereof testimonie enough Vide R [...]t Fin. 4. Hen. 3. membr. 1. & C [...]aus. 5. Hen. 3. membr. 6. is vpon re­cord. and to that purpose also is that Marginall Note, in the Book of those Parlaments, Stagmen Cornubiae. cleerely, that goes for the Stannum Cornubiae, as Stagminatores for those of the Works. For the time of Edward the third and Richard the second (beside that of the Tithes of Silua caedua, or Copis Wood, whereof enough before, in the Laws that belong to it) you may remember those complaints of Chaucers Plow­man against the Clergie of his age.

Their Tithing and their Offering both
They clemeth it by possession,
Thereof nil they none forgo,
But robben men by ransome.

And then, of Parish-Rectors.

For the Tithing of a Ducke,
Or an Apple, or an
Egge.
Aye,
They make men swere vpon a Boke,
Thus they foulen Christs fay.

[Page 287] And,

He woll haue Tithing and Offering,
Maugre whosoeuer it grutch.

And in the Freres Tale, ‘And small Tithers they were foule yshent’ before the Archdeacon. To these (for Perso­nall Tithes) you may adde that of Mortuaries, payable in Beasts regularly before the Statute of 21. Hen. 8. which were reputed due vpon the generall presumption of euery Defuncts negli­gence in payment of his Personall Tithes. The Mortuarie was therefore (by the Canons) to bee presented with the body at the Buriall, as a satis­faction of omission, and negligence in paying to the Church Lindw [...] tit. de consuetudine, c. statutum, lit. f. & 21. Hen. [...]. cap. 6. those Personall Duties. And thence was it stiled Corse-present; according whereto, I haue seen a Iustification in the Eire of Derby of 4. Ed. 3. to an Action of Trespas brought by Thomas of Goustill against the Par­son of Whitwell, for the taking of a Horse; in which the defendant pleades, that it was the Horse of one I. Leyer his Parishioner that died, Et que le dit Chiual ensemblement oue autres cho­ses fust mesnes & present al Esglise come en nosme de Mortuarie deuant le corps mesme le iour &c. & il come Parson les prist & resceut auxi come custome de la terre & de Seint Esglise est &c. These shew plainly the receiued and acknowled­ged [Page 288] Parochiall right, in the practice of those times, which hath to this day continued. neither is it at all necessarie to adde more for the vni­forme continuance of it. Sauing only, that where any Statute hath made a discharge, or Prescrip­tion or Custome hath setled a Modus Decimandi or certain quantitie payable, though neuer so lit­tle, for the Tithe, there, by the Laws of the King­dome, the owner is not bound to pay other Tithe, then the Statute or Custome or Prescrip­tion binds him to. Which yet must be so vnder­stood in the case of Lay men, that Custome or Prescription founded in their possessions as Lay, cannot wholly discharge the Tithe, or be de non Decimando, but may well be de modo only; other­wise is it in the case of spiritual persons, that may by the common Law be by Prescription wholly, discharged and prescribe de non Decimando. And this is regularly cleer Law. But at what time this Parochiall and common right became first setled with vs in practice, is not so cleerly known. and though those Decretals, before cited, suppose it a thing of custom here in Henry the II. his time, yet if credit might be giuen to the report of those English Monks, which (as wee haue before related) referd the ordaining of Parochiall right in Tithes to the Generall Councell of Lions, held vnder Gregorie the tenth, then wee might conclude the right of it no ancienter then about the beginning of our Edward the first. But what­euer [Page 289] they meant, it is certaine, that some, both Synodall and secular Lawes of this Kingdome, had, before that time, ordained this right. Yet indeed it will be found, that the Practice of it here (as also in other Countries) was not setled till some M.CC. yeers after Christ, or, at lest, was, for many yeers before, & some after, discon­tinued. Which may partly be collected out of that Decretall of Pope Innocent the third, sent into this Kingdome, and dated in the Lateran; which is before at large in the Chapter of Laws, §. XXIII. For howeuer the recitals are in those of Alexander the third (the one speaking of Ge­neralis institutio for Parochiall payment, which, as it may denote common custome, so also may be vnderstood for some Law of the Kingdome, as that of Edgars, Knouts, the Confessors, or some other before related; the other, of Con­sueuerint Ecclesijs quibus debentur, which doth not of necessitie include a generall practice of Parochiall payment, but may as well denote the dutie that comes from arbitrarie Consecrations; of which, in the next Chapter) it is most certain, that before about the yeer M.CC. after Christ, that is, about the time of King Iohn, it was most commonly practised by the Laitie, to make arbi­trarie Consecrations of the Tithes of their pos­sessions to what Monasterie or Church they would, sometimes giuing halfe, sometimes a third part, and at their pleasure all, in perpetuall [Page 290] right, or otherwise, according to the nature of those Consecrations in other Countries; of which, enough is before related. Neither doth expresse testimonie hereof want in that Decretall of Innocent the third, made against these kind of arbitrarie Consecrations. Multi (saith hee) in Diocesi tua (that is the Prouince of Canterburie) Decimas suas pro sua distribuunt voluntate. Nei­ther may you vnderstand it, as if it had bin done by the waiward opposition of some only against the receiud and allowd Laws of the Kingdome. For notwithstanding all those Ordinances, both Secular and Synodall, anciently here made for due payment, it is cleer, that in the time before about that Innocent, it was not only vsuall, in fact, for Lay men to conuey the right of their Tithes, as Rents-charge, or the like, to what Church or Monasterie they made choice of, but by the course and practice of the Law also of that time (both Common and Canon, as it was here in vse) such conueyances were cleerly good, and what was through them so acquired, was continually, and is to this day (except some par­ticulars, which either the Popes autoritie of later time, or new Cōpositions or Grants, or the like, haue altered) enioyed by the Churches, that, yet remaining, had portions so anciently giuen them, or by the King or his Grantees of impro­priated Tithes; very many of which, had their chiefe originall from those arbitrarie Consecra­tions [Page 291] (which you may well call Appropriations of Tithes) and not from the appropriating only of Parish Churches, as some out of grosse igno­rance, with too much confidence, deliuer. But thereof you may see more in the examples of the next Chapter. where, for most apparant proofe of the practice of arbitrarie Consecrations in those times, Moniments enough are collected. This arbitrarie disposition, vsed by the Laitie as well de iure (as the Positiue Law, then receiued and practiced, was) as de facto, is that which Wicclef rememberd in his complaint to the King and Parlament vnder Richard the second. His words are: A Lord God, Why is this rea­son, or is this reason. where this be reason, to constrain the poor people to find a worldly Priest, sometime vnable both of life and cunning, in pompe and pride, couetise and enuie, glottonie, drunken­nesse and lecherie, in simonie and heresie, with fat Horse, and iolly and gay Saddles and Bridles, ringing by the way, and himselfe in costly Clothes and Pelure, and to suffer their wiues and chil­dren, and their poor neighbours, perish for hunger, thirst, and cold, and other mischiefes of the world. A Lord Iesu Christ, sith within few yeeres, men payed their Tithes and Offerings at their own will free to good men, and able to great worship of God, to profit and fairenesse of holy Church figh­ting in earth. Why is it law­full. Where it were lawfull and need­full, that a worldly Priest should destroy this holy and approued custome, constraining men to leaue [Page 292] this freedome, turning Tithes and Offerings into wicked vses. But what hee calls a few yeers, will fall out to be about CC. for hee wrote about the yeer M.CCC.XC. With him well agrees some passages in our Yeere-bookes of the times before him. As in 7. Ed. 3. fol. 5. a. Parning truly affirmes, that in auncien temps deuant vn Consti­tution de nouelle fait per le Pape, vn Patron d'un Esglise puit granter Dismes, deins mesme le Pa­roche a vn altre Paroche. And Herle there in his answer seemes to admit it cleere. So also (tou­ching others as well as Patrons) Lodlow, Iudge of Assise in 44. Ed. 3. fol. 5. b. En auncien temps chescun home purroit graunter les Dismes de sa terre a quel Esglise il voudroit. Quod verum est, sayes Iudge Brooke, in abridging the case. But what new Constitution of the Pope is meant there by Parning? some later Vide 10. Hen. 7. fo [...]. 18. a. 7. Ed 6. Dyer fol 84. b. & Coke Report 2. fol. 44. b. Books tells vs, that from the Councell of Lateran the first al­teration of that course of arbitrarie disposition came. But plainely, no Councell of Lateran hath any Canon that alterd the Law in it, ex­cept that vnder Alexander the third, before spoken of in the end of the sixt Chapter, may haue place here: which, indeed, the Canonists will not endure, vnlesse you restraine it only to ancient Feudall Tithes. And they suppose, eue­rie man might haue arbitrarily conueyed, be­fore that Councell, his Feudall Tithes to what Church he would. And so expressely sayes our [Page 293] Tit de locat & conducto [...]. licet. verb. portiones. Lindwood. Ante illud Concilium benè potuerunt Laici Decimas in feudum retinere & eas alteri Ecclesiae vel Monasterio dare; non tamen post tem­pus dicti Concilij. But if those which with vs talk here of the Councell of Lateran, meane that vn­der Alexvnder the third, and apply it generally to arbitrarie Consecrations of new Tithes, not feudall, I doubt they are much neerer the true meaning of that Councell then any of the Ca­nonists. especially while they speake of this Kingdome. for arbitrarie Consecrations be­fore about the time of that Councell are found here infinite, as presently shall be shewd. But of ancient feudall Tithes (howeuer they were common in other States) scarce any mention at all or tast is with vs. but thereof more in the XIII. Chapter. And, it may be, that when, from the Canonists, some of our Lawiers had learned that feudall Tithes might haue been conueied before that Councell arbitrarily by the owner; and saw withall that scarce any signe was of feu­pall Tithes in this Kingdom, yet an abundance of old arbitrarie Consecrations, the vse whereof ceased about the time of the Councell; in the words of it no regard or mention being had of feudall but only Tithes in generall; they conclu­ded (who sees enough why they might not?) that before that Councell euery man might haue ar­bitrarily disposed of his tithes. that is such tithes as were not formerly setled by any ciuill Title. [Page 294] But if this will not be allowd for the Law of change of those arbitarie conueiances; why may it not first be that Parning by his Constitution de nouelle fait per le Pape, meant that Quam vide supr. cap. 8. §. 23. of Pope Innocent the third, sent to the Archbishop of Canterburie in King Iohns time (and perhaps it was soon after receiud into the Prouince of York either by imitation or through the power Lega­tin, which the Archbishop of Canterburie com­monly exercised through the whole Kingdome) to command a Parochiall payment? For also by the name of a Constitution newly made by the Pope, some such thing rather then a Canon of a generall Councell, is perhaps denoted. And then why might it not happen that the Decretal of In­nocent the third, bearing date in the Church of Lateran should be thence denominated, and that afterward those which truly vnderstanding it, called it therefore a Lateran Constitution, gaue cause of mistaking to others that took it for a Constitution of a generall Councell of Lateran? especially too because it was about the time of the generall Councell of Lateran (held vnder the same Pope that sent it) of which more notice hath been taken in our Law then of any other of that name. and indeed he that affirms that before the Councell of Lateran Lay owners might haue disposed their Tithes, cuicunque Ecclesiae se­cundum meliorem deuotionem, as Dyers words are, speaks true enough, if his words may receiue [Page 295] this easie interpretation. that is, that till about that Councell of Lateran they might haue done so; not that the Councell vnder Pope Innocent restraind it, but that either the next Councell of Lateran before, that is vnder Alexand. the III. or the Pope by a Constitution, receiued here from Rome and dated in the Church of Lateran, about the time of that Councel of the yeer M.CC.XV. ordaind the contrarie. so that in this last way the name of the Councell may be a note only of the time about which it was restraind, not of the au­toritie whence it was forbidden. Perhaps those Canons of Pluralities, of Exemptions, of the three orders, and some such more which we re­ceiud from that Councell vnder Innocent, were brought into England at once with this Decre­tall Epistle; and if so, then also it was no more strange to haue the Decretall afterward titled by the name of a Cōstitution of the Lateran Coun­cell, then it happend in the denomination of the Statuts of Aide de Roy and Voucher, made in 4. Ed. 1. euery of which are stiled by the name of Statutum de Bigamis. yet only one Law de Biga­mis receiud out of the generall Councell of Li­ons, is among those Statuts; and that is euen as much a stranger to the rest of the Constitutions bearing the same name with it, as Pope Inno­cents Decretall was to the whole Councell of Lateran. Howeuer, it is most cleer (let froward ignorance as it can continue to oppose the asser­tion) [Page 296] that for CC. yeers at lest before about the time of the Councell of Lateran, held vnder the same Pope, arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes with vs were frequent, and practiced aswell of positiue right (if wee may take that for right, in things subiect to human disposition, which ge­nerall consent of the state allowd; as no man that knows what makes a positiue right, can de­nie) as of fact; which because they are best con­ceiud of by the particular testimonies and prece­dents of them, in the following Chapter manie shall be transcribed; that are all (except one or two in the Prouince of Yorke; neither is it likely that in euery place here, and by euery man the intent of that Constitution was suddenly obser­ued, and perhaps also it was not so soon alterd in York Prouince as in this of Canterbury, in regard that the Decretall was sent only to Canterburie Prouince) of the time before that Decretall and taken out of the most choice and authentique moniments, that may afford help to the disquisi­tion of this point so little, so not at all vulgarly or indeed any where publiquely discouered.

CAP. XI.

I. Arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes (before about the time of the most known Councell of La­teran) by conueiance from the owner of all or part to any Church or Monasterie at his plea­sure, [Page 297] in examples selected out of moniments of in­fallible credit.

II. A Writ in the Register intelligible only from those arbitrarie Consecrations. a like example to it out of the book of Osney.

III. The libertie of the Baronage anciently chal­lenged to build Churches in their Territories. Parochiall right to Tithes setled in Practice.

IV. Of Tithes of encrease in lands not limited to any Parish. How by the common Law they are to be disposed of.

BEsides the many testimonies that may be had out of the Portions especially posses­sed by som Churches or Monasteries, ma­nie of which had no other beginning then from arbitrarie Consecrations, made by owners of Tithes, in two parts, or third parts, or other­wise at their pleasure to any Church or Mona­sterie; the frequent memorie of Instruments of such Consecrations (made according to the pra­cticed Law of the time chiefly interceding from the yeer M. till some yeers after M.CC. of our Sauiour) is to be principally obserued in this disquisition. The originall moniments of those elder ages afford vs plentie of thē. And in regard of the easier connexion and more compendious way of deliuerie, we shall rather seuerally follow the singular courses of euery of the Chartularies or other moniments, which tell vs of those kind [Page 298] of consecrated Tithes, then dispose together e­uery arbitrarie Consecration according to the order of time. The seuerall Titles of books whence we haue them shall chiefly direct in the generall order. but neither shall the particular time, of euery of these selected examples of Con­secration, be omitted.

I.

The Chartularie of the Abbey of In bibl. Cottoni­ana. Abing­don shall obuiously haue first place. In it, in the time of K. William the second and Rainald Ab­bot, occurres; that ‘Viuente praedicto Rainaldo Abbate, trium Decimationum, Ecclesiae huic facta est vna ab Herberto de villa sua Lakine, appellata Henrici de Ferrarijs L. Militis. Milite; scilicet frugum, agnorum, caseorum, vitulorum, & porcellorum. Quod & Robertus filius eiusdem post patris mortem confirmans, concedente Domino suo praedicto Henrico, Abbendoniam venit, pro patris & sui suorum (que) salute prae­fatam hîc Decimationem perpetualitèr tra­didit; sibi fratribus suis germanis Huberto & Stephano in his fauentibus; etiam istis amicis suis videntibus Quirio de Mo [...]nais, & fratre eius Hugone & Roberto filio Aldulfi de Be [...]re­tuna. Altera à Seswaldo de villa sua Hildeslea caseorum scilicet & vellerum suarum ouium. Quod & haeres & filius eius Frogerus post eum denotè confirmauit. Quae vtrae (que) Decimatio­nes luminaribus & ministerijs Altaris Sanctae Mariae ab eo die specialitèr delegatae hucus (que) [Page 299] in hoc expenduntur. Tertia à Rotberto cuius erat cognomen Marmiun, & à filio ipsius Helto de villa sua Henreda, frugum omnium suae propriae lucrationis. Sed & post illos à Radulfo cognomento Rosel idem concessum.’ And then follows Rosel's Charter to that purpose: ‘Ego Radulphus agnomento Rosellus concedo volo atque praecipio seruientibus meis vt se­getes meas de Hen [...]eth deciment ad ostium Granciae meae quae ibidem habetur & ipsam Decimam rectè & fidelitèr seruienti S. Mariae deliberent.’ And this Tithe was in the sole disposition of the Almosner of the Abbey. Out of IV. Hides also lying in the same Henred, a consecration of the Tithe had been made before in the time of the Danish gouernment, by a Dane, and is thus there reported. ‘Tempore Danorum, fuit quidam eorum qui possidens VII. hidas in Henreda, propter vicinitatem Abbendoniae & amorem S. Mariae Virginis & aliorum Sanctorum qui mihi digniter colun­tur, dedit Decimam de Dominio eiusdem ter­rae Ecclesiae S. Mariae Abbendonensi in eleë­mosynam pauperum hoc est de IIII. hydis; quam terram Helto Marmiun Deo & Sancto Stephano Cadomi dedit. Ecclesiae verò Ab­bendonensi Decima de Dominio praedicto in aeuum permansit.’ Then follows a Charter of Henrie the first, wherein all the grants of Lands, Churches and Tithes made or thence after to be [Page 300] made by Alberique de Ver and Beatrix his wife, their sonne Alberique and his brothers, or by their Tenants to the Monasterie of Colme in Es­sex (which was a member or as a Cell of Abbing­don, and erected by Alberique their▪ father) are confirmed; and in them two parts of the Tithe de omnibus rebus in the Mannors of Hethingham, Belcheam, Laureham, Aldeham, Duurecurt, Bo­necleide, and Rodinges, and half of the Tithe of Walde and Wadane, are recited to haue been conueied to the same Monasterie, Et dimidia Decima Deimiblanc de Cola, & Tertia pars De­cimae Ranulfi magni. this is dated XI. Hen. 1. at Reding, that is M.C.XI. And Faritius Abbot of Abingdon (as it is further rememberd) at Colme solemnly receiued inuestiture or seisin of euery of those and other possessions so granted by the hand of Picot Sewer to Alberique de Ver, with the testimonie of his wife, children, and ma­ny of his Tenants. And the Patent of Henrie the first is there extant, wherein tota Decima de ve­natione quae capta fuerit in Fo [...] esta de Windesore, is granted to the Abbey, which was after confir­med by Henrie the second, Richard the first and others. In the same Chartularie about the be­ginning of the same Henry the Tithes of Bulhey of Cildestun are giuen to the Abbey by William of Sulaham; in Hanney by Osbern and Turold; of Offington by the Tenants there; of Wekenfield by William of Wecenfield; of Eton by Roger [Page 301] Fitz-Alured. and diuers such are related. and the words of the most obseruable passages touch­ing them shall be here infered. ‘Anno V. re­gni Henrici Regis intrante (saies the book) Willielmus de Sulaham dedit Deo & Sanctae Mariae & Abbati Faritio & Monachis in Ab­bendona Decimam villae suae quae Bulhea vo­catur. die videlicet Assumptionis eiusdem S. Mariae. Eodem etiam die confirmauit donum de alia decima quam anteà dederat de villa Cildestuna quae ad haereditatem Leodselinae priuignae suae pertinebat, ipsâ puellâ coram Monachis concedente donum. & cum ipso Willielmo & cum matre suâ super Altare idem imposuit, coram his testibus; Abbate praedicto & omni conuentu, Iohanne fratre coniugis eiusdem Willielmi, Humfrido eiusdem Milite, Hugone Conred. But that of Turold is thus exprest. Similitèr Turoldus de eadem Villa (that is, Hanney) dedit Deo & Sanctae Ma­riae de Abbendona coram Faritio Abbate & omni conuentu, in Capitulo, Decimam omni­um suarum possessionum, porcellorum scilicet agnorum, vellerum. sed Decimam Carucae suae tantummodò ita discreuit, vt duas istius deci­mationis partes huic loco, tertiam verò par­tem Presbytero sibi seruienti concederet; hoc idem concedente & confirmante vxore sua Hugulinâ & filio suo Willielmo. & hanc do­nationem donauit anno V. Henrici Regis.’ [Page 302] Here specially you see as well arbitrarie diuision as consecration of the Tithe by the owners grant. And for the example of the Tithes of Offington, the words of it are most obseruable also. ‘Eodem anno (sayes the Monke that wrote it) cum venisset Abbas Faritius in vil­lam suam Offentunam vt opus Ecclesiae quod ibi lapideum à fundamento inchoauerat ad perfectum determinaret, congregauerunt se homines sui ex eadem villa & obtulerunt com­muni deuotione & concessione Decimam suam totius villae eiusdem, S. Mariae & ipsi Abbati & loco Abbendoniae ab illo in reliquum tem­pus. Vt videlicet Abbas de suo proprio Eccle­siam eiusdem alacriùs construendo perficeret & ipsi mererentur in fraternitate loci annume­rari. Hanc expetitionem cum Abbas audisset, inquisiuit vtrum Ecclesiae eiusdem villae anti­quitùs Decima ab illis hominibus daretur; no­lens scilicet eam sua rectitudine minuere pro alicuius donatione sibi suoque loco oblata. di­ctumque est, hoc esse moris villae vt a singula virgata Ecclesiae illi XXIIII. Garbae pro Decima numeratae donarentur. Quod sciens Abbas, statuit ante ipsos homines vt, sicuti ipsi­met voluerant & optulerant, reciperet eorum Decimam, ea determinatione assignatâ inter ipsum Abbatem & Ecclesiam eiusdem villae, scilicet, vt tempore colligendarum Decimati­onum Abbas ipse mitteret Offentonam quem [Page 303] vellet de suis, & ipse reciperet à fingulis, secun­dum singulorum possessionem, rectam Decima­tionem, & post illam totam collectam, de sin­gula virgata illius villae tot manipulos Presby­tero illius Ecclesiae tribueret quot superiùs diximus ei deberi. reliqua verò Decimationis Abbati seruaret.’ Here plainly, no Tithe was parochially paid before this Graunt, but only XXIV. Sheaues of euery Yard Land; which was now diminished also by the consecration of the true Tithe to the Abbey. Then Willielmus de Wecenfeld Dedit suam Decimam ex omni sua pecunia S. Mariae & Monachis in Abbendon de tribus videlicet Hidis in Wecenfeild, & duabus de Boxore, excepta vna acra quae Ecclesiae de Bo­xore, adiacet. This was in 7. Hen. 2. And in the relation of the Tithes of Eaton, granted to the Abbey by Roger Fitz-Alured, it is added, Et promisit quod cum Osmundo & alijs suis homini­bus de illa villa faceret vt & ipsi de suo tenore si­militèr Decimam Ecclesiae huic concederent. So in 9. Hen. 1. Aldred & Luured homines Ecclesia de Waliford dederunt Monachis huius Ecclesiae Decimas de omnibus videlicet suis pecoribus, & de agrorum suorum cultura, in capitulo coram toto contentu. And in the same yeer, one Ralfe gaue them the Tithe of his Farme or Manor of Bra­dendene, and assured them, he would entreat Ro­bert de Insula, his Lord of whom hee held Bra­dendene, Quatenus illius permissione & concessu [Page 304] suo hoc confirmaret, vt haec Ecclesia ipsius Decima donatione firmiùs in posterum potiretur. The like gift occurres there, made by Hugh Fitz-Wicht­gar in 10. Hen. 1. of the Tithes of Bennaham. And about the same time, Gilbert Basset gaue for euer to the Abbey, with his sonne Robert en­tring there into Religion, the Tithe of his Land in Waneting, to be employed ad vsum pauperum. Not long after, Hugo Dispensator Regis (it seems, Treasurer of the Household) granted to the Ab­bey, Suam Decimationem de omni pecunia tam de mobilibus rebus quam immobilibus de Manerio Spesholt quod de Ecclesia tenebat, sua coniuge Helewisa fauente, coram his testibus; Poidras suo homine, & Anschitillo suo praeposito de praedicta villa, & multis alijs. The like did Ralfe the Ab­bots Chamberlain grant out of two Hides in Steringford. So one Iocelin and his sonne Ran­doll granted to the Abbey two parts of all kind of Tithes in possessione quadam quae Graua dici­tur. And one Norman, when his sonne Eudo there took habit of Religion, consecrated with him Decimam Dominij sui de Winterburne, quam cui placeret Ecclesiae liberè donare poterat. quae sic concessa sub manus sacristae redacta est. And among other possessions of the Abbot and Couent, confirmd by the Bull of Pope Eugenius the third, in the yeere M.C.LII. (that is, in XVII. of King Stephen) these Tithes granted, are particularly reckoned in it, as part of what [Page 305] they did in praesentiarum iustè & canonice possi­dere. so are the words of the Bull. Neither to other purpose are the words of the Bishops of Salisburie, Ordinaries of the Diocese, in their generall confirmations of Churches and Tithes to the Abbey. These confirmations of theirs came diuers yeers after the Grants made by the owners, and are at large extant in the Chartula­ries of the Monasterie. The first that made any, was Hubert, who was consecrated Bishop in 1. Rich. 1. that is, M.C.LXXXIX. In the time of Henry the second, through the procurement of Richard Sacristein of the Abbey, one Giralin de Curzun graunted to the Abbey, Decimam XXX. acrarum de Westlakinge quam parentes sui priùs concesserant & ipse Altari sanctae Ma­riae concessit, addens de Porcellis siue Agnellis aut Caseis aut rebus alijs quae Decimari solent, Deci­mam, quam priores sui minimè dederant. Hanc verò donationem super Altare S. Mariae deuotus obtulit; trium tantum acrarum Decimâ de XXX. Ecclesiae de Waneting reseruatâ. Then, for Tithes in Chiltune; it is there reported, that in 2. Hen. 2. Nicholas Fitz-Turold gaue them to that Monasterie. his whole Charter is recorded, and so take it here for that part transcribed. No­tum sit praesentibus & futuris testimonio huius scrip­ti sigillo meo signati, quod ego Nicholaus filius Turoldi de Estuna pro salute animae meae paren­tumque meorum, & pro eo quod licitum mihi esset [Page 306] ab Ecclesia de Abbendona coemiterium habere ca­pellae meae de Winterburna, concessi firmiter & finaliter dedi praedictae Ecclesiae Abbendonensi singulis annis imperpetuum habendas Decimas ter­rae meae quam in Dominio meo teneo in villa Chil­tune. In blado scilicet ad ostium Grangiae meae sus­cipiendo & in Caseis & in Velleribus & Agnis & Porcellis, & in omnibus quae Decimari solent. And at the time of the Grant, it was by the Ab­bot Ingulph assigned to the vse of the poor and strangers, that is, to the Almosnerie, as indeed most other of their consecrated Tithes were: Which is yet to bee seen in the accompts of the reuenues of euery Office of the house.

Out of the In Biblioth. Cotton. Chartularie of the Abbey of Osney.

The Abbey being founded in 29. Hen. 1. that is, in M.C.XXIX. by Robert d'Oily High Constable of England; in the Charter of the Foundation are giuen to it the Tithes of the Founders Mills, that were neere the Castle of Oxford, & Decimatio Nicholai de Stodeham quam Fromundus (a Chaplain mentiond in the Charter) tenebat. and that is iterated often in o­ther Charters to the same Monasterie. And after in the same Chartularie is a Catalogue of diuers Portions of Tithes belonging to the Abbey, and as issuing out of the Demesnes of such as had encreased the reuenues of it with endowments [Page 307] of Tithes newly granted. nor are they expressed with any reference to this or that Parish, but on­ly to the Demesnes and names of the Donors. And then comes a confirmation of Richard Bi­shop of Lincolne (within that Diocese,An. D [...]. 1250. Oxford­shire was, till the later institution of a Bishop­rique in Oxford) wherein, among the ancient possessions of the Abbey, enioyed through their hauing Saint Georges Church in the Castle by d'Oile's gift, two parts of the Tithes of all things quae Decimari solent, in dominico horum Manerio­rum, videlicet, Bercencestre, Erdinton, &c. are confirmed to it. Neither is the number of those Mannors there named, vnder fortie. Which way is it likely, that the Church of S. George came to two parts of the Tithes of so many Mannors, if not by consecration of the owners? And indeed afterward is a transcript of a Charter of Robert d'Oily's (that was aboue C.XX. yeeres before the Bishops confirmation) to the Abbey, where­in he giues three Hides in Walton and Terram de Twenti acre & Decimam earundem terrarum, & pratum quod vocatur Brunmannes Mead, cum Decima eiusdem prati (where note, the Land and the Tithe of the same Land is giuen, which could be but a discharge of Tithes in the Abbey) & cum Decima de Northam, Wiueleya, & Lincha, & omnium terrarum & pratorum & aliarum re­rum Decimabilium quae sunt inter Castellum Oxo­niae, & Hin [...]sey. Heunteseyam aut Botleiam scilicet in [Page 308] Comitatu Oxoniae. And then Duas partes Deci­mae, de omni re quae Decimari solet, de omnibus dominicis vtriusque honoris qui adiacent Castello Oxenefordiae, videlicet de Hokenorton, Swere­fordia, Bereford, Wiginton, &c. with a reci­tal of aboue fortie Townes and Mannors, which are also in that confirmation long after made by the Bishop. In the same Book, Richard of Dode­ford giues them in perpetuall right the Tithes de assarto bosci mei de Hecholthe cum assartatur & excultus fuerit, siue ego siue alius per me illum as­sartauerit & excoluerit. This seemes to be of a­bout King Iohns time. And one Hugh de Croftes grants them Decimas dominij mei de Wauretun de omnibus rebus quae Decimari possunt & debent, tenendas de Priore & Monachis de Tedford im­perpetuum, sicut cartae vtriusque Monasterij inter eos factae testantur. And this was in 3. Rich. 1. And a pension was yeerely payable for them to the Prior of Thetford by that clause of tenendas, as appears in the confirmation made of the same Charter by William Bishop of Hereford. You must know, that the ancestors of Croftes had for­merly giuen those Tithes to the Priorie of Thet­ford, as is remembred there also.

Out of the Chartularie or In Biblioth. Cotton. Lieger-Booke of the Priorie of Gisburne or Gisburgh in the North-riding of Yorkshire.

In a Fine there of 23. Hen. 3. between Peter of [Page 309] Brus demandant, and Iohn Prior of Gisburne te­nant, it appears, that when Robert de Brus, ance­stor of Peter, vnder King Stephen, founded the Monasterie; he by grant endowd it, among other possessions, with the Tithe of his demesnes of Li­thun. And in another of 26. Hen. 3. the Concord hath these words in it, Et similiter idem Petrus concessit pro se & haeredibus suis, quod idem Prior & successores sui habeant in Parochijs suis Deci­mam venationis suae & haeredum suorum; & foeno­rum suorum vbicunque foenum falcabitur praeter­quam in locis subscriptis, scilicet in Parco sub Ca­stro de Daneby & in IV. Laundis in Foresta de Daneby, scilicet in Launda de Souresby, Eske­briggethwoyt, Karlethwoyt, & in Launda sub Threlkeld, & in Haya de Skelton clausa ex aqui­lonali parte de Routheline, & in paruo Parco cir­ca Castrum de Skelton in quibus locis nullas Deci­mas foeni habebunt. That of the Tithe of Veni­son, taken within the Parishes of the Priorie, was confirmed in another Fine of 30. Hen. 3. leuied before the Iustices of Eire in Yorkeshire; and therein also was further added, Concesst etiam idem Petrus pro se & haeredibus suis, quod ipsi de caetero reddent singulis annis praedicto Priori & successoribus suis & Ecclesiae suae praedictae Deci­mas Molendinorum suorum in Parochijs suis exi­stentium imperpetuum. So that if the Mills were in Lease, the Tenth of the rent was payable; if in the hands of the grantor, or his heires, the [Page 310] Tenth of the multure. and for true payment, the Millers were, by the concord of this Fine, bound to doe fealtie to the Prior and his successors. But I haue not seen an example of such disposition of Tithes of so late time. few or none else (I thinke) exceed the yeer of that Constitution of Lateran before spoken of. and remember that this is of York Prouince, in which perhaps the Decretall sent to Canterburie had not such effect till somwhat after, as is before touched.

Out of the Chartularie In sapius dict. Bibliotheca. of the Monasterie of S. Andrews of Rochester.

Henrie the first giues to the Monks there di­uers Churches with Tithes, ‘Et dimidiam Decimam meam de Tarentford in annona tantum, & totam Decimam meam de Strodes, & totam decimam meam de Chealches, & hoc facio pro anima Patris mei & Matris meae & pro anima mea & vxoris meae, T. Eudone da­pifero & Haymone dapifero apud Rouecestri­am. Other Tithes of whole Mannors he gaue also to them, Et decimam Hae n. captae Regis sunt. Pra­rogat. Reg. cap. 11. &c. Balenarum quae captae fuerint in Episcopatu Roffensi.’ And a­bout the same time Ralf Archbishop of Canterbu­rie by Charter gaue them ‘Totam Decimam de meo Dominico & omnes Decimas omniū vil­la norum qui habent terram in Dune, necnon & aliorum omnium, quorum decimae meo tempore ad quisitae sunt vel quocun (que) tempo­re [Page 311] ad quirentur.’ Many other Charters are in it to like purpose, as: ‘Ego Willielmus de Albine [...]o Pincerna Regis concedo Deo & Sancto An­dreae de Rouecestria & Monachis eiusdem loci totam meam Decimam de villa mea quae voca­tur Elham in omnibus rebus scilicet de blado & de pasnagio, & de molendinis, & de pecu­dibus, & de lana, & de caseis &c. & medieta­tem Decimae de Bilsintune in omnibus rebus pro anima Domini mei Willielmi Regis & Henrici Regis atque pro anima mea & patris mei & matris meae & vxoris meae & fratris mei Nigelli, & nepotis mei Humfridi & aliorum parentum meorum viuorum atque mortuo­rum. Testibus militibus meis, Nigello de Wast &c.That d' Aubigny was Earle of Chichester or Sussex or Arundel (for all these titles he vsed) and diuers Confirmations were afterward by his Successors, of this Grant. and K. Henrie the first also confirmed this of the first William. and the Prior and Couent not long after made a Lease of that their Tithe in Bilsintune to one Gilebert de Perieres for IX. yeers, reseruing half a Mark rent payable at Easter. and this was confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterburie.

Roger Bigot Earle of Norfolk vnder Richard the first, and William his yonger sonne, had giuen diuers reuenues to the Priorie, and among them occur the Church of Waltune, and then by it selfe tota Decimae villae Waltune de omni re & to­ta [Page 312] Decima molendinorum ad eandem villam perti­nentium. this is related in the confirmation of Hugh Bigot Earle of Norfolk and sonne to Ro­ger. and some other Churches were granted, but no Tithes mentioned with them. and after­ward the first Charter of Rogers grant is in the same Volumè at large. The Tithes of Buggeley were giuen to the Priorie by the Ancestors of Osbert de Cappaualle, and charged with three shillings yeerly rent, paiable to the Monks of Colchester. this instrument there remaining shews it. ‘Notum sit omnibus (as the words are) quod ego Osbertus de Cappaualle & Adeliza vxor mea, & Humfridus priuignus meus & haeres patris sui, accepta societate Roffensium Monachorum pro amore Dei & Sancti An­dreae, & salute animae nostrae, & omnium pa­rentum nostrorum, concessimus eis omnem Decimam de Bugeleia, sicut eam antecessores nostri in eleëmosynam dederunt, firmitèr & stabilitèr, & quietè perpetuò tenendam, red­dituris inde annuatim Monachis de Colecestra tres solidos quamdiù eandem tenent & habere poterunt. & hanc concessionem nostram prae­senti sigillo confirmauimus &c.’ this was af­terward confirmd by Philip of Leiburn and his wife Anne, and Robert of Leiburn Tenants of Buggeley.

The Tithe of Gedding was thus granted by the Ancestors of Payn Shrife of Surrey. Notum sit [Page 313] omnibus praesentibus at (que) futurit quod ego Pagan Vicecomes Surregiae, do & concedo Decimam de Geddinges quam antecessores mei dederunt Deo & Ecclesiae S. Andreae de Rouecestria pro anima patris mei & matris meae, & pro me & vxore mea. & mihi concessum est ab eadem Ecclesia quod post obitum nostrum singulis annis anniuersarium mei & vxoris meae in perpetuum persoluetur.

The Tithe of Stalefield is granted to the Monks by D. de Monei, and sic tenendam sicut te­nuerunt de antecessoribus meis.

In 8. Hen. 1. halfe the Tithe of Halegele was giuen to them by Henrie de Port, the other halfe being before conueid to them—‘Decimam to­tam de Halegele, de qua (so speaks the Charter) praedictus Sanctus (that is S. Andrew) dimi­diam partem habuerat, caeteram verò pro amo­re Radulphi Episcopi, vt praedictum est, supra taxato tempore donaui.’ these others also follow.

Walchelinus Maminot omnibus Sanctae Matris▪ Ecclesiae filijs tam posteris quam prae­sentibus salutem. Notum vobis facio quod Decimam de Dominio de Bertreia quam pa­ter meus pro salute animae suae & suorum Ec­clesiae Roffensi & Monachis ibidem Deo ser­uientibus in perpetuam eleëmosynam dedit, me similiter pro redemptione delictorum me­orum & vxoris meae, & haeredum meorum con­cessisse & praesenti scripto confirmasse. Quod si aliquid de praedicto Dominio in Rusticanam [Page 314] seruitutem translatum est vel fuerit, decima tamen secundum primam donationem integra permaneat. Teste Rodberto de Binham Pres­bytero &c.

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum peruenerit, Willielmus de Lamualai aeternam in Domino salutem. Nouerit vni­uersitas vestra quod ego Willielmus de Lamua­lai diuinae pietatis intuitu pro salute animae meae & vxoris meae, & liberorum meorum, & antecessorum meorum & successorum, conces­si & hac praesenti Carta mea confirmaui Deo & Ecclesiae S. Andreae & Monachis Roffensi­bus in puram & perpetuam eleëmosynam, me­dietatem totius Decimae de Dominio meo de Henherst quam antecessores mei eis dederunt & concesserunt; tenendam & habendam benè & in pace liberè & quietè de me, & successo­ribus meis, & per manus eleëmosynarij eorum in vsus pauperum distribuendam: ideoque vo­lo & firmiter praecipio vt praedicti Monachi habeant &c.

Omnibus sanctae Matris Ecclesiae filijs ad quos praesens scriptum peruenerit, Adam Pincerna aeternam in Domino salutem. No­uerit vniuersitas vestra, quod ego Adam Pin­cerna cognitâ & compertâ dilectione quam antecessores mei habuerunt erga Ecclesiam S. Andreae Roffensis & Monachos in eadem Ec­clesia Deo seruientis, Decimam de Dominico [Page 315] Campo meo in Culinges qui vocatur Westbroc quam Radulfus Pincerna eis dedit intuitu Dei, praedicti Ecclesiae, & S. Andreae, praefatis Mo­nachis in puram & perpetuam eleëmosynam concessi & praesenti Carta mea confirmaui, ita videlicet quod Richardus frater meus qui suc­cessit Geruatio Decano in personatu Ecclesiae de Culinges ad praesentationem meam & suc­cessores sui reddent annuatim, nomine De­cimae illius, praefatis Monachis dimidiam marcam argenti in crastino festiuitatis Sancti Andreae omni occasione remota & dilatione &c.

it seems that the Parson of Culinges by the Patrons will herein declared, was to haue the Tithe of Westbroke in kind, and pay half a mark for it yeerly to the Priorie.

‘Sciant tam praesentes quam futuri quod e­go Henricus de Malemeins concedo & confir­mo Monachis Ecclesiae sancti Andreae Apo­stoli Rouecestriae Decimam meam totam de Dominico meo & eam vehendam quocun (que) voluerint & transferendam; cum ante hanc concessionem solum modo granum habuerint. Praetereà dono eis & concedo Decimam me­am de vitulis & porcellis. Has concessiones confirmo illis pro amore Dei & salute animae meae & vxoris, & antecessorum meorum libe­rè & quietè possidendas assensu haeredis mei & voluntate vxoris & amicorum meorum. Teste &c.’

[Page 316]And William Hachet confirms the moitie of the Tithes of his demesnes in Hainwold (which his ancestors had granted to the Priorie) to hold free sine omni molestia & exactione. and warrants them contra omnes homines sicut liberam eleemosy­nam nostram.

A like confirmation is from William of Sram­broche of the Tithe of Srambroche, granted for­merly from his Ancestors to the Priorie.

William of Gurnay had giuen to the Priorie certain Tithes in Edintune, which lying disper­sed, were not so commodious for the receipt of the Monks as of the Parson of the Parish. there­upon Galiena, grand-child to William, declares, that for that cause prouisum est & statutum, vt quaelibet illius Ecclesiae persona nomine Decima­rum illarum liberaliter soluent annuatim praedictis Monachis Rouecestriae quinque solidos, ad festum beati Andreae. and so confirms both the gift of her Ancestor and this composition between the Parson of Edintune and the Prior and Couent.

Haimo filius Guidonis de Dudindale, confirms, in puram & perpetuam eleemosynam, the gift made by his ancestors Gerold his grand-father, and Guy his father, of all the Tithes of his land in Dudindale. which was afterward confirmed also by his sonne and heire Iohn.

Hamelinus de Columbeirs establishes the per­petuall right of all the small Tithes of his De­mesnes, in the Chantor of the Priorie, to whom [Page 317] by ancient possession of his Predecessors, hee found they belonged, when controuersie was about them, twixt the Chantor and Ralf Parson of Frendesburie.

William the sonne of Thomas of Ysfield and all his coparceners, confirme the Tithes of Ys­field formerly giuen by their Ancestors in puram & perpetuam eleemosynam. and further grant all small Tithes of Ysfield, as of Lamb, Calf, Piggs, Fleece, and the like. Et vt haec nostra donatio (saies the Deed) & confirmatio inconcussa perma­neat, ego Willielmus omnium fratrum meorum vo­luntate pro omnibꝰ sigilli mei appositione corroboro. which I note for the speciall kind of sealing with the eldest brothers seale only.

Henrie of Tuang confirms to them Decimam de Tuange quam praefati Monachi habent de dono Smalemanni aui me [...] tam in Tuange, quam in Rundel.

These Grants or arbitrarie Consecrations were all diuers yeers before the end of M.CC. after Christ, and for the most part in the times of Henrie the first, King Stephen, Henrie the se­cond, and Richard the first. neither need you make doubt of the allowance of them by the Clergie of that time. The Tithes so arbitrarily giuen by Lay men were not only possessed by the Priorie, but were also afterward, with others which are not mentiond in the Chartularie, so­lemnly confirmed to them by the Archbishops [Page 318] of Canterburie with their Prior and Couent, who supplied that which now is the Deane and Chapter. for in 23. Hen. 2. vpon a controuersie arising about some Tithes challenged by the Pri­orie, a confirmation was giuen by Richard Arch­bishop of Canterbury, in which he grounds their right vpon the Deeds of the Grantors. Cognito (are his words) iure praedictorum Monachorum per inspectionem instrumentorum suorum, considera­tâ etiam diutura illorum possessione &c. and then he confirms to them all the Tithes granted to them within his Diocese, and reckons by name seuerall Tithes in VIII. Parishes, most of which occur in those examples; After which he con­firms also their appropriated Churches with Tithes belonging to them. For Tithes giuen with the Churches appropriated they had as be­longing to those Churches. but others seuerally consecrated were no otherwise in them then as if Rents or other profits had been granted out of lands to them. A like confirmation was made by Baldwin in 1. Rich. 1. of all Tithes in particu­lar that were formerly setled in them by Lay mens grants. And another such was by Hubert Archbishop in 1. of King Iohn, wherein he con­firms to them omnes Decimas à quibuscunque Dei fidelibus vsque in praesens in Archiepiscopatu nostro illis collatas.

Out of the Chartularie of the Monasterie of In iam memorae­ta Bibliotheca. Reding for Leonminster or Lemster in Herefordshire, that was annext by Henry the first to Reding, in the foundation.

Walter Clifford, for the health of his fathers soule, and for his wife and children, giues Eccle­siae de Leonminstre Decimam de tota Hamenesca tam de dominio quàm de villanis s. de omnibus vnde Decimae dantur tam de viuis quam de mor­tuis But the Church of Lemster is called there the Mother-Church of the place. This was about King Iohns time. And Robert Malherbe giues to the same Church Decimam de toto dominio meo de Riseburie de omnibus, vnde Decimae dantur tam de viuis quam de mortuis.

Out of the Chartularie of the Nun­nerie of Jbidem. Clerkenwell.

Among many possessions confirmed to it by Henrie the second, we find, ‘Ex dono Gaufridi Comitis de Essex & Eustaciae vxoris eius to­tam Decimam totius victus & procurationis illorum & domus suae & familiae suae; and, Ex concessioue Alexandri Prioris & Monacho­rum Ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae Magdalenae de Stanesgate, assensu conuentus Ecclesiae Sancti Pancratij de Lewes, omnes Decimationes illa­rum [Page 320] de feodo de Clerkenwell cum pertinen­tijs suis.’

And Maurice of Totham and Muriel his wife grant to the Nunnerie, ‘Ius parochiale in per­petuo habendum in terris nostris quas habe­mus & tenemus de Episcopo Londinensi iuxta Londoniam, & in hominibus in eisdem terris existentibus & in certis terris nostris quae ad Parochiam pertinent.’ And further, that those Lands and his Tenants should be ioind Iure Pa­rochiali to the Church of the Nunnerie, Et quod homines illi reddant & faciant quae Pa­rochiani debent reddere & facere suae Matri Ecclesiae.’ And that the Nunnes should qui­etly enioy all Tithes of those Lands, according to the intent of the Grant from the Priorie of Lewes in Sussex; which also is rememberd else­where in the same Chartularie.

Maude of Mandeuill, Countesse of Essex and Hereford grants, ‘Totam Decimam totius vi­ctus nostri & familiae nostrae vbicunque fueri­mus de panibus & potibus & carnibus & eti­am de Piscibus sicut in Carta Domini G. de Mandeuilla Comitis Essexiae antecessoris no­stri continetur.’ And a great Curse is added to all such as should disturbe or preuent the Nunnes in their enioying of that Tithe. The reference made is to that which is before menti­oned in the Patent of Confirmation, made by Henrie the second. This of Maude was about [Page 321] the beginning of Henrie the third, and is but a confirmation of that of Geffrey of Mandeuill, made Earle of Essex by Maude the Empresse.

Out of the liues In Biblioth. Cotton. of the Abbots of S. Augu­stines of Canterburie, written by Tho­mas Sprot Balaeo Thomas Spot dictus est., a Monk of the Abbey vnder Edward the first.

‘Eodem anno Domini (videlicet M.LXX.) in villa de Fordwico, Willielmus Rex contulit Sancto Augustino & fratribus eiusdem coeno­bij, Ecclesias de Fauersham & de Middeltune, & Decimas de omnibus redditibus proueni­entibus ex illis duobus Manerijs S. de Mid­deltune & Fauersham & Decimam de omni­bus appendentibus, Terra, Syluis, Pratis, & Aqua, excepta Decima Mellis & Gabuli dena­riorum. Et sunt istius donationis septem Car­tae diuersorum Regum praeter istam.’ That Gabulus denariorum is rent paid in money. Scot­land was then Abbot there.

In the same Abbots time, Odo Bishop of Bay­eux, and Earle of Kent, gaue to the Abbey, ‘Decimas aliquas quas mei fideles habebant, id est, Athelwoldus de tribus villis quae dicun­tur Knolton, Tiskenherst, Ringelton, & Deci­mam totius terrae Turstini, necnon Decimam Osberni filij Letardi de duobus locis, id est, Bedlesangre. Decimam etiam Osberni Pay­fori de villula quae dicitur Bochland. Haec [Page 322] omnia (as the words of his Charter are) dono concedo & confirmo &c. Si quis verò huic donationi contrarius fuerit, vel aliquam ca­lumniam ingesserit, aeterno anathemate ipso facto sit reus & Regiae Maiestatis &c.’ Then the Autor tells vs, that afterward William d' Au­bigny wrongfully took the Tithe of Knolton and Ringelton from the Abbey, as Roger of Memires did the Tithe of Bochland.

In the yeer M.LXXIX. Scotland being still Abbot, Herebert Fitz-Iuo gaue to the Abbey, ‘Decimas quinque Mansionum suarum vel cen­tum solidos nummorum quod in arbitrio Ab­batis & fratrum S. Augustini constituit vtrum Decimas ipsas vel centum solidos pro Deci­mis acceptarent.’ Those fiue Mansiones, or Farmes, or Mannors, were Oliue, Ewelle, Os­prenge, Heregedsham, and Langedone. But this Tithe was afterward (sayes Sprot) wrongfully detaind from them by William Peuerell.

About the same time, Abbot Scotland made a Lease of V. Solings (that is, Solins, or Selions, which are made the same with Hides, or Plough­lands, by some Regist. Mona­sterij S. Martini de Bello in Arthi­uis [...] quae ad Fo [...]m a Regio­ [...]um prouentuum increme [...]to di­ctum spectant. good autoritie) about North­bourne to one Wadard for life, reseruing rent of XXX. shillings, and the Tithes, of all profits there accruing, to himselfe.

The same Abbot leased for life to Amfrid Mauclerc his Land of Riple, and of Aluetune, vpon like condition, that Mauclerc should pay [Page 323] to the Abbey all the Tithes both of those Lands as also of his V. Mannors, Hortun, Legu, Ernol­ton, Seeldrisham, and Oslacestone, and also all o­ther Tithes of his yeerely encrease whatsoeuer. ‘Decimam etiam tam frugum quàm omnium animalium suorum & caeterarum rerum.’

One Hugh Fitz-Fulbert had a Lease for life of the same Abbot, of two Solings of Land in Sibertesweld, whereupon rent of XX. shillings yeerly was reserued, and this Condition also an­nexed, ‘Vt daret etiam Decimam omnium re­rum suarum quas ipse in dominio haberet.’

When Hugh of Trottescliue, Abbot there, founded his Hospitall of S. Laurence, among o­ther Endowments, hee gaue it, ‘Totam Deci­mam totius annonae de dominio de Langeport. This was vnder King Stephen.

And Anno Domini M.C.LXXXVIII. Ro­gerus Abbas tradidit Priorissae de Scapeia De­cimas de Westland intra Parochiam praedictae Priorissae pro quatuordecim solidis annuatìm reddendis sacristae S. Augustini. What Tithes were intra Parochiam of the Prioresse of Shepey, were by former Grant of the owner conueyed to the Abbey.

Out of Peeter of Blois his In sap [...] dict. Biblioth. continuance of the Historie of the Abbey of Crow­land in Lincolnshire.

At the foundation of the Church, new built [Page 324] by Abbot Ioffrid, in the time of Henrie the first, a great meeting was of the deuouter sort of Yorkeshire men specially, and others, to the num­ber of aboue fiue thousand in all. and most of them laid stones at it, and vpon the stones, some offered Money, some the Patronages of Chur­ches granted by Charters, others Tithes of their Lands: as for example, the words are, ‘Iuxta illum proximum lapidem versus Boream po­suit Simon Miles & vxor eius Gulana offeren­tes Ecclesiae Decimam de Morton, & de Schap­wik; & iuxta illos proximum lapidem versus Boream posuit Reinerus de Bathe Miles & vxor eius Goda offerentes operi Decimam de Hou­tona & de Birtona.

Out of the Ibidem. Lieger-Booke of the Abbey of S. Albons in Hertfordshire.

The Abbot and Couent, about 20. of Henrie the third, gaue to the Church of the holy Trini­tie de Bosco, and the Nunnes there, for euer, To­tam Decimam de dominio nostro de Caysho in om­nibus rebus de quibus Decimae dari solent, and two parts of the Tithe Corne of the Parish of Wat­ford, and some other moities of Tithes, the rest being in the Parson of Watford. But that of the demesnes of Caysho was newly now created, and expressed for the prouision of apparrell for the Nunnes. But this being so long after the Con­stitution of Lateran, and being made only out [Page 325] of their demesnes which perhaps they had dis­charged, doth only giue an example among ma­ny, of another originall way of creation of tithes in some Monasteries, but not so much adde to or confirm the arbitrarie course of disposition of them by Lay men in times before that so fre­quently vsed.

‘Henricus Rex Angliae R. Episcopo Dunel­mensi & omnibus Baronibus suis salutem. sci­atis me (it is Henrie the first) dedisse Deo & S. Mariae, & S. Oswino, & Abbati de S. Al­bano, & Monachis de Tinemuth omnes Deci­mas suas per Northumberland quas Robertus Comes (that is Robert of Mowbray Earle of Northumberland, who in time of William the se­cond founded the Priorie of Tinemuth) & ho­mines eius donauerant eis, scilicet Videsis Cart. Antiq. B. B. 14. & 15. &c. in [...] Lond. & G. 21. in Dorso. Decimas de Colebrige, & illas de Ouinton, & de Wylun, illas etiam de Neuburn, & illam de Discington & de Caluerdon, & de Elstwic, & illas etiam de Bothall, & de Werkwrth, & de Anebell, si­militer & de Roubyrie, & de Wulloure, & volo ac praecipio quatenus supradictus Abbas & Monachi de Tinemuda, benè & integrè ha­beant illas ac liberè teneant in mea pace, & quod nullus eis inde aliquid auferat super me­am forisfacturam. T. Nigello de Alben. apud Brantonam.’

By the same King. ‘H. Rex Angliae Ranulpho Episcopo Dunelmensi, & Alfrico & Luilia [Page 326] Vicecomitibus salutem. Sciatis me concessis­se & dedisse Deo, & Sanctae Mariae, & S. Os­wino, & Abbati de S. Albano Decimas quas Hubertus de Lauall ante dederat Monachis de Tinemuda, scilicet de Setona & Caluerdona, & de Discingtona, & volo ac praecipio vt benè & integrè in mea pace teneant eas, & quod nullus super eis iniuriam faciat. T. Nigello de Alben. apud Wintoniam. This was either a confirmation of a consecration made by De La­uall, or els a gift of Tithes out of the same lands, by the King, after some escheat or other new title accrued to the Crown. The Church or Pri­orie of Tinemuth was giuen to the Abbey of S. Albons by William the second, after Robert de Mowbray had forfeited the Patronage, among the rest of his estate, by treason.

Henrie the second confirms to the Monks of Tinemuth all their Churches appropriated, and Decimas de Corebriga, & Newburna, & de Wertewrtha, & de Rodbiria, & de Botala & Wlonera, & de Wylum & Ditentona, & de Caluerduna, & de Alswicha, & de Anibella, & Decimas de Dominio de Herth, & de Setona, & de Tunestal, & de Daltona, & de Mideltona, & de Ouinthuna. All which were, without Churches, formerly and in perpetuall right con­secrated by the owners deuotions. the like often occurres in confirmations made to them by the succeeding Kings.

[Page 327] In 7. Rich. 1. Hugh of Pudsey Bishop of Dur­ham, confirms to the Monks of Tinemuth, ‘Om­nes Decimas & obuentiones tam in blado quam in alijs decimationibus tam de domi­nijs Regis quam Baronum, siue aliorum fide­lium & propriarum villarum, & dominiorum tam in Northumbria quam in Haliwarchfolk (that is in the Territorie of the Bishoprique of Durham) ita plenariè & liberè possidendas, sicut eas pleniùs & meliùs habuerunt vel habe­re debuerunt, tempore nostro vel antecesso­rum nostrorum, & sicut donatorum Cartae testantur.’ And some other Churches of such generall ratification they haue from the Arch­bishop of York.

In the instrument of foundation of the Cell of Belveir, made between Abbot Paul and Ro­bert of Belvedeir or Belveir, or de pulchro visu, that Robert grants it the Tithes of all Lands that he should hereafter purchase. Omnium terrarum quascunque per Dei adiutorium & concessum Re­gis in suum dominium ad quirere, quoquo modo pos­set, dedit & concessit Decimas eidem Ecclesiae san­ctae Mariae; that is to the Cell; which was at first purposed for a Parish Church, but by aduice of Archbishop Lanfrank was cōuerted into a Cell. Dedit etiam & concessit Decimas Vinearum sua­rum omnium & sedem molendini in proxima aqua, & concessit Decimas decem villarum ad praesens, ex suo videlicet dominio annonae, omnium que rerum [Page 328] de quibus Decima danda est & datur, semota qui­dem tertia parte Presbyteri villae. The names of the Mannors or Towns of which he thus gaue two parts of the Tithes, are, Horton, Fraton, Sa­perton, Rishendon, Stoches, Wiberteston, Segeton, Medburne, Wiwell, and Wlstanestorp.

Robert of Piriton gaue to the Abbey, the Church of Saint Marie that he had built in Pi­riton; and endowd it with gift of all the Tithe, eiusdem villae sui dominij & omnium suorum homi­num ibi manentium omnium illarum rerum de qui­bus recte Decima datur; And in Nicenton he gaue all the Tithe of his demesnes only. In Cauendeis & Hocaton & Aperston, Decimam dominij sui, ex­cepta cantaria.

Ralf of Limesi gaue to the Church of Saint Marie also that he built in Piriton, Decimam su­am in eadem villa &c. & Decimas hominum eius­dem villae ipsis libentèr concedentibus. Apud Ni­centonam dedit duas partes Decimae suae &c. apud Hulferlea dedit similiter duas partes Decimae suae & apud Eprestunam similiter & apud Cauendeis & Hocktentunam. And these endowments are there called beneficium Ecclesiae. These and o­ther Tithes so seuerally granted are confirmed to the Abbey by Alan de Limsey, Gerard de Limsey and others of the posteritie of Ralf. The Tithe of the Agistment of Bibesworth-wood, al­so was granted by Ralf, and of other Agistments, with prouision also that if the woods were assar­ted [Page 329] or improued by culture, the Abbey should haue Tithe in kind of the improuements. The whole Deeds o [...] conueiance are there at large. and a Bull of confirmation was long afterward obtaind from Pope Alexander (as I thinke) the fourth.

W. Peuerell giues to the Monks of Hatfield ‘Decimam denariorum meorum de Meldona, & rectam Decimam de Dona de omnibus re­bus de quibus rectè datur Decima.’ And then addes Churches of other places cum Decimis. that was in Henrie the first's time.

Out of Matthew Paris In Biblioth. Cotton. his liues of the Abbots of S. Albons.

In the time of Abbot Paul, vnder Henrie the first. ‘Data est, saith he, huic Ecclesiae Decima de Cundella, & Decima de Rigentona, & De­cima de Roniges, & de Brethelham, & de Her­laga, & de Thamiseford, & de Cliftona, & De­cimae quatuor villarum istarum s. Hunteslege, Gertheham, & de Brunfield, & Redlàng. Et duae partes Decimae villarum istarum s. Se­dintonae & Boctonae. Et tota Decima de Trum­pinton, duae partes Decimae de Wacerleia. Por­ro in Hertfordsira duae partes Decimae de E­senden & Beiford, & de Hertfordingbirie. and other like.

Out of the Chartularie In eadem Biblioth. of the Priorie of Boxgraue in Sussex.

About the yeer M.C.LXXX. a confirma­tion is made by William S. Iohn, of what had been formerly granted to the Priorie by his An­cestors; and among other possessions, occurres ‘Decima de Chienore, and Decima omnium nemorum suorum de honore Halnaci in pais­sone & venditione, & alijs exitibus.’ And this William for the maintenance of a fourteenth Monk (there being but thirteen by the first foun­dation) which he added, gaue, Decimam gabulo­rum suorum de Estretintona, and other places. & ex dono Petri de Hampton decima molendini sui, is related to be theirs.

The same William in another Charter grants, ‘In subscriptis Ecclesijs scilicet Walborton, Barnaham, Hantoneta, Honestum, Mundeham, duas portiones de terris & decimis omnibus quae ad ipsas pertinent (for the third parts were assigned by him, and the Bishop, and the Prior to Vicarages) & in omnibus praescriptis Eccle­sijs aduocationem liberam & praesentationem Presbyterorum qui in sua persona in illis Ec­clesijs Deo assiduè deseruiant &c. Et reddidi Decimam Gabulorum de Stretinton, videli­cet VIII. solidos per annum;’ and the Tithe of other Rents.

Robert S. Iohn, brother of this William, giues [Page 331] ‘Decimam omnium gabulorum de Walborton, & Decimam omnium gabulorum totius vil­lae de Bernham quam frater meus Willielmus de S. Iohanne dedit mihi, ad tenendum in ser­uitio Dei quartumdecimum Monachum in Conuentu Boxgraue, quia priùs solùm trede­cim fuerant. Quod si quartusdecimus ibi de­fuerit, Tustinus nepos Dunelinae vel haeres suus colliget & tenebit eas vsque ad annum inte­grum; si verò vltra; dabuntur pauperibus & viduis, & Orphanis duarum villarum. Teste Willielmo de S. Iohanne, Waltero & Willielmo Capellanis, Rogero Hai, & Thoma filio suo, Ro­gero de Kaisnei. And a confirmation is there also by William S. Iohn of the gift (that is of the profits receiud by the Lord in mony or rent.) which lay indeed properly in the Lessors grant. and therefore also William the Lessor had by an­other Charter granted those Decimas Gabuli to Robert, to the same purpose, which he expresses in his Deed of consecration to the Priorie. the Lessor's grant to him, the confirmation and his consecration were enough to setle this Tithe-rent in the Monasterie. but cleerly this could not haue discharged any former right of Tithes in kind payable out of the Land.

The Churches of Warberton and Bernham and the rest before named with others, were, with the belonging Tithes, appropriated to the Priorie, but the Tithes alone of Thadeham and [Page 332] Kienor (which they call Chienor) were by grant from the Ancestors of the S. Iohns, setled in the Priorie and neuer named with any Church, as appears in sundrie Confirmations of them. So also is Decima de Liperinges, in the ratification of such Grants to them made about that time by Iohn and Seffrid Bishops of Chichester and Richard Bishop of Canterburie. Of that Tithe of Liperinges see more within a few lines.

‘Sciant praesentes & futuri quod ego Richar­dus de Tresgoz filius Philippi Tresgoz dedi & concessi, & hac praesenti Carta mea confir­maui Deo & Ecclesiae B. Mariae de Boxgraue, & Monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus pro sa­lute animae meae & vxoris meae & antecesso­rum meorum, & vt missa pro anima mea, & vxoris meae, & pro animabus patris & matris meae, & antecessorum meorum, in praedicta Ecclesia de Boxgraue, ter in vnaquaque septi­mana celebretur, omnes donationes quas ha­bent de donationibus Philippi patris mei & antecessorum meorum tam in terris quam in Decimis magnis & minutis, in Manerio meo de Hamptunete. Et insuper dedi & concessi & hoc scripto autentico confirmaui praedictis Monachis de Boxgraue, omnes minutas deci­mas de praedicto Manerio meo de Hantunete, scilicet in agnis, in vitulis, in pullis, in porcis, in aucis, in lanis, in caseis, in pomis, in fructi­bus, & in omnibus alijs rebus vndecun (que) De­cimae [Page 333] Sanctae Ecclesiae spectant aut prouenire debent tam maiotes videlicet quam minores. Et vt haec mea donatio & concessio perpetuae firmitatis robur obtineat eam praesentis scripti testimonio & sigilli mei munimine roboraui. His testibus Roberto persona de Storhetune, Stephano Capellano, Philippo Bernhuse, Wil­lielmo Picoth, Willielmo Purcaz, Philippo de Perham; & multis alijs.’ This was in the same time, vnder Henrie the second.

Geffrey of Coleuill giues to the Priorie De­cimam ‘de Kienore de toto dominio meo in terris cultis & incultis in Pomerijs in Pisca­rijs & Molendinis in perpetuam & liberam, E­leemosynam saluâ tertia portione totius Deci­mae praefatae de Dominio meo quae ad Ecclesi­am de Hidlesham pertinet cum tota Decima de vilanagio meo. Et vt hoc firmiter teneatur, sigillo meo confirmaui hoc scriptum his testi­bus Humfrido de Sartill &c.’

Robert of Coleuill grants them Duas por­tiones

Decimae Garbarum de toto dominio meo de Kienore in perpetuam & liberam E­leemosynam ex donatione antecessorum meo­rum ijs priùs collatam.

Sciant praesentes & futuri quod ego Radul­phus de S. Georgio & Agatha vxor eius & Ala­nus haeres eorum dederunt & concesserum Deo & S. Mariae & Monachis de Boxgraue Decimam de Liparinges in perpetuam Elee­mosynam [Page 334] quam priùs dederat eis Basilia mater ipsius Radulphi. Et ipsi Monachi debent fa­cere habere Ecclesiasticum seruitium in Eccle­sia sua de Ichenora vel in Capella sua de Brid­deham hominibus praedicti Radulphi moranti­bus apud Liparinges, & in singulis Hebdoma­dis vnum seruitium pro anima Basiliae & pro cunctis fidelibus defunctis donec praedictus Radulphus vel haeredes sui ibi fecerint quod­dam Oratorium, in quo vnus de Capellanis Monachorum faciet praedictum seruitium in Hebdomada. Testibus Ranulpho Capellano Ricardo Capellano de Boxgraue, Roberto Le­gato, & alijs multis.

This was about King Iohns time.

Out of the In Biblioth. Co [...]ton. Chartularie of S. Neots or Needs in Huntingdonshire.

‘Omnibus Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae filijs Se­herus de Quincy salutem. Sciatis me concessisse & confirmâsse Monachis S. Neoti Decimatio­nes quas antiquitus habuerunt de terra mea in Grantesete, s. totam Decimationem dominio­rum quae fuerunt Roberti Fafiton in eadem villa tam terrarum quam virgultorum. His te­stibus &c.’ A like Instrument of Confirmati­on from him, is of two parts of the Tithes of Suho, and of a third part of the Tithes of Einse­burie, which had been likewise formerly setled by arbitrarie consecration, in the Monasterie. [Page 335] This was about the fourth yeer of King Iohn, and was confirmd by the Bishop of Ely.

Sciant praesentes & futuri, quod ego Albi­nus Fafiton concedo & per hanc Cartam con­firmo Deo & Ecclesiae S. Neoti fratribusque meis, eiusdem Ecclesiae Monachis, Decimam il­lam quam Robertus Fafiton auus meus & Eu­stachius pater meus eis dederunt & concesse­runt, s. de terris & pecunijs totius dominij mei in Grantesete & in Suho & in Weston duas par­tes Decimae: & iuxta Ecclesiam de Grantesete vnam mansuram quam pater meus cum eadem Decima eis concessit &c. Hoc donum factum est anno quo Rex Angliae Henricus secundus duxit exercitum apud Tolosam.

Sciant praesentes & futuri, quod ego Galfri­dus filius Suani & Hathewis vxor mea & Adam filius noster concessimus Deo & Ecclesiae sancti Neoti & Monachis Becci (this Priorie was a Cell of the Abbey of Bec in Normandie) ibi­dem Deo seruientibus, pro salute nostra, duas partes Decimae bladi & omnium rerum quae Decimati debent illius Hydae terrae in Croxton quam tenuit Adelwoldus Flammangus auus praedictae Hathewis, quas ipse dedit Ecclesiae S. Neoti in perpetuam & liberam Eleemosy­nam. T. &c

Ego Robertus Waste concessi Deo & S. Ma­riae Becci & S. Neoto Confessori & Ecclesiae eius de Ernelesberia & Monachis qui inibi de [Page 336] seruiunt, duas partes totius Decimae meae de Wereslai in omni videlicet substantia mea, in segetibus & animalibus vnde Decima dari de­bet, & hoc fieri praecipuè pro anima Soeni de Essessa & pro salute domini mei Roberti filij praedicti Soeni qui mihi hanc terram dedit & pro salute Gonnor vxoris suae & pro salute mea & vxoris meae & Willielmi filij Gerei pa­tris sui & pro anima patris mei & matris meae & fratris mei & omnium amicorum & anteces­sorum meorum &c.

This was afterward con­firmed by the heires of Robert Waste. but in the Confirmations it appears, that Torold Waste had also granted it before Robert. Torold, I thinke, was Roberts father, and had granted it about Henrie the second his time.

In the Titles of the Deeds there, is Carta Ro­berti de Ferrers de Decimis de Benewell. but the Charter it selfe is wanting.

Out of the Chartularie of the In eadem Biblioth. Hospitall of S. Leonards in Yorkshire.

Stephanus Rex Angliae Archiepiscopo Ebo­rum, Iusticiarijs, Vicecomiti, Baronibus, mi­nistris & omnibus fidelibus suis Eboracshire, salutem. Sciatis quia concessi & dedi in per­petuam Eleemosynam pro anima Regi [...] Hen­rici [...] mei, & pro salute animae meae, & Matildis Reginae vxoris meae, & Eustachij fi­lij mei, & aliorum puerorum meorum Deo & [Page 337] Hospitali Sancti Petri Eborum omnem Deci­mationem de Theloneo villae de Thicahilla & omnem Decimationem Molendinorum eius­dem villae & praeter haec V. bouatas terrae in Wlnethuat, & vnam bouatam in campo de Bagalaia. Quare volo & firmitèr praecipio quod benè & in pace & liberè & quietè & ho­norificè hanc Eleemosynam teneant, quicun (que) honorem de Thicahilla habeat, sicut Eleemo­synam Deo & pauperibus Christi in perpetu­um datam. Teste Henrico de Essex & Adam de Belin & Willielmo de Clarafai apud S. Ed­mundum. But in the Bulls of Confirmation from diuers Popes made to the Hospitall, no mention is of these Tithes.

Out of a Ms. of Constitutions, In Biblioth. a [...]toris. Charters, and Writs, touching the Prouince and Church of York.

Ael Dei gratia Carleolensis Episcopus. Om­nibus sanctae matris Ecclesiae fidelibꝰ in Christo salutem, & orationem: Notum sit omnibus & videntibus & audientibus has literas me de­disse & concessisse Decanatui Eborum & Willi­elmo Decano & omnibus eius in Decanatu successoribus Decimas Molendinorum de Po­kelinton & de dominio meo & de tota socha. Sic enim prouisum fuit & constitutum à Rege Henrico. Constitutum autem & confirmatum est de omni possessione debere Decimas dari [Page 338] tam in Molendinis quam in rebus alijs, ideo (que) autoritate Apostolicâ & nostrâ per excommu­nicationis sententiam prohibemus ne aliquis has Decimas Molendinorum auferre & dimi­nuere praesumat. Regia tantùm dignitate ex­cepta, in quam nullam dare praesumimus sen­tentiam.’ Valete. This Ael is Aethelulph, the first Bishop of Carleol, Confessor to Henrie the first, who first made it a Bishoprique in M.C.XXXII.

Out of old Charters remaining in the hands of that Noble Knight Sir Robert Cotton.

Suss [...].R. Dei gratia Cicestrensis Episcopus G. De­cano caeterisque fidelibus Sanctae Ecclesiae sa­lutem & benedictionem. Sciatis me concessisse Brunkino de Hasting dare Decimam suam to­tam de dominio suo de terra quam ipse tenet in Marisco de Penensel Deo & Ecclesiae sancti Martini de Bello (to the Abbey of Battell) pro anima sua & omnium parentum suorum salute. Concedo etiam hanc Decimam & om­nes alias Decimas quas ipsi Monachi de Bello habent in Parochia mea quatenùs eas liberè & quietè teneant & possideant imperpetuum abs­que omni molestia; videlicet nominatìm Deci­mam Vulwini de Henam, Decimam Sewini de Glutintune, Decimam Lewini de Badeherste, Decimam quam Parochiani Ecclesiae Sanctae [Page 339] Mariae de Bello dant de Nedrefelde, Decimam quam Ailricus de Ora dat, Decimam de He­linfalde quam ipsi Parochiani Sanctae Mariae de Bello dant, Decimam de Boccholte, & Deci­mam de Bromham quam Ailwi & Aethelida dederunt cum filio suo Benedicto quando effe­ctus est Monachus absque omni calumnia in perpetuum tenendam. Similitèr etiam & om­nes Ecclesias & Decimas quae eidem Ecclesiae datae sunt, vel quas eadem Ecclesia & Mona­chi tenent in Parochia mea vt eas liberè & qui­etè teneant Episcopali autoritate confirmo. Vnde vobis & omnibus successoribus vestris & omnibus Christi fidelibus me eis inde aliquam molestiam, vi, aut venditione, vel qualibet oc­casione faciatis, super anathematis vinculo de­fendo. T. Henrico Archidiacono, Rad. Ca­pellano, Calone Cantore.’ Neither the whole name of the Bishop, nor the date, are found in the Instrument. But it appears by the hand, and that R. designing the name, to be of the time of Henrie the first, and made by Ralf then Bishop of Chichester.

In a Deed of William Earle of Warren and Surry, Sussex. made in the time of King Stephen to the Priorie of Lewes in Sussex, after some immuni­ties giuen them in all Lands which they held of his fee, this Grant follows: ‘Dono etiam illis de omnibus dominijs meis plenariam Deci­mam, videlicet, de Blado, de Foeno, de Agnis, [Page 340] de Velleribus, de Caseis, & plenariam Deci­mam denariorum de omnibus redditibus meis de Anglia. Quamuis autem ex illis denarijs in procuratione mea siue aliorum quorumli­bet expendatur, ex illis tamen plenaria supra­dictis Monachis reddatur Decima. Et si do­minium meum aut redditus mei creuerint, eo­tenùs crescat & Decima Monachorum. Haec supradicta ego pro salute animae meae & pro animabus antecessorum meorum praedictis Monachis concessi & hac mea praesenti Carta confirmaui quando feci dedicari Ecclesiam Sancti Pancratij (that is, the Priorie of Lew­es) & ‘de Decima denariorum de omnibus red­ditibus meis de Anglia dotaui ipsam Eccle­siam, & inde seisiui eam per capillos capitis mei & fratris mei Radulphi de Warenna, quos abscidit cum cultello de capitibus nostris ante altare Henricus Episcopus Wintoniensis. Teste Teobaldo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, Henri­co Episcopo Wintoniensi, Rodberto Episcopo Bath. Ascelino Episcopo Rouecestr. qui eandem Ecclesiam dedicauerunt, & Teste Edwardo Abbate Rading, Waltero Abbate de Bello, Wal­tero Priore Cantuariensi, W... Archidiacono Cant. Richardo Decano Cicestr. Rodberto Ar­chidiacono, Iohanne de Pagham, Willielmo Comite Cicestr. Rad. de Warrenna, Reg. de War. Hugone de Petrep. Radulpho de Pleiz, Rod­berto de Wesneuall, Rodberto de Frieuill, Rod­berto [Page 341] de Petrep. Willielmo de Petrep. Adam de Puninges, Guidone de Mercecurt, Williel­mo filio suo, Willielmo de Droseio The intent of this was to setle the Tithes of all his reuenues wheresoeuer through England, in the Priorie. in kind, of his demesnes; in mony, of his Rents. neither did he grant only the Tithe of what he then was seised of, but of all future purchase al­so and improuements. that liuerie of seisin, as it were, made vpon the Altar by the Haire of the head both of the Grantor and of his brother, is not without other example of those ancient times wherin both Tithes Videsis App. ad Concil. Lateran. part. 47. cap. 5.and other possessions were solemnly consecrated, either by haire, or a horn, or a cup, or a knife, or a candlestick, or whateuer that might really be deliuered on the Altar. For, the forme of conueiance in perpetu­all right, both to the Church and Laitie, was to giue into Jngulph. hist. fol. 512. b. the hands of the Grantee or Feoffee some such thing, as at this day a Twig or a Turff is in feoffments. or as in Institutions (according to the Formularie of the Court of Rome) a Ring is to be giuen. and the Altar was vsually made the place of such a liuerie. But in the examples of cutting the haire especially in this where Hen­rie Bishop of Winchester doth it, perhaps more was vnderstood then only a liuerie vpon the grant. had it not also some reference to the an­cient ceremonie of cutting the haire at a Confir­mation? which was vsually done by the Godfa­thers, [Page 342] as may be collected out of that of Adre­uald, where De Mirat. S. Benedicti lib. 1. cah. 14. he speaking of Charles Martell, saies, that Pepigit hic foedus cum Luitprando, ei (que) filium suum Pipinum misit vt more Christianorum fidelium eius capillum primus attonderet, ac pater illi spiritualis existeret. I dare affirm nothing with confidence herein. But it is specially obseruable that this Charter of the Earle of Surrey was not, it seems, made without great aduice as well as testimonie, both of Clergie and Laymen. wher­to you may adde the iudgement of Theobald Archbishop of Canterburie, in his reprehension of Ala, Countesse dowager of Warren and Sur­rey, for not payment of the Tithes of her dowrie according to the Grants of the Ancestors of her husband. The original of the admonition to her, speaks thus: In thesauro Cottoniano. T. Dei gratia Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus Anglorum primas & Apo­stolicae sedis Legatus. Dilectae filiae suae Alae, Comitissae Warennae salutem. peruenit ad au­res nostras religiosorum fratrum Lewensis Ec­clesiae Monachorum, stupenda querimonia quam cum ipsi ex antiqua donatione Comi­tum Warrennae, videlicet Aui & patris Wil­lielmi viri tui, & sui ipsius etiam antequam Dotem tuam consecuta fuisses, de omnibus Dominijs Comitis Decimationem Denario­rum semper inconcusse, tanquam Ecclesiae suae dotem possederint, tu, post perceptam dotis tuae inuestituram, eiusdem fratribus ipsam De­cimationem, [Page 343] quae ad Dotem tuam spectabat, subtraxeris. Quod si ita est, vehementèr admi­ramur cum eorum quae Deo & Ecclesiae suae in eleëmosynam collata esse noscuntur nihil doti tuae vendicare debeas nec possis. Crudelen. est & sacrilegio proximum quod super diui­num Altare semel deuote oblatum est iterùm repetere, & ad secularia transferre. proindè tibi salubritèr consulimus, & in Domino ad­monemus quatenus sicut vis ius tuum tibi à Deo liberè conseruari, ita ius suum cum inte­gritate Monachis relinquas. & nullatenus da­tam eis denariorum decimationem dotis tuae retineas; alioquin eis in iustitia deesse non poterimus, cuius debitores omnibus existimꝰ.’ Although he speaks only of the Decimatio dena­riorum, yet in regard that he mentions it with de omnibus Dominijs Comitis, it cannot be well vnderstood otherwise then of all the Tithes of the Earles possessions, according to the former grant.

Richard de Muchegros about King Iohns time, confirms to the Abbey of Persore two parts of the Tithes which was wont to be paid to it out of his land of Wlhaueshulle, tam bladi quam lini & faeni (exceptis linis Curtilagij mei de Dominico meo de Wlhaueshulle) as also the third part of the Tithes of his Tenants there, and further grants them Duas partes decimarum bladi de om­nibus assartis meis ibidem de nouo factis & de om­nibus [Page 344] assartis per me vel per haeredes meos in poste­rum faciendis &c. this is sealed. the seale is cir­cumscribed with ✚. S. Richardi de Wlhaueshule.

W. Prior of Lewes in Sussex giues in 44. Hen. 3. foreuer to the Priorie of Southwark, Decimas quas habuimus de Dominico Henrici de Holeghe apud Reygate, reseruing yeerly two shillings and six pence to be paid for them to the Sacristein of the Priorie of Lewes. How could this Tithe haue been in the Prior of Lewes to haue gran­ted, without a precedent consecration from Holeghe, or some other, from whom he had de­riud his estate?

‘Willielmus Dei gratia Wintoniensis Epi­scopus, Stephano Archidiacono, & omni Clero Surreiae, & Baronibus, salu [...]em & bene­dictionem. Notum sit vobis quod Siwardu [...] de Ealdestede venit, me praesente ad Sudwer­chiam, ibique super Altare diuina praeuentus gratia obtulit Decimam de Hludebrake Deo & eiiusdem genitrici & Virgini Mariae, & Ca­nonicis ibidem Deo seruientibus perpetuali­tèr, & hoc meo consensu. Quare iubeo ex parte Dei & mea ne quis eam retineat vel ab eadem loco auferat, vel possidentes illam per­turbet Si quis vero citra hoc praeceptum quicquam inde facere praesumpserit, perpetuo anathemate feriatur. Cuius rei testes isti sunt Henricus de Twin, Stephanus Archidiaconus, Liuingus de Coleces Canonicus, Rogerus Ca­nonicus, [Page 345] Helias Dapifer, Iohannes Capellanꝰ, Richerius, Vitalis de Wicford, Gozo Clericus de Micheam, Oswardus Monetarius, Walche­linus. This was in the time of Henrie the first, VVilliam Giffard being then Bishop of Winche­ster. the seale remains to it.

VVillielmo Dei gratia Norwicensi Episcopo, Archidiaconis (que) suis de Sudfolc, omnibus (que) sanctae Matris Ecclesiae filijs, Galfridu [...] filius Roberti & vxor sua Anneis in Domino salu­tem. sciatis nos concessisse Ecclesiae Aposto­lorum Petri & Pauli de Gipeswico, & Canoni­cis Regularibus ibidem Deo seruientibus in perpetuâ [...]lcëmosynâ Decimam molendini de Hagenford, scilicet VIII. solidos annu [...]im, duos ad Natiuitatem Domini, duos ad Pa­scha, duos ad festiuitatem S. Iohannis, duos ad festiuitatem Sancti Michaelis, & dimidiam marcam argenti de Fachendune, & Decimam foeni, & omnia quae habent infra villam de Broches, & extra ad eam pertinentia tam in terris quam in Decimis & redditibus, & in omnibus libertatibus datis praedictis Ecclesiae à praedecessoribus & parentibus nostris &c.’ Vnder King Stephen it was made; and hath a seale annext.

Out of an Originall Charter of K. Stephens, made to the Priorie of Eye in Suffolk. It was in the hands of that Learned and Honorable the L. William Howard. I had the vse of it through the courtesie of that Noble Knight Sr. Robert Cotton.

Quoniam, diuinâ misericordiâ prouidente, cognouimus esse dispositum, & longe late (que) prae­dicante Ecclesia, sonat omnium auribus divul­gatum, Quod eleëmosynarum largitione possunt absolui vincula peccatorum, & adquiri coelesti­um praemia gaudiorum: Ego ✚ Stephanus Dei gratia Anglorum Rex, partem habere volens cum illis qui foelici commercio coelestia pro ter­renis commutant, Dei amore compunctus; & pro salute animae meae ✚ & patris mei, matris (que) meae, & omnium parentum meorum ✚ & ante­cessorum meorum Regum ✚ Willielmi scilicet Regis Aui mei ✚, & Willielmi Regis Avunculi mei ✚ & Henrici Regis Avunculi mei, ✚ & Rot­berti Malet, & con [...]ilio Baronum meorum, con­cedo Deo & Ecclesiae Sancti Petri de Eia & Monachis ibidem in Deo seruitio congregatis, vt habeant omnes res suas quietas & liberas ab omni exactione, & teneant eas in Terris, in De­cimis, in Ecclesijs, in omnibus possessionibꝰ sicut vnquam melius & honorabilius tenuerunt tem­pore Rotberti Malet, & tempore meo antequam [Page 347] Rex essem; cum Soca vel Saca, & Tol & Tiem & infanganathief. ✚ Praecipio etiam vt teneant de quocun (que) tenebant (& non mittantur in placi­tum) sicut tenebant die quam Henricus Rex fuit vivus & mortuus, & die qua ad Regni Coronam perueni. Sit etiam ipsa Ecclesia in meo Domi­nio cum rebus subscriptis. Concedo Ecclesiam de Holesle, de Dineuet. de Bordenis, de Sut­tun, de Stadebroc, de Wingefel; Et merca­tum & theloneum de Oreford; praeter nauium quae pertinent ad firmam de Donerou Fortè propter. ꝓꝑ ✚ XXX. fol. Ecclesiam ipsam vbi Monachi habi­tant cum terris suis; Decimam de Eia, Duode­cim solidos de foro, vnam feriam per quatuor dies ad festum Sancti Petri Kalendas Augusti, nullus (que) in feria habeat potestatem nisi Monachi & homines eorum, & omnes illuc venientes & indè redeuntes habeant meam firmam pacem, nullus (que) eos in aliquo disturbet super X. libras forisfacturae. ✚ Habeat etiam Ecclesia eandem libertatem de Episcopo, de Archidiacono, de Decano, quam habuit à tempore Regis Eadwar­di, & à tempore Eadrici de Lexefelda & Regis H. ✚ Sit (que) de Priore ponendo & remouendo sicut cōstitutum fuit in tempore Rotberti Malet. ✚ Habeat etiam omnes Decimas de Manerijs si­cut habuit in tempore Rotberti Malet, scilicet de Eia, Stedebroc, Radingefeldia, Dineuet. Tatin­get. Bedingham, Keleton, Olesleia, Leest. Done­wic, Lessefeld, Bergebi, Willeburn, Seggebroc. [Page 348] Colum. Caue. ✚ Concedo etiam Ecclesias has, De Beweseia, Seggebroc, Bergebi, & Ecclesias de Donewico, quae factae sunt & faciendae. De Be­dingeham, Lessefeld & Presbyterum eiusdē villae, & de omnibus meis siluis Decimam pasnagij. Pis­cariam etiam de Wells. At (que) totam Bedefeldiam, Storas, Pelecoc, Frasingefeld. Hoc etiam terrae quod habebant tempore Rotberti Malet. in Be­dingeham, & omnia inconcussè teneant. Conce­do etiam Ecclesiam Sancti Botulfi de Ica cum appendicijs suis quam dedit Willielmus de Ro­uill, & Beatrix vxor eius, & terram Godem. de Iakl. & ea quae habebant in Donewico eodem Rotberto viuente. ✚. Horum igitur supradicto­rum socam & sacam in omnibus concedo, & no­minatim in Donewico & Decimas meorum ho­minum; Walteri scilicet Arbalestarij, & Eccle­siam Sancti MARGARETAE de Halgestowe, & terram quae ei pertinet. Decimam quo (que) Ro­geri filij Walteri de Huntingefeld, & de Benges, Ricardi Houeell de Wiuerdest, de Geslingesh, Ri­chingehal, Reindun; Decimam Hugonis de Alui­lario in Brom, & in Selfhangers, & hoc quod Alwinꝰ Presbyter tenet de eo in Beria. Decimam Willielmi de Rouilla in Clakestorp, & in Gleme­ham, & de XXX. acris quas tenet Willielmus Bole de feudo Comitis Brittanniae; Decimam Willielmi Gulafri vnchennel; Decimam Petri de Bedingefeld; Decimam de Pleeford, & Ecclesiam villae & Aluricum Delfen cum sua terra; Decimam [Page 349] Hernaldi filij Regeri in Witingeham & Ascheton; Terram Osberti de Crateuill in Acolt, & hoc quod Benedictus Capellanus tenebat de Rotberto Malato in Decimis, & rebus alijs; Decimam Will. De pesenhale; Decimam Iordani de Wile­behe; V. fol De pentenhahe, quos Will. de Rouilla dedit; III. solidatas quas tenet Iohannes filius Rotberti; Terram Alwini filij Wulstan in Bede­feld; VII. solidatas quas tenet Wulmer Presby­ter de Codenham; Decimam Hunfridi filij Vnuei. Decimam Radulfi Grossi de Gretinges. XII. solid. de Aquitantia in Aldefen; Terram Wul­mari in Akesleia; Et, praeter haec supradicta, concedo eis quod Decima eorum de Donewico crescat quoque anno in denar. & hareng. & in omnibus alijs rebus secundum hoc quod red­ditus mei ibidem crescent. Teste Nig. Eliensi Episcopo, & Roger. Cancellar. Henrico nepote Regis Stephani; Galer. Com. de Mell. Rotberto filio Rich. Will. Mart. Adam De Beln. Iohan. Maresc. Hubert. Demunc. Iohan. filio Rotb. Vicecom. Gauffred fil. VValt. VVill. fil. Rog. Heru. de Glauill. Rich. de Alenc. Roger de Hosa. Anno ab Incarnatione Domini M.C.XXXVII. apud EIA secundo Anno regni mei, in tempore Ebrardi Episcopi Norwicensis, & Gausleni Prioris Eie. Ipse Rex subscripsit. Eustachius filius eius subscripsit. Matildis Re­gina subscripsit. VVilliemus Cantuariensis Ar­chiepiscopus subscripsit. Turstanus Eboracensis [Page 350] Archiepiscopus subscripsit. Alexander Lincoln. Episcop. subscripsit. Henricus VVinton Episco­pus subscripsit. Iohannes Roffensis Episcopus subscripsit. Eurardus Norwicensis Episcopus Simo Wigornens. Episcopo subscripserunt. Rot­bert. Herefordens. Episcopus & Rotbert. Ba­donens. Episcopus, & Gislebertus Lundonens. Episcopus subscripserunt. Quicunque aliquid de his quae in hac Carta continentur auferre aut minuere, aut disturbare scientèr voluerint, auto­ritate Domini omnipotentis Patris & Filij & Spiritus Sancti & Sanctorum Apostolorum & omnium Sanctorum sit excommunicatus, Ana­thematizatus, & a consortio Domini & limini­bus Sanctae Ecclesiae sequestratus donec resipis­cat & Regiae potestati XXX. libras auri per­soluat: Fiat. Fiat. Fiat: Amen. Amen. Amen. It is the fairest hand and largest Charter that euer I saw of that age, and the Seale is yet hang­ing to it. And in a Roll In Biblioth. Cotton. of the Benefactors of that Monasterie, verie manie are mentioned for their Donors of Tithes, or two parts, or third parts, of diuers Mannors.

Out of the Cartae antiquae among the Records of the Tower of London.

When King Henrie the second, and Pope A­lexander the third, dissolued Vide E.G. 7. & E. 1. & B. 8. & part. 1. Ca [...]. 1. [...]. membr. 20. [...]h [...]rt 117. the number of the Nunnes of Ambresburie in Wiltshire (by reason of their vnchastitie) and filld the Nunnerie with [Page 351] others out of those of Font-Euerard in Nor­mandie, diuers Churches and Parishes were an­next, by Grant and Confirmation, to the new Companie, and also Tithes seuerally, as Deeima de Fortesbiria, & de Wadhulla &c. & Mane­rium de Etona cum Decima de dominio & medie­tate Decimae rusticorum, & Manerium de Chel­stamstona, cum Decima eiusdem Manerij &c. & Decimam de Ingafelot & de Godingeflot, cum omni iure Parochiali & Decima de Hamsteda, cum omni iure Parochiali. and diuers other such.

Henrie the second grants and confirmes to the Monks G.G. 1, & 2. of Thetford in Norfolke, Decimam de Bradleia, Decimam de Offitona, Decimam de Florendona, Decimam de Moledona, and manie other such, without mention of Churches or Chappels with them; yet in the same Charter, diuers Churches of other places are by them­selues conueyed or confirmed.

William the first giues to the Church of C C. [...]. West­minster, Decimam de Wic de eadem parte quae ad me pertinebat atque iterùm reddidi eandem par­tem eis iniustè ablatam quam R. Edwardus antea dederat. Then seuerally follows diuers Appro­priations of Churches. This was in the second of his raigne.

Henrie the second giues to the Church of Sarum Ibid. 3. in dorse. diuers Churches with Tithes, and a­mong them, Ecclesiam de Durneforda cum terris & Decimis quas Walterus filius Richardi &, [Page 352] Isabella de Toeni & reliqui aduocati eiusdem Ecclesiae ei dederunt. & omnes Decimas & de Noua Foresta, & de Panetot, & de Bucholt, & de Andeuera, & de Husburna, & omnibus Forestis meis de Wilteshire & de Dorseta, & de Berkshire, de omnibus rebus scilicet de firma, de Pasnagio, de Herbagio, de Vaccis, de Caseis, de Porcis, de equabus & omnes Decimas de omni Ve­natione praedictarum Forestarum excepta Decima illius Venationis quae capta fuerit cum stabilia in Foresta de Windleshora &c. What the Bishop had yeerly, by reason of this Grant, may be seen in Rot. Claus. 5. Hen. 3. Membran. 14. And for Grants from the Kings of the Tithe of Venison, other examples are obuious, as of the Forests of Essex to the Bishop of Rot. Chart. 6. Ioh. R. ch. 107. memb. 12. & rot. R [...]t. 11. Hen▪ 3. part▪ 1. membr. 5. London, by King Iohn, and of others anciently, of the Claus. 4 Hen. 3. part 1. membr. 2. & Claus. 17. Hen. 3. membran. 4. &c. Tithe of the Venison taken in the Forests in Northampton­shire, to the Abbot of Burie; to omit that of Henrie the first, his Grant of the Tithe of all his Venison taken in Yorkeshire, to the Abbot of York, which occurres in the Fletwood in Commentar. de iure Forestarum. Eire of the Forest of Pickering.

In a Charter of Henrie the first, many Tithes are granted and confirmed to the Priorie of Mountague Cart. antiq. ff ff. 2. in Somersetshire, as Duae partes Decimarum de Atford, Decima de Crimoc, & medietas Decimorum de Ciselberg, de Clafford, de Northon iuxta Taunton, & Decimae dominij de Merston, & de Hetecumb, de Candel, de [Page 353] Torp, de Cernel, item de Cernel, & de tertio Cernel &c.

Henrie the first graunted K. indors. 36. to the Canons of Cambridge, Decimas de dominio meo de Cantebri­gia & Ecclesiam S. Egidij &c.

About 3. Hen. 1. Manasses Arsio S. [...]. renewd his Charter to the Abbey of Fischamp in Norman­die, and gaue them apud Sobrinton de suo domi­nio duas garbas Decimae suae, and so in diuers o­ther Mannors. Dedit & Decimas de cunctis de­narijs suis & de pullis equarum suarum, de Vitu­lis, de Ouibus, de Caseis, de Lana & Decimas de omnibus rebus suis, & Decimas de omnibus homi­nibus supradictarum villarum. All which, was confirmed by the King. It seemes, that in De­cimas de omnibus rebus the Corne was excep­ted, according to the first Limitation of his Grant.

II.

To these might he added more out of the Rolls Vide Rot. cart. 5. R. Ioh. membr. 8. cart. 61. & Cart. antiq. V. & E. 7. & in Fasciculo cart. antiq. num. 80. &c. especially of Exemplifications or Con­firmations. But the store is large that is alrea­die deliuered. And to conclude it, obserue this most notable testimonie in a Writ of the Register and in Fitzherbert, that had reference to the common vse of those arbitrarie Grants out of demesne Lands at the owners pleasure, without vnderstanding of which vse, I shall doubt no man throughly vnderstands the Writ, nor the true ground of any Writ de aduocatione Decimarum. It is a singular example, and, as I remember, not [Page 354] seconded or specially noted elsewhere in our Law books; and therefore I transcribe it whole. ‘Rex Re [...]ist. orig. fol. 36. b. & Fitz. N. B, 40. N. tali Iudici salutem. Monstrauit nobis venerabilis Pater H. Lincolniensis Episcopus quod cum I. praecentor Ecclesiae Beatae Mariae Lincoln. teneat de dono suo omnes Decimas Dominicarum terrarum suarum vel Dominici sui de N. quas idem Episcopus & praedecesso­res sui Episcopi loci praedicti liberè conferre consueuerunt: Prior Beatae Katharinae extra Lincoln. clamans Decimas illas pertinere ad Ecclesiam suam de B. trahit eum inde in pla­citum &c. Et quia placitum praedictum tan­git Coronam & dignitatem nostram; praeser­tim cum collatio earundem Decimarum ad nos possit deuolui ratione custodiae vel Esca­etae, quia etiam consimiles Decimas conferi­mus in quibusdam Dominicis, & similiter quamplures magnates regni nostri in Domi­nicis suis, vobis prohibemus ne placitum il­lud teneatis in Curia Christianitatis, nec ali­quid quod in derogationem Regiae dignitatis nostrae cedere valeat, in hac parte attentetis seu per alios attentari faciatis quouismodo. Teste &c.’ What can the intent of this be o­ther, then that the Bishop, the King, and manie other Grandes of the Kingdome, did vsually grant or collate the Tithes of their Demesnes; which, because they were so grantable at the owners will, were (by the meaning of this Writ) [Page 355] exempted from the Spirituall Iurisdiction. But thereof more anon. Perhaps the Writ is imme­diatly to be vnderstood of Tithes collated in like sort as a Church; so that he which collated them, had aduocationem Decimarum (which ap­peares also in the Register) as any other confer­ring a Church, had Ecclesiae aduocationem. If not so; whence could the collation of these Tithes haue originall, sauing only from the making them seuerally a kind of Benefice (vnder the name of Decimae seperatae, that is, annext to no Church, as the Marginall note in the Regi­ster well calls them) by arbitrarie Grant at first of the owner, no otherwise then a Church was made a Benefice to be bestowd, by the arbitrarie Ordinance of the Patron, at the foundation? Cleerly, had not the vse of conueyance of Tithes seuerally by Grant, preceded in practice, it could not haue been, that Quamplures magnate regni (as the Writ sayes) might Decimas liberè conferre in dominicis suis. Tithes alone could neuer haue been collated like a Benefice, had they not been first founded or created as a Benefice. And the Writ might seeme indeed to beare euen the cha­racter of the time wherein that vse of arbitrarie Grants of Tithes was known, as of common pra­ctice; which I vnderstand to be about King Iohns time; and that, before the Popes Decretalls, or other autoritie, had taken away the Lay-mens challenged libertie of granting Tithes seuerally, [Page 356] according to the former example. And the ra­ther might that coniecture hold, because also the Sigle expressing the Bishops name, is H. which by all likelyhood denotes Hugh Archdeacon of Wells, being L. Chancellor to King Iohn, and Bi­shop of Lincolne. But it may be also, that it was had of later time, and at the suit of Henrie of Lexinton, made Bishop of Lincolne in 38. Hen. 3. and that, after Parochiall right was more setled. For notwithstanding the setling of it, and ma­king Tithes then payable de iure communi to the Parish-Rector, yet it is certaine, that the former Grants (what through generall Confirmations from Rome, what through the Lay mens standing vpon their Patronages of Tithes, and vpon the Grantees acknowledgement of their first deuo­tions in such Consecrations) still continued, and were subiect (in case the Aduocatio Decimarum might come in question) to such a Prohibition, vntill some alteration was therein made, as anon shall be shewed, where wee speake of the ancient vse of the Writ of Indicauit. But of what time soeuer the Writ was, it is plain, that the ground of it must come from that vse of arbitrarie Con­secrations of Tithes, which seuerally also (as in it is supposed) made sometimes a kind of Bene­fices that might be collated at the will of those who were owners of the Land whence the Tithes were payable. How could Tithes seuerally be collated by any Grandes, but from such origi­nall [Page 357] examples as are alreadie copiously deliue­red? A like In Codice Ms. Coenobij Osniens. in Bibl. Cotton. precedent of a prohibition I haue seen 7. Ed. 1. which because it so confirms the ancient purpose of that in the Register, shall be here at large deliuered. Edwardus &c. Archi­diacono Wilteshyr. & eius Commissarijs salutem. Cum dilecti nobis in Christo Abbas & Conuentus de Osney ex collatione progenitorum nostrorum Re­gum Angliae percipiant & percipi debeant, & ipsi & praedecessores à tempore collationis illius semper hucusque percipere consueuerint duas partes Deci­mae garbarum prouenientium de dominicis terris Edmundi Comitis Cornubiae in Harewell, & quorundam tenentium suorum eiusdem villae in sub­uentionem sustentationis Capellanorum & Cle­ricorum in libera Capella nostra S. Georgij in Castro nostro Oxoniae ministrantium, Rogerus de Draytona Persona Ecclesiae praedictae villae de Harewell, clamans praedictas duas partes ad eandem Ecclesiam suam pertinere trahit ipsos Abbatem, & Conuentum inde in placitum coram vobis in Curia Christianitatis, sicut ex relatu plu­rium accepimus. Quia verò praedictum placitum tangit nos & Coronam nostram & dignitatem, maximè cum▪ consimiles decimas in pluribus Do­minicis nostris conferamus, & etiam plures Magna­tes regni nostri consimiles decimas, quarum collatio ad nos ratione custodiae deuolui solet, similiter confe­rant in Dominicis suis, & etiam quia cognitio su­per iure patronatus huiusmodi Decimarum ad Cu­riam [Page 358] nostram pertinet; tibi vel vobis prohibemus ne placitum illud teneatis in Curia Christianitatis. T. meipso apud Wodestoke Octauo die Febr. anno regni nostri septimo. Here is plainly vnderstood whole Benefices of only Tithes, to be collated by the King and diuers of his Baronage. as the Tithes of the Kings Garden in Windesore are in Pat. 16. Hom. 3. membr. 7. record, collated by Henrie the third; and other like sometimes occur. Neither is that Canon of the Councell of Westminster held vnder Hubert Archbishop of Canterburie, in 2. Iohan. R. from any other originall to be interpreted, then from those common conueiances and grants of Tithes and Church liuings generally by Lay men to Monasteries. The words are, Roger. de Houe­den. part. 2. fol. 460 b. Lateranensis Concilij Vide extr. tit. de Prob. c. in Late­ranensi 31 & tit. de priuileg. c. 3. cum & plantare. & in Concil ip­so quod. plenē tantummodo ex­tat in editione Romana & postr [...] ­ma Bi [...]ij. tenore perpenso decernimꝰ ne fratres Tem­pli, vel Hospitalis, siue quicunque alij religiosi Ec­clesias vel decimas, vel alia beneficia Ecclesiastica, sine Episcopali autoritate de manu Laica recipiant, dimissis etiam quas contra tenorem istam moderno tempore receperant &c. For howeuer, that in the Councell of Lateran, be interpreted (I enquire not how well) of Tithes only infeodated Extr. tit de [...]is qua fiunt a Prael. c. 7. cum Apostolica into Lay hands; yet in this Kingdom, where those in­feodations were not, or were very rare (whereof anon more) how can it be well vnderstood but of new Grants or arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes as well not before in esse, as of others con­ueid by Inuestiture of Churches. But touching those conueiances of Tithes by Lay men, see [Page 359] more in the XIII. Chapter where we speake of Infeodations.

III.

Out of those examples of Conueiances and arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes (being but a few, and as an essay only of the multitude of them, which might be found in the Lieger books of other Monasteries) may easily be colle­cted, the truth of those assertions in the old yeer books, which haue, without desert, been taken for falshoods grounded only vpon ignorance. By the practiced Law, cleerly euery man gaue the perpetuall right of his Tithes to what Church he would, although the Canon Law were against it; whereof also notice, it seems, is sometimes taken in those conueiances which haue the words of Quae decimari debent, as if they had said, Tithes of all things which by the Canon Law ought to be tithed, or, Quae decimari debent more Catholico, as the words are in a Charter In Armario Cottoniano. of about Henrie the seconds time, of Gilbert one of the Earles of Hertford, to the Priorie of S. Marie Oueries in Southwark of the Tithes of Capefeld. And it is like enough, that according to the recitalls of those Decretalls noted in the former Chapter, in some places deuotion had bred an obedience to the Canons in this point; but, that it was ge­nerall through the Kingdome, is most false. and whateuer the Pope wrote from Rome, we know the truth by a cloud of home-bred witnesses. But also those words, Decimari debent or solent, so [Page 360] often occurring, may be vnderstood of such things as vsed to be tithed when Tithes were ar­bitrarily paid, as among the Gentiles, or Chri­stians, he that offers de ijs quae offerri solent, inti­mates not so much any necessarie dutie acknow­ledged by him, as a custome of offering such things, when offrings were arbitrarily made. And although in the book of Domesday it be special­ly found of one Stori an ancestor of Walter of Aincurt, that he might sine alicuius licentia face­re Ecclesiam (in Darby and Notinghamshire) in sua terra & in sua soca, & suam decimam mittere quo vellet, as if it had been his singular preroga­tiue, in his possessions of Graneby, Mortune, Pinnesleg, and other Mannors; yet was that li­bertie or prerogatiue aswell of building Chur­ches as arbitrarie conueiance of Tithes not al­readie consecrated either by deed or prescripti­on, common, it seems, to all Lords of Mannors or large Territories, vntill about the time of K. Iohn. For that of Tithes; the examples and au­torities before cited iustifie it. For the building of Churches (which considered with the arbitra­rie endowments of them with new Tithes, speci­ally belongs also to this disquisition) it was af­firmd for a common libertie of the Baronage in letters of King Iohn to Innocent the third, as you may see in the Popes answer to the King. Innocent 3 E­pist. Decretal. lib. 1. pag. 228. Quod enim de consuetudine regni Anglorum (saies the Pope to him) procedere regia serenitas per suas li­teras [Page 361] intimauit, vt liceat tàm Episcopis quàm Co­mitibus & Baronibus Ecclesias in feudo suo funda­re; Laicis quidem Principibus id licere nullatenùs denegamus, dummodo Dioecesani Episcopi eis suf­fragetur assensus, & per nouam structuram vete­rum Ecclesiarum iustitia non laedatur. It was chal­lenged without licence; but the Pope allows it to the Laitie, so that they had licence from the Bi­shop of the Diocese, and withall that the new foundations bereaued not ancient Churches of their assigned endowments. But after the time of K. Iohn, few or none of those arbitrarie consecra­tions are found. yet in Henry the thirds time some were, as you may see in those of Fines ta­ken out of the Chartularie of Gisburn. but re­member also they were in the Prouince of Yorke. Neither were those Grants disallowd by either Common or Canon Law here then practiced. and in thoses Epist. 21. & [...]4. cases of Tithes that occur among the Epistles of Iohn of Salisbury, who liued in time of Henry the second, no title is made meerly by Parochiall right; but Prescription or Consecration are the grounds whereupon they are demanded. and whereas in the case of Robert Wnegot before Adelelm Archdeacon of Dorche­ster, the question was there, super quibusdam Pa­rochianis & Decimis, and the Actor produced testimonie that he had formerly recouered ius Parochiale quod petebat cum decimis; it is cleer that the Tithes were not recouered iure communi [Page 362] as they are at this day belonging to the Parish-Rector, but by speciall title of Consecration or Prescription. and the ius Parochiale there, was the right of hauing the Cure and Offerings of the Parishioners, which had not necessarily an­next to it the right of Tithes by the practice of that time. whence it came that Parochiani & Decimae are both there mentioned as seuerall demands in the Actors Libell. and hereof see more anon in the corollarie of the ancient Iuris­diction of Tithes in England. and that admoni­tion of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury (before cited) to Ala Countesse of Warren, is obseruable. is it not apparant that he allows not only the arbitrarie Consecrations made by the Earles, but also reprehends her sharply for not performing what they had therein vowed? But in the ensuing times, after that the Canon Law had here gained greater strength, which happend soon vpon Innocent the third his thundering out his Interdict against this Kingdom, his Excom­munication against the King, and frighting the subiects with his Bulls stufft with commination, and that against this very point of arbitrarie conueiances of Tithes; it soon came to be a re­ceiud Law, that all Lands regularly were to pay Tithes to the Parish or Mother Church accor­ding to the prouision of the Canons. and there­fore vpon Delegation made by Pope Innocent the fourth in 49. Hen. 3. to the Priors of S. Tri­nitie, [Page 363] and S. Bartholomew in London, and the Archdeacon of Westminster for the deciding of a controuersie twixt the Abbesse and Nunnes of Chartris by Ely, and Robert Passelew Archdea­con of Lewes, about some Tithes of the possessi­on of the Nunnerie in Barington, it appears that in Passelews libell, no other title is made, but that the Land lies infra limites Parochiae suae de Barenton, vnde petit dictam Abbatissam compelli integrè ad solutionem dictarum decimarum cum damnis & interesse &c. and some others like are of that time according to the Law that to this day continues, as may especially be found in the books of Ms. in Biblioth. Cottoniana. Pipewell and Osney. That example is in the Chartularie of that Nunnerie, composed by the cost and pains of Agnes Aschefeld ▪ Abbesse there, and Henry Bukworth Bachiler of the Ca­non Law, about the time of Henry the sixt. You may adde to the confirmation of this en­ding of the ancienter course of arbitrarie conse­crations, and the later establishing of Parochiall right in Tithes, that of the English Sup. cap. 7. §. 1. Monks be­fore cited touching the generall Councell of Li­ons, held in 2 Ed. 1. I doubt not but that Paro­chiall right was long before for the most part setled; but it is not likely that they had so confi­dently affirmed such a continuing libertie of conueiance of Tithes at the owners will, had they not known that vntill about the preceding ages at least, it had been in common practice [Page 364] both of fact and positiue Law, especially in this Kingdom where they liued. Whether this peti­tion in Parliament of 6. Ed. 1. Inter fascie. Pet. Parl 6. Ed. 1 in ar [...] Londin. may giue any light to that assertion of theirs, I know not. Ni­cholas of Crainford, Parson of Gilingham, com­plaind to the King, ‘Quod cum Foresta Domi­ni Regis, ibidem sita, sit infra Parochiam suam, quod Dominus Rex Decimam faeni, venatio­nis, pannagij, & aliorum prouentuum ipsius forestae de gratia & pro salute animae suae, & a­nimarum praedecessorum suorum, Ecclesiae suae cui de iure communi debentur plenè solui praecipiat, secundum formam supplicationis & exhortationis Apostolicae porrectam Domi­nio R. apud Gilingham quando fuit ibi ad Natale.’ What was that supplicatio or exhor­tatio Apostolica? did not some such thing, com­ming from Rome about the time of the Councell of Lions, make the Monks think it a thing agreed vpon in that Councell? it seems here too, that in the Kings case, Parochiall right of Tithes was not yet euery where setled, although the Tithes were encreasing in a Parish.

IV.

After this establishment of Parochiall right, new arbitrarie conueiances out of lands lying in any Parish, were not permitted, but an­cient consecrations were still retained, and had confirmation either from prescription or Papall priuilege which were, by the Canons, sufficient titles to be pleaded against the common right [Page 365] claimed by Parish Rectors. And when this inno­uation grew in Parochiall right, then also the iurisdiction which the common or secular Law had formerly challenged and exercised in detai­ning the right of Tithes (between the Parish and Parishioner) grew out of vse; and the legall proceeding became to be regularly according to the Canons which brought the practice to be as since it hath continued. But of the ancient iuris­diction more anon. So was it now come to that passe, that no new arbitrarie consecrations might be made of the Tithes of lands lying in any Pa­rish. But yet for such lands as were not Parochi­ally limited, the ancient libertie was retained. and although by the Canon Law the Bishop is to haue all Tithes growing in lands not assigned to any Extr. tit. de De­cimis c. 13▪ quoniam Parish within his Diocese, yet in the moni­ments of the common Laws such Tithes grow­ing in lands of the Crown, are at the arbitrarie disposition of the King. such places haue 14. Hen. 4 fol. 17. b. & Brook tit. Dismes 10. been and (I think) are in diuers Forests. And hereof saies Thorp in 22. Assis. pl. 75. Il soleit estre ley quant il auer certane place qui fuit hors de chescun Paroche come en Englewode, & huiusmodi, en tel case le Roy ad & doit auer les dismes de cest place (& nient l' Euesque de lieu) a granter a que luy plest. and relates further that the Archbi­shop that yeer made suit to the Councell, to haue had such Tithes. But, vnder fauor this was vnderstood only of the Kings granting the tithes [Page 366] of his Demesnes occupied by his Bailifes accor­ding as in ancient time euery man els did. for whateuer the words seeme to import, Thorp speaks only of such lands of the possession of the Crown; in which case, it must not perhaps be vnderstood so much, a part of the Royall prero­gatiue as a right due to the King by common Law, in regard of his possession of lands not li­mited to any Parish. Neither doth he affirm that Tithes of such places are due to be paid to the Crown, but that they are in the King to grant at his pleasure, if growing in his demesnes. But to this purpose is a notable case in the Parliament rolls ofIn Recept. Scaccarij, & in Cod Vet. apud V. C. I. Borough re­giorum in arce Lond. Seriniorum prasectum. 18. Ed. 1. where Ralph Bishop of Car­leol Petit versus Ecclesiae Priorem de Karliel Decimas duarum placearum terrae, of the new as­sarts in the Forest of Inglewood, whereof the one is called Linthwait, the other Kirkthwait, Quae sunt infra limites Parochiae Ecclesiae suae de Aspa­terike &c. and laies by praescription in his prede­cessors the Tithes of the pannage there, before the assarting or culture. Henrie of Burton also, Par­son of Thoresby, claimed in Parliament the same Tithes as belonging to his Church, and infra li­mites Parochiae suae. and the Prior comes & saies, that Henricꝰ Rex vetus (Henrie the first, it seems) concessit Deo & Ecclesiae suae Beatae Mariae Kar­liel omnes Decimas de omnibus terris quas in cul­turam redigeret infra Forestam, & inde eos feof­fauit per quoddam cornu eburneum quod dedit [Page 367] Ecclesiae suae praedictae &c. Whereupon the Kings Attorney, Dicit quod Decimae praedictae pertinent ad Regem & non ad alium, quia sunt infra bundas Forestae de Inglewood, & quod Rex in Foresta sua praedicta potest villas aedificare, Ec­clesias construere, terras assartare, & Ecclesias il­las cum Decimis terrarum illarum pro voluntate sua cuicunque voluerit conferre, eò quod Foresta illa non est infra Limites alicuius Parochiae &c. Et petit quod Decimae illae Domino Regi remane­ant prout de iure debent ratione praedicta &c. Et quia Dominus Rex super praemissis vult certiorari, vt vnicuique tribuatur quod suum est. William of Vesci, Iustice of the Forest beyond Trent, and Thomas of Normanuill, his Escheator for those parts (for so was the diuision anciently of Es­cheatorships) were assigned Commissioners to enquire of the truth, & certificent Regem ad proximum Parlamentum &c. So are the words of the Record. Where the Attorney challenges not the right by prerogatiue, but only in regard that the place being the demesne Land of the Crowne; & not assigned to any Parish, the Tithes are grantable by the King, as owner, at his plea­sure. And so it well agrees both with that liberty challenged by King Iohn in the name of his Ba­ronage, that they might found new Churches at their pleasure in their owne fees (before the esta­blishment of Parochiall right in Tithes) as also with the more ancient practice of the Kingdom, [Page 368] whereby Tithes might not be parochially exa­cted, nor were so reputed due, but by the owners arbitrarily conueyed in perpetuall right. And whereas Herle, in 7. Ed. 3. fol. 5. a. sayes gene­rally, That no man might arbitrarily giue his Tithes that are not within Parochiall Limits, but that the Bishop of the Diocesse should haue them. It seems, he spake suddenly, as out of the Canon Law, and not according to the Law of England. And hee addes, that it is against rea­son, Que home ne purra my granter ses almoignes a que il vouldra. And but Mich. 5. Ed. 3. Coram Rege Rot. 168. Cumbria. two yeeres before that of Herle, it was adiudged in the Kings Bench, Quod de Decimis grossis Priori de Car­leol & praedecessoribus suis de dominicis Domini Regis infra Forestam de Inglewood prouenientibus & extra quaruncunque Parochiarum Limites exi­stentibus per Cartam progenitorum Domini Regis nunc concessis, & per Cartam ipsius D. R. nunc confirmatis, &c. a Prohibition should be gran­ted against the Bishop of Carleol, that claymed them. It was vpon a Record sent thither out of the Parlament, as in the Roll appeares largely. And Edward the first gaue such Tithes of the Forest of Dene, as encreased not within any Pa­rish to the Bishop of Landaff, by which title the Bishop afterward Rot. Parl. 8. Ed. 2. rot. 17. in dors. claymed them; and no question was of that point. But for common or waste ground, the Parish whereof is not known, the Statute of 2. Ed. 6. hath giuen the Tithe cat­tell [Page 369] therein depasturing, to the Church within whose Parish the owner dwelleth.

CAP. XII.

I. Appropriations and Collations of Tithes with Churches. The Corporations to which the Ap­propriations were made, presented, for the most part, Vicars. Thence the most of perpetuall Vi­carages.

II. How Churches and Tithes by Appropriati­on were anciently conueyed from Lay-Patrons. The vse of Inuestitures, practiced by Lay-Patrons.

III. Grants of Rents or Annuities by Patrons only, out of their Churches. Of the Bishops assent. More of Inuestitures. A Writ to the Archdeacon anciently sometime sent vpon reco­uerie of a Presentment.

IV. Of haereditarie succession in Churches.

V. Laps vpon default of Presentation grounded vpon the generall Councell of Lateran, held in 25. Hen. 2. What Praesentare ad Ecclesiam is originally. Donatio Ecclesiae.

I.

AS by Consecrations seuerally, so, with Churches, in Appropriations, Tithes were frequently conueyed, and by ex­presse name. as Ecclesia de N. cum Decimis, or the like, are vsually giuen Monachis, Monialibus [Page 370] &c. ibidem Deo seruientibus &c. according to what is before noted of other Countries. But this Mention of Tithes, with Churches in Ap­propriations, was rare, or not at all, till after the Normans. In the Saxon times, many appropria­ted Churches are found, and that from between D.CC. and D.CCC. yeers since, till the Nor­mans. but the Charters that conueyed or confir­med them, haue vsually nothing but Ecclesias and so many Carues or Yard Lands, or so much rent annext to them, nor speaking at all of any Tithes transferd with them. For speciall exam­ples of such ancient Appropriations, you may see the recitalls of the Charters of King Ber­tulph, King Beored, and King Edred, made to the Abbey of Crowland, and inserted in Ingulphus. But after the Normans, in Appropriations, most commonly, the Church is exprest, Vna cum De­cima (that is, the Tithe annext or consecrated to it) in annona, or in other kind, and the places sometimes are named where the encrease of the Tithe grew. Such examples are very obuious, especially in the Chartularies of Abingdon and Rochester. And, as is before noted, the most common intent (allowd also by Canonicall con­firmation, which sometime but rarely was added in those elder ages) was, that the Corporation whereto the Appropriation was made, should put Clerks or Vicars in the Churches so con­ueyed to them, which were to answer to them [Page 371] for all temporall profits, as Tithes and other re­uenues (although the Churches were distant many hundred miles sometimes from the Mo­nasteries; for a Church in one Kingdome also was often appropriated to a Monasterie of ano­ther) and to the Ordinarie for spirituall functi­on. The generall Confirmations that are some­times found of that time, make it manifest. and for the two Prouinces, it is not amisse to adde here these two examples of it. In 17. Will. 1. Thomas Archbishop of York makes a generall Confirmation R [...]g. de Hou [...] d [...]n, part. 1. fol. 26 [...]. [...]. to the Priorie of Durham of all Churches either then appropriated to them, or thereafter to be appropriated, and grants and commands, Vt omnes Ecclesias suas in manu sua teneat, & quietè eas possideant, & Vicarios suos in eis liberè ponant, qui mihi & successoribus meis de cura tantum intendant animarum, ipsis vero de omnibus caeteris Eleemosynis & Beneficijs. So, vnder Henry the second, Pope Lucius the third writes to all the Monks in the Prouince Append. ad Concil. [...]. part. 16 of Can­terburie, and bids them, that in all Churches, in quibus praesentationem habetis cum vacauerint Diocesanis Episcopis Clericos idoneos praesentetis qui illis de spiritualibus, vobis de temporalibus de­beant respondere. Where, that in quibus praesen­tationem habetis, can bee vnderstood only of Churches appropriated (which they enioied not pleno iure, that is, Panormitan. ad tit. de restit. in in­tegr. cap. [...]. in which they were bound to allow some competent reuenue to a Vicar or [Page 372] Curat, and had not exempt iurisdiction, nor the power of institution of Vicars, without presen­tation to the Bishop) as is plainly known from what followes touching the answering for the Temporalties to the Monasteries. And in those times, as is alreadie deliuered, it was most fre­quent, to haue presentations made by Monaste­ries to their appropriated Churches; and the Vicar-Incumbents or Presentees had no more of the profits (notwithstanding the institution then the Monasteries would arbitrarily allow them. Neither followd any disappropriation vp­on such Presentation, howeuer the later Law be taken otherwise. Nor was there any perpetuall certaintie of profits or reuenues to their Presen­tees, vntill such time as the Monks, by composi­tion with the Ordinaries, or by their owne Ordi­nance (which prescription after confirmed) ap­pointed some yeerly salarie in Tithes, or Glebe, or Rent, seuerally for the perpetuall maintenance of the Cure; which Salaries became afterward perpetuall Vicarages. And to these testimonies touching appropriated Churches in those anci­ent times, and presentation to them, you may also adde that Roger. Houed. annal. 2. fol. 460. b. Canon of the Councell of Westminster, held in the second of King Iohn by Hubert Archbishop of Canterburie, to the same purpose. wherewith is agreeing also one of O­thobons Legatine Constitutions, touching fil­ling of Appropriations, and making of Vicara­ges; [Page 373] as also the two Statuts of 15. Rich. 2. cap. 6. & 4. Hen. 4. cap. 12. touching the point of which Statut, a Bill in the next Parliament▪ was again put in, but answered with Rot. Parl. 5. Hen. 4. art. 74. Soient les Statuts en faitez & gardez.

II.

In those elder Appropriations, it appears that the Church and the Tithes, and what else was ioind with it as part of the assigned reuenue, by the practice of the time passed in point of in­terest from the Patron by his gift (which often­times was by liuerie of a book or a knife on the Altar) not otherwise then freehold conueid by his deed & liuerie. Neither was confirmation or assent of the Ordinarie (as it seems) necessarie as of later time. Obserue this one example of the Church of Waldren appropriated to the Priorie of Lewes in Sussex by Robert of Dene, wherin he as Patron appoints also the conditions to which the Presentee or Vicar-encumbent of the Priorie should be subiect. Ego Robertus de Dena (saies the In Thesauro Cot­toniano. Deed) & vxor mea Sibilia pro animabꝰ ante­cessorum nostrorum & pro salute nostra, & succes­sorum nastrorum concedimus Deo & S. Pancratio Latisaquensi Ecclesiam de Waldrena cum terris & Decimis, & omnibus ad eam pertinentibus, & cum duabus partibus Decimae bladorum de Cal­uindona, ita videlicet vt Sacerdos de Waldrena, de his omnibus soluat S. Pancratio singulis annis di­midiam marcam argenti. Ipse autem Sacerdos per manum Prioris S. Pancratij Ecclesiam de Wal­drena [Page 374] tenebit quamdiù castè & religiose vixerit. Quod si crimen incurrerit, iudicio Prioris Latisa­quensis corrigetur aut expelletur. This, about the time of Henrie the second, was made coram duo­bus Hundredis apud Hundestuph. Very many o­ther are extant so made, as well by common per­sons as the King in the Saxon times of churches, and since, of Churches and Tithes without any confirmations; sauing sometimes that those of common persons are ratified by the King Videsis 7. Ed. [...]. fol. 4. b. & Esson. & Placit. de 10. Rich. 1. Rot. 22. Hertf. cas▪ Reginaldi de Argentain. as su­preme Lord, as also they are too by other Lords. for it was not vnvsuall for Tenants to haue their Lords confirme their alienations of all kind of possessions. I know what is said in the later Law of the Kings power as suprem Ordinarie for the part of Iurisdiction, and I acknowledge it, as all ought. but in those elder times, that was not the matter which made appropriations good, where his confirmation had place, and none was from the Bishop. at least it cannot at all be proued that his suprem Iurisdiction spirituall was so much thought of in them, although otherwise appa­rant testimonie be of the exercise of such iurisdi­ction & of the right of it in the elder ages in this Kingdome. But the reason of appropriations so practiced by lay Patrons only, was the challen­ged right which in those times they most com­monly vsed in disposition of their Churches, as if they had been all Donatiues by collation (without presentation) that is by Inuestiture [Page 375] from their own hands only, which gaue their In­cumbents reall possession of the Tithe of the Church and all the reuenues, no lesse then pre­sentation, institution, and induction doe at this day. For howeuer, not only the Decrees both of the Pope and generall Councells, were anci­ently against that kind of inuestiture, but also the Prouinciall or Nationall Synods here held, had like Canons forbidding it, as in 3. Hen. 1. the Guil Malmes [...]. de Gest. Pontific. lib. 1. vide Anselm. lib. 3. Epist. 45. Councell of Westminster held vnder Anselme Archbishop of Canterburie, & Girard of Yorke, ordains, Ne Monachi Ecclesias nisi per Episcopos accipiant, and in 25. Hen. 1. at the same place in the Nationall Synod, held by Cardinall Iohn de Crema, the Popes Legat, it was constituted, that Continuat. F [...] ­rent. Wigor [...]. anno 1125. Nullus Abbas, nullus Prior, nullus omnino Monachus, vel Clericus Ecclesiam siue Decimam seu quaelibet beneficia Ecclesiastica de dono Laici sine proprij Episcopi autoritate & assensu suscipiat quod si praesumptum fuerit, irrita erit donatio huius­modi &c. and some allowance was giuen to these Canons by the King; yet it is most certain thât the practice was for diuers yeers afterward o­therwise, and that Churches with Tithes were most commonly giuen by lay Patrons, without the Bishops assent or institution, and that as well by filling them with Incumbents, as ap­propriating them to Monasteries, Chapters, or otherwise. Beside the examples that might e­nough proue it and are obuious in old Chartu­laries, [Page 376] the preamble of a Decretall of Alexander the third, sent, vnder Henrie the second, to all the Bishops of Extr. de Instit. c. 3. ex frequentibu [...] qui Canon ple­mus habetur in Appendice ad Concil. Lateran. part. 28. cap. 11. the Prouince of Canterburie, is herein full testimonie. Ex frequentibus querelis (saies he) didicimus in partibus vestris consuetudi­nem prauam à multis retro actis temporibus inva­luisse, quod Clerici Ecclesiastica beneficia sine con­sensu Episcopi Dioecesis vel Officialium suorū (qui hoc de iure possunt) recipiunt minùs quàm deceat, sollimitè cogitantes, quomodo id à Patrum sanctorū est institutionibus alienum & Ecclesiasticae contra­rium honestati. Vnde cum tu frater &c. where you see plainly that course of inuestiture or donation by the Patron without presentation, was consue­tudo quae a multis retro actis temporibus inua­luerat, which shews it to haue been then a part of the secular Law; though the iudgment of the Bishops and the Pope titles it Praua. agreeing to this are other testimonies in Tit. de iure patr. c. 10. cum Laici. c. 11 cura Pa [...]torali &c. 21. relatum. vide Roger. de Ho­ueden. Annal. fol. 208. a. l. Sarisbur. Policrat. lib. 7. cap. 21. & App. ad Concil. Lat. part. 15 cap. 2. Gregories Decre­talls, and that in Epistles to all the Bishops of England to forbid it. and it is specially obserue­able, how ill the Baronage of England tooke it when Anselm vnder Henrie the first would haue, through Papall Canons, inhibited the practice of inuestitures, vsed by the King and other lay Patrons, which is recorded in an Epistle Epist. Anselm. Ms. 195. in Bibl. Cottoniana. of that Anselm, directed to Pope Paschal the se­cond, thus speaking. ‘Domino Reuerendo & Patri diligendo Paschali summo Pontifici Anselmus seruus Ecclesiae Cantuariensis, debi­tam [Page 377] subiectionem & orationum assiduitatem. Postquam reuocatus ad Episcopatum redij in Angliam, ostendi decreta Apostolica quae in Romano Concilio praesens audiui ne scilicet aliquis de manu Regis aut alicuius Laici Ec­clesiarum Inuestituras acciperet, vt pro hoc eius homo fieret; nec aliquis haec transgredi­entem consecrare praesumeret. Quod audien­tes Rex & Principes eius ipsi etiam Epis­copi, & alij minoris ordinis tam grauitèr a­ceperunt, vt assererent se nullo modo huic rei assensum praebituros, & me de regno potiùs, quam hoc seruarent, expulsuros & à Romana Ecclesia se discessuros; vnde reuerende Pater vestrum petij, per Epistolam nostram, consili­um &c.’ This is in the Ms. Volume of Epistles of Anselm, fairly writen by Iohn de Grandisono Bishop of Excester, in the yeer M.CCC.LXIV. in which are aboue C. more then are published in his printed Works. they menaced the Arch­bishop with banishment, and the Pope with re­uolt from his See, only for their withstanding that practice of Inuestiture; whereof, for so much as concernes Abbeies, Priories, or Bishopriques (in giuing them by the ring and baston) much testimonie is in the storie of about that age. and the Kings remission of the Inuestitures of those great dignities is frequent. but, for Parish Chur­ches, of which we here chiefly speake; the com­mon occurrences of Inuestitures mention them [Page 378] but litle. But for the vse of them known also by the name of Institution; see the Fine anon transcribed of 33. Hen. 2. as also specially a com­mission sent by Pope Alexander the third, to the In Append. [...] Concil. Lat. part. 8. cap. 14. tit. de testibus cogend [...]. Dean of Chichester, touching a Parson that was legitimè institutus à Willielmo Nobili viro, and had resigned Personatum Capellano Domini. But this course of Inuestiture by Lay men, after An­selmes time, began to bee of lesse vse; and some, obeying the Canons, presented, others still collated by Inuestiture till about Richard the first and King Iohns time, whereof more in the next Paragraph. To the Lay Patrons chal­lenged right of such Inuestiture of Churches and Tithes, belongs specially the Granting of Rents and such like out of Rectories by the Pa­trons only, and the Sonnes or others Succession in Parish Churches after the death of their ance­stors of both which (litle known vulgarly) an­cient warrant is yet remayning.

III.

For the first; in the Chartularie of the Priorie of S. Needs in Huntingdonshire, one Ro­bert Fitz-water (about King Iohns time) giues to the Priorie six marks of siluer nomine certi be­neficij in Ecclesia de Wimbisse annuatim percipi­endas per manum personae eiusdem Ecclesiae. Quare volo (saies he) vt quicunque in praefata Ecclesia de Wimbis. ad praesentationem meam vel haeredum meorum persona instituta fuerit praenominatis Mo­nachis S. Neoti de supradicto beneficio VI. marca­rum [Page 379] fidelitatem faciat, saluo mihi & haeredibus meis iure aduocationis & praesentationis &c. and diuers other such like are. Neither haue I met with a precedent of those times wherein the En­cumbent was Grantor, as at this day by the Cō ­mon Law (the Church being full) I think he must. but most vsually a prouision by the Patron was inserted to this purpose, that the seuerall En­cumbents should by Oth bind themselues to the true payment. nor was it so necessarie to haue the ordinaries assent, when that, which the Ordi­narie by the practice of the later Law is to do in his Institution, was in frequent practice supplied by the Patrons Inuestiture. Out of which may be the better vnderstood that part of the new Ca­non in the Synod of Westminster, held vnder Roger. [...]. A [...]al. fol. 310. Ri­chard Archbishop of Canterburie, in 21▪ Hen. 2. Nulli liceat Ecclesiam nomine Dotalitij ad ali­quem transferre, that is, That no Patron should giue his Church. as it were in Frankmariage, or make of it a Donatio propter nuptias (as the Ciui­lians call it) to remain with the husband of his Daughter or Kinswoman, during his life. How could such a gift haue at all been made by pre­sentation (as of later time it is vnderstood) Insti­tution or Induction? and a most obseruable ex­ample of this matter is in a Fine of 33. Hen. 2. in these words. ‘Haec est finalis concordia facta in Curia Domini Regis apud Cantuariam an­no Regni Regis Henrici secundi XXXIII. die [Page 380] Venetis proxima post festum sancti Iohannis Baptistae Coram Radulpho Archidiacono Co­lecestriae, & Rogero filio Reinfri, & Roberto de Witefeld, & Michaele Belet Iusticiarijs Domi­ni Regis, & alijs fidelibus Domini Regis ibi­dem tunc praesentibus inter Priorem de Lewes & Monachis eiusdem loci & Willielmum fi­lium Arthuri, quem Richardus de Budegintun pofuit loco suo ad lucrandum vel perdendum de aduocatione Ecclesiae de Budeketun, vnde placitum erat inter eos in Curia Regis, scilicet quod Prior & Monachi remiserunt & quietum clamauerunt eidem Richardo & haeredibus suis aduocationem praedictae Ecclesiae per ita quod persona quae per ipsum Richardum vel haere­des eius in eadem Ecclesia instituetur, reddet singulis annis Ecclesiae de Lewes IIII. solidos scilicet ad festum Sancti Michaelis. & ille qui in eadem Ecclesia per ipsum Richardum vel haeredes suos instituetur persona, post institu­tionem suam, coram Episcopo fidelitatem praestabit quod praedictam pensionem praedi­cto termino Ecclesiae de Lewes persoluet, & posteà in Capitulo de Lewes eandem fidelita­tem innouabit.’ Here it appears (it seems) by the iudgement of the Kings Iustices, that the Patron had such interest in those times, that he might alone without grant of the Encumbent (who came in by his Institution and Inuestiture) or confirmation of the Bishop, charge the church [Page 381] with a pension. and this, being in a Fine, is of autoritie beyond exception for that age. But the like is in Rot. Fin. 7. Rich. 1. Lancast. in a Fine le­uied between Theobald Fitz-water, demandant in a Writ of Right of Aduowson against the Abbot of Shrewsburie, of the Church of Kirk­ham, where XII. marke Rent is reserued to the Abbot, with a like clause for the Encumbents fealtie for true payment. the like in Fin. 4. Rich. 1. diuers. Comit. touching the Church of Dache­worth. yet also, in that age, the assent of the Par­son and Bishop was somtime had. as in Rot. Fin. 7. Rich. 1. Staff. where, vpon Right of Aduowson by the Prior and Canons of Stanes against Alice Hopton, for the Church of Cheklegh, Alice & Ro­bertus filius & haeres suus per assensum & volun­tatem H. Couentrensis Episcopi in cuius Diocoesi Ecclesia illa sita est, & Osberti personae eiusdem Ecclesiae tunc ibidem praesentium, concesserunt prae­fatis Priori & Canonicis XXs. de eadem Ecclesia de Cheklegh annuatim percipiendos sine omni con­tradictione imperpetuum de Clerico eandem Eccle­siam possidente quicunque ille fuerit ad duos termi­nos videlicet ad Pascha Xs. & ad festum S. Mi­chaelis X. &c, Here the assent of the Parson and Bishop being both present in Court, is inserted in the Fine; yet inough examples shew that it was not (as may be strongly coniecturd) thought altogether necessarie. But indeed howeuer the right of Inuestitures had been then much exer­cised [Page 382] by Lay Patrons, yet in case of Clergie Pa­trons, if the Church were not of exempted iu­risdiction, the Bishops more vsually instituted: and therefore was their assent the sooner admit­ted somtimes into the Fine; and doubtlesse also some lay Patrons willing enough herein to obey the Canons, after Anselm and perhaps before ar­bitrarily filld their Churches by presentation to the Bishop. this may be collected especially out of that of the grant of the Extr. de Instit. [...]. 6. cum ve [...]issent Edit. Gregoriana. priuilege of Institu­tion in Churches, made by Turstan Archbishop of York vnder Henrie the first, to the Archdea­con of Richemond, as also out of two Decretalls from Rome, sent by Pope Extr. tit. de iure [...]urando c. 11. tuae [...]es. & de iure patr. c. 24. cus autem. Lucius the third, vn­der Henrie the second to the Bishop of Norwich. and in some other 16. Ed. 3. tit. Annuitie 23 & Rot. Fin. 1. Ioh. Huntingdon. autoritie both in our yeer books and in the fine Rolls also of the beginning of King Iohn, the Bishops assent in such grants of that time is sometimes found. and in that commonly (but without sufficient ground) at­tributed to Randol of Lib. 3. cap. 20. Glanvill chief Iustice of England to Henrie the second, the Bishops insti­tution is spoken of as a thing of not vnknown right vpon a recouerie in Darrain presentment, according as the Canons require. And in an Epistle In Symbol. Ele­ctorum Ms. in Bib. Cotton. of Giraldus Cambrensis (writen in those times to Hugh Bishop of Lincoln about his Par­sonage of Cestreton, which he challenged vpon presentation of himself made by Gerard of Cam­vill, a Gentleman of great worth in Lincolnshire) [Page 383] the Bishops Institution is spoken of, as cleerely necessarie, according to the Canons, and noted with Episcopus solus honores dare potest; which, you must remember, was writen by one that was feruent for the Canons, and had also writen a­gainst the auitae consuetudines or common Laws of that time. But these testimonies must be wa­rily vnderstood, and compared with the former and frequent practice of the contrarie, which a­bout that time, especially vnder Richard the first and King Iohn (it seems) much altered. Neither till about that time can it be found, that the more common practice of Lay mens Inuesti­tures ceased. Nor was the Bishops Institution presently and vniformely thence vsed, as of later ages. The autoritie of the Clergie had by that time taken away the vse of Lay mens Inuestitures. Yet was it not cleere, it seemes, vpon the practice that here followed, what dignitie of the Clergie should then exercise the Institution: for you shall find it sometimes done by the Archdeacon, as it was also before K. Iohn, in some cases where any Lay man omitted his Inuestiture; as may be ga­thered out of a Decretall, sent Extr. de [...]. Archidiac. c. 4. cum satis & cap. 5. Archidiac [...]. hither from Pope Alexander the third, to forbid the Arch­deacon of Ely, Curam animarum sine mandato Episcopi committere. And afterward also, in Pasch. & Trin. 9. & 10. Reg. Ioh. a Writ is a­warded to the Archdeacon, as now it ought to the Bishop, vpon recouerie of a Presentment. [Page 384] The entrie is thus. Recordatum est per G. filium Petri & Simonem de Pateshull quod Simon fi­lius Richardi, tempore Regis Richardi, recuperauit, coram eis & socijs eorum versus Iohannem de Kalceto seisinam Aduocationis Ecclesiae de Buck­worth (in Huntingdonshire) per assisam de vlti­mâ prasentatione, ita quod habuit breue quod Ar­chidiaconus admitteret personam ad Ecclesiam il­lam ad praesentationem eidem; & ipse Iohannes impediuit eum ita quod implacitauit eum per breue Papae, & Dominus Rex prohibuit placitum, & Simon venit & impetrauit à Rege quod loquela procederet, & quod haberet breue ab Archidiaco­num de Clerico suo admittendo & habuit. T. do­mino G. filio Petri & Will. de Briwere. Here twice was the Writ of Admission or Institution sent to the Archdeacon, not to the Bishop. Per­haps indeed it happened in the vacancie of the See. for the time so falls, that we cannot be sure of the contrarie. But admit it were so. Plainly, the Archdeacon neither by Canon nor common Law had any more right of Institution, by reason of a Vacancie of the Bishoprique. And certain­ly, during the vacancie, the Writ should Arg. 15. Ed. 3 tit. Quare non admi­sit 5. & Fitzh. N. [...]. 47. l. &c. goe to the Gardians of the Spiritualtie, which by the Canon Laws, are the Deane 6 tit. de Suppl [...]nd. Pr [...]lat. neglig c. 3. & 36. Hen. 8. tit. Administrators 46. and Chapter, but by the Law of England Vide 17. Ed. 2. tit. Brief [...] 812. 1 [...]. Ed. 4.14. [...]. Regist. Orig. f. 6 [...] a. & 141. a 17. Ed 3. fol. 23. b. &c., the Archbishops in their seuerall Prouinces, and the Deanes and Chapters only, in case where the Archbishop­riques are void. And in other places, somewhat [Page 385] afterward also I haue seen Institutions often 5. [...] Ma­tricul. Eccles▪ in Archidiac. L [...]ic. in Biblioth. Cot­toniana. by the Archdeacon of Leicester, while the Bishop­rique of Lincolne was void; which shewes, that those times were the infancie of the exact course of Episcopall Institutions, as they are at this day vsed. Neither had these any priuiledge of Institution, as the Archdeacon of Richmond had anciently giuen Vide extr▪ tit. de Instit. c. 6. & Rog. de Houeden p. 465. & 468. & seq. him, or the like. At this day, and from long time before, the Archdeacon only Inducts, as the Books & common practice shew. But thereof thus much by the way.

IV.

For that other, of Succession in the Bene­fices of the Ancestors; doubtlesse, that was, of­ten when the father or other ancestor was Incum­bent and Patron, and by that challenged right, of the time, of Inuestiture and sole disposition of the Church, would either in his life time conuey the Benefice to his sonne or heire by grant, which by the practice of the time, supplyed, it seemes, as well a Resignation, as Presentation, Institu­tion, and Induction; or would so leaue the Ad­uowson to discend to his heire, that he (being in Orders) might retaine the Church in his owne hands, according as the Law then, it seems, per­mitted. Against this, was a Canon made in the Nationall Synod at Westminster in 3. Hen. 1. Vt filij Presbyterorum non sint haeredes Ecclesiarum Patrum suorum. And another in 25. Hen. 1. held vnder the Popes Legat. Sancimus (as the words are) ne quis Ecclesiam sibi siue Praebendam paterna [Page 386] vendicet haereditate Videsis extr. tit de iure Patron. c. 15 consuluit &c. & tit. de filijs Presbyt. passim. & tit. de Pactis c. 5. aecepimu [...]. & tit. de Tollibus c. 7. c [...] parte. & Append. Concil. Lat. part. 8. cap. 22. Hereford. Episcopo & Ab­bati de Forde. Nec omittas eius­dem appendicis, part. 15 cap. 15. & part 19. cap. 1. & part. 28. cap. 4. & 8. part 49 cap. 14. & part. 50. cap. 60. aut successorem sibi in ali­quo Ecclesiastico constituat Beneficio. Without that challenged right of Inuestiture supposed in the Incumbent (hauing also the Patronage) which supplyed all that the Patron, Bishop, and Archdeacon at this day do in filling a Church, how could any Parson make to himselfe a succes­sor or an heire to haue colour to claim the Incū ­bencie from his ancestor. To this purpose may be well rememberd a passage in a verdict found in Rot. Placit. 6. Rich. 1. Rot. 1. of such a kind of conueyance of S. Peeters Church in Cambridge: the words are; Iuratores benè sciunt quod qui­dam Langlinus qui tenuit Ecclesiam illam, & qui fuit persona illius Ecclesiae dedit Ecclesiam illam, secundum quod tunc fuit mos Ciuitatis Cantebri­giae, cuidam parenti suo Segario nomine qui illam tenuit per LX. annos & plus, & fuit persona illius Ecclesiae & ipse posteà dedit Ecclesiam illam Hen­rico filio suo qui illam tenuit per LX. annos & ipse in ligea potestate sua dedit illam Hospitali Cantebrigiae per Cartam suam & idem Hospitali habet Ecclesiam illam. They discreetly find the custome of the Citie to maintaine the Conuey­ance, supposing (it seems) that the custome would help the last Grantors title, although the Com­mon Law, which had by that time receiued some change herein, by force of the Papall Decrees, should not haue allowd it. I know, in the Canons another thing is also vnderstood in this matter [Page 387] of Succession, that is, the irregularitie of the sonne of a Clerk; but that can extend only to the matter of Illegitimation vpon Mariage for­bidden to the Clergie. For which point alone, the Bishops refusall had been the best helpe, but that indeed the other kind of disposition of Churches by Inuestiture preuented his refusall when Presentation was not made to him.

V.

But after such time as the Decretals and the encreasing authoritie of the Canons, about the yeer M.CC. had setled the vniuersall course here of filling of Churches by Presentation to the Bishop, or (as it seems sometimes it was) to the Archdeacon, or to the Vicar of the Bishop, or Gardian of the Spiritualties; that vse of Inuestitures of Churches and Tithes seuerally or together, practiced by Lay men, was left off, and a diuision of Ecclesiasticall & Secular right from thence hath continued in practice. Neither did Vide Rot. pat. 9. Ioh. R. membr. 1. alibi saepē in Ar­chiuis, quae ad illiꝰ tempora spectant. the King afterward (much lesse common persons) fill their common Parochiall Churches without such presentments from Bishops. Pa­rochiall Churches; for of speciall donatiue Chap­pels we here speak not. neither were Appropri­ations of Churches & Tithes afterward allowd, that had not 2. Ed. 3.23. b. 3 Ed. 3. fol. 11. b. 10. Ed. 3. fol. 50. a. & vide Casum Episcopi Lincoln. in Comment. 2. &c. confirmation from the Ordinarie immediat or supreme. And in the same age also came in the Law of the Laps, whereby the Bi­shop is to collate after six moneths vpon the Pa­trons default, it being before at his libertie to fill [Page 388] his Church at his pleasure. neither was he confi­ned to any time. That time of Laps was (accor­ding as the vse of Presentation grew by degrees setled) receiued into the Laws of England out of the generall Vide Rog. de Houeáon, an. 1179. Councell of Lateran, held in 25. Hen. 2. vnder Alexander the third; to which, foure Bishops (according to the ancient vse of this Kingdom) that is, Hugh Bishop of Durham, Iohn Bishop of Norwich, Robert Bishop of Here­ford, and Reinold Bishop of Bath, were sent as Agents for the Church of England. By that Councell, after vacancie of six moneths, the Chapter is to bestow those Churches, which the Bishop, being Patron, had left so long void; and vpon their default, the Metropolitan. but no word is of Lay Patrons in it. Yet by reason of the Autoritie of that Councell, and of a Decre­tall Extr. de iure Patronat. c. 22. [...] se. of the same Pope, which speaks of like time vpon default of Lay Patrons, it hath beene since taken here generally, that after vacancie of six moneths, the next Ordinarie is regularly to col­late by Laps. Which perhaps was receiued for a Law, to continue as it hath done, in the Coun­cell or Conuocation at Pipewell, held in the first of Richard the first, and some ten yeers after that Generall Councell of Lateran. For in that of Pipewell, the principall thing in hand was the prouiding for Churches vpon death of their Pa­stors. Habitus est (saith Ralf de Diceto, Dean of Pauls vnder King Iohn) generalis conuentus iuxta [Page 389] dispositionem Regis & Archiepiscopi XVI. Kal. Octobris apud Pipewell, vt de consilio vacantium per Angliam Ecclesiarum haberetur tractatus. I know it was for many Churches then void. but it is like enough that according to the gene­rall Councell this Law was then here recei­ued. but thats only a rouing coniecture, and so I leaue it. and as in the Extr. tit. de suppl. prael. negl. c. 3. & 4. ad Conc. pra [...]. c. 5. &c. Canon Law the Councell of Lateran (which must be vnderstood that of Alexander the third) is commonly affir­med for the autoritie of the originall of the right of this Laps in the case of Bishops speci­ally and Chapters, so is it, in ancient moniments of our Laws, also in the case of Lay Patrons. Ante Concilium Lateranense (saies Lib. 4. tr. de Assis. vlt. praes. cap. 6. §. 3. Vide, si placet, Roger. de Houcden part. 2. Annal. fol 430. b. & Extr. tit. de Offi­cio I [...]dicis ordinarij c. 4. cum [...]. ant [...] Concilium Papae Alex. 3. illud n [...] fallor rese [...]ps [...], & lucem huc ad [...]rt. Bracton) nullum currebat tempus contra praesentantes. And in Placit. de Banco Mich. 3. Ed. 1. Rot. 105. Staff. The Bishop of Couentrie and Lichfield pleads a collation by laps autoritate concilij, against the Prior of Landa, to the Church of Patingham. and in the same Plea Rolls of Pasch. 5. Ed. 1▪ Rot. 100. Linc. in a quare non admisit, by Alienor, the Queen Mother, against the Bishop of Lincoln, for the Church of Orkestow, the six Months and the computation of them (which is there adiud­ged according to that in Coke Report. part. 6. fol. 62. Catesbies case) is re­ferd to Concilium Apostolicum, which can be no other then that of Lateran, howeuer the printed Copie of that which we commonly call Breton Chap. 62. des ex­ceptions fol. 225. a. talks of the Councell of Lions for the Director [Page 390] of the Laps, whereas indeed the Mss. haue for de Lions, de Lautr. which is doubtlesse for de La­teran; yet also in the Rolls of the Common pleas of Pasch. 9. Ed. 1. Rot. 58. Suthampt. the Archbi­shop of Canterburie defendant in a Darrain pre­sentment, against the Abbot of Lyra, pleads that the Church (of Godeshull) est plena ex collatione ipsius Archiepiscopi ratione Concilij Lugdunensis, and being demanded by what article of the Councell, would not thereto answer, wherupon, after long deliberation, iudgement is giuen for the Abbot. But in the same Plea the Law and custom of England for the six months time of Laps (which they call there Consuetudo regni Angliae) is referd to a Councell; but none is specially named sauing that of Lions. But al­though from Canonicall autoritie the Laps was thus receiud into our Laws, yet it hath been no otherwise then the Baronage of England would permit it. for the Canons otherwise (as at this day they are) giue but foure C. Vnico §. 1. de iure pa [...]r. in 6. months to a Lay Patron, and six to an Ecclesiastique, which diffe­rence the Law of England would neuer permit; as also neither that of the right of collation which the Chapter is to haue vpon default of the Bishop, howeuer the Pope would haue put it here in execution according to the words of the Councell, which you may see in the autorities before noted out of the Text of the Canon Law. and therefore the Law of Laps is well referd ra­ther [Page 391] to Regist orig. fol. 42. b. [...]nter prohi­bitiones. Consuetudo Regni Angliae (by which title other parts of our Vide 19. Ed 2. tit. Briefe 842.18. Ed. 3. fol. 55 b. Regist. Orig. fol. 98. a. Laws were often named that were of later beginning) then to the Councell, although thence doubtlesse, as is shewd, it had its originall. But although now, what through the Decretalls and other Canons against Lay mens Inuestitures, what by reason of the Law of Laps, the Patrons former interest or challenged right was much diminished in the Church and the disposition of the reuenues of it (for it fol­lowd also that the Ordinaries assent was requi­site) yet the formulae or precedents vsed from ancient time in the recouerie of presentations still retaine, to this day, Characters in them of that Inuestiture. as the quare impedit, that is, Praecipe A. quod iustè &c. permittat B. praesentare idoneam personam ad Ecclesiam de N. quae vacat & ad suam spectat donationem &c. Where Do­natio still sauors of the ancient right of Inuesti­ture; agreeing whereto is that of Ecclesiam Gla [...]il. lib 6. cap. 17. alibi item scilicet in Archi­uis quae vetustio­ra Richardi p [...]imi aut initij Iohannis tempora spectant, & vide Roger. de Hou [...]den. fol. 425. b. & P [...]t. 3. Hen. 3. part. 2▪ membr. 2. con­cedere, vsed elswhere in our Law, and attributed to the Lay Patron. Neither doth praesentare ad Ecclesiam originally denote otherwise then the Patrons sending or placing an Incumbent into the Church, and is made only of repraesentare, which in that Councell of Lateran and Extr tit. de Cens [...] ­bus c. 11. cum Cle­rici. & tit. de Praeb. & dig▪ c. 31. In La­teranens. §. 2. & tit. de priuil [...]g▪ [...] 3. & Hostiens. Summ. tit. de Capellis Mo­nachorum. & sa­pius. elswher occurres also for praesentare. repraesentare is pro­perly to restore, giue back, or repay, as reddo or repraesto, whence praesentare taken in the barba­rous times denoted as dare or donare; so that [Page 392] idoneam personam ad Ecclesiam praesentare was all one with idoneam personam ad Ecclesiam dare or donare, or in Ecclesia constituere, or [...], as Epist. ad Tit. cap. 1 comm 5. the Apostles word is to Titus, where he bids him [...]. that is, appoint or constitut, or indeed present Priests or Encum­bents in euery Citie. for he that there should turn it by present, might so keep the propertie of the word in both tongues, though not as present is now restraind. this is iustified out of an old Glos­sarie that turnes Repraesento by [...]. for then cleerly [...] is Praesento: while praesentare so sig­nified also in practice, that is in the time of the vse of Lay Inuestitures, all Churches so giuen were properly Donatiues, which attribute hath been since restraind, chiefly to such free-chappels as the Ordinarie had no interest in, but are collated or giuen by the act only of the Patron. and this interpretation of praesentare is iustified also 16. Ed▪ 3. tit. Br [...]i [...]e 660. Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 33. B.C.D.E. out of the quare impedit vpon a right of collation (which is but a donation) by the Bishop, wherin the words are also quod permittat praesentare ad Ecclesiam &c. Donation (which is meerly as Inuestiture in regard of the Bishop) is there cal­led Presentation. So also is the Law in the Kings Case and of common persons, being disturbed to collate by Letters Patents to their free Chappels or Donatiues. the Writ in those Cases is on­ly praesentare, which confirms that it denotes Donation or Inuestiture. But in the Counts [Page 393] vpon such Writs, the speciall matter must be dis­couered. The like Law is in the Case of him that hath the Nomination of the Clerk. his Writ is also praesentare, although another haue the right of that which is now known by the bare name of presentation. Nomination indeed or [...] be­ing the true and eldest name found in the Laws belonging to the [...]. Church, that denote filling or presenting to a Church, in that sense as Presen­ting is taken for giuing or inuesting. For, in the primitiue times, when the Patron had founded his Church, he nominated whom he would haue receiued into Orders for the seruing of that Cure; and then if the nominated were found worthy hee was receiued into Orders for that purpose, which Ordination turnd afterward into Episcopall institution, as is before declared. that nomination was indeed as Inuestiture or giuing the Church. so is the word vsed in the Laws and agreeing to them is the purer time of Latin wherein Nominatio [...] Epist. ad [...]rut. 7. is for giuing a Place or Office that is void. And as these phrases of the Writs tast of the ancient right challenged by the Patron, so do some assertions in our yeer books of later time; as that of entring 18. Ed. 3. fol. 16, a. into an Aduowson by entring into the Church, of pas­sing an 43. Ed. 3. fol. 1. b. Aduowson by liuerie of seisin at the Church-dore, of the Patrons entring into the place 5 Hen. 7 fol. 37 a. of foundation if the Church cease to re­main hallowed, and the like. And to like origi­nall [Page 394] may you referre those of the Kings presen­tations, which haue Dedimus & concessimus in them yet retained, although the force of the words by the later Law, make but only a Vide 19. Ed. 3. tit. Quare impedit 60. pre­sentation. But the Law is now setled; neither with vs hath the Patron alone now any preroga­tiue or direct interest in the Church or the reue­nues, beside his right of Aduowson or Presenta­tion to the Bishop, by whose institution and the Archdeacons induction euery Church regularly is to be filled. Neither (for ought I haue heard) hath he in our Law any of those Droicts honori­fiques, which the French allow him in Prece­dence, Seats, and the like. These particulars of Benefices and Aduowsons had here their place, both because in the ancient conueiance of them either by Inuestiture to an Incumbent, or by Ap­propriation, the reuenue that was in Tithes passed by expresse words, and that in point of interest from the Patron, as also in regard that, at this day, the Patron of a Parson prohibited by In­dicauit, to sue in the Spirituall Court for the fourth part of the Tithes of a Church, may haue his Droit d'auowson de Dismes. it was re­quisit therefore to adde these not vulgar or ob­uious notes of the Aduowsons in this discoue­rie of the ancient conueiance and interest of Tithes.

CAP. XIII.

I. Infeodations here into Lay hands since the Statuts of Dissolutions. Of Infeodations be­fore that time in England. somewhat more of the originall of Lay mens practice in arbitrarie Consecrations or Infeodations.

II. Exemptions or discharges of payment origi­nally by Priuileges, Prescriptions, Vnitie, Grants or Compositions, and by the Statuts of Dissolutions.

I.

FRom those arbitrarie Consecrations, and frequent Appropriations of Tithes (whereof we haue hitherto made men­tion) to Monasteries or other Religious Places, as Colleges of Regulars, Chantries and Free-Chappels, came the present and common Infeo­dations of them into Lay hands, which began in the age of our Fathers. For, the Portions of Tithes conueied to them out of Closes, parts of Mannors, and whole Demesnes, by the owners, together with the Tithes granted and possessed with appropriated Churches, were first by the Statut of Dissolution of Monasteries in 31. Hen. 8. and by that other of 1. Ed. 6. giuen to the Crown, and from thence granted to Lay men, whose Posteritie or Assignees to this day hold them with like limitation of estate, as they do o­ther enheritances of Lands or Rents. and, for [Page 396] them, haue like remedie by the Statut of 32. Hen. 8. cap. 7. by reall action as Assise, Dower, or o­ther originals, as for Lands, Rents, or other Lay possessions by the cōmon Law they might haue. But although in other States these Infeodations or Conueiances of the perpetuall right of Tithes to Lay men, be very ancient and frequent also; yet no such certain or obuious testimonie of their antiquitie, is in the moniments of Eng­land as can enough assure vs that they were before the Statut of Dissolutions in any com­mon vse here. But some were, and, for aught appears in the practice of the time, many more might equally haue been. And what scruple was there but that long before the generall dissoluti­on of Monasteries, Henrie the fift might (by the Law of the Kingdom) haue made Infeodations into Lay hands (as Henrie the eight did) of all Tithes belonging Rot. Parl. 2. Hen. 5. part. 2. art. 9. to the Priors aliens whose possessions were giuen to him by Parliament, he had them setled in the Crown in Fee, and after­ward disposed of them to other Ecclesiastique Corporations Vide Cart. 2. Hen. 5. part. 1. num. 3. &c. at his pleasure, no otherwise then of other Lay possessions. By the way, we vnderstand, in these Infeodations, by the name of Lay men, only such as were not either in Or­ders or professed in Religion. for otherwise all the possessions of Tithes enioied by Nunnes and the like, that were indeed Lay (though not com­monly called so) might be comprehended vnder [Page 397] the name of Infeodations. But, that some were here; obserue that of Odo Bishop of Bayeux and Earle of Kent, which is before cited out of the liues of the Abbots of S. Augustines in Canter­burie. The words are, Decimas aliquas quas mei fideles habebant &c. What can that be, according to the words, other then Tithes that were in the hands of some of his Tenants? You may adde that of Robert S. Iohn cited be­fore out of the Book of Bosgraue, where he had, by the gift of his brother William, certain Tithes, which he gaue to the Priorie, for maintenance of a fourteenth Monk. And obserue the rest of the Deed there. So out of the Book of Osney it ap­pears before, that Decimatio Nicholai de Stode­ham quam Fromundus (Capellanus) tenebat is granted by D'Oilly. Had not D'Oilly this from Stodeham? Or was Stodeham here one of his Bailifes or Fermors, whose Tithe he graunted as Lord or according to couenant with the Lessee? Other such occurre sometimes. And perhaps, Decimae hominū meorum, & the like granted, may suppose a title possessed in the Tithes by the Lay grantor. And in the same Book of In Biblioth. Cottoniana. Osney, in a Passage writen in a hand of about Hen. 5. tou­ching the conueyances of Tithes by Lay men to Monasteries, it is related, that he that wrote it, saw Quendam Rogerum D'Oyly Dominum cu­iusdam partis de Bampton in Episcopatu Lincol­niensi suis Decimis ita vti, vt nunc vni nunc alteri [Page 398] de suis Valettis ipsas conferret annuatim qui sibi in diuersis officijs ministrabant, vntill afterward hee erected a Chaunterie with them in the Church of Bampton. These Grants to his Valets, plainly were as Infeodations. And what els was in that known case of Herne and Report 2. fol. 45. a. Pigot in Mich. 39. & 40. Elizab. but an ancient kind of Infeoda­tion, at least an Inheritance of Tithes from im­memoriall time in a Lay man? That, and other like to it, might begin vpon reall compositions, and so the Tithes be deriued out of the Church. But regularly, I thinke, at this day no kind of In­feodation is here allowable in Lay mans making title to a perpetuall right of Tithes (except only by the later Statuts of Dissolutions) vnlesse it ei­ther be deriued from some old Graunt of dis­charge from the Parson, Patron, and Ordinarie, (in which case, hee to whom the Infeudation should be made, could haue it only as a Lay pro­fit issuing out of the discharged land) or ioyned with a Consideration to be giuen for mainte­nance to the Parson, by him that receiues them; and this either from time immemoriall, or by an­cient composition. So I take the meaning of our reuerend Iudges to haue been touching this point. In summe then we may affirme, that some such ancient Infeodations haue been in England as in other States; but, that of later time none are allowable (if deriued from Vide in d. Com­mentatio, ibid. other ancient originall, then from the Statuts of Dissolutions) [Page 399] vnlesse they bee anciently deriued out of the Church first by discharge, or appeare to be but as a Reward giuen in pernancie, or as Considera­tion for a Pension or other competent Mainte­nance yeerely payable to the Parson. Which withall well stands with the common opinion of the originall of such Infeodations; whereof we haue alreadie Cap. 6. §. 4. spoken. And whereas it hath been resolued, that without these reasons, a Lay man was not here capable, at the common Law, of Tithes by pernancie; it well agrees with a Decretall of Extr. tit. de Ar­bitris. c. 3. pern. ni [...] ad nos. Alexander the third, which for­bids one that maried a Parsons sister, to enioy a Tithe giuen him by the Parson, as for the mari­age portion, although the Parson were still li­uing. But also, that we may not defraud you of any testimonie of former times, that may seeme obseruable touching these Infeodations, where­of so few examples and so ltttle mention is in the Moniments of England, take this speciall Disquisition, writen in a hand of about Henrie the fifth, in the Booke of In Bibblioth. Cottoniana. Osney, which would as well giue light to the course of Arbitrarie Consecrations (before largely opened) as to these Infeodations, if it were of sufficient credit. but you shall first haue it compendiously deliuered, and then iudge of it This title is put to it, Qualitèr Laici ad id priuilegium peruenerint quod locis Religiosis illas (Decimas) conferre pos­sint. Then sayes he that writes it; he had heard [Page 400] from a good Ciuill and Canon Lawier, that had been present at the Disputation of the point, in a case happening between a Religious house and a Parson, for Tithes in the Parsons Parish, who claimed them iure communi, that the Aduocat for the Religious house being put to make a spe­ciall title against the Parsons common right, told the Court a long storie of Easterne holy Warres about Pipins time; and interposed som­what of Charles Martell; and concluded, that the Pope and the Church euery where graunted, in reward to the Christian Princes, for their Ba­rons, Knights, and Gentlemen, that spent their blouds, labours, and estates in those Warres, the priuiledge of arbitrarie disposition of the Tithes of their lands; by reason of which Graunt, they afterward made not only Arbitrarie Consecrati­ons of them, but also Infeodations into Lay hands, according as the common opinion a­mong the Canonists is too confidently receiued at this day. Then he tells vs that before remem­berd, of the Tithes in Bampton, and cites some texts out of the Decretalls, that touch Infeoda­tions. Next he relates, that among the Princes of the holy Warre, about Martell and Pipins time, the Duke of Normandie was a speciall one, whence hee had also that priuiledge touching Tithes, pro se ac suis, as the words are. And lastly (to bring it into England) hee thus con­cludes, Et cum Dux Normanniae Willielmus ad [Page 401] conquisitionem Angliae venisset, quidam Miles eius Robertus d'Oylleye nomine malens suas Decimas Deo commendare quam contra naturalem Ecclesiae consuetudinem ipsis vti, eas Ecclesiae S. Georgij quam in Castria Oxenford construxit contulit, Et posteà ad Monasterium Osney per Diocesanum & Capitulum Lincoln. ac etiam per Aduocatum Ca­nonicè deuenerunt. But it all tasts of nothing but ignorance. For what touches Martell and his time generally, enough alreadie is said. And see but what a bold ignorance here was, to tell vs, that the Duke of Normandie was one of the grea­test (personis Regum exceptis, as his Language is) that went in the holy Warre in succursum Eccle­siae Romanae, in those times of Pipin and Martell? I would he durst haue told vs also who had then been Duke of Normandie. Neither that title of Dignitie, nor that name of the Countrey, were, till about CL. yeers after Martell, at all known. The Territorie being then vnder the French Kings, who long after gaue it to the Normans, and erected it into a Dukedome. Indeed the Duke of Normandie had good place in the later holy Warres, about M.XCV. but did not that make this Aduocat say, that the Duke of Nor­mandie was a speciall Prince in the other also of Martell's time? Such of the later midle times stand not much vpon the mingling of Stories, that differ in themselues euen many whole ages. Besides, he tells vs of strange Princes names of [Page 402] the East, that made the Warre against the Church. Plainly, the most pretended cause of the rest that erre herein as much as hee doth, is the Saracenicall Warre in Martell's time, and that out of Spain, not from the East. And had it been so vnder Martell's time, as it is vsually af­firmd; what had that been to England? But you see his prouidence for that matter, where he de­riues it from the Duke of Normandie. But what though there had been some such Duke of Nor­mandie, whose Successor had afterward either conquered or enherited England? had there­fore the old supposed priuiledge of retaining or disposing of Tithes, been thence communicated to his subiects of England? and that to the losse of the Church here, that neuer could haue got­ten good by the supposed cause of the priui­ledge? All the Canon and Ciuill Law that the Aduocat had, could neuer haue proued such a consequent. It will still remaine most probable, if not cleere, that what Infeodations were in England, had their originall as well out of the right of arbitrarie disposition of Tithes challen­ged by the Laitie, without the grant of the Pope or Church, as out of Compositions or Conuey­ances from the Clergie; according as in other States. For no sufficient Storie, no credible Mo­niment, no Passage, or Testimonie of worth, can iustifie that generall right of retainer or disposi­tion to haue been giuen by the Clergie, or Pope, [Page 403] vpon any cause whatsoeuer; though the Cano­nists and others that follow them, cry against it, vsque ad rauim. The vse of Infeodations, before those later holy Warres, we haue alreadie shewd. And that no vse of them could be about Mar­tell's time, is not lesse apparant, by what is also before deliuered. But beside this blind testimo­nie of the ground of Consecrations or Infeoda­tions; for England especially, you may take that (as it is) also of Tit. de locato & conducto c. licet bona verb. p [...]rtiones. Lindwood, who thus speaks tou­ching the Portions which Religious houses had. Hae Portiones (saith he) potuerunt peruenisse ad locum Religiosum de concessione etiam Laici cum solîus Diocesani consensu de Decimis vel prouen­tibus quas Laicus talis ab Ecclesia alia habuit in feudum ab antiquo, according to that in tit. de his quae fiunt à Praelatis sine ass. cap. c. cum Apostolica. And hee addes, that this is only true, if those Tithes were infeodated before that Councell of Lateran of MC.LXXIX. And then concludes with, Nam ante illud Concilium bene potuerunt Laici Decimas in feudum retinere & eas alteri Ecclesiae vel Monasterio dare. Non tamen post tem­pus dicti Concilij. For his interpretation of the Councell, enough before, towards the ends of the VI. and X. Chapters. But doth not Lind­wood here suppose ancient Infeodations of Tithes (at least created by Churchmen) in England? Doth he not thence fetch the originall of Porti­ons belonging to Religious houses in England? [Page 404] commonly, though he writ as a Canonist, yet he addes the speciall custom of England if he speak of any Canon Law, which he thinks had not place here. but he excepts not England in this, but implies it. therefore doubtlesse, he supposed a common vse of ancient Infeodations among our Ancestors. but I doubt he had not better ground for it then what he found in others of his profession, that had rememberd the frequent vse of Infeodations in other States before that Councell. and he so applied it equally to his own Countrie, and with them takes the Infeo­dations to haue had originall only from the Grants of Church-men. therefore I value his te­stimonie here but as of a common Canonist, and not sufficient to satisfie vs touching our owne Countrie▪ neither in his age were the particulars of practice of the time before that Lateran Councell, or of the time of creation of Infeoda­tions in other places, enough known among La­wiers. I adde only one note out of Bracton that may touch Tithes infeodated or turnd anciently here into Lay fee, and conclude this matter. He Lib. 5. tract▪ de Exceptionibus cap. 12. fol. 411. b. speaking of Land demised and recouered by the Legatarie, tells vs some opinion was of his time, that such Land after the recouerie iterum incipit esse Laicum feodum & non ante; quod non erit de Decimis, cum semel efficiantur Laicum feo­dum; nunquam reincipient esse Decimae, & haec vera sunt secundum R. & alios. Did not he here [Page 405] suppose Lay infeodations of Tithes in England? let the Reader iudge. By the way, I note, that passage is corrupted in the print. The beginning is Item for Iterum, and that R. & alios (which I think stands for Roger de Thurkelby a great Iudge of that time) is Biastos. but according to my Ms. Bracton, I haue thus alterd it. You may consider also if some Infeodations came not out of Lay mens enioying of whole Churches with their possessions about the Norman Conquest. it is frequent in Domesday, to find that such a Lay man tenet Ecclesiam of such a place, and sold it to such a one. and in the claimes of Yorkeshire there, the Entrie is super Ecclesiam S. Mariae de Moselege habet Rex medietatem eleemosynae fe­storum S. Mariae quae iacet ad Wackefeld. Omne aliud habet Ilbertus & Presbyter qui Ecclesiae seruit &c. Where Tithes were in that time an­next by cōtinuance of payment or Consecration to Churches, perhaps they might in like manner as these Offerings or whole Churches, come into the Lay hands. but I leaue this to the iudgement of my Reader. And hereof thus much.

II.

Now for Exemptions or discharge from payment; we haue anciently had them here, and still retain some of them in the practiced Law. and that originally either by Priuileges, Pre­scription, or Grants and Compositions and V­nitie of possession. The Priuileges haue been ei­ther such as were specially allowd and limited to [Page 406] the Orders of the Templars, Hospitalars, and Ci­stercians by the Generall Councell of Lateran, held in 17. of King Iohn (of which more parti­cular narration is before made) or by new Bulls for the discharge of this or that Monasterie or Order, at the Popes pleasure. By reason of the first kind of priuilege, those three Orders held their Lands discharged of payment so long as they manured them in their own occupation. at least all such Lands as they had purchased before the Generall Councell. and by the second kind sometimes whole Orders were discharged, as for example, that Bull to the Innoc. 3. in Epist. Decret. lib. 1. pag. 20 [...]. Praemonstratenses in general giuen by Pope Innocent the third, grants them that of their own culture or other improu­ments they should pay none. Sometimes spe­ciall Monasteries; as in that of the same Pope to the Ibid lib 2 pag. 410. Videsis Extr. tit. de Decimis c. 3. Ex multiplici. Abbey of Chertsey. De noualibus verò quae proprijs manibus aut sumptibus colitis, aut de ve­strorum animalium nutrimentis, siue de hortis & virgultis, aut piscationibus vestris, nullus à vobis Decimas exigere, vel extorquere praesumat, sed eas eleemosynae aut pauperibus Monasterij vestri iuxta quod tu fili Abbas postulasti à nobis, praecepimus as­signari. What force by the common Laws of this Kingdom, such a Papall priuilege in ancient time alone had, I abstain here to dispute. and al­though other examples enough might out of o­riginalls be brought of the like, yet I touch not any of them neither, lest vnawares I might giue [Page 407] occasion of some priuat controuersie. But they had their force in the Canon Law here, and be­ing so allowd in allegations against Libels for Tithes, were strengthened also at length (especi­ally those which were of the ancientest) with pre­scription of time, in so much that from them o­riginally diuers Lands of dissolued Monasteries remain to this day discharged of payment. But in 2. Hen. 4. cap. 4. an Act of Parliament is made a­gainst those of the Cistercians here, which pur­chased Bulls of Exemption for their demised Lands. and those of the Order and others put­ting such Bulls in execution are made thereby subiect to the punishment, containd in the Sta­tut of 13. Rich. 2. of Praemunire. Discharges by immemoriall Praescription of paying no Tithes (of things commonly and of their nature tithe­able) nor any thing in lieu of them, are by the la­ter common Law (since their Parochiall right e­stablished about the time of King Iohn) allowd only Voyez Rep. part. 2. fol. 44. & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 42. [...]. to spirituall persons, but to no Lay man. The Laitie being since that time held incapable of Tithes both by pernancie (sauing in such a speciall case where continuall consideration was giuen to the Church, as in that Case before of Herne and Pigot) in their own right, as also by discharge vpon bare prescription alone, sa­uing only in Cases within the Statuts of Disso­lution of 31. Hen. 8. and 1. Ed. 6. and the Statut of 32. Hen. 8. that warrants common Infeodati­ons [Page 408] of them. and so is the practiced Law of this day. For, by those Statuts, lay Patentees of lands or Tithes haue like priuilege of discharge and title as the spirituall persons, whose Corporati­ons were by them dissolued, before the dissoluti­on enioied. Of the Hospitalars dissolued in 32. Hen. 8. I purposely abstain to speak. To this of Prescription, may be added that of Vnitie of Possession. For if any Religious house dissolued in 31. Hen. 8. held the Rectorie of Dale & Lands in the Parish immemorially paying no Tithes, this Vnitie discharges also the Patentees at this day, in such sort as the Monasteries were dischar­ged. But by Compositions and Grants euery man, as well Lay as Spirituall, by the common Law (before the Statut of 13. of Elizabeth, made against Leases and Grants of Parsons) might be discharged of Tithes; as if the Parson Patron and Ordinarie ioind in it to the Parishio­ner either for consideration continuing (as in reall Regist. Orig. fol. 38. b. Fitzh. vbi supra. Composition) or for other arbitrarie cau­ses not appearing to posteritie as in Grants by all three, or rather in Grants by the Parson, and Confirmations by the Patron & Ordinarie. And it is prouided by the Statut of 2. Ed. 6. cap. 13. tha no person shall be sued or otherwise compelled to yeeld, giue, or pay any manner of Tithes for any Mannors, Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments which by the Laws and Statuts of this Realm, or by any Priuilege or Prescription are not charge­able [Page 409] with the payment of any such Tithes, or that be discharged by any Composition reall. But al­though a Lay man may not be discharged of all payment by meer Prescription (vnlesse he begin the Prescription in a Spirituall person) yet for diminishing the Quota in payment only of a lesse then the Tenth, he may Vide lib. Intrat. non. rit. Prohibition §. 6. & Rep. 2. part. fol 44. prescribe, that is, De modo decimandi. and to that purpose an imme­moriall custome of a whole Town or Mannor holds place at this day. So was the Law 8. Ed. 4. fol. 14. an­ciently also. Beside these discharges, some may here expect that part of our Laws, which with vs (as the Philippine in France, and the Carolines in Spain) discharge some things from payment of Tithes, and seem to permit some customs de non Decimando. But for that matter; so much as vp­on consideration was thought fit to be sparingly said of it, is referd to the passages in the next Chapter, that touches ancient prohibitions de non Decimando. Neither indeed doth that part of our English customs belong to the title of Exemption or Discharge. for Exemption and Discharge are properly singular rights to this or that person or Land, and against the currant of the practiced Law. but those things touching which any such prohibitions de non &c. by our Law should be granted, are supposed generally according to the reasons and practice of the Laws of England, of their own nature, not tithe­able. So that not so much a discharge is found in [Page 410] that course as a preuention of an vnlawfull charge which the Canons would lay vpon that which the Laws of the Kingdom account not at all in its own nature chargeable. But thereof somewhat more anon.

CAP. XIV.

I. The iurisdiction of Ecclesiastique causes, in the Saxon times, exercised by the Shrife and the Bishop in the Countie Court. and among them that of Tithes also was then to haue been there determind. The Bishops Consistorie seuered from the Countie Court by William the first.

II. After the Normans, Originall suits for Tithes, were aswell in the Temporall Courts as in the Spirituall. and that continued till Henrie the second or about King Iohn.

III. Of the time since about King Iohn or Hen­rie the second. Of the Indicauit and the Writ of right of Aduowson of Tithes. What the Law was in an Indicauit before that Statut of Westm. 2. A touch of ancient Prohibitions, De non Decimando.

IV. Writs of Scire facias for Tithes. Enquests taken vpon Commission to enquire of the right of Tithes.

V. Fines leuied of Tithes (in the time of Ri­chard the first, of King Iohn, and Henrie the third) vpon Writs of right of Aduowson.

[Page 411] VI. Scire facias by the Patentees against the pernor of Tithes granted by the King.

VII. Command of paiment by the Kings Writ. And of Tithes in Forests. Triall of the right of Tithes incident in some issues.

AS a corollarie to the former parts that di­rectly concerne the payment or consecra­tion of Tithes, we thought fit to adde here in the Conclusion of the Treatise, the Historie also (but only the Historie) of the iurisdiction of Tithes in this Kingdom. It is cleer by the pra­cticed cōmon Law, both of this day as also of the ancientest times that we haue in our yeer books, that regularly the iurisdiction of spiritual Tithes (that is, of the direct and originall question of their right) belongs, I thinke as in all other States of Christendom, properly to the Ecclesia­sticall Court. and the later Statuts that haue gi­uen remedie for Tithes infeodated from the Crown after the Dissolution, leaue also the an­cient right of Iurisdiction of Tithes to the Ec­clesiastique Courts. But how the difference of Ages hath herein bin amongst vs, is litle enough known euen to them which see more then vul­garly. In declaration thereof, we shall aptly de­uide the time tripartitly; into that of the Sax­ons; that from the Normans till about Henrie the second; and what intercedes from thence till this day.

I.

In the Saxon times a iurisdiction of Eccle­siastique causes (among which you may reckon that of Tithes, although not much signe of it, in exacting payment of them, appears in the moniments of that age) was exercised iointly by the Videsis Leg. E­t [...]el [...]ni apud Fox in Eccles. Hist lib. 3 [...]ag 135. col. 1. Hinc de­bent Episcopi &c. Bishop of the Diocese, and by the Shrife or Alderman of the sciregemot, or Hundred, or Countie Court, where they both sate, the one to giue Godes right, the other for ƿuruldes right, that is, the one to iudge according to the Laws of the Kingdom, the other to direct according to Diuinitie. and in the Laws made for Tithes by K. Edgar and K. Knout, you see vpon default of paiment it is ordaind, that the Bishop and the Kings Bailife, or Shirife, with the Bailife of the Lord of the Land, should see that iust restitution should be made. particulars of the exercise of this kind of iurisdiction, I haue not seen. But at the Norman Conquest, this kind of holding Ec­clesiastique pleas in the Hundred or Countie Court, was taken away. Remember that as at this day most of the Pleas Ecclesiastique are in the Ordinaries Court within the Diocese, so most suits in the secular or common Law were Viscontiel and held in the Countie or Hun­dred Court of the Shrife in those ancienter times, which may best be obserued out of one of the books of Ely In Biblioth. Cottonianae. the most especiall moni­ment that is extant, for the holding of Pleas in the Saxon times. That alteration at the [Page 413] Norman Conquest, was by a Law made by the Conqueror, and directed to all Tenants in the Diocese of Remy, that was first Bishop of Lincoln whither his See was then translated from Dorchester. and although it be sent in the direction by name to them only, yet it seems, it grew afterward to be a generall Law, no other­wise then the Statut of Circumspectè agatis, that hath speciall reference only to the Bishop of Norwich. The words of it In Rot. Insp ex. Chart. 2. Rich. 2. prodec. & cap. Lincoln. membran 12. Idem est quod habetur An­gl [...]cē apud Foxum Hist. Eccles. An­glic. lib. 4 pag. 154. col. 2. as they are recor­ded, are, ‘Sciatis vos omnes & caeteri mei fi­deles, qui in Anglia manent, quod Episcopa­les leges, quae non benè secundum sanctorum Canonum praecepta, vsque ad mea tempora in regno Anglorum fuerunt, communi Con­silio Archiepiscoporum meorum & caetero­rum Episcoporum & Abbatum, & omnium Principum Regni mei emendandas iudicaui. Proptereà mando, & Regiâ autoritate praeci­pio, vt nullus Episcopus vel Archidiaconus de legibus Episcopalibus amplius in Hun­dret placita teneant, nec causam quae ad regi­men animarum pertinet, ad iudicium secula­rium hominum adducant, sed quicunque se­cundum Episcopales leges, de quacun (que) cau­sa, vel culpa interpellatus fuerit, ad locum quem ad hoc Episcopus elegerit & nomina­uerit, veniat, ibique de causa sua respondeat, & non secundum Hundret, sed secundum Ca­nones & Episcopales leges rectum Deo, & [Page 414] Episcopo suo faciat.’ Which I rather tran­scribe here, because also it seems to giue the ori­ginall of the Bishops Cosistorie, as it sits with vs, diuided from the Hundred or Countie-Court, wherewith, in the Saxon time, it was ioyned. And in the same Law of his, is further added, Hoc etiam defendo vt nullus Laicus homo de legibus quae ad Episcopum pertinent se intro­mittat &c.

II.

Afterward, vnder the succeeding Prin­ces, till about Henrie the second, it seemes, that the Iurisdiction of Tithes was exercised in both Courts, as well Secular as Spirituall, and that by originall suit; not only in the one by the first in­stance (as regularly the later common Law would haue it) and in the other by Prohibition only. I know, little proof will serue most men to iustifie, that the Spirituall Court had then a Iurisdicti­on of them. but also some testimonie I haue seen of a particular recouerie of Tithes in the Bishops Court in that age. The Monks of Northampton, vnder Ch [...]rta Simonis Comitis North in Thesaur. Cotton. King Stephen, recouered two parts of the Tithes of the demesnes of Wullaueston against Anselm de Cochis, before Robert Bishop of Lin­coln, as Ordinarie. In plenaria Synodo coram Ro­berto Lincolniensi Episcopo disrationauerunt, as the words are in a sealed Charter of Simon the second, Earle of Northampton, then liuing; wherein hee testifies both the recouerie, as also Anselme's confirmation of the same two parts, [Page 415] according to the recouerie, and addes also of his own volo & praecipio vt illam Eleemosynam habe­ant & teneant liberam & quietam. And to this you may adde the Appeales to Rome from the Audience of the Archbishop of Canterburie and other Ecclesiastique Conisans touching I. Sarisbur. epist. 21.84.92.109. & 133. Tithes, that are (as the ancientest Precedents of any such Ecclesiastique proceeding in England) remai­ning among the Epistles of Iohn of Salisburie, a great fauorite of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterburie in the beginning of Henrie the se­cond. In one of them it is obseruable by the way Idem Epist. 109., that one Richard, the Tenant of Land lying within the Parish of Lenham, being sued in the Audience by Andrew the Rector for his Tithes, alledges in Court, Sibi a nobili viro Wil­lielmo fratre Regis, Domino suo, esse prohibitum, ne, eo absente, super Decimis de quibus agebatur, causam ingrederetur. Yet the Court ceased not therefore to proceed; but Sentence being readie to be giuen for the Rector, the Cause was sent to Rome, vpon the defendants Appeale. And al­though the Append▪ ad Con­cil Lateran. part. 47. cap. 5. title were only vpon the Grant of him that arbitrarily consecrated, yet was it som­time determined in the Spirituall Court. But also that in this elder age before about the time of Henrie the second, the Kings secular Courts of Iustice originally held plea of the right of Tithes, is as plain by infallible proofe of ancient Moniments. To begin with the eldest times of [Page 416] this part of our Diuision; there remaines Chart. antiq. EE. 1 in Arce Londin. yet recorded a Plea held apud Fulcardi montem, vn­der William the second, betweene the Monks of Salmur and Philip de Braiosa; wherein, the Monks claiming against him and the Abbey of Fischamp (in Normandie) Parochiam quae ad Sanctum Cuthmannum pertinet de Castello de Staninges (these are in England, I thinke in Sussex) de Bedingas, & de Bedelingtona; by the testimonie of Robert Earle of Mellent, a Iudgement of the Conquerors time is cited, by which the Abbey of Fischamp had the Parish of S. Cuthmann adiudged to it in the Kings Court. And thereupon (it being denied by none) it was now again adiudged, that the Monks of Salmur should restore whatsoeuer they had taken post mortem Regis in Decimis & Sepulturis & Of­frendis &c. to the Church of Fischamp. And while some delay was in the execution, the King sent his Writ ad Iusticiarios suos de Anglia, that is, to Ralf Bishop of Chichester, Randoll his Chap­laine, Hamon his Sewer, and Vrso de Abetot, whereby hee commanded, Vt facerent Ecclesiam S. Trinitatis (that is, of Fischamp) habere totam Parochiam S. Cuthmanni & Decimas & Cor­pora & omnes Custumas tam de viuis quam de mortuis sicut pertinebant ad praedictam Ecclesiam S. Cuthmanni antequam Willielmus de Braiosa haberet Castellum de Bembra (Bramber Castle, in Sussex, giuen by William the first to William de [Page 417] Braiosa) & quicquid de supradictis custumis Mo­nachi de Salmur ceperint reddi. The right of Tithes and Offerings appeares here plainely to haue been determined in the Temporall Court by two Iudgements, the one vnder the Conque­ror, the other vnder his sonne William. And it is found vpon record, that about Chart. antiq ib. S. 7. vide supr. cap. 8. §. 17. 10. Hen. 1. a Writ was sent to Manasses Arsic, out of whose Lands, diuers Tithes were conueyed into the Monasterie of Fischamp, commanding him, Qua­tenus Decimas a parentibus suis inuiolabili iure concessas & datas Fiscamensi Ecclesiae, Monachos suos apud Coges degentes omnes in pa [...]e & qui­ete habere faciat; sinon, Iustitiae Regis facerent. Whereupon he sends his Precept to all his Te­nants of such Lands, commanding them to make payment. Si quis autem aliter (saith he) facere praesumpserit Regis irae & nostrae poenam sine du­bio patietur. So among the Liberties of Saint Iohn of Beuerley Ms. In Biblioth. Cottoniana., this Writ is found of Hen­rie the first. ‘Henricus Rex Anglorum Os­berto Vicecomiti de Eboraco & Geraldo de Bridesala salutem. Praecipio vobis, vt faci­atis habere Ecclesiae Sancti Iohannis de Be­uerlaco, Decimas suas sicur vnquam melius habuit, in tempore Regis Edwardi & patris mei, de illis videlicet terris omnibus de qui­bus homines Comitatus Eboraci testimoni­um portabunt quod eas habere debent. Et quicunque detinuerit, sciatis quod ego volo [Page 418] vt rectum faciat Deo & S. Iohanni & mihi. T. Ran. Cancellario, & Comite de Mellet, a­pud Londonias, &c.’ What is this else then a kind of Iusticies to the Shirife of Yorkeshire, for the right of Tithes determinable by the Countrie? Doth not homines Comitatus Eboraci denote as much? Of the same time also, in a In Bibl. autoris Vo­lume of Constitutions & other things belonging to the Church of York: ‘Henricus Rex An­glorum Osberto Vicecomiti de Eboraco salu­tem. Mando tibi & praecipio vt Archiepisco­pum Girardum permittas & facias honorificè tenere Ecclesias meorum propriorum Mane­riorum quas S. Petro & eidem dedi cum om­nibus Capellis suis, & cum omnibus Decimis suis, & cum omnibus terris suis, videlicet Ec­clesiam de Bokelinton, & de Driffeild, & de Killum, & de Pickering, & de Burgo. Waltero & Euremaro Ministris de Driffeild praecipio vt Decimas de hoc praeterito Augusto, quas non reddiderunt, plenariè reddant sicut Ec­clesia eas iustè habere debet & sicut vnquam eas melius habuit tempore patris mei siue meo antequam eas dedissem S. Petro, & videant ne ampliùs inde clamorem audiam. si quis inde iniuriam fecerit Archiepiscopo, tibi, Osberte Vicecomes, praecipio vt plenariam rectitudi­nem inde facias. Teste Rogero Episcopo Sa­risburiense apud Westmonasterium in Natali Domini.’ And another is there, in these words: [Page 419] ‘Henricus Rex Anglorum Ansch. Vicecomiti & omnibus Praepositis & Ministris suis de Driffeild, & de Pokelinton, & de Killum, & de Pikering, & de Burt, salutem. Volo & praeci­pio quod faciatis habere Hugoni Decano & Clericis suis benè & plenariè omnes rectas Decimas de Dominijs meis in omnibus rebus per haec praedicta Maneria mea & de omnibus Parochianis, qui ad Ecclesias horum praedi­ctorum Maneriorum meorum pertinent. Si­militèr facite ei habere benè & plenariè & Decimas & omnia iura praedictarum Ecclesia­rum in terris & capellis. Quia pro salute ani­mae meae & omnium antecessorum meorum beato Petro eas concessi in Eleemosynam. No­lo autem quod pro recti penuriâ quicquam perdant quod iustè habere debent. T. apud Eborum. And about 6. Hen. 2. when Turstin Fitz-Simon vsurpt the Tithes of Mercham, be­longing to the Abbey of Abingdon, one of the Monks were sent ouer to the King into France, Vt per eius iustitiam & autoritatem (as my Colici [...] Abindi­nensis Ms. Bibl. Cotton. Au­tor saies) rectum suum Ecclesiae suae restitueretur. Quod & ita factum est. Rediens enim frater qui missus fuerat breue à Rege transmissum in haec ver­ba reportauit. Then the writ followes, directed from Tours to the Shirife of Barkshire. ‘Hen­ricus Rex Angliae & Dux Normanniae & Aqui­taniae & Comes Andegauiae, Vicecomiti suo & ministris suis de Berchesira salutem. Si Eccle­sia [Page 420] de Abbendona habuit Decimam de Mer­cham ad luminare Ecclesiae tempore Henrici Regis aui mei & anno & die quo fuit mortuus & viuus & post, & inde sit disseisita iniustè & sine iudicio, tunc praecipio quod sine dilatione inde eam resaisiatis, Et ita benè & in pace & liberè & iustè tenere faciatis sicut meliùs & liberiùs tenuit tempore Henrici Regis aui mei, Et praecipio quod quando Turstinus filius Si­monis redierit in Anglia, quod Abbas Abben­doniae plenum rectum habeat de terra quam praedictus Turstinus filius S. tenet de feudo Abbatiae. Et si Abbas poterit disrationare quod non defecerit de recto praedicto T. in Curia sua, Abbas inde ei in Curia sua rectum teneat. T. Magistro Iohanne de Oxenford a­pud Turonem. The Shirife, by vertue of this Writ, vpon enquirie of the point of it in his Countie-Court, restored the Abbey to the pos­session of those Tithes. The words of the Booke are, ‘Cum verò per lectum esset Regis breue in pleno Comitatu & manifestè compertum to­tius Comitatus testimonio L. quòd. quoniam praefata Decima ad luminare Altaris S. Mariae perti­neret, & quod eam Turstinus iniustè tenebat, Vicecomes ex parte Regis illum dissaisiauit, & eam Altari cui adiacebat restituit.’ What can be plainer, then that in those times (if these examples haue credit, as indeed they cannot iust­ly be impeached) the Temporall Courts held Iu­risdiction [Page 421] of Tithes in point of right; and not only the Spirituall. and to confirm it, we adde also the autoritie of Iohn of Sarisburie Epist. 159. that then liud. he in an Epistle to the Bishop of Ex­cester relating some of those Positions of the common Laws; or the Auitae consuetudines (as they called them) which Thomas Archbishop of Canterburie about 12. of Hen. 2. so much with­stood, mentions one to be Quod Laici, siue Rex, siue alius, causas de Ecclesijs & Decimis tractent. which well agrees with the autorities before ci­ted. But this was vtterly disallowd then by the Pontificiall Laws, as, beside the autoritie of the common Canons, may be seen in an Epistle of Alexander the third, to the App. ad Concil. Lateran. part. 10. cap. 26. Bishop of Exceter and the Dean of Chichester, wherein it appears, that one William a Clerk of Chichester had ap­pealed to the Pope about Tithes, the suit being twixt him and the Parson of Curket. and the Parson had on the other side appealed Ad audi­entiam Domini Regis. whereupon saies the Pope, Quoniam nemini liceat super rebus spiritualibus ad secularem Iudicem appellare, they should enquire of the matter, depriue the Parson, and send him to Rome.

III.

The frequencie of such originall suits for Tithes, in the temporall Courts (through the Canons and the power of the Pope increasing, and growing more dreadfull to Henrie the se­cond, and King Iohn) became about their times [Page 422] to be, it seems, more out of vse, and possessed ra­ther by Ecclesiastique iurisdiction. Neuerthelesse in the sundrie ages since, the determination of the right and payment of Tithes hath been sub­iect to the temporall Courts, by diuers kinds of originall proceeding, which for orders sake may be all comprehended in these Fiue. I. By Prohibitions touching the modus or Customs of Tithing, or other matter concerning the Kings Vide Eliz [...]. Nat. B [...]. fol. 40. N. right, triable only in his own Court, or the like. II. The Writ of Right of Aduowson of Tithes, wherto you must annex the writ of Indica­nit, that is but a speciall prohibition making way for the Writ of Right of Aduowson. III. By Scire facias IV. By bare processe of command of payment. V. By the actions vpon the late Statuts of 32. Hen. 8. and 2 Ed. 6. For the first and last of these; because they are now both in common practice, and thence known enough in generall to euery man, I abstain purposely to speak more of them; sauing only that for the first; out of the more ancient ages, I obserue som­what by the way which may belong to the vse of the present. In 21. Hen. 3. when all the Clergie of England, in the Nationall Synod held at London, vnder Otho the Popes Legat, made sub­plication to haue redresse from the King, of some grieuances, Annal. Burton. Monast. in Bibl. V. Cl [...]h. Allen. Oxon. subanu. 1237. one was, Quod iudices seculares non decidant causas Ecclesiasticas in foro seculari &c. & vtrum dandae sint Decimae de Lapicidinis, vel [Page 423] Syluicedijs, vel Herbagijs, vel Pasturis, vel de a­lijs Decimis non consuetis. which shews that the temporall Courts also in those elder times, de­termined what was titheable or not, & so made prohibitions De non decimando, according to the Processes in France vpon their Philippin, and in Spain vpon the Carolin, and according to that note in the Fol. 54. b. Register and N.B. fol. 5 [...]. Fitzherbert touch­ing the Iustices determination of what is tithe­able. agreeing to this is a Case of 8. Hen. 3. Placit. & In­quisit. 8. Hen. 3. in Arce Londin. where in a prohibition was granted against a Parson that sued for the Tithes of Rent. But you shall haue it as it is in the Record. Warwick. ‘Ma­gister Eustachius de Cestreton attachiatus fuit rd respondendum Hugoni de Lege, quare contra prohibitionem &c. trahit eum in pla­citum in Curiam Christianitatis de Laico feodo ipsius Hugonis in Cestreton; vnde Idem Hugo queritur quod ipse exigit ab eo in Cu­ria Christianitatis de certa pecunia pro Deci­mis molendinorum, & certum pratum, scili­cet tres acras prati, & praetereà de Wareto suo; & de terris incultis si illas locauerit ipse petit Decimum denarium &c. Et Magister Eustachius venit & defendit contra eum & contra sectam suam, quod nunquam traxit eum in placitum de aliqua re certa nisi tantùm de Decimis faeni & molendinorum sicut Deci­mae inde dari debent, nec aliquam acram pra­ti petit nec denarios de molendinis, nec ali­quid [Page 424] de Wareto vel terra nisi tantùm garbas; & ideò praeceptum est eidem Eustachio quod de nullo placito de caetero sequatur in Curia Christianitatis▪ nec de aliquo Laico feodo nec de aliquo quod sit contra Coronam Domini Regis.’ But, to leaue this and to go to the II. and III. and IV. courses of proceeding for Tithes in temporall Courts, which are not so obuiously known; for the II. touching the Writ of Right of Aduowson of Tithes, and the Indicauit. it hath bin cleer euer since the Statut of Westminster 2. cap. 5. and of Circumspectè aga­tis, both made in 13. Ed. 1. (this as well as the other long since being receiud into practice by the name of a Statut, and so called in Acts of Parlament; although it were anciently reputed rather as an Ordinance made 16. Ed 3. tit Ju­risdiction 28. & See Cosius Apologie part. 1. pag. 57. &c. & Rot. Par­lam. 25. Ed. 3. ar­tic. 62. by the King and Prelats) that if A. Parson of Sale (for examples sake) libell against B. Parson of Dale in the spi­rituall Court, for so much Tithes and Offrings, possessed by B. as amount to the fourth or a greater part of the value of the Church of Dale, B. may haue him prohibited by an Indicauit di­rected to him and the spirituall Iudge, after which the Patron of A. hath no other remedie for himselfe or his Encumbent (what right soe­uer they haue) then to bring a Writ of Right in the cōmon Pleas, of the Aduowson of that fourth part, against the Patron of B. in which Writ, the right of those Tithes must be tried by the [Page 425] common Law. and herewith expresly agrees the Statut of Articuli Cleri. and the reason is be­cause that if the determination of this Plea should be allowd to the spirituall Court, then might the Patrons Aduowson of such a part be there lost by iudgement according to the Ca­nons, whereas the right of Aduowson and Pa­tronage of Churches or Tithes only belongs, by our ancient Laws and at this day, to the secular Court. Neither is the Writ so much of the Tithes as of the Aduowson of the Tithes; Praeci­pe A. (so are the words) quod reddat B. aduocatio­nem Decimarum tertiae vel quartae partis Ecclesiae de C. &c. And howeuer by the Canon Law the right of Tithes be meerly spirituall, and so not due to the Rector so much by reason of his pre­sentation from the Patron, as of the common right challenged by the Ministerie (whereupon also Constit. Prouin. tit. de fore compe­tent. c. Circumspe­ct [...]. verb. quarta part. Lindwood, like a Canonist, thinks it not preiudicall to the Patron, which way soeuer the Tithes alone be determind of, in regard that all the Patrons interest is, hee saies, originally in the foundation, building, or endowing of the Church with Manse, Glebe, or Rent, and hath no relation to the Tithes which by common right are receiud without his Donation) yet by reason it seems both of our ancient practiced Law of Dotation of Churches by arbitrarie conueian­ces of Tithes, at the owners pleasure, in which doubtlesse Patrons very frequently Videsis Matth. Paris pag 716. lin. 40. encreased [Page 426] the reuenues of foundations with the Tithes of their Demesnes; as also of that other ancient vse of Inuestiture, wherein the very interest of all the Glebe, Tithes annext▪ and other reuenues, was transferd into the Encumbent by the Pa­tron; it was thought fit that the Aduowson of the Tithes alone should be equally reputed, for what concerned the Patron, with any other part of the Churches reuenue. And the Law hath been cleer thus, and so still practiced 7. Ed. 3 fol. 42. b 8. Ed. 3. fol 50. a. Regist. Orig fo 29. b 38 Ed 3. fol. 1 [...]. a. 16. Ed. 3. tit. Qua [...]e impedit 147. 38 Hen. 6. fol 20 a. Fitzh. N.B. fol 30 c Se [...]german. fol. 108. since the Statuts before cited. they permit not the spiritu­all Court to hold Plea of Tithes of the value of the fourth part, where the Patronage is question­able; but will haue the Aduowson thereof tried alwaies by the common Law after the prohibiti­on of Indicauit, which (being purchased aswell at the suit of the Patron as of the Parson) re­cites that the Parson defendant in the spirituall Court Tenet 31. Hen. 6. fol. 14. b. & Bract. lib 5. tract de Ex­ceptionibus cap. 4. fol. 403. a. & vide Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 45. D. medietatem or quartam partem om­nium Decimarum prouenientium de &c. de aduo­catione of the Patron &c. And then, Quia mani­festum est quod praedictus the Patron iacturam ad­uocationis Decimarum praedictarum incurreret si praedictus Rector in causa illa (that is the Parson plantif) obtineret, vobis prohibemus ne placitum illud teneatis in Curia Christianitatis donec discus­sum fuerit ad quem illorum pertineat earundem Decimarum aduocatio. And then according as the right shall afterward be tried in the Writ of right, the spirituall Iudge is to giue Westm. 2. cap. 5. sentence. [Page 427] The same Statuts allow, to the spirituall Iurisdi­ction, conisans of the fift, and of all parts lesse then a fourth of the value of the Church in tithes controuerted twixt two Parsons. and no Indica­uit Artic. Cleri. cap. 2. is grantable to forbid the suit of one of them, commenced for any lesse part, in respect of the Patrons right only. Neither vpon them, by consequence, hath any Writ of right of any part of Tithes that 18. Ed. 2. tit. Brief 825. & Re­gist. Orig. fol 29. b. Vide Fitzh. Nat. Br. 45. D. appears not to be a fourth part of the Churches value, been allowable. But, for this point; how the Law was before those Statuts of 13. Ed. 1. is a great question in our yeer books, and diuers are the Opinions touch­ing it. Some Moile 38. Hen. 6.20. a. For [...]es [...]. 31. Hen. 6.14. a. [...]eingerm. fol. 108. & voye [...] 38. Ed 3.19 a. 16. Ed. 3. tit. Qua [...]e impe­dit 147. think that before the Statut of West. 2. cap. 5. (out of which, ioind with Circum­spectè agatis, they limit the Indicauit to the fourth part) no Writ of right of Aduowson of any Tithes lay by the common Law. Others ghesse that before that time a Prohibition or In­dicauit lay vpon euery suit in the spirituall Court Markham 38. Hen 6. fol 20. a. & Parn. 4 Ed 3. fol. 27. b. for Tithes, and that the Patron might haue had his Writ of Regist Orig. fol. 29. b Fitzh. B. 30. [...] Fortesc. 38. Hen. 6. fol. 20. a. right vpon such prohi­bition against the suit of his Encumbent, either of a fift or sixt part, and that these Statuts re­straind him to the value of the fourth part at least Others haue herein other fancies. But, it is plain first, that long before those Statuts, Tithes were demandable, of the owner detaining them, of their own nature, and pleadable, in the Spiri­tuall Court. and that affirmd in Fleta, was regu­larly [Page 428] before true. Decimae Fleta. lib. 6. cap. 37. in quantum Decimae (it suits against the Parishioners) debent in foro Ecclesiastico intentari, wherewith Bracton, Lib. 5. de Excep­tionibus cap. 4. fol. 403. & cap. 10. fol. 407. li­uing in the time of Henrie the third, also agrees. But it is as plain that before those Statuts, if the Rectors of two Churches of seuerall Auowries, had controuerted the right of a fourth part (or of the value of either of their Churches more) in Tithes, by suit commenced in the spirituall Court, the Patron of the Rector-defendant might haue had an Indicauit, to prohibit the prosecution and holding of the Plea. Bracton teaches vs that; and hath the forme of the Writ to the same purpose, and giues his reason, Quia posset Patronus, iacturam suae aduocationis incur­rere. But somwhat doubtfully he limits the quan­titie of the Tithes to the sixt part at the least, be­yond which denomination the Indicauit, hee thinks, lay not for any part. His words are: Si contentio fuerit inter Rectores de aliquibus Decimis quae aestimari possunt vsque ad quartam, quintam, vel sextam partem aduocationis, vltra quam par­tem non extenditur prohibitio vt videtur, tunc fiat Iudicibus (Ecclesiasticis) Prohibitio in hac forma. Rex talibus Iudicibus salutem. Indicauit mihi &c. But he mentions no Writ of right of Aduowson of Tithes that should follow. Hee saies indeed that vpon the Indicauit, by consent only of the Patrons, there may be an enquest taken (the Iu­rie being returnd into Court by Venire facias or [Page 429] Distringas had by petition of them so consen­ting) tanquam de Aduocatione, to find Vtrum talis praesentatus à tali Patrono recentèr fuerit in seisina de talibus Decimis tanquam spectantibus ad Ec­clesiam suam quam tenet de praesentatione talis Patroni sui, vel si talis alia persona inde fuit in seisina tali tempore vt de Decimis spectanti­bus ad Ecclesiam suam talem quam tenet de aduocatione talis Patroni sui. But how euer Bracton's owne opinion (yet doubtfully) be, that the Indicauit might bee brought for the sixt part, and for no lesse, yet, it seemes, the practice of the age was otherwise. and that no determination was in his time, nor before 13. Edw. 1. of any certaintie therein; which is expressely deliuered in the Grieuances com­prehended in the Nationall Annal. Burton· in Biblioth. V.C. Thoma Allen. Oxon. Councell of Lon­don in 21. Hen. 3. where all the Clergie entreated Otho the Popes Legat, that hee would perswade the King to alter and correct certaine procee­dings, quae fuerunt in regno Angliae in praeiudicium libertatis Ecclesiasticae; among which, one is, Item ne currat prohibitio (you must vnderstand the Indicauit) Ne Iudices Ecclesiastici cognoscant de iure Pat [...]onatus quominus Clerici possunt petere Decimas tanquam de iure Communi ad Ecclesias suas pertinentes. Quia Patroni Ecclesiarum vel Capellarum quae Decimas petitas possident, dicunt per talem petitionem Iuri Patronatus sui derogari, & nolunt Iusticiarij Domini Regis Iudicare quota [Page 430] pars Decimarum peti possit vel debeat coram Iu­dice Ecclesiastico. And another, Item ne currat prohibitio Domini Regis, ne Rector Parochialis Ec­clesiae impetat eos qui percipiunt Decimas infra limites Parochiae suae. By both which, compared with the ancient Bookes, it appeares, that the Kings Prohibition lay commonly, if the Aduow­son of the Tithes were between two persons que­stioned, and that also (for aught occurres to the contrarie, except Bracton's coniecture) if any part of the Tithes or the Aduowson (which in such a suit were reputed as one) had been con­trouerted. To these testimonies may be added this, in the Epistles of the most learned In Epist. Rob. Li [...] Mss. in Biblioth. Cotton. Robert Grossetest Bishop of Lincolne vnder Henrie the third, whereby the course of Indicauit is proued, and also taxed for iniustice against the libertie of the Church. Thus is it spoken of among other grieuances of the Clergie. Item in Ecclesiae libertatem non mediocritèr delinquitur, cum Iudices Ecclesiastici, ne causas quas notum est purè esse Ecclesiasticas in foro discindant Ec­clesiastico, à domino Rege prohibentur. Vt per literas Regias inhibetur ne Iudex Ecclesi­asticus iudicialitèr cognoscat vtrum Ecclesia vel Capella talis loci sit Capella Matricis Ec­clesiae alicuius alterius loci, & vtrum Decimae talis terrae ad hanc vel ad illam pertineant Ec­clesiam, eò quòd si Actor in huiusmodi causâ euincat possessionem, Ecclesiae Rei contingeret [Page 431] imminui ac per consequens, vt aiunt, ius Patro­natus eiusdem Ecclesiae deteriorari, Ecclesiâ ad quam Patronus praesentabat effectâ minus pingui. Accideret namque ratione consimili, omnem causam super possessionem vel quasi possessionē Ecclesiasticam inter duos Rectores duarum Ecclesiarum diuersorum Patronatu­um emergentem, ne ventilaretur coram iudi­cibus Ecclesiasticis a domino Rege debere prohiberi; eo quod Actore in huiusmodi causa euincente, cōtinget semper Ecclesiam Rei im­minui ac per hoc, secundum quod dicunt, Pa­tronatum eiusdem deteriorari. Consequetur autem & sic quod huiusmodi causae Eccle­siasticae nunquam discindentur. A seculari enim iudice discindi non poterunt, neque ab Ecclesiastico iudice, obstante Regiâ prohibi­tione. Fortè autem nec consequitur quod in huiusmodi casu, euincente actore, imminue­tur Patronatus alterius Ecclesiae. Non enim minus est Patronus qui minoris Ecclesiae est Patronus, sed nec minùs est pater qui minoris hominis est pater. Patronatus enim seu ius Patronatus non intenditur vel remittitur ex maioritate vel minoritate rei cuius est Patro­natus. Praetereà sed tubera & ea quae contra naturam excrescunt in carne hominis non au­gent ipsum hominem, & medicinalis abscissio innaturalium huiusmodi excrementorum ip­sum hominem non imminuit sed potius pul­crificat [Page 432] & sanat. Ita iniustè possessiones & quasi possessiones Ecclesias ipsas non augent sed deturpant, & earum abscissio per iustum iudicium non est Ecclesiarum imminutio, sed potius pulcrificatio quaedam & sanatio; vnde & Patronatus seu ius Patronatus per huius­modi abscissionem nullo modo potest immi­nui vel deteriorari, sed multò ampliùs emen­dari.’ I faithfully relate it, and censure not the Arguments. You may doe that, Reader, while you smile at the Magis and Minus in it. But also, although the Indicauit prohibited the Spirituall Court, yet it seemes the Temporall, before the Statute of Westminster 2. and after the time of Henry the second, or thereabouts, held no Plea of right of Aduowson of Tithes, except only vpon Inquest taken by consent of both Pa­trons. something, as you see, might be tried in it. May we not conclude then, that the same Statut, in those words, Habeat Patronus Rectoris sic im­pediti breue ad petendum Aduocationem Decima­rum petitarum, was the first Autor (at least after the change about the time of Henrie the second) of the Writ of Right of Aduowson of Tithes? Which also is well iustified by the pleading of the Abbot of Selbies case, within six yeeres after the Statute, wherein the parties (according to the fashion of argument in pleading of that time) agree, Platit. de Banco Pasch. 19. Ed. 1. rot. 45. Quod breue de quarta parte De­cimarum primo locum habere caepit à tempore Sta­tuti [Page 433] Regis nunc apud Westmonasterium inde editi &c. Neither rests any scruple, touching the fourth part, why the Prohibition in the Indica­uit and the Writ of Right, should bee of the fourth part only, or of a greater, although the Statute of Westminster 2. speak of no certaine part. For, that of Circumspectè agatis ordaines, That no Prohibition or Indicauit should lye, where the part controuerted is lesse then a fourth (it being before grantable vpon such suit for a sixt part, by Bracton's opinion; and it seems in­deed, vpon suit for any part) and the Statute of Westminster the 2. giues the Writ of Right only where the Indicauit is first sued. And for this matter of Indicauit (which concernes properly suit between Rector and Rector, not between the Rector and the Parishioner) take as a note by the way the aduice of the Bishops among themselues in 41. Hen. 3. against the Temporall Courts. In the Annales of Burton it is extant, & thus speaks. Concilium Archiepiscopi & omnium Episcoporum super Articulis propositis apud London. Petit per­sona Ecclesiastica Decimas coram Iudice Ecclesi­astico. Iudicanti & petenti porrigitur Regia Pro­hibitio nomine Patroni Ecclesiae cuius Rector con­uenitur, ne super Aduocatione seu Patronatu Ec­clesiae Iudex ille cognoscat; si actor prosequatur & Iudicantis officium f. index. assumat, vterque attachiatur & attachiati veniunt Consilium tale est, quod si Iusticiarij causam Decimarum sub colore querelae [Page 434] Aduocationis Ecclesiarum ad se trahere velint & de non prosequendo vlterius causam Decimarum in foro Ecclesiastico & Iudice siue a Parte securita­tem exigunt, in nullo eis caueatur. Et si propter hoc aristentur, per loci Diocesanum requirantur siue per Episcopum proprium. Et si libere non tra­dantur Ecclesiae, competenti monitione praemissa excommunicentur Iudicantes & detentores. Et si queratur a Iudice quota pars vel quanta petatur, non respondeatur. But this aduice of theirs was to litle purpose, nor durst they, questionlesse, haue put it in execution. The Statuts of West­minster the 2. and Circumspectè agatis gaue them some remedie; whereof enough alreadie.

IV.

Of Writs of Scire facias, graunted to call men to answer in the Chancerie for Tithes, sufficient testimonie is in the Statute made for the Clergie in 18. Ed. 3. chap. 7. Item que per la ou briefs (so are the words) de Scire facias eient este grantez a garnir Prelates, Religieuses, & au­tres Clerks a respondre des Dismes en nostre Chan­cellarie & a monstre s'ils eient riens pur eux ou sa­chent riens dire pur quoy tielx Dismes a les de­mandants ne deuient estre restituees & a responder auxibien a nou [...] come a la partie de tielx Dismes &c. By this it appeares, that some vse was to graunt such Writs for Tithes. Whence also Fitzherbert well inferres, that the right of Tithes was determinable in the Kings Court. But wee haue not in our Yeere-Bookes any case [Page 435] of further declaration of that vse before the Sta­tute. But out of good ground you may conie­cture, that in these Three speciall cases, Writs of Scire facias were grantable anciently for Tithes, and that in those times, before the Statut; either vpon the title of the demandant, first found by Inquest, to the Tithes, or returnd by the Shirife; or out of Fines, it seemes, leuied of Tithes; or vpon Patents of Tithes legally graunted by the King, when, against the Grant, any Clergie man by the Canon Law took them from the Patentee. Of all these, there is faire proof enough. But the third (it seems) hath principall reference to that Statute, as shall anon be shewed. For the course of taking an Inquest by commission, which being returnd, might be sufficient ground for a Scire facias, it appeares in Escaet. 8. Ed. 1. numer. 67. that a commission was sent to Adam of Euering­ham, Steward of the Forest of Shirewood, to en­quire by Oath of the Foresters and Verderors, whether the Priors of Lenton had vsed to haue all Tithes of the Kings Venison, taken in the Countie of Notingham, which they claimed per Cartas quorundam praedecessorum &c. And in the Inquisition returned, it is found, that they had vsed to haue it, and that first by the Grant of Videsis Rot. Claus. 21. Hen. 3. membran. 3. King Iohn. And in the same bundell, num. 72. a Commission is to Nicholas of Stapleton, commanding him to enquire, whether the Prior of Wyrkesep ought to haue the Tithes of all pro­fits [Page 436] of the Mannor of Gringeley; Nobis super iure Prioris in hac parte & facto contrario (that is, the subtraction of them by Henrie de Aleman­nia, against whom the Prior complaind) certio­rari volentibus &c. Whereupon the Commissi­oner returnes, that the Priorie had right by pre­scription, and that Henry de Alemannia had sub­tracted them. What could be more proper, then to haue a Scire facias vpon the Inquisition, ac­cording to the intent of that preample of 18. Ed. 3. in which Scire facias, the right might be tried between the parties, and so iudgement be giuen? To these may be added that in Inquis. ad quod damnum 8. Ed. 2. num. 79. Where, per Pe­titionem Videsis Rot. Parl. 8 Ed. 2. rot. 23 in Consilio, the Abbesse of Godestow hath a Writ directed Custodi equitij sui de Wood­stock &c. which relates that ex parte dilectae no­bis in Christo Abbatissae de Godestow per petitio­nem suam coram nobis in Consilio nostro exhibitam, nobis est ostensum quod cum per cartas Vide, si placet, Rot. Claus. 21. Haw. 3. membr. 19. progenito­rum nostrorum quorundam Regum Angliae Conces­sum sit ei, quod ipsam Decimam omnem in Manerio nostro de Wodestoke, & parco nostro ibidem per annum renouantium percipiat & habeat, praetextu cuius. the Abbesse and her Predecessors had enioied it, and that the Bailife kept from her the Tithe of the Colts, bred in the same Park; where­fore it commands him to restore them if they be so due; which supposes, I think, that he should return an inquest or some discouerie of the truth [Page 437] or falshood of the Plaintifes pretence, although indeed this example may serue also for that part of our diuision of this kind of proceeding which touches Patents. But to that Writ is annext the return, that is, the Bailifes acknowledgment in French of her right. his name is William Beaux­amys. So in Escaet. 7. Ed. 3. num. 83. a Com­mission is sent out to enquire of the right of the Tithes of the Demesnes of the Kings Castle of Tikhull, which the Prior of S. Oswald claimed. the enquest was taken of it at Le Faure Okes, in the confines of Yorkeshire and Nothingham. and in it the particulars of the right are returned. and what should want, that vpon such returns, writs of Scire facias might not haue been granted. we omit that before cited out of the Parlament Rols of 18. Ed. 1.Pat· 9. Hen. 3. part. 2. membr. 3. And light also to this practice in the temporall Courts of that elder time, may be had from other Cōmissions or Processe in the Rolls; as from that sent by Henrie the third into Ire­land, to the Archbishop of Cassile, the Bishop of Ferne, and the Bishop of Lismore, commanding them, that, taking with them Ieffrey de Marisco then Iustice (or Lord Deputie) of Ireland, or some other whom hee should appoint, they should enquire by the Othes of both Lay and Clergie men, whether Bartholmew de Camera Parson of the Chappell of Limeric, or William of Caerdiff Treasurer there, had seisin of the Tithes, De Piscaria & Molendinis de Limeric, [Page 438] tempore Ioannis Regis Patris nostri ante guerram motam inter ipsum & Barones &c. But it may be also that these Enquests or Returns made of the Title to Tithes by the Shrife, were only in case where the Tithes increased out of the Kings Demesnes, or perhaps immediat Tenancies. The examples seem not to go further▪ and in Jn fascic. Pet. 6. Ed. 1. in Arc [...] Londin. 6. Ed. 1. a Petition was exhibited in Parlament by one Piers a Chaplain of the Earle of Sauoy, against the Prior and Couent of Lewes, for a Tithe gi­uen him by the Prior and Couent in the Parish of Westun, in the Diocese of Ely, whereof ano­ther grant had been afterward made by them to one Richard de Meuton; and Piers beseeches the King to send his writ to the Shrife of Cambridge, to put him in possession; but this answer is indor­sed. Rex non intromittit se de hijs quae talitèr spe­ctant ad forum Ecclesiasticum; sed prosequatur Ius suum versus Clericum qui tenet Ecclesiam, co­ram Ordinario. Here was an expresse exclusion of the Temporall iurisdiction in such a case, where an originall Writ or Commission was commanded to setle or inquire of the right of Tithes, that toucht only common persons. But wheneuer through such means the title appeared vpon record, I vnderstand not why a Scire facias might not aswell be issuable (although I haue not met with an expresse example of that kind) as in the last course that is vpon the title appea­ring in Patents of the King or his Ancestors.

V.

For that second ground of Writs of Sci­re facias, which we suppose to be Fines, leuied of Tithes; why was it not as likely that vpon such Fines leuied, Writs of Scire facias should lie as vpon any others of Lands or Rents. and that Fines of the right of Tithes were in the Kings Courts anciently leuied, is manifest: not as I re­member vpon Writs of Couenant, which yet may (for aught I know) at this day be brought, in the temporall Court, for spirituall 38. Ed. 7. fol. 8. & Regist. Orig. fol. 165. Tithes, in regard no Tithes but damages are only to be re­couered; but chiefly in Writs of Right of Ad­uowson. For example, In Fin. Trinit. 10. R. Io­hannis Wilt. apud Windlesore coram ipso Rege, Simone de Pateshulle, Iacobo de Poterna, Hen­rico de Audemero Iusticiarijs & alijs Domini Regis fidelibus tunc ibidem praesentibus. vpon a Writ of right of Aduowson brought by Asceli­na Abbesse of Wilton, against Henrie of Abeny for the Patronage of the Chappell of the greater Wicheford, the concord is, that the Abbesse grants it to him in Fee, sauing a pension of two shillings yeerly to the Church of Neweton, being a Prebend of Wilton. ‘Et pro hac recognitio­ne & quieta clamatione & fine & concordia idem Henricus remisit & quietum clamauit de se, & haeredibus suis praedictae Abbatissae & Ecclesiae sanctae Edithae Virginis in Wilton, & eiusdem loci conuentui, all his right in certain Lands, & recognouit & concessit omnes De­cimas [Page 440] de Dominico suo in maiori Wicheford, esse pertinentes ad praedictam Ecclesiam de Neweton, quae est Praebenda de Wilton sicut eas habere solet, excepta Decima bladi pro­ueniente ex viginti acris terrae quas persona praedictae Capellae elegerit de Dominico ipsi­us Henrici. quam Decimam persona per Hen­ricum praedictum, vel haeredes suos ad praedi­ctam Capellam de Wicheford praesentata, & admissa per visum personae quae praedictam Praebendam de Niweton habuit, vel per visum balliui eius debet recipere in autumno, sicut ab antiquo recipere consueuit.’ The record is worthy of speciall obseruation. And in the Lei­ger book of the Priorie of Merton in Surrey, a Fine is of Pasch. 12. R. Ioh. before the King and the same Iustices, between William de Cantelupo Defendant, and Walter Prior of Merton, vpon the right of Aduowson of the Church of Eyton, wherein it is agreed that the Chaplain of the demandants in Eyton, shal not take à parochianis eiusdem Ecclesiae nec in Decimis, nec in Oblationi­bus, nec in Confessionibus &c. but leaue them all to the Parish Church of Eyton. and in this, some may, as in the other, note the pretended interest of the Patron, in disposition of any of the Reue­nues of the Church. which anciently claimed, while Inuestitures continued, was not as yet o­mitted in these Legall proceedings or instru­ments, that is, Fines; which are of greatest curio­sitie. [Page 441] and according hereto is a Fine of 7. Rich. 1. leuied between the Prior of Stanes and Alice Hopton, of the Aduowson of the Church of Chek­legh in Staffordshire, where Alice as Patronesse grants to the Priorie, among other things, Om­nes Decimas villae de Northmankote in perpetuum quae est de eadem Parochia, that is of Cheklegh. and in the In Bibl. Cotton. Chartularie of Gisburn, in a Fine of 23. Hen. 3. between Peeter de Bruis plaintif, and Iohn Prior of Gisburn (in the Prouince of York) defendant, In droit d'Aduowson, Peeter grants vt ius suum omnes Decimas superscriptas quas &c. The like also doth he in a Fine of 26. Hen. 3. there transcribed. and in 30. Hen. 3. also, of which more particular mention is before made.

VI.

But for Writs of Scire facias brought vpon the third ground, that is, in Case where the title appears vpon record in Patents made of the Tithes from the King or his Predecessors; take this speciall example of 17. Ed. 3. A Writ was directed to the Shrife Fascicul. Bren. de 17 Ed. 3. part. 1. & 3. in Arce Londin. of Essex, relating that Maude, Quondam Regina Angliae, granted to the Deane and Canons of the Kings free-Chappell of S. Martins in London, the Chur­ches of Witteham and Chersinges, Cum Capellis & Decimis &c. and that they were thereof and of the Tithes of Witteham and Cheresinges, seised till 16. Ed. 2. and that since the Abbot of Saint Iohns of Colchester took from them two parts of the Tithes &c. ‘Et quia nos omnia & singula [Page 442] iura liberae Capellae nostrae supradictae manu­tenere volumus & tenemur, & ea quae substra­cta fuerint siue iniustè occupata reuocare, tibi praecipimus quod scire facias nunc Abbati quod sit in Cancellaria nostra in quindenam S. Iohannis Baptistae prox. futurum vbicun (que) tunc fuerit ad respondendum tam nobis quam praefatis Decano & Capitulo de vsurpationi­bus, occupatione, & detentione dictarum dua­rum partium decimarum praedictarum & ad ostendendum si quid pro se habeat vel dicere sciat quare dictae duae partes Decimarum ea­rundem eisdem Decano & Capitulo adiudi­cari non debeant, & ad faciendum & ad reci­piendum vlteriùs quod curia nostra conside­rauerit &c. teste &c. apud Westmonast. 17. Iunij anno regni nostri 17. Per Regem & Con­silium.’ This Writ was returnd with Scire fe­ci by H. Garnet Shrife of Essex, and by consent of the parties it is referd to Mihelmas Terme following In Statu pro nunc. the Writ is both in part 1. and 3. of that yeer, but to that in part 3. which is of Trinitie Terme, a Plea of the Ab­bots is annext in these words. ‘Et praedictus Abbas per atturnatum suum dicit quod prae­dicti Decanus & Capitulum per breue suum non supponunt quod Ecclesiae de Witteham & Cheresinges sunt de fundatione dictae liberae Capellae Domini Regis, sed quod illas Eccle­sias tenent de dono Matildae quondam Regi­nae [Page 443] Angliae post fundationem dictae liberae Ca­pellae, & dicit quod tempore doni, praedi­ctae Ecclesiae fuerunt in iurisdictione ordina­riâ videlicet Episcopi London. & continuè post donum hucusque fuerunt & ad huc sunt in praesenti in iurisdictione ordinaria. Et dicit quod praedictae Ecclesiae fuerunt visitabiles & visitatae per Episcopos London. in visitationi­bus suis à tempore à quo memoria non extat. & praedicti Decanus & Capitulum per breue suum petunt decimas quas supponunt esse par­cellam earum Ecclesiarum quae sunt in iuris­dictione Ordinaria in forma praedicta, & sic Decimae illae sunt merè spiritualia & non pla­citabilia nisi in curia Christianitatis; per quod non intendit quod Curia ista in hoc casu cog­nitionem habere debeat.’ Here it appeares, that the Counsell of the Abbot of Colchester De­fendant, supposed that the conisans of the Tithes was spirituall only, vnlesse they were originally part of the Kings free Chappell. how the Case was determined, appears not. But in the next Parlament following was a Petition exhibited by the Clergie in those words before cited §. IV. complayning of the granting of such Writs of Scire facias, and vpon that Petition the King answered, Que tielx breifs desore nauant ne soient grantes, & que les Proces pendant sur tielx breifs soient anentes & que les parties soient dismisses de­uant secular Iudges de tielx manner de Plees salue [Page 444] a nous nostre droit tiel come nous & nostre ancestors auoient ewe & soloient auer de reson. I think we need not doubt but that this very Case of the Abbot of Colchester was no small cause of that Petition of the Clergie. and you see mention is, in the answer, of some Writs hanging, whereof this is most likely to haue been one. But howe­uer the Petition was answered, and although out of this Petition and answere that Act of 18. Ed. 3. hath been receiud among our Statuts, and commonly goes for one, yet might it de­serue further consideration then I will here seem to take of it. only I admonish that within foure yeers after, a Scire facias was 22. Assis. pl. 75. brought by a Patentee of Tithes in the Forest of Inglewood, and that against a Prior being Pernor of them; and by iudgement the Writ was allowd without mention or the least regard had of that Act. why that was so, or what force the Act hath, let others examin; I purposely abstain.

VII.

But for Processe of bare command of payment of Tithes, or the like; when the title was by Patent cleerly supposed true, the Shrife or other Officer was sometimes commanded by Writ to take order that the demandant might enioy his Tithes. As in Claus. 7. Hen. 3. part. 1. membran. 6. the King directs his Writ to Brian de Insula Keeper of the Forest of Shire­wood, telling him, that pro salute animae Do­mini Ioannis Regis patris nostri concessimus Mo­nachis [Page 445] de Basingwere, quod percipiant hac vi­ce vsque ad Festum S. Michaelis Anno reg­ni nostri VII. Decimas de bladis seminatis in defenso nostro inter Blakebroc & Glossop, & ideo vobis mandamus quod ipsos Monachos hac vice sine impedimento permittatis Decimas prae­dictas percipere. T. &c. And such more som­times occurre. But this, and the most of that age that are of this matter, indeed appeare to haue bin of Tithes in a Forest also, as that of 22. Ed. 3. is in the Booke of Assises (which happe­ned after the Statute of 18. Ed. 3.) and you may remember those before cited out of 6. Ed. 1. and 18. Ed. 1. in Chapter XI. §. III. and the ex­ample of 8. Ed. 2. before rememberd touching Woodstock Parke. So in Rot. Claus. 5. Hen. 3. part. 2. membr.. 14. the Bishop of Salisburie hath his fiftie shillings yeerely nomine Decimae, out of New-Forest (which Cart. Antiq. CC. in dors. 10. in Arce Lond. Henrie the second had granted to his Church by the name of omnes Decimas de Noua Foresta &c.) and other like out of other, paid him by Writ to the Sherife; and in Rot. Pat. 11. Hen. 3. membrana 5. part. 1. Eustace Bishop of London hath the Tithe of the Kings Venison, taken in the Forest of Essex, (according to King Rot. Chart. 6. R. Ioh. membr. 12. ch. 107. Iohns Graunt) by Writ directed to the Foresters and Bailifes of that Countie. Neither would they (it seemes) in that age permit any suit for the Tenths of Venison or Beasts of the Forest in the Spirituall Court, [Page 446] (although those Tenths were most commonly setled in one Church or another by Grant) as may be seen in In Arce Londin. Mich. 9. & 10. Hen. 3. Rot. 15. where Iohn Fitz-Robert, in an Attachment vpon a Prohibition against Philip of Ardern Clerk, in the pleading allows, that for Tithe of Hay and Mills, the prosecution in the Spiritu­all Court was lawfull; but hee further sayes, that de Decima Bestia Forestae eum implacitauit contra prohibitionem &c. And herewith may be considered also the Kings Pat. [...]6. Hen. 3. membr. 7. command, sent to the Constable of Windsore Castle, that the Church of Saint Iohn in Windsore should haue Decimas Gardini Regis de Windleshores. But out of these all (as out of the examples before brought of Commissions to be returned) it may perhaps be collected, that only the Tithes of the Kings lands, or belonging to his Churches, were to be ordered or commanded to be paid by these kind of Processes. I confesse I haue not seene enough to perswade me otherwise, for the time after about King Iohn or his neere predecessors. Yet, that as I leaue the iudgement of all, which historically I relate to the able Reader, so I may not defraud him of what in any kind may giue light; here I offer him also this Writ of 24. Hen. 3. that seems to touch the temporall Courts determination of the right of such Tithes, as, for aught appears, belonged nei­ther to the Kings Churches, nor were encrea­sing [Page 447] in his Demesnes or immediat Tenancies. Henricus Dei gratia Rex In Codice Ab­ba [...]. S. Alba [...]. Ms. Angliae & Vicecomiti Hertford salutem. Licet aliàs tibi signifi [...] auerimus quòd non permitteres Ecclesiam de Hamelamstede spoliari Decimis ad ipsam pertinentibus, & quod Ecclesiam ipsam manuteneres, & defenderes in eo statu in quo [...]uit tempore Syluij quondam Rectoris eiusdem Ecclesiae, non tamen fuit intentionis nostrae quòd occasione illius praecepti aliqua alia Ecclesia Decimis suis spoliaretur. Et ide [...] praecipimus quod occasone illius praecepti nullam violentiam inferas vel inferri permittas Monachis S. Albani super Decimis spectantibus ad Ecclesiam suam de Red­burne quas per XX. annos hactenus pacifice pos­siderunt. T. meipso apud Westm. 1. die Septem­bris an. r. n. XXIV. And in like forme was a Writ sent to the Constable of Berkhamstede. But this kind of Processe, and all other such Writs of Scire facias, either vpon Commissi­ons returned, Fines, or Patents, or otherwise, (for aught I could yet learne) haue long since ceased, by reason especially of that receiued Act of 18. Ed. 3. Neither since that one case of 22. Ed. 3 as I ghesse, hath any vse been of an origi­nall suit for Tithes in the Temporall Courts, sauing only vpon Prohibitions and the Statutes of 32. Hen. 8. & 2. Ed. 6. I say, originall suit. for otherwise, the question of the right of Tithes, incident in an Issue at the Kings 38. Assis pl. 20. suit, hath since been triable in the Temporall Court; and [Page 448] between Vide 50. Ed. 3. fol. 20. & 2 [...]. Ed. 4. fol. 24. a. common persons also; especially if the right of Tithes, vpon the Issue, were but in­directly or inclusiuely in question. And although it were directly the very Issue, yet also it hath sometimes been tried in an Action of Trespas in the Kings Bench, as you may see in Mich. 12. Ed. 2. Rot. 66. betweene Philip de Say Parson of Hodenet in Shropshire, and Geffrey of Wol­sele Parson of Chedleton, for Tithes in Mar­chumle. But of these things hitherto; and enough.

The end of the Historie of Tithes.

A REVIEW.

AFter some few Copies, thus halfe printed and halfe writen, were dispersed, and since the various Censure of vnequall Readers, (some of them cauilling at such Passages in it, as the Autor at first thought, and not without cause, had been enough cleered) this short Reuiew is now added; wherein, beside some other Confirming and Declaring Autorities, by the way also, and opportunely enough, occurre some Admonitions briefely offered, that may somewhat direct in the Vse of this Historicall truth. The printed sheets could not be encreased, or altered. neither was it so fit, after many hands had the whole, that Addi­tions inserted, should make any variance from the writen part. And plainly, that of the Admoniti­ons, for direction in the Vse, of its own nature ra­ther required a seuerall place, then was fit to haue been mixt in the bodie of the Historie. In the name therefore of Goodnesse and Learning, I earnestly beseech euery one, that hereafter shall get it either Copied or Printed, to ioine also (if hee may) this Reuiew with it.

Of the I. Chapter.

IN the I. §. touching that of Abrahams Tithes being of the spoiles of Warre only; I know many think otherwise. And beside the generall name of Tithes of all, reasons are drawn for their side out of those words of the Patriarch to the King of Sodom; I will not take of all that is thine so much as a thred &c. I neither professe to [Page 450] dispute it, nor find I any such consequent out of that Text. And the Vide Fran. Iuni­ [...]m in Analys. Ge­n [...]s cap. 14. answer to the obiection is not difficult. But I adde here to those testimonies both of Iewes and ancient Fathers which I haue cited, (for I was willing to make their testimonies my warrant, not to glosse the text with my owne interpretation, or with the fancies of petie names) that S. Ambrose and Eucherius Bishop of Lions call those Tithes also Consulas Eu­cherium Lugd. in Genes. lib. [...]. cap. 17. & 18 & D. Am­bros in Epist. ad Ebraos, cap. 7. Decimas praedae & victoriae. And in one passage, Eucherius ha­uing a plaine regard to the words of the Epistle to the Ebrews, which in the vulgar are exprest by Decimas de praecipuis (for the Greek [...]) sayes de praecipuis praedis Abraham Patriarcha Decimas legitur obtul [...]sse, directing himselfe still in the conceit of the word All in Genesis, according to that [...] in the holy Epistle, which both in Translations enough, and in the Greek Ad cuius inter­pretationem eti­am consule, si pla­cet, Eustathium ad Odyss. T. Prouerbe before rememberd, denotes spoiles of Warre. Yet also the same Fa­ther soon after calls them Decimas omnis substantiae suae generally; but plainly shewing in his former words, that he took omnis substantiae here for nothing but victoriae praedam. Which, it seems, Philo the Iew also vn­derstands, where in his Anagogicall course of contemplation he saies that Abraham being the tenth degree from Sem; In lib. [...]. [...], that is, consecrated Tenths to the Almightie, as a thanks▪ giuing for his victorie. And Prim [...]sius, and old A­frican Bishop, interprets de praecipuis in the Latine text by de melioribus spolijs. But some haue cauilled at my relating, according to S. Hie­rome, that were it not for the holy autoritie of the Epistle to the Ebrews, it might stand indifferent whether Abraham gaue Tithes of the spoiles to Melchisedek as to a Priest, or Melchisedek the Tenth of his e­state to Abraham, as a portion to one of his posteritie. If there be a fault in that assertion (I confesse I find none) let them be so bold then as to tax those learned Fathers for it, S. Hierome and Lib. 2. in Genes. cap. 25. & 27. Eucherius, be­side Freculphus Tom. 1. hist. lib. 1. cap. 42. Bishop of Lisieux ▪ and other ancient Writers, that in the same syllables affirme it with S. Hierome, from whom indeed Eucherius transcribed the best part of his more notable passages. Somewhat may be here fitly remembred concerning two Adiuncts that belong to this Storie of Abrahams Tithing, that is, who Melchise­dek was; and where the place of his Kingdome, or Salem, was. For the first, such of the Fathers Hieronym. tom. 4. in Epist. ad E­nagr. & Eucher. loco citato &c. as out of the Ebrew text had the true notes of supputation of time, take him to be Sem, according as the opinion also was generally receiued among the old Epiphantus in hares. 55. Samaritan E­brews, and diuers Iews Autor [...] Midras hagadah apud R [...]b. Iarchi in Genes. 14. & alij ibid. item Mi­dras in Psalm. 76. apud Galatin. de Arc [...]is lib. 3. c. 9. quem & vide lib. 10. cap. 6. also especially of later ages: howeuer some Iews haue been long since of another opinion, in their idle and rash fancies supposing him to be a bastard, which they took to be the cause why his discent is not spoken of with his name: others of them, with the Hiera [...]its, making him D. Ambr lib. 3. de fide cap 5. Hie­ronym. & Epiphan. vbi supr. & haeres. 67. more then a man. But also both the Hierosolymitan Targum, and that other calld Ben-Vziels, expressely tell [Page 451] vs, he was Sem the sonne of Noah; which some of late time also haue in Works purposely writen to that end, laboured to make manifest. And doubtlesse, at the time of the victorie, Sem was the chiefest of the familie there, and either a First-born also, or els had in him the right of a first borne, or Priesthood, by translation from his elder brother; which I adde, because the Eam esse Rab­binorum sententi­am notat D. Kim­ch [...] in rad. [...] ita & Iarchi ad Genes 10.21. Rabbins and diuers other of the learned will haue it, that Iaphet was the elder brother. But how stands that so well with Melchisedeks being Sem, if according to that old tradition, both among Rabbins and Christians, the Priesthood were an incident to the first-borne male? Vnlesse the right of Primogeniture were transferd from Iaphet to Sem in Noahs Genes. cap. 9. comm. 26. & 27. blessing, as it was to Iacob from Esau, and from C [...]in, it seems, to Vide Philonem [...]. Abel, which must be thought on also in the taking their side, who suppose Abraham not to be the el­dest of Terahs sonnes. For regularly the Ancients giue the Priesthood before the Law to the first-borne. And whereas Moses is said to haue Exod. cap. 24. comm. 5. & vide Numer. cap. 3. comm. 12. sent young men that offerd burnt offerings, the Chalde Paraphrases haue for [...] eth-nairi, i. yong men, [...] iath-bocri, i. of the first-borne; these S. Chrysostome In Gen [...]. videsis Eucherium in Genes lib. 2. c. 25. & 27. elegantly stiles [...], that is, Priests of themselues, or made without other ordina­tion or Suffrages: to which Office also (thus had either by birth, or blessing, that equalled the birth) a kind of Jsid. Pelusio [...]a lib. 2. epist. 47. Imperiall and Patri­archique dignitie was annexed. That precedence of birth giuen to Iaphet, is of no late inuention; but many hundred yeeres ancienter then the Talmud, or any worke extant of any Rabbin. For the Septu­agint expressely Genes. 10.21. affirme it, [...], that is, and sonnes were borne to Sem, being father of all the sonnes of Eber, and brother of Iaphet, being the elder. which in the Ebrew is not so plaine on either side▪ for, the words being [...] achi Iaphet hagadol, by reason of the want of termination [...] of cases, may be alone as well turned elder brother of Iaphet, as brother of Iaphet being the elder, which in the last English translation is brought neerest to the Originall, thus: Vnto Shem &c. the brother of Iaphet the elder, euen to him were children borne. And beside such interpretation of the context, the Chronologicall part of the holy Storie affords much to proue, that Sem was not the first-borne in time. For Noah was Genes. 5.32. D. yeeres old, and got Sem, Ham, and Iaphet. Sem Ibid. 11.10. two yeeres after the Floud, be­ing C. yeeres old, got Arphaxad, that is, (as is most probable, if not plaine) in the DC.II. yeere of Vide ibid. c. 7.6. Noah, Sems age was only C. yeeres. Then at Sems birth, Noah was D.II. yeere old. Who euer therefore was borne when he was but D. yeers of age, must be C.II. yeers old, when Sem had seene only one C. yeeres. If any of them were borne in Noahs D. yeere (as the Text seemes to teach) it must then be one of the other two, and not Sem. This argument, vsed by the Iews and others, which follow them here, ioind with what is in the [Page 452] Septuagint for Iaphet, makes so much against Sem's being the first born, that howeuer the great Ioseph Scaliger be In Elench. Orat. Chronolog. Dan. Para [...] pag. 35. most confident, that he was first in birth, as his name is exprest in enumeration, and giues his answers to the Chronologie obiected against it; yet you may with more probabilitie take the more common and ancient opinion, that makes Iaphet the elder. Some will haue Ham. But I leaue that matter; supposing cleerly that Sem being Melchisedek (for, that one man should be denoted by seuerall names, is no noueltie in Scripture) was either the first born or had the right of it transferd into him by speciall bles­sing, and so was [...], as Philo In lib. [...]. calls him, that is, the great high-Priest of the greatest God. For the place of his Kingdom, Salem; it is taken by Epist. ad [...]uagr. tom. 4. S. Hierom (as he learned from some Iews) and from him by In Epist. ad Ebr. cap. 7.2. S. Ambrose, Eucherius, Primasius, and others that this Salem is that which seated on this side of Iordan, is some LXXX. miles distant from the plaine of Mamre where Abraham li­ued, and retains its name in the Storie Iohan. cap. 3.23. of Iohns Baptisme. and they say that the reliques of Melchisedeks Palace were there to be then seen. But the more common opinion of Christians in S. Hieroms time, was as now also of greatest Diuines, that Salem here and Ierusalem were the same. Salem nostri omnes, saith he and others of that age that fol­low him, arbitrantur esse Ierusalem. but himselfe was not of that mind, hauing as hee saith, learned the contrarie. But also, with those old Christians, Iosephus and some later Vide Midras Tehillim, apud Gae­latin. de Arcanis lib. 3. cap. 9. Iews expresly agree. and a good character of the truth of their opinion is in the holy Text. For, there the Kings Dale, whence the King of Sodom came out to meet Abraham in his return is Genes. 14.17. rememberd, as if it were close by where Melchisedek was. Now it is thought certainly that the place of Absalons Pillar, that is, the Kings Dale spoken of in 2. Sam. 18.18. Samuel, is no other then a Valley, which being hard by Ierusalem, is known to our age from Absalons name, where yet, they Bredenbach. in Peregr. 14. Iulij. say, he hath a moniment, and such as passe by, vse to cast stones at it in detestation of his disobedience. and also the very place where Melchisedek gaue Abraham the Bread and Wine, is, they say, yet known on Mount Villamont des Voyagez liu 2. Chap. 13. & 19. Caluarie. But hitherto brifly of these two adiuncts of Abrahams Tithing. neither supposd I but that many which think of it for argument either way, would desire some satisfaction in them.

Of the II. Chapter.

HEtherto could I neuer see any Christian that hath fully taught what was considerable in the generall payment of Tithes a­mong the Iews. The Noble and most learned Ios. Scaliger, did not euery way enough accuratly teach it, although in a single Trea­tise he purposely vndertook it. How sufficiently among vs, others do that slouthfully and ignorantly (without his help) while yet their end [Page 453] is to write of Tithes, talke of a third Tithe here, and a fourth Tithe, and indeed they know not what Tithe, let him iudge that shall hence know their error. This last spring Martin the Title page of Drusius his Obseruations vpon Iosuah, and some other parts of the old Testament, a new discourse, De Decimis Mosaciis, writen by Sixtinus ab Amama Pro­fessor of Ebrew in Franeker, was promised; but I could neuer yet see any such thing ioind with that of Drusius or otherwise published. What we haue of them is as the great Doctors of the Iews haue deliuered in the Talmud, and their later Comments; which are testimonies be­yond exception, for the practice or historicall part. For that in §. 6. of [...], out of Epiphanius; I rather think in­deed that it denotes only a paying of Tithe, not a Tithing of what was alreadie tithed. It is well known that the language of the Greek Fathers, especially of about his time, is frequently mixt with phrases of the Septuagint. now they Genes. 28. vlt. Deut. 26.12. haue [...] & [...], for nothing but to pay a Tithe, which agrees somwhat with the Ebrew fashion of expression. and as they, so Epiphanius without doubt vnderstood it. howeuer some of great Names are of another mind. But to what is there toucht for the forwardnesse of payment of first Fruits among them, I here adde out of Lib. [...]. Philo (who liued vnder the time of the second Temple, and spake of his own knowledge) that they were paid in such abundance, [...], that is, that euen from the abundance only of first Fruits, heaue Offerings, or Therumahs, which were paid by the owner immediatly to the Priests, there was not a Priest in the XXIV. courses of them (so the Priests or Posteritie of Eleazer & Ithamar were deuided 1. Paralip. 24.4. by King Dauid) but might be ac­counted a very rich or largely furnisht man. and he tells vs further that the Iews were so readie in paying them, that [...], that is, They preuented the Offi­cers demanding them, paid them before they were due by Law, and as if they had rather taken a benefit then giuen any, both sexes of their own most for­ward readinesse in euery first fruit season brought them in with such courte­sie and thanks-giuing as is beyond all expression. All which is spoken only of first Fruits and Therumahs, not of Tithes, as it is falsly in the La­tin translation; where [...] alone is ignorantly vnderstood for Tithes paid by the Laitie to the Priests; the truth being that the Laitie paid only first Fruits, not Tithes, immediatly to the Priests, but only to the Leuits, that is, those which were, as Philo saies, [...], that is, in the second rank, and [...], or as Wardeins, Huishers, Singers, and other such Ministers. And the Leuits paid the Tithe of their Tithe to their Priests, who so through the Leuits receiud Tithes [Page 454] out of the possessions of the Laitie, as also the holy Autor to the E­brews is interpreted, where he saies, That those of the sonnes of Leui that had receiud the Priesthood, had a commandement to take Tithes of the people according to the Law. For the posteritie of Aaron that had the Priest­hood, receiud none from the people, but immediatly and through the Leuits. In the same holy Epistle their continuance of paiment of Tithes (which as long as their Priesthood de facto, and the politique form of gouernment, instituted by the Almightie, continued, was e­uen ex conscientia to be performed, as some Videsis Suarez de L [...]gibus lib. 9. cap. 19. § 16. teach) is also manifested after Philo's time. The Iews are told in it, that here men that die receiue Tithes, but there he of whom it is witnessed that he liueth. That here, being plainly referd to the vse of the Iews (to whom the Epistle was sent) vnder the second Temple. So Primasius an old African Father inter­prets it. Hic inquit, saith he, hoc est in praesenti seculo, vel in Templo quod adhuc stabat, Morientes homines, filij videlicet Leui qui mortales ac mori­bundi sunt, Decimas accipiunt. But about this time also it appears in Storie that Tithes were still paid by the Leuits to the Priests, which supposes the peoples paiment to the Leuits. Remember that of Fl. Io­sephus Archaelog. lib. 20. cap. 6. where he tells, that when Foelix was Lieutenant of Iudea, such a tumult and sedition happend twixt the high Priests ( [...]) and the rest of the Priests, and the chiefest of the Laitie▪ that the high Priests to satisfie their malice vpon the rest of the Priests, violently took away the Tithes that were kept in Granges and Barnes for their maintenance, and in so much wronged them that some of the poorest of them euen died for want. This was about the beginning of Nero; and Eccles. Hist. lib. 2 cap. 20. Euschius and Lib. 2. Eccles. cap. 26. Nicephorus relating it from Iosephus, refer it to him. although Ruffinus in his translation of Eusebius rather place it vnder Claudius. but vnder both, Foelix was Lieutenant. By the way you may note that in Nero's time, diuers of the Priests were grown much poo­rer then they had been lately before; if Philo be to be credited, who liued also but litle before Nero's Empire. It was very hard with some of them (it seemes) that the taking away their Tithes only should starue them. Those high Priests here spoken of, are such as were the chiefest of the XXIV. Orders. for 1. Paralip. 24 4.5 so also were the Priests deuided. There was neuer but one high Priest properly, and that according to the first institution. but others that had a supremacie among those or­ders, were also called so, as both heere, and in Vide D. Matth. 20.57. & 59. holy Writ. and they were, to the high Priest, as the [...] Videsis Scalig. in Prologom. ad Chronic. Eusebij. in the Eastern Patriarchats which are as Suffragans to exercise the Patriarchs office in his ab­sence, or as the Bishop-Cardinals in Rome. and the first and chiefest of these high Priests in the plurall number, was as a designed succes­sor to him that properly bare that name, and was his Prime Vicar, chief Suffragan, or the second Priest, as 2. Reg. c. 25.18. Zephaniah was to Seraiah, and as Annas to Caiphas. For so the most learned vnderstand that of them two, being high Priests together in the Gospell. but this by the [Page 455] way. yet who knows it not, may soon stumble at the Storie; and, if not admonisht, trouble himselfe with as good a disquisition about it, as that Abbot Paschas. Ratb [...]rt. Abbas C [...]rbie [...]s. in Matth. lib. 10. pag. 591. Paschasius long since fell into about what follows out of Saint Matthew, in the 7. §. where the strict payment of Tithes vsed a­mong the Scribes and Pharisees is spoken of. He being too ignorant of the particulars of the Iewish state, doubted much how the Scribes and Pharisees should so pay their Tithes, Cùm ipsi (as his words are) Sacerdotes erant & Leuitae qui magis accipiebant Decimas à populo quam da­rent. But I wonder what made him so much as dream so. indeed he answers himselfe also. But plainly the Scribes and Pharisees, as known by that name only, had no more reference to the Tribe of Leui then to any other of the Twelue. Children in the holy Text or the Iewish storie, know it.

That generall rule of their Lawiers in the same §. taken out of Rab­bi Ben-Maimon, is first in their Seder Zeraim Massee. Maighsh [...] Perek. 1. §. 1. Talmud, where also the Gemara, that is, the following opinions of their Doctors, hath many speciall cases of this or that fruit or encrease of the earth; but often litle to the pur­pose. one thing their Misnah or Text addes further to that rule; that is, whatsoeuer fruit or herb is fit to be eaten, both while it is yong or new, as also when it is a full growth, must pay Tithes aswell when it is yong, as at full growth. but if while it be yong it be not fit to be ea­ten, [...] that is, it is not subiect to tithe vntill it be come fit to be eaten. That in §. 8. of them that take the profits of Land among the Samaritans, or in Aram, that is, Syria, must be vnderstood of a Iew dwelling among them, and tilling the Land there. For regularly if the fruits of Lands in Syria were taken by a Iew, residing still in his own Countrie, he was to pay Talmud. d [...]ct. Seder. Mass. De­mas Perec. 6. & Mass [...]. Maighsh. Perek. 5. § 5. Tithe of them.

Touching their Tithing after the second Temple destroied; al­though for want of a Temple and a Priesthood at this day, they Tithe not legally, yet among their Aphorismes both diuine and morall, they Pirki. Aboth. cap. 3. & notae adiectae. tell vs, that as the Masoreth is the defence of the Law, so [...] maighsheroth seag laighsher, that is, Tithes paid are the de­fence of riches. Whereupon one notes, that at this day qui religiosiores sunt inter Iudaeos, loco Decimarum, eleemosynam pendunt de omnibus Lucris; decem aureos de centum, centum de mille &c. But howeuer the deuouter of them may giue such almes, it is plain that their Legall Tithing hath now no place among them for want of a sufficient Priesthood and Temple or Tabernacle. yet without doubt, most of them haue long since exspected a Videsis Gala­tin. de Arcanis▪ lib. 5. cap 9. third Temple. otherwise why were they so carefull to haue their Laws and speciall cases of first Fruits and Tithing, so co­piously deliuered in fiue whole Massecheths of their Talmud, or body of their Ciuill and Canon Law, which was, many yeers after the destru­ction of the second Temple, made for the direction of the dispersed of their Nation?

Now, me thinks, he that argues for Tithes from the Mosaicall [Page 456] Laws of Tithing had need more specially, then any I haue yet seen hath neer done, examine which of the two kinds are due in the Euan­gelicall Priesthood. Why not the second aswell as the first? and fur­ther consider also how the paiment of Tithes from the Laitie to the Priests of the Gospell, succeeds to the paiment from the Leuits to the sonnes of Aaron. But these considerations can only be, where the knowledge of fact precedes, for without exact Distinction of their seuerall Tithes, any argument drawn from them, may soon be found a grosse fallacie, that may both deceiue him which makes it and those whom he teaches. Let the ingenuous Reader thinke of it.

But one thing more here by the way. So much either ignorance or neglect in the disquisition of what belongs to the Tithes of the Iews, hath possest some great names, that, touching the proportion of the Tithes and the Receiuers, they haue rested fairely satisfied in this; that the Leuits being one of the twelue Tribes, had the Tenths as a competent maintenance to themselues, being neer the Tenth, that is, being the twelfth part of the people; as if Arithmetically the People and the Reuenues had been so deuided. But others haue long since ea­sily shewd the slightnesse and falshood also of this fancie. And cleer­ly, had such a ne [...]r proportion of persons and the name of Tenth held; yet examine all that was paid to the Priests and Leuits in first Fruits and the seuerall prediall Tenths only, and it will be neer a fift. and we here omit also the Cities and Suburbs assigned to them, and their other many profits out of Sacrifices, ransoms of First-born, and the like. But for that proportion of number twixt the Tithes, wee haue sufficient testimonie in holy Numer. cap. 1 & 3. Writ, that it was farre otherwise The able men for armes of the eleuen Tribes were numberd to 603550. and these all of XX. yeers old at least. the Males of the Le­uits from a month old were seuerally found to be but 22273. for so are the particulars of the Families of Gershon, K [...]ath, and Merari. Here then the Leuits reckond, with aduantage of all their Male children of aboue a month old, make not a 1/27. of the rest of the Tribes. had the rest been accounted also with all their Males of like age, it is pro­bable enough that the Male Leuits would not haue equalled a fiftieth or sixtieth part. as in the one sex of them, the coniecture may also be in the other. and afterwards likewise Vide 1. Sam. 24.9 [...]. Paralipom. 23.3. & 27. in Dauids numbring, we see the Leuits of 30. yeer old were lesse then 1/32. part of the rest of Israel and Iuda, that were able to bear Armes. Where then is any thing towards proportion twixt the number of the Priests and Leuits, and the deno­mination of the Tithe? Neither is it to any purpose or consequent to look after any such thing. I rest in this; that it pleased the Al­mightie so to enrich that Tribe, which was reserued only for the holy Seruice in the Temple. Why he did so, or with what proportion, let them, for me, examine, who dare put their prophane fancies to play with his holy Text, and so most impudently and wickedly offer to square the one by the other.

Of the III. Chapter.

IN it, largely out of originall Autors of Greece and Rome, is shewd the vse of Tithing among the Gentiles. farre more largely then by any that hath yet toucht it. The truth also, wherein too many are either obstinatly or ignorantly blind, touching that of their supposed generall paiment, collected out of a corrupted place in Festus, or ra­ther in Paulus Diaconus, is declared and brought to its own limits. nei­ther will any iudicious Reader doubt of the corruption of Festus in that place. whosoeuer knows but the fashion of his writing (which must be obserued in that of his own, after the XI. book, partly yet re­maining in his very words) cannot at all think that Decima quae (que) vete­res Dijs suis offerebant, should be deliuerd by him. he is in all other things more curious. he would not haue talkt of Dijs generally or quae (que). But it was no such wonder that Paulus Diaconus, who ignorantly abridged him vnder Charles the Great, should say so; being, as the learned acknowledge him, no small enemie to posteritie, in so cutting and maiming him. he was (saies In Epist. nuncu­pat. ad I. Monlu­cium. the noble Scaliger) Homo meo iudicio confidentissimus ac, vti res ipsa decet, ineptissimus. Had he delt with Fe­stus, as Festus did before with Verrius Flaccus, it had been tolerable. though by Festus perhaps we haue lost much of Flaccus, yet he appears iudicious enough and carefull in what he deliuers from him. But this Paul (being, I confesse, otherwise a man of great reading and know­ledge for the time he liud in) hath not only here by coniecture, but in other places most plainly so exprest things of this nature, that is, touching the Theologie or Rites of the Gentiles, that, had we not found some pieces of Festus himselfe, posteritie might haue been perpetually blinded by him. No man will denie it that obserues but his words, Maleuoli, Nixi Dij, Praeclamitatores, Nauia, and diuers other which, compard with what is left of Festus whence he had them, appeare to bee either mistaken or falsly deliuered. But for the Gentiles; it is true, they were very deuout in giuing of their yeerly increase to the honor of their Deities, according as the Attique Law receiud, as is thought, from Triptolemus, and seconded by Hermippus a­pud Porphyrium [...]. lib. 4. Dra [...]o, com­manded▪ that is, [...], that is, To honor the Gods with their fruits. witnesse enough of the Grecians is found in their Thalysia that was the feast immediatly after Haruest, wherin they spent T [...]e [...]ritus Idy [...]. 5. & ibid. Scho­l [...]astes. much of their fruits in honor of Ceres; in their Haloa about the same time which was Eustath. ad Iliad. [...]. the like deuotion to her and to Bacchus, and in their seue­rall Dionysia. all which spent no small part of their yeerly fruits of Wine and Corne; that we may omit their other feasts of lesse note that are to this purpose. And among the Romans, was a like forward­nesse to consecrat part of their Corne and Wine to the Gods; as we see in their Sacrima Festus in his [...] voc. ad quem vide Ios. Scalig. & in Coniect. ad Varro­ [...] de L.L. lib. 5. that is the first of their Must, spent in the honor [Page 458] of Bacchus, their Calpar or the first and best of their Wine, as it was when they first began to draw it, sacred to Iupiter Dapalis, their Prae­messum or Praemetium before Haruest, their Florifestum after Haruest, both bestowed in honor of Ceres, and the like more to her and to Iu­piter, Ianus, and Bacchus; that we may omit their Robigalia, Solitauri­lia, and the rest of such kind. But all these plainly were at the libertie of the Owners. and so was it expresly denoted in the rituall words of sacrificing of their new Wines as Cato de re Rusti­ca cap. 132. Macte, or Mactus Iupiter hoc vino inferio esto, as if they had said, Be honord Iupiter with this Wine, which is as much as I can spare thee. for so much is in substance denoted by inferio, that is, Vino quod insertur. and therefore was that word Tr [...]batius a [...]ud Arn [...]hium a [...]uer­sus Gentes lib. 7. added be­cause all the rest might be free from Religion after this were so seue­rally sacrificed. For vntill the Sacrifice, all the Wine remaind so sa­cred that it might not lawfully be medled with for common vse. But the owner might [...]y such arbitrarie giuing his Inferium, discharge it of being any more sacred. and thereupon saies Arnobius, iesting at their Ceremonies, Mactus hoc vino inserio esto quid est aliud quàm dicere, tantum esto mactus quantum volo; tantum amplificatus quantum iubeo; tantum ho­noris assumito quantum te habere decerno, & verborum circumscriptione de­finio. O Deorum sublimitas praepotens &c. quae per vnius formidinem verbi ab immodicis vini cupiditatibus arcetur! Among all these feasts not any mention is of a Tenth or any certain part. But the Tenth came somtimes only at the will of him that had good fortune or post rem benè gestam, as Ad Aene [...]d. 8. commate 30. Seruius his words are. So Hersennius who had been a Piper all his youth, and doubting the successe of that Trade, fel thence to be a Marchant, and then re benè gestâ Decimam Herculi dicauit. That consecrating vse to Hercules was most vsually made with solemnitie at that Ara Maxima, neer the Forum Boarium or the Ox-market, vpon which, some Halicarnass. [...]. [...]. say, but fabulously enough (as the rest of these particu­lars are deliuerd) that Hercules himself first spent the Tenth of what he took from Cacus, in a iolly Feast, with Euander and the rest that honord him for it. and vpon that Altar, saies Halycarnasseus, [...], that is, Tithes are there frequent­ly offered by vow. But the paiment of that vow was commonly in feasts made in honor of him; and those feasts were, it seems, in ancienter time, vntill the Vow was performd, celebrated within euery ten daies by such as were so religious to him. and in that diuision of time, for the more conuenience of entertainment, his Tithe was merrily spent; and the guests alwaies sent home crownd with Baies in honor of him. So I vnderstand that of Varro Apud Macro­bium Saturnal. lib. 3. cap. 11. when he tells vs, Maiores soli­tos Decimam Herculi vouere, nec decem dies intermittere quin pollucerent ac populum [...] cum corona laurea dimitterent cubitum. and of this kind of Feasts were those Dinners of Orestes, spoken of in De O [...]ficiis lib. 2. Cicero. Oresti nuper prandia in semitis Decumae nomine magno honori fuerunt. It seems their vow both of Gain and of Spoiles of Warre, was made to [Page 459] him chiefly as he was their God of Warre or of Defence. For it is cleer not only in the old Roman Diuinitie or Mythologie, that Hercules specially was accounted Mars (as is plain by their Moniments, which shew that the institution of Sacra Saliaria were indifferent to Her­cules or Mars, and made to one Deitie vnder those two names) but al­so by the old Astronomie wherein the Planet Mars was likewise called Plin. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hercules, and that not only by the Chaldaeans (as Macrobius too rashly affirms) but also by the Aegyptians, from whom the knowledge of the Heauens came into Europe. For howsoeuer it be noted out of an old Glossarie at the end of that most learned work of the noble Scaliger vpon Manilius, that Mars was called among the Aegyptians [...] suppose the Northern Aegyptians about Alexandria, where they spake Greek before the Roman Empire and afterward) and although Vettius Valon▪ Antioch lib. 6. Antholog. Ms. Sed verba eius repe­runtur in Syntag [...]. 1. De Dits Syrit cap. 6. some other old testimonie, say they, stiled him [...] (not [...]) yet A­chilles Statius that was In Arati Pha­nomena. an Aegyptian saies expresly, that Pyróis is the Greek name of Mars, and that in Aegypt he was calld the starre of Hercules. So the Autor of that [...], attributed to Aristotle; [...], that is, Pyróis being calld both Hercules and Mars; which Apulleius, because Hercules was not so common a name for it, thus turns, Quem multi Herculis, plures Martis stellam vocant. and his common titles in old Inscriptions iustifie the same. Inuicto, Victori, Defensori, Pollenti, and such more are frequently his additions, being proper to Mars. and vnder some such Title was he worshipt almost in euery Citie of Halicarnass. [...]. Italie. and I would Varro had rather here sought the cause of his title of Victor then in that ridiculous reason which he brings, Apud Seruium ad Aen [...]id 8. comm. 30. Quòd omne genus animalium deciès vicerit. had he said that therefore also the Tithe was giuen him because of Decies, he had spoken as probably and as wisely. Indeed it is a wonder to see a man of that abstruse learning and great abilities, that Togatorum Doctissimus, to be so childish as he often is, in vnhappily troubling himselfe about deriuations. But of Hercules, enough. Be­side that of the maritime Pelasgi, in §. 1. the other of them that seated themselues further into the Land in Vmbria, being opprest with a ste­rile yeer, vowd the Tenth, [...] Myrfilus L [...]bius apud Halicarnass. [...]. citatur Histo­ria etiam apud Eusebium in [...]. [...] that is, The Tithe of all that should encrease to them, to Iupiter, Apollo, and the Cabiri. and this they paid also. but they were admonisht by Apollos Oracle, that their vow was not performd vntill they had sacrificed al­so the Tithe of their children. which was done also. But now see (when you truly know the ancient Tithing among the Gentiles) how well they conclude here that draw arguments from the generall Law of Nature or Nations, as if by that Law any such vse of paiment of Tithes had been established among them, as was continuall or com­pulsorie.

Of the IV. Chapter.

THat which succeeds is only of Christian Practice, Laws, and O­pinion. Which, any man that sees but the course of our diuision, may easily know; though he were as peruerse as he was that to confute me in assertion here of no proof of paiment of Tithes, till towards the end of the first CCCC. yeers, confidently brought that Text of the holy Autor to the Ebrews, Ad Ebraeos cap. 7.8. Here men that die, receiue Tithes: and was readie to sing decidit in casses &c. as if that had proued a paiment in the Apostles time. indeed it proues a paiment among the Ebrews or Iews then, and also is seconded by other autoritie before touched. but any reference there had to ā Christian practice of Tithing, I sup­pose no man will affirm that is of a sound brain, and vses holy Writ with due reuerence. But my application of some passages in S. Cy­prian in §. 1. here are found fault withall; in that I vnderstand not hi [...] mention of the word Decimae to be a note of paiment of Tithes in his age. Indeed I did not think that any man which vnderstood Cy­prian, with the vse of his time in making vp the Ecclesiastique Tresure, would haue therin taxed me. Neither haue I giuen his words alone & then my own Glosse (as many haue done too often, and that in things of the nature of this subiect, and so haue deceiud their credulous Readers) but I haue carefully and shortly exprest also the occasion of his passages; and so, that an vnderstanding Reader may collect as much out of them as he might do if he had the whole context of Cy­prian by him. If I haue errd in the interpretation, it is but my single error and theirs that dare giue autoritie here to my iudgement. who­euer can think otherwise by Cyprians words, if he saw him, may equal­ly do so by my relation. howeuer then, I impose not on any Reader. But for that second place of his out of his De Vnitate Ecclesiae; obserue his words more fully. Thus they are, Domos tunc & fundos venunda­bant &, thesauros sibi in coelo reponentes, distribuenda in vsus indigentium pretia Apostolis offerebant. At nunc patrimonio nec Decimas damus; & cum vendere iubeat Dominus emimus potius & augemus. So farre is this from denoting any paiment of Tenths of annuall increase (which is the Tithe we enquire after) that indeed no such Tenth seems here to be vnderstood in the mention of Decimae. he speaks of them which sold their whole estates in the Apostles times. but now, saith he, we giue not the Tenths of our patrimonies. that is, we giue not the Tenth part of what deuout Christians then did, but in stead of selling for deuotion, we buy and increase our estates. What other Tenth is here spoken of then the tenth part of euery mans patrimonie or estate? and what hath that to do with the tenth of Annuall encrease only? and, for a­ny vse of paiment in this time: I was not so bold to make the nega­tiue, that no Tithes were paid, but that it could not be proued that any were. [Page 461] He that can shew me aught omitted that might proue it, shall deserue and haue thanks of me. In the meane time further to iustifie what I affirme, take this of Epiphanius Bishop of Constance in Cyprus, that about the yeer CCC.LXXX. wrote against the Heresies of the primitiue times. when he Hares [...] 50. tels vs of the Tessaresdecatitae, or those which thought the holy Easter must be kept on the fourteenth Moone, according to the Law giuen to the Iews for their Passeouer, and that because they apprehended that the keeping it otherwise was subiect to the curse of the Law; he saies, that [...], that is, they do all things or agree generally with the Church, sauing that they were too much herein addicted to the Iew [...]sh custome. and in his argument a­gainst them, he shewes, that the curse hath not reference only to the Passeouer, but also to Circumcision, to Tithes ( [...]) to Offerings. Wherefore (as he goes on) if they escape one curse, by keeping their Easter according to the Law of the Passeouer, they thrust themselues into many other. For (saith he) they shall find them also cursed that are not Circumcised, and them cursed that pay not Tithes, and them cursed that offer not at Ierusalem. Let any man now consider if this Bishop that was least vnacquainted with the customes of the Christian Church, vnderstood not cleerly that no necessarie or knowne vse of paiment, was among Christians in his time, of Tithes, no more then of Circumcision, or offering at Ierusalem. Doth he not plainly reckon it as a thing not only not in Christian vse, but euen equalls it with what was certainly abrogated? is not his Obiection shortly thus? Why do you not obserue Circumcision and Tithing, and Offerings also at Ierusalem, which are all subiect to the like curse? and because some kind of Offerings indeed were in vse among Christians, therefore in the Obiection he prouidently ties them to Ierusalem. But of Tithing he speakes as generally as of Circumcision. Obserue his owne context, which I here giue, that the able Readers iudgement may be free. [...], that is, So that if they auoid one curse, they fall vnder many other. For such shall be also found accursed as are vncircumcised, such accursed as Tithe not. and they a [...]e also accursed (in the old Law) that offer not at Ierusalem. I confesse, this may perhaps seem not to extend to the African Church (wherein S. Cyprian and S. Augustine liued) that was farre remote from Epiphanius, being of the Greek Eastern Church▪ and so not to sufficiently proue that in those times no paiment was in vse there. The like perhaps may be obuiously thought of in referring it to the Westerne Church of Europe. But it seemes that the African, European, & Eastern Greek Churches of those times, had litle or no diffe­rence twixt them in the setled policie for their maintenance. And for the African; howeuer out of S. Augustines Sermons it may be collected, [Page 462] that a paiment soone afterward was there in vse, yet herein both the Greek Eastern, and the African Churches are specially so like each o­ther, that neither in the Councells or Canons of the one or the o­ther of them, any Law at all is found for paiment or ordaining any thing touching Tithes; nor as I remember, doth the name of Tithes once occurre in them, or in Photius his Nomocanon, or in Zonaras, or Balsam [...], the chiefe Canonists that writ on the Eastern Canons. I mean here the Canons of the Greek Church of credit; not including those called the Apostles Constitutions equally belonging to all Churches (if vnder that name to any) of which more presently. But it had been litle to the purpose indeed to haue had Tithes of Annuall increase paid, while that most bountifull deuotion of good Christians continued in frequent Offerings, both of lands and goods to such large value, as you see exprest in that of the Gouernor of Rome to S. Laurence (being Archdeacon to Pope Xistus the second) in the ninth persecution vnder Decius. He tells him Apud Prudentium [...], hymn. 2. that the common fame was that the Christians did often

Offerre, fundis venditis,
Sestertiorum millia.

And that

Addicta auorum praedia
Foedis sub auctionibus,
Success [...]r exhaeres gemit
Sanctis egens parentibus.
Et summa pietas creditur,
Nudare dulces liberòs.

no doubt can be but that the Gouernor is here made to speake some­what beyond the truth. But also questionlesse the liberall deuotion of the time was very exceeding in offerings.

But, for Constitutions of this age; lest we should seeme to omit a­ny thing that beares the name of one, although meerly supposititious, we shall here adde more to that cited in the 4. §. out of the old Cle­mentines attributed to the Apostles. but all will be of equall credit. and were it not for the inequalitie of Readers, none of it indeed de­serued a place here. In those Clementines, a further command is, to giue [...]. & [...]. all thy Tithes to the Orphan, to the Widow, to the Poore, and to the Stranger. And afterward some Constitutions attributed to S. Matthew are inserted; wherein first is ordained the formall consecration of Oile and Water, that may haue power to heale sicke men, to cast out Deuills, and the like, with [...], that is, I Matthew ordaine. and then [...] [Page 463] [...], that is, I further ordain, that all first fruits be brought to to the Bishop, and to the Priests, and to the Deacons for their maintenance. and that all Tithes be offered for the maintenance of the rest of the Clergie, and of Virgins, and of Widowes, and of poore People. but here is no command of Tithes to be giuen to the Priests for their vse; but only for mainte­nance of the lesse Orders of the Clergie and of the Poor. and there­in these Constitutions still agree with themselues. But, for the autori­tie of them; take the iudgement of our Church, and I think you shall haue a generall consent, in this, that they are not of neer the Apostles time, but counterfaits of far later age. and great men in the Church of Rome account them no otherwise, howsoeuer Turrian (that first pub­lisht them in Greek out of three old copies, as he saies) would needs perswade the World that they are genuine, Apostolique, and collected by Pope Clement the first. But I would then he had also perswaded vs that the Apostles had taught that the Birth of our Sauiour or Christ­mas day, was to be celebrated on the XXV. day of December, as in this suspisititious Lib. 5. Canon. 13. Clement is affirmed. The learned know that vntill about CCCC. yeers after Christ, that is till S. Chrysostomes time, that day Vide Clement. Alex. Strom. [...]. Epiphan. Haeres. 51. & D. Chrysost. hom. [...]. was not setled but variously obserued in the Easterne Church, which should haue had speciall notice of the Apostolique Canons. and S. Chrysostome then learned the time of the XXV. of December (which yet, most thinke not to be the exact time) from the Western or Latine Church. It is likely that till then, the Apostles Constitutions had slept? Besides, we see, that Dionysius that great Patriarch of Alexandria, al­though those of his See and himselfe were most curious in the deter­minations of Ecclesiastique times, could not find whence cleerly to resolue that question to Basilides Bishop of Pentapolis, Apud Th. Bal­samon Ms. in Bibl. Patrij Iunij. [...], that is, At what houre after the last Saterday of Lent they should leaue of that strictnesse Videsis (si hanc rem obiter vellis explicationem) Synod. 6. in Trullo Canon. 99. & ibid▪ & ad hanc Dio [...]ysii Epistolam, Theo­dorum Balsamo­nem, & Euseb. lib. 5. Eccl. hist. c. 23▪ &c. of Fasting. in ioy of the Resurrection or at what houre of Easter day, or the feast of the Resurrection should begin. Basilides tells him, some think at the Cocks-crowing towards the morning, some at the Sater-day euening. and Dionysius acknowledges that difference in vse. But to set a certain houre of it, he answers him, is [...], that is, both hard and without sufficient ground. and then falls to examine it by the holy Historie of the time of the Resurrection. But had these Consti­tutions beene then in autoritie, cleerly Dionysius might soon haue re­solud the question. for in them it Lib▪ 5. Can▪ 18. & 19. is determined, that this strict fa­sting should be kept, but [...], that is, vntill the time of Cock-crowing. This learned Patriarch (his Greek Epistle neuer yet publisht in Greek, with Balsamon vpon him, was communicated to me by that most learned and courteous Mr. Patrik Yong, in the rest of Balsamon Ms.) liued about CC. yeers after the supposed time of the [Page 464] collection of these Constitutions, and surely had vsed them if they had then at all been, and deserued credit. and who would haue made a controuersie about the holding of Easter, that had in those elder times found it so established as it is in those Constitutions. But it is not difficult to coniecture out of what kind of shop they came, if you but note the supremacie of all power Lib. 2. Canon. 34. so arrogated in them to the Clergie. the Autors of them command that Priests be honord as Kings and haue tribute paid them as Kings, and are so bold as to apply that in 1. Sam cap. 8. Samuel, touching what a King would do in taking from his Sub­iects, to the power of Bishops, as if they should do so. and they affirm it, as much more reasonable, that Bishops should do so; and ordain also with [...], that is, We constitut, the like wholly [...], that is, touching Bishops, as there, they say, is ordaind [...], that is, touching Kings. which well agrees also with their recko­ning vp of the ten Commandements, and making the Tenth to be Lib. 2. Can. 36. [...], that is, Thou shall not appear emptie before the Priest. He that made these words to fill the place of one of the ten Commandements, seems not to talk like one of the Apostles. A thousand things more might be found to disproue the autority that some attribute to these Canons. and the answer to Turrians reasons for maintenance of them, are obuious enough. For my part, I think con­fidently that most of them, if not all, are hardly M. yeers old; and therefore no sufficient cause is, why they should haue place of credit in any part of our Diuision, as they bear the name of Canons or Constitutions. For if they were in truth made so long after those whose names giue them all their autoritie, they are all one, for Con­stitutions to be relied on, as if they had been but of yesterday. I only toucht part of them in this first CCCC. yeers, as they were in the Latin; the Greek being neither then by me nor much materiall; al­though some passages in other translations and to this purpose, if not examind by the Greek, may soon deceiue a Reader of too readie a faith. For one of those other Canons attributed also to the Apostles as Autors, and to this Clement as Collector, is translated, In Zonara. edito a l. Quintin [...] Ca [...]. 4. Aliorum Decimae primitiaeue fructuum omnium mittantur Episcopo ac Presbyteris, & non super Altare, the Greek that is turnd and set by the Latin in the same Volume, hauing not a syllable of Tithes, but speaks only thus. [...], that is, Let all other fruit (being first fruits) be sent home to the Bishop and to the Priests, but not brought to the Altar. the meaning being that only first fruits of new grapes before Vintage-time, or of yong herbs fit to be eaten, or such like (comprehended vnder the words [...] in the next Canon before) should be brought to the Church and so are the expo­sitions of Zonaras and Theodore Balsamon, two great Canonists of the Eastern Church.

Of the V. Chapter.

THose Abbots spoken of in the 1. §. were not of the ministring Clergie properly taken; but only principall Gouernors of such as had chosen a separated and single life; such as are in good number found in Pailadius his Lausiaca Historia, Cassimus, and the like more. For that of giuing Tithes to the vse of the Poor; it seems it must be vnderstood that they were most commonly giuen into the hands of those Abbots or some of the Clergie for their vse. and that they dispensed them. which may be collected out of the testimonies of that age wherein the goods and treasure of the Church is accoun­ted but as the Poors chiefly in propertie. Beside those attributes of Tithes and other things consecrated, as tributa egentium animarum, and patrimonia pauperum, and the like, an obseruable admonition is, to this purpose, found in Isidore Pelusiota (that liud about the beginning of these CCCC. yeers) made to one Maro a Priest (whom he of­ten reprehends) but specially Lib. 1. Epist. 269 & vide ibid. 425. for not leauing the goods of the Church and of the Poor (that is, what was offerd in Tithes, Rents, and other bounties) to be kept only by the OEconomus or Dispenser, or Steward (who in those times receiud them for the Bishop, and dispen­sed them by direction of him and his Clergie) but carried them home to his own house. [...] (saies he) [...], that is, Leaue off this wicked course. For the Dispenser hath his name from his Dispensing to the Poor what is theirs; as the goods of the Church are properly. So S. Basile In Epist. 229. edit. nuper a V. Cl. R. Monta­cutto. stiles the goods and re­uenue of the Church, [...], and the Greek Lawiers call them generally Balsamon & Zo­naras▪ ad Can. A­post. 59. & vi [...]e de hac re [...]nonymū de recuperat. Tetra Sancta cap. 14. in vol. Gesta Dei per Francos dicto. [...] or prouision for the Poor. And hence is it that diuers Schoolmen to and fro dispute that question, whether the dominion or propertie of the reuenue of the Church be in the Clergie; and whether what they giue to the Poor be due debilo Iusti­tiae, or debito Claritatis.

I supposed enough had been said in §. 3. to conuince the common error of them, which deriue Feudall Tithes from the Clergie of the time of Charles Martell, or affirm any common paiment of them then in practice. But it is a hard taske to teach obstinat ignorance. Let that of Eucherius his vision be as it will (which yet cannot stand with the time of his death, calculated according to the storie that remains of him; howeuer indeed Vide Adrenald. lib 1. de Mir [...]s. S. Benedicto cap. 14. & Flo [...]oard Rhem. hist lib. [...] cap. 12. & Capitular. exhi­bit Lutour 2 Imper post Ca [...]onem 59. c. 10 q. 1. edit. Gregoriana. very ancient Autors help to iustifie it) it still rests certain that the Constitutions of his time, which haue refe­rence to the many sacrileges committed by him and others, vpon Mo­nasteries, Bishopriques, and the rest of the Demesnes of the Clergie, neuer spake word of Tithes▪ and with that which is there noted in the margin, obserue the seuerall transcripts of that Law of Restitution, [Page 466] made in the Synod or Diet at Ratisbon, held vnder Caroloman in DCC.XLII. as it is in Constit. Imperial. tom. 1. pag. 15. Melchior Goldastus. in his first Volume he giues it thus, Decimas, bonae Ecclesiastica occupata à prophanis restitu [...]mus. as in­deed both Annal. Boi [...]rum lib. 1. pag. 179. edit. B [...]s. a. d. 1615. Auentin and the Centur. 8. cap. 7. & 9. Centuries haue it also literally before him; both out of corrupted Copies. But afterward the diligent Gol­dastus, finding a better Copie, entirely again publishes the Laws of that Synod neerer the originall; and this one Tom. 3. pag. 117. thus: Fraudatas pe­cunias Ecclesiarum Ecclesijs restituimus. Some other Copies hauing fun­datas. but none, of any autoritie, Decimas. pecunia being only their wealth or estate in Lands; as in more ancient time pecunia denoted chiefly estate in cattell, and then mony, as now it doth. I know also it had a signification that included offerings Festus Pauli in Pecunia & ib. Scalig. of fruits and corn, and so might be drawn to denote Tithes offered. but that signification was of rare vse, and only among the Gentiles. Neither (as I thinke with some confidence) can any man shew me such vse of the word in any Christian Autor of the ancients. And the very decree of Thierry King of France, and that Charles Martell the Maire du Maison, of the yeere Goldast. tom, 3. pag. 648. DCC.XXX. touching the taking from the Clergie their posses­sions, Vt subueniatur necessitatibus publicis & solatijs militum pro Dei Ec­clesia, & bono statu Reipub. & vniuscuius (que) propria pace pugnantium, as the words of it are, and that of Caroloman Idem tom. eod. pag. 118. in DCC.XLIII. speake not a word of Tithes, but only of terrae & Casatae (which were the Ec­clesialis pecunia) and the small Rents to be reserud to the Church vpon leases made of them, which is, it seems, vnderstood in the more com­mon giuing of them into Lay hands so much spoken of by Flodoard. that is, Lay men had the benefit of them by hauing Leases of them at small Rents without Fines. Neither is any other thing spoken of in the Post. c. 59. c. 16. q 1. edit. Gregor· Capitularie exhibited by the Bishops of the Prouinces of Rhemes and Rhosne, to the Emperor Lewes the second. When I see a­ny testimonie neer Martells time that so may iustifie the receiud tale of his prophaning of Tithes as I may change my mind. But seeing so much of his sacrileges left in the storie of neer his age, and that not a syllable touching such Tithes as we here enquire after, nor any thing els that hath reference to the common paiment of them, is found in the Laws made vnder him, I still remain confident in what I haue ad­monished; and I think so will euery man els that hath an impartiall eie of iudgment. But, for that which I haue here noted touching Casata; perhaps Casata should rather haue been interpreted a Mesuage, or dwelling house. For it appears in that Capitularie exhibited to the Emperor Lewes, and in some other testimonie of that Vide Goldast. tom. 3. pag. 64 [...]. time, that the reseruations ad restaurationem terrarum (which may be satisfaction gi­uen by the Lessees of the Clergie, in Rents of land) were Nonae & Decimae (where Decimae haue not to do with paiment of Tithes out of meer lay Fees, but only were receiud by reseruation) and out of eue­ry Casata xijd. So it may be that Casata is no quantitie of Land there, [Page 467] as I haue coniecturd, but a house only. if it be, you see whence I was deceiud. pardon me. perhaps it was an error. I willingly acknow­ledge so much vpon this Reuiew. I acknowledge it, if that Capitula­rie of the Bishops and the other testimonie be therein authentique. I somwhat doubt them, because the most known and certain Laws of Martells time speak only of xijd. to be serud out of euery Casata, and the Nonae and Decimae grow not elswhere into vse till after the begin­ning of the French Empire. and if nothing but Casatae were spoken of, there were reason enough why they should be taken for Land. But the Nonae and Decimae in those autorities are referd to Land, and the xijd. only to Casatae.

That in the 4. §. of the Tithe of time in Lent out of S. Gregorie, is not easily perhaps apprehended by euery Reader without a litle more explication. The Sundaies as they were exempt out of the number of daies, so were they from the fasting of Lent, thence comes his conceit of the Tithe of Time in XXXVI. daies, which is 1/10. of CCC.LXV. so Fractions be omitted. and to make vp for­tie which is exprest in Quadragesima, the known name for Lent; the four daies preceding Quadragesima Sunday, are to be added. this was the intent of that fancie. But how sleight and nothing to the purpose, that obseruation of the Tenth of Time is (howeuer the Canonists, as sworn to their Text, make of it) is easily seen, not only in the abusd libertie of calculation of it, but also by the customs and Laws of both Churches the West and East in their various limits of this time of fa­sting. Popes Telesphorus. they Anastasius in vita eius. & vide Baronium sub ann. 154. & Polydor. de Inuent. rer lib. 6. cap. 3. say, made it VII. Weeks. and other diuersities hath it had in the Western Church. and the Eastern church exempted Synod. 6. in Tull. Can. 55. & videsis etiam Constit. A­postolorum dictas lib. 5. Can. 13.15. & 18. & Consule Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 26. & Socratem Hist. Ec­cles. lib. 5. cap. 81. both Saterdaies and Sundaies from fasting through all Lent, except only the Saterday that next preceded Easter Sunday. as also they fasted not on the day of the Annunciation. What regard had they then, think you, to the Tithe of Time?

Of the VI. Chapter.

THe practice of paiment in the third CCCC. yeers; was Pa­rochially obserued in some Praeter ea quae ad hanc rem §. 1.2. & 3 habemus Videsis Hinc marū in opere Capitum 55. ad Laud Epi­scop. cap. 1. & Ra­banum apud Cen­turiatores cent. 9. cap. 7. de iureiu­rando quod exi­gebatur nonnun­quam de decimis rite solutis. places, but especially by Clergie men, to Clergie men, who (with such as were reputed among them) subiected themselues more to their Canons then the Laitie could be brought to do. But it seems somewhat plain by the many ex­amples of Arbitrarie Consecrations to Monasteries and other Chur­ches, related in §. 2. (whereto ioine also the English practice in the XI. Chapter, and the Apud Auentin. Annal. Bae [...]rum lib. 6. pag 379. edit. Bas. 1615. Charter of Henrie the eighth, Duke of Ba­uiere, of the Tithes of Rannesh [...]fen, giuen to the Church of S. Pancrace) that the paiment of them Parochially performd by Lay men, was yet frequently omitted or continued to their own wills. Whence other­wise could the Founders and Benefactors of Monasteries haue made [Page 468] Tithes part of their endowments? it was not, in these elder times, so much by giuing them Churches (as the most that speak of this, igno­rantly think, telling vs that all Tithes came into Monasteries by ap­propriating of Parish Churches) as by conueying to hem diuers Tithes alone and newly created. and after those gifts, Consecrations, or new creations, n [...] other Tithes were paid vpon any other right, out of that Land which was so charged with them. But most of those Consecrations were at one time or another at length confirmd by Popes and Bishops, and so cleerly after enioyd; which plainly also supposed a former strength in them. For regularly, Confirmatio ex pro­prio significatu denotat firmitatem actus confirmati, as Ad tit. de Dec. c. duaum. num. 11. Panormitan and other Canonists say, and nihil Innocent. ad dict lec. & tit de confirm. vt & in­ [...]til. c. eum dile­cta 4. iuris noui tribuit, sed tantum vetus con­firmat. But it is plain, that after Parochiall right established, that is since about M.CC. when the Canons grew more powerfull and o­bedience to them became more readie, such confirmations by bishops and Popes, and such consecrations, creations, or new grants by Lay men, of Tithes, haue bin taken and declared cleerly void, as you may see in a decree Tit. de his qua f. apral. sine &c. c. 7. cum Apostolica. of Pope Innocent the III▪ touching Tithes, so granted by a Knight of Berry in France, and confirmd by the Archbishop, and Tit. de Dec. c. dudum 31. in another of his about Tithes so giuen or created to a Church by the King and Queen of Hungarie, and after confirmd by a Pope or two. and who can doubt now but that all such grants (in regard of preuention of the Parsons right) be not only void by the practiced Canon Law of this day, but also by the Secular or common Laws of most States (if not of all where Tithes are paid) in Christendom. For admit at this day, that Titius grant Decimas suas of such an Acre to the Parson, Abbot, or Bishop of such a Church, and this be confir­med by whom you will; The Tithe due from him Parochially is not toucht by it. why? because they are setled iure communi (as the Law is practiced) in the Parish Rector but in those elder times, such an arbitrarie grant vested the Tithe in the Church to which it was giuen, and no other afterward was paid. Why? because then notwithstan­ding the Canons, no ius commune, no Parochiall right of Tithes was setled or admitted in the practice of the Laitie. And for those ancien­ter grants; be not deceiud by such as tell you they were alwaies of Tithes formerly infeodated from the Church. that hath no ground to iustifie it▪ neither can any man at al proue any common course of such Infeodation of Tithes from the Church into Lay hands, to haue been in any State till the later times of Reformation of Religion in some places, and dissolution of Monasteries. and those two examples which are in Pope Innocents decrees are expresly of new creations, at least not of infeodated Tithes, as euery Canonist will acknowledge. But cleerly they both were in themselus according to the many other, but they had not the fortune to be confirmd in such time as the Pope or Clergie vsually gaue way to the former practice of arbitrarie Conse­cration. [Page 469] And doubtlesse also, after such time as the Clergie saw that the Canons, made for Parochiall right of Tithes, had gotten force, and that the former creations or grants of Tithes by Lay men (which were indeed practiced agianst many Canons both Papall and Syno­dall) were, by that name of Lay-mens grants, creations or consecra­tions, declared vtterly void by the Pope and his Canon Law, although confirmed by whomsoeuer; such of them as had originally no other true titles to Tithes so commonly consecrated by Lay men, subtilly e­nough in the next foure hundred yeers, left off the pretence of their Lay grantors bountie (especially if the Grantor had been a common person) and betook themselues only to prescription Extr. tit. de pr [...] ­script. c. 6. & 8. of XL. yeers, and to what other times might be allowd to setle a right to them vpon a possession of Tithes. and, by what way, retaind safely what other­wise, if they had held themselues to the deeds of their Lay grantors and to Confirmations, had been in danger enough of being recoue­red from them by Parish Rectors. So that, when the prescription was good in regard of time and possession; although the originall Title it selfe were naught; yet because any other iust Title might be pre­tended to ground the prescription on (which also was Vide Innocent. 4. ad tit. le pr [...] ­script. c. si diligentia & ad tit. de Decim. c. dudum &c. not of neces­sitie to be proued incorporeall things) it was not difficult to haue a faire course to maintaine their possessions and right of such consecra­ted Tithes, as had been possest so fortie yeers before they were que­stioned by Parsons which claimed them iure communi. For against them, such a prescription by any other Church, Abbey, or Bishoprique or such like is a good Title. Remember also their erecting of Paro­chiall Chappells within the larger Territories, out of which they had portions. plainly, the erecting of such Chappells for Parish Churches (the Cure being there serued by some Monke or Vicar, instituted vp­on the presentation of them which had the granted portions) made those portions at length also in many places be reputed for Parochiall Tithes, due in regard of those Parochiall Chappells. But what course soeuer they took; it seems certain, that the Titles deriud from Lay consecrations were after this third CCCC. yeers carefully con­ceald by the Possessors in such publike records of their reuenues, as were of more common and open vse in their legall proceedings at the Canon Law, howeuer they remaind still in their ancienter and more secret Chartularies. and with vs I haue very rarely, scarce at all, seen an Instrument of them in their Lieger books or otherwise, writen in a hand that is later then King Iohns time. the most are before him. But I haue seen Catalogues of the time of Henrie the third and Ed­ward the first, of many large portions of Tithes, that doubtlesse came first from arbitrarie Consecrations, and that through most of the Dioceses of England, wherein not the least mention is of any Grantor. only possession is rememberd. and that, by prescription. was to be iu­stified. Some Titles also I haue seen made to Tithes in Libells of the [Page 470] time of Henrie the third, especially in the Lieger books of Reading, Osney, and Pipewell. but in none of them euer any deriud from Con­secrations. Neither indeed, in that ancientest Formularie of the Ca­non Law (I mean Durand, that liued about CCC.L. yeers since) is any other Libell for Tithes, then such as make the Title Canonicall. None that touches Lay consecrations; which diuers yeers before his time became as much concealed in legall proceedings of the Canon Law, as they had been in the more ancient times desired and hunted after by such as were enricht by them. This of arbitarie Consecra­tions, I presume, is like strange Doctrine to most men. it may well be. for the truth of it, I think, was neuer before so much as pointed at by any that hath writen of any part of our subiect. But I doubt not but euery vnderstanding Reader will think these things here now shortly noted on them to deserue his consideration, which I desire him also to referre to the XI. Chapter. and also let him apply to them the Ad­monitions toucht presently in Appropriations.

For Appropriations which are in the 3. §. they consisted (as you see there & in the XII. Chapter) for the purpose, either in conueying Pa­rish Churches appropriated with Tithes setled in them somtimes by a con­tinuance of paiment, sometimes by Consecrations, or by both; or of Churches that were then appropriated when (according to the vse of the time) none or few Tithes were paid to them, yet afterward in the hands of the Monks or such like, when the Canons for paiment of Tithes came into force, got Parochiall paiment to be made to them; or thirdly in passing of Tithes formerly created and in esse. So that as by Consecrations, Tithes newly created, were setled in Monasteries and the like, so, by Appropriations, Churches with Tithes in esse, or with the pretended right to them, and Tithes alone (but formerly in esse) were conueid to them. The whole Appropriation of Tithes with Churches or Churches alone (we shew) in that ancienter time was made by the Patron. The Churches with Tithes (by the name of Ecclesia cum De­cimis, when Tithes were paid to it) was in point of interest giuen by him. And many more Churches haue been so appropriated, then by the later and more known course. Neither, I think, haue many new Appropriations been since made. not many in regard of the number of the other. But deserues not this then another kind of considera­tion then is commonly dreamt on, among them which make Tithes due by the Diuine Morall Law to the Euangelicall Priesthood? if they be so; what had the Patron as Patron (were he either Temporall or Spirituall) to doe with them in conueying them to Monks, Friers, Nunnes, poor people in Hospitals? none of these, by that name, are of the Priesthood. and that way, they were so equally due to the mi­nistring Priesthood before the Patrons title to the Church, that what euer he could do after he were Patron (although also his act were con­firmd by whom you will) could not at all, it seems, touch them, or con­uey [Page 471] them from him that should afterward exercise the spirituall fun­ction of the Church. Consider Tithes so due; and how could any Monasterie deriue to it selfe any Title to that selfe same Tithe that was so due to the Priesthood? And if it had not the selfe same Tithe, but by prescription or other ciuill Title, hauing the glebe of a Church had also a profit by the name of Tithe as annext to the Church, no o­therwise then other Lay endowments (for no man can doubt but that any kind of persons may inioy a profit vnder the name of Tithe or Tenth, aswell as a Rent of the Ninth part or of the Eleuenth) who then is it that now detains the Tithe due by the Diuine Morall Law, in cases of Appropriations? doth the Monasterie, or those which haue such appropriated Tithes by conueyance from it? or rather doth not the Parishioner, that is bound to whatsoeuer is by that Law due, al­though he pay neuer so many other Tenths due only by some ciuill Title? or by that Opinion, is not he that receiues the appropriated Tithe bound to pay a Tenth of it to the Minister, and the Parishioner a Tenth of his Nine parts. I affirme nothing here. it is no place for me to do it. But let these things be first considerable to euery one that talks of Appropriations, and concludes Tithes due iure diuino morali. And, for Lay mens right to the appropriated Tithes (that is, such as did either vest in the Monasteries by Appropriations, or at least haue been enioied by reason of them) let him examine it rather thus: may that which either Grant or Prescription, or other ciuill Title once setled and so euen consecrated to God and holy vses, although abusd, be afterward prophaned to Lay hands? But it is a grosse error to make it cleer as many do, that if Tithes be not due to the Priesthood iure diuino morali, then Appropriated Tithes may be still possessed with good conscience by Lay men; and that if otherwise, then they may not. For though they be not due so; yet is the consecration of them in the Appropriation, nothing? for if they be not due so, then it will be cleer, I think, to all, that they might passe in the Appropriation, as other things, subiect to the Titles of humane and positiue Law. The many execrations annext to the deeds of conueyance of them, and pourd forth against such as should d [...]uert them to prophan vses, should be also thought on. and let them remember also, who saies, that Prouerb. 20.25. it is a Destruction for a man to deuoure what is consecrated.

To what we haue here of Episcopall right pretended to Tithes espe­cially in Germanie, & of Tithes appropriated by Bishops, you may adde the examples of Thietmar Bishop of Werden in Saxonie, that Krantz. Metro­pol lib. 6. cap. 19. & cap. 29. & lib. 7. cap. 48. about M.C.XL. Contulit Ecclesiae suae vndecem Decimas, & Contulit fratribꝰ Decimam in Esse. As also his successor Herman, Contulit Ecclesiae suae mediam Deci­mam de Haselwerder, & integram in Rakestede, & Tunderling. and Luder Bishop there about M.CC.XXX. Contulit Ecclesiae Decimam in Emelendorp cum aduocatia, and ordinauit Scolaribus Decimam in Mendorp. It seems this their giuing of Tithes to their Church was an [Page 472] assignment of them to the encrease of their Prebends, or such like. for it cannot, I think, be vnderstood of Tithes giuen to the Bisho­prique by themselues, who as Bishops possest or pretended right to Tithes generally in their Diocese. But also, with that noted here touching Gerold Bishop of Oldenburg (or Lubek) his vrging them of the Deserts of Wagria to pay; obserue the words of his perswasiue Let­ter sent to them to get their Tithes. Deo, saith he, Helmoldus presb. hist. Seliuiorum cap. 92. gratias ago, quod multarum in vosiis parent vil tutum insignia, quod videlicet hospitalitati & vlijs misericordiae operibus propter Deum insistitis, quòd in verbo Dei promptis­simi & in construendis Ecclesijs solliciti estis; in legitimis quo (que) vt Deo pla­citum est, castam ducitis vitam; quae omnia tamen obseruata nil proderunt, si caetera mandata negligitis, quia sicut scriptum est, qui in vno offendit omnium reus est. Dei enim praeceptum est, Decimas ex omnibus dabis mihi, vt benè sit tibi & longo viuas tempore, cui obedierunt Patriarchae, Abraham scilicet Isaac & Iacob, & omnes qui secundum fidem facti sunt filij Abra­ha, per quod laudem etiam & praemia aterna consecuti sunt. Apostoliquo (que) & Apostolici viri hoc ipsum ex ore Dei mandauerunt, & sub anathematis vin­culo posteris seruandum tradiderunt. Cum ergo Dei omnipotentis proculdubio hoc constet esse praeceptum, & sanctorum Patrum fit autoritate firmatum, no­bis id incumbit negotij vt quod vestrae saluti deest, nostro in vobis opere per Dei gratiam suppleatur. Monemus ergo & obsecramus omnes vos in Domi­no, vt mihi, cui paterná in vos cura commissa est, animo volenti, quasi filij obedientiae, acquiescatis, & Decimas prout Deus instituit & Apostolica Ban­no firmauit Autoritas, ad ampliandum Dei cultum & ad gerendum paupe­rum curam Ecclesiae detis, ne si Deo quae ipsi debentur subtraxeritis & sub­stantiam simul & animam in interitum mittatis aeternum. Valete. It seems he was in some confidence, that because he was a Bishop, he might make them beleeue any thing of the Patriarchs and the Apostles. and you may see he loued the profit of the Tithes so well, that he would not stand vpon any vnlucky venturing his credit in Diuinitie, or vpon offering a plain falshood, in writing for them. For though they were due generally as he would haue them, yet how would he haue proued that all the Patriarchs and all that were by faith as the sonnes of A­braham, paid them? or that thereby they all had gaind praemia aeterna? and whence could he haue iustified it, that the Apostles ordaind that they should be paid? it may be therein he meant the Constitutions of the Apostles, of which enough before. if he did, how could he haue strengthened their autoritie? But they to whom he sent remaind still as farre from obedience as the historicall part of his Letter was from truth. And the truth was, he could by no means get any Tithes of them. But for that (in this §.) of Episcopall right, or the right of the Euangelicall Priesthood, so much pretended against Tithes enioied by Monks, that were indeed Lay men, howeuer reputed as a kind of part of the Clergie; it seems that in those daies the Bishops and Priests often stood so much on it, and so much and so often labourd [Page 473] against Consecrated & Appropriated Tithes, possessed by the Monks (for they knew it was to no purpose to vrge the Lay owners, who af­ter they had giuen Tithe by consecration would giue no more to any of them) that the most common place which in their Synods and Sermons they dealt on, was the right of Tithes, as due to the Priest­hood. and in so much also and so vntimely was that common place v­sed, that there talking of it was become a Prouerb to denote their frequent going from the matter. as if most vsually they fell into that, when they should haue talkt of something else. This is iustified by a passage of the Monk Aimonius in the life of Abbo Abbot of Floriacum, where he speaks of a Synod held vnder Robert King of France, about the yeer M. (when Aimonius liud) in the Abbey of S. Denis. Very ma­ny Bishops, saith he, were present at it, Vita Abbonis Floriac. cap. 9. Qui cum de fidei puritate & de corrigendis tam suis quàm subditorum prauis moribus sermocinari debuis­sent, iuxta vulgare prouerbium, Cunctum suum sermonem ad Decimas verterunt Ecclesiarum, quas Laicis ac Deo seruientibus Monachis auferre moliti, resistente eis in hac re hoc V. Dei Cultore Abbone, promiscuam in se vulgi concitauere manum. and such danger did the Bishops, in vrging it, draw on themselues, that they were driuen all to dissolue the Synod by running away. you see here Sermonem ad Decimas vertere, was as a prouerb to go from the matter. and for those words, Laicis ac Deo ser­uientibus Monachis; I think, they are not to be interpreted Lay men, and Monks, but Monks that were lay, and spent their time in the seruice of God ▪ For there is no doubt but the Bishops and Priests obiected the name of Laici to the Monks here; and so was it fit, in the relation, to name them. and it was no wonder that the common people (whose bountie, in bestowing of Tithes on Monks, should thus haue turnd to nothing) so fiercely opposed them. If you vnderstand Laicis by it selfe here, then it may denote the arbitrarie detaining or disposing of Tithes by meer Lay men, which, I must confesse, Abbo and his Monks and all other Monks whatsoeuer had some reason to withstand. for they gaind much by it. But, I doubt, it cannot haue reference to Lay Infeodations. For as yet I could neuer see the least testimonie of an Infeodation of Tithes vntill many yeers after Abbo's time. it might perhaps denote them also. but I dare not cleerly affirm or denie here.

The 4. §. is of ancient Infeodations of Tithes. What is in old testi­monie of them, is there deliuerd. but for time; wee neither fetch them from Charles Martell, nor from the holy Warre of between M.XCV. and M.C. as others do. plainly both those Opinions are false. And it is as certain that they are false, as it is difficult to find the true beginning of Infeodations. Neither, I think, did any man euer referre them to Charles Martell, before Martinus Polonus Archbishop of Cosenza and Penitentiarie to the Pope, who wrote about M.CC.LXXX. Ecclesias (saith he of him) spoliat, Decimas militibus confe­rendo; and this being through many hands receiud, hath to this houre [Page 474] abusd many mens credulitie. But thereof, enough alreadie. They are as farre out, that deriue them all from gifts made by Churches, or impositions by Princes. yet that most common opinion, that they all came first out of Churches is elder then the other, and as ancient at least as Frederique Barbarossa. For in the controuersie twixt him and Pope Vrban the third about Inuestitures, Scimus (are the Apud M [...]l [...]hior. Goldast. Gonstit. Imper. tom. 2. pag 50. word) Decimas & oblationes à Deo Sacerdotibus & Leuitis Primitias deputatas. sed cum tempore Christianitatis ab Aduersarijs infestarentur Ecclesiae, easdem De­cimas Praepotentes & Nobiles Viri ab Ecclesijs in beneficio stabili acceperunt, vt ipsi defensores Ecclesiarum fierent quae per se obtinere non valerent. There is no question butt his opinion had soon Autors enough among the Clergie. For, the pretence of it was like enough a great perswasion to some Lay men to giue in their infeodated Tithes to the Church. and this the Canonists, for the most part, and generally the Lawiers of most States, take for a cleer truth. which I much wonder at, seeing that while they take it so, yet they interpret that Et vide cap. 7. §. 3. ad sin [...] m. Canon Prohibemus (which is the principall prouision against Feudall Tithes, and was made by a Councell, that best knew the practice of the neer former times, against such as were created by Lay men to Lay men) to haue been the stay only of further Infeodations into Lay hands, that is, euery lay Infeodation that hath force they suppose to be of before the time of that Canon. as if the Infeodations from Lay to Lay, there for­bidden, were those from which such (for the most part) as continue had their originall. and therein doubtlesse they are right. and the later Canonists that would apply it to all Infeodations then in esse are grosly deceiud, or wittingly striue to deceiue. for in that respect, the Canon is in no State in force. Neither was it anciently so interpreted by the Canonists. but in the other, that is, touching new creations of Feudall Tithes (in preiudice of the Church) by Lay men to Lay men, it hath been euer admitted, and is in practice both in France and Spain. and what better interpretation of it can be then the continuall pra­ctice vpon it since the making of it? and so how can it then be supposd but that Lay men before were chiefly the originall Autors of them? But some Bertrand [...] Ar­gentre in Cons. Brit. tit. des Approprian­ces [...]rt. 266. pag. 1110. Lawiers here to iustifie their receiud opinion, bring this argument. Had they not come from the Church, they say, then had the Tithes themselues, which are now possessed by Lay men through Infeodations, paid Tithes also to the Church by reason of the many Canons made for paiment out of all yeerly increase. But this reason cleerly moues nothing. for the selfe same might haue been obiected against the known beginning of Tithes created and consecrated to Monasteries by Lay men. plainly by the Canons, notwithstanding such consecration, the Parochiall right to the Euangelicall Priesthood could not be diminished. and by them also, aswell a Tithe out of the Tithe consecrated, as out of the Nine parts of the Parishioner, might, for aught can be proued against it, be demanded by the Parish Rector. [Page 475] But wee see cleerly both the originall of those consecrations to haue been from Lay men; and also that no Tithe was or is paid either out of them or out of the rest of the profits of the Nine parts. How then can the other argument touching Infeodations better cōclude here? beside it insists vpon Canons. and would conclude practice from Law. which course of proofe, vsd by most men that write of these things, is grosse and ridiculous. For who euer but indifferently ob­serues the storie of the elder time together with the Laws, shall soon find that in the Canon Law especially, an argument from debere fieri to factum esse, is scarce so sound as that so hist at among children, à posse ad esse. The truth seemes to be, that both in Consecrations, and Infeodations, and Appropriations of Tithes, there was not any other thing thought on then the name of Tithe, and the right of Tithes generally due to the Church; as if euery thing being the Tenth, and by that name as it were specificated, were presently the Clergies. so that whatsoeuer was by that name giuen away to meer Lay men or to Monasteries by new creation in either Consecrations or Infeoda­tions, was, it seemes, taken alwaies to be the selfe same indiuiduall Tithe which was supposd due to the Clergie. which also doubtlesse was a cause why many Infeodations hauing originall only from Lay men, were falsly supposed to haue first come from the Church. for how easie was it that that which out of its own name only of Decima was presently taken as to be due to the Church, should be titled an Ecclesiastique right, and then in the passages of them which would haue had it so, be reckond among such things as the Church had a title to by a former possession? and cleerly many of the Laitie also could not but be very inclinable to that opinion. for so long as that held it is likely they resolud they needed not to pay any more to the Church. for when the Church would not keepe the feudall Tithes when it had them (they thought it once had them al) they conceiued doubtlesse there was no reason why they should pay it any more or other Tithes. Thus perhaps vpon diuers grounds and causes, both the Laitie & Clergie deceiud themselues in thinking of the originall of these Infeodations. But herein that which we haue toucht before to be considered in Consecrations and Appropriations is also consi­derable. for what could such Infeodations by Lay men to Lay men, hurt the right of tithes which was in the Priesthood? especially if due either iure diuino morali, or by any positiue Law ancienter then the Infeodation. But we haue not affirmd, that no Infeodations came o­riginally from the Church. Questionlesse some did. and beside the ex­amples alreadie noted, you may see that of Racherius Iuo Epist. 289. editione secunda. primae deest. who Ecclesiae de Hauchis (in France, about the yeer M.C.XX.) Decimam laicali v­surpatione tenebat, as Iuo's words are, and he gaue the Church to an Abbey of S. Martins, and minutas in praesentiarum Monachis demittendo concessit Decimas, & Decimam de Culturis Monachorum eis concessit ha [...]en­dam [Page 476] post sui decessum. here it seems he had inheritance in the Tithes. For that other coniecture; that they came first frō Impositions made by Princes; I doubt it hath no kind of probabilitie. Indeed it ap­pears that anciently in Turingia, the people were driuen before theiri [...] Christianity Centur Magde­burg. 8. cap. 8. to pay Tithes to the Kings of Hungarie, both of thein annuall increase, and of their children also; and in the gouernment of the King that was declared by 1 Sam. cap. 8. Samuel: it is said, He will take the tenth of your Vineyards and giue it to his chiefe Seruants, and to his Officers. But where shall you find the least mention of Infeodations made of such kind of Tenths? or any touch of them in the complaints of the Clergie against Infeodations? and withall, nothing hath beene of lesse practice then giuing away in perpetuall right any such reuenue due to any Crowne or State, only by speciall right of Supreme Ma­iestie. But admit, these had their originall this way or any other as you will; vnlesse they can be proud to haue been made of the verie selfe same Tithe which is due to the ministring Priesthood (which can neuer been downe; sauing only where the infeodated Tithe was at first receiud and possessest by the Church by force of the Law of Tithing, not by arbitrary Consecration; in which case also it is consi­derable whether a Lay man could be at all capable of the fructus only of them, if due by an immediat expresse Law of God.) I see not how they shuld more preuent Parochial paiment to the ministring Priest, then the paiment of rents in Eiusdem gene­ris, sub Decimae etiam nomine, prouentus Domi­nis soluuntur in Gallijs, in Germa­nia, alibi. videsis Bertran. d'Argen­tre, Cons. Brit. art. 266. pag. 1109. & Specul Saxon lib 2. a [...]tic. 58. § 2. &c. Terragies, or quantities in Corn, vnder the name of tiths to land [...]ards shuld diminish the right of the spiritu­all Tithe. which way had either such a fift as was Pharohs, or the tenth spoken of by Samuel, to be taken by the King, touched the Tithe due by a superior or former law, to the Leuitical Priesthood? both might wel haue stood together. might not so, nay, should not so Tithes remain paiable frō the possessors of the nine parts to the Euangelical Priest­hood, notwithstanding infeodations or any reseruations whatsoeuer, if they be due by a superior or former Laws, especially if due by the Morall Law? and that Law should bee vrged rather against the Te­nants of the Land then against the Pernors of the feudall Tithes. And that common distinction of the Canonists, of ius percipiendi, & fructus Decimarum here, is a mere shift, and nothing satisfies, vnlesse they could also teach vs how the fructus were the verie selfe same al­waies in Infeodations, and that they were deriued from a ius percipi­endi in some Clergie man. Perhaps too much of these things; which are litle or nothing applicable to England, where we haue scarce any example of a Tithe, that was in its nature feodall, other then in such as were taken from Monasteries by the Statuts of Dissolution, and may still be calld, as originally, by the name of Consecrated or Appropriated Tithes, although now Infeodated. But thereof see the XIII. Chapter.

To the 5. §. that speaks of Exemptions, for matter of story may be [Page 477] added that of the Hospitalars. After their exemptions giuen them with the two other Orders; about the yeer MCLX. in the Eastern parts they tam Domino Will. Tyrius de bello sacro lib. 18. cap. 3. Patriarchae quam caeteris Ecclesiarum Praelatis multas tam super Parochiali iure quam super iure Decimationum caeperunt in­ferre molestas, &c. and receiud such as were excommunicat for non-paiment of them De praedijs autem suis & vniuersis redditibus quocunque iure ad eos deuolutis omninò Decimas negabant. Where by the way note that in this Eastern Church (which, after Hierusalem was recouered and made a Kingdome subiect to Western Princes, should haue been fashiond according to the Canons of the Western Church) Tithes were now appointed paiable, although no authentike Law of that old Eastern Church, once mentions them. But both in this and other things, the people of that Church were stil (notwithstanding the new Kingdome of Hierusalem possessed by Europians, and the Popes au­thority extended to them) most Quod constat ex Marini San [...]ti T [...]s [...]lli Secret. Fi­delium lib. [...]. part. 8 & epist. 8 & A­nonym. de recuperat Terr [...] Sancta cap. 18. obstinate & refractarie against the policie and Institutions offerd them either in command or example from the Western.

After the Opinions of the age in the 6. §. the Laws both Im­periall, Prouinciall, and Pontificiall follow in the 7. vpon which let it bee considerd, whether a consecration of Tithes were so made by the power and law of the Church and Common wealth or both (in se­uerall Territories, according to the Laws extended) that no propha­nation or detaining them or any part of them, might afterwards be lawfull. and the like should be carefully thought on in the 1. §. of the VII. Chapter, and in the VIII. Chapter which hath the Lawes of England, for the same purpose. The force of the words of all those Laws; the Autoritie that made them; and the Territories to which they were extended, are especially to be obserud by euerie one that here looks after humane positiue Law. For manie talke and write of that, and tell vs here of ius Ecclesiasticum (at least if they faile in their Arguments from Ius diuinum) but whence that Ius Ecclesiasticum is, and where or when made, they little enough know. For what hath a Pro­uinciall Councell of one Nation to doe with another? What hath the Imperialls of the old French Empire to doe with England? Nay, what hath the Popes Decrees to do here? But because there was a time when their autority was more largely acknowledged; their Decrees that bred much of what now iustly continues in some States (which also iustly now denie their autoritie) remaine most obseruable. and wee haue giuen them in their places.

Of the VII. Chapter.

IN the last CCCC. yeers, beside the establishment of Parochiall right in Tithes, and the various Opinions touching the immediat Law whereby they are due; the Practice of most Christian Nations, as it might be had out of their Laws and Lawiers, is faithfully related. [Page 478] And to what is there brought, adde that of the Law of France, wher­by the right of the Tithe of all the Minesis claimd by Ordonances de France liu 2. tom. 2. de Mines & Mineries. the King, as a droit de Souerainte, according as it is declard by two Edicts published of Charles the IX. and verified also by the Parlament of Paris. accor­ding also, the old Imperiall Law was. But through all here, you may see that the Customes Statutes and Common Laws, especially of France, Italie and Spaine, and of most other, if not all States, permit not, so fauourably for the Clergie, an exaction of them, or suite to be so ge­nerally brought for them, as the Laws of England did before the Sta­tutes of Dissolution of Monasteries, and still do, if you exempt those cases which are founded only vpon those Statutes. What Statute or practice is in this Kingdome, that equals, the Carolines of Spaine, or the Philippine of France, which are generall Laws for Customes (qua­tenus Customes) de non Decimando? And whereas England vntill the Dissolution, had scarce a continuing Infeodation into lay hands (of which see the XIII. Chapter) nor could a lay man by the common Law before the Dissolution, make any title to Tithes as to lay inheritances; in other Nations Tithes infeodated haue been from aboue D. almost DC. yeers frequent in vse, and still continue legally in lay hands, and are subiect wholly to Secular Iurisdiction, as also other Tithes paid to the Church are, whersoeuer any such suite is commenced for them in their Spirituall Courts, as stand not with their libertie challenged from their Secular or Common Law. For eue­rie Christian State hath its owne Common Laws, as this Kingdome hath. And the Canon Law euerie where, in such things as are not meerly spirituall, is alwaies gouerned and limited (as with vs) by those Common Laws. For by that name are they to be calld as they are distinguisht from the Canon Law, which hath properly Persons and Things sacred only and spirituall for its obiect in practice, as the Ca­non Laws deale with Things and Persons, as they haue reference to a Common, not Sacred, vse or societie established in a Common wealth. Who knowes any thing in Holy-Writ knowes the vse of the word Cō ­mon to be so distinguisht from Sacred. Indeed it hath other notions there also, and it is otherwise vnderstood in ius commune, frequently among Canonists and Ciuilians. But these nothing at all hurt the conuenience of this denomination. For by them, Ius commune is v­sed as it is opposd to Municipale or Consuetudinarium. But here, and in the nomination of the English Laws, as it is distin­guisht from Sacred or Spirituall. and so in this sense the allowance of Customes, and Parlamentarie Statutes (as they ought) fall vnder the name of Common Law with vs. Here I doubt not but it will be an obuious obiection, that I should rather call the su­preme and gouerning Law of euerie other Christian State (sauing England and Ireland) the Ciuill Law; that is the old Roman Imperiall Law of Iustinian. For such a raigning, but most grosse Ignorance, [Page 479] is euery where almost to be met withal in England, that you shal haue it affirmd for cleer that al other States are gouernd only by the Ciuil Law. Indeed, if they which say so, vnderstood Ciuill for that which is the Ius Ciuile of euery singular State, it were but the same to talk of Ciuill and Common Law. For the Common Law of England also is the Ius Ciuile Anglorum. But it is euen with one mouth pretended vsually, that the Body of the Imperialls, read and profest in the Vniuersities, is the Ci­uill Law, that gouernes (as they say) all other States. But this, how­soeuer receiued through lazie Ignorance, is so farre from Truth, that indeed no Nation in the world is gouerned by them. For whersoeuer they are supposed to gouerne (let the briefe cleering of so common an error, get pardon for the digression) it must be taken, that they ei­ther gourne by their owne originall autoritie, as they are Imperialls, or from their being receiued for Laws into other States, which are not in that first way subiect to them. According to that first way; only the Empire and perhaps a good part of Italie, should be ruled by them. But it is plaine, that for the most part, the disposition of Inheritances, punishing of Crimes, course of Proceedings, Dowers, Testaments, and such other, which are of greatest moment vnder the Legall rule, are euen in those States, where, by reason of their first Institution, they retaine a kind of autoritie, ordered by most various Customes and new Statutes of seuerall Prouinces and Cities, so differing from those old Imperialls; that the whole face and course of them is ex­ceedingly changed in practice. This is plaine to euery one, that ob­serues but the diuers Customes and Ordinances of the States subiect to the Empire; the Ius Camerale collected by Petrus Denaisius; the Nemesis Karulina, as it is set forth by Georgius Romus; and the many published Decisions or Reports both of the Imperiall Cham­ber, and the Rota's of Rome, Naples, Piemont, Mantua, Genoa, Bo­logna, and other parts of the Territorie of Italie. You shall find those Decisions, in matters of greatest moment, most commonly grounded on Customarie Law, or later Constitutions. So, that to affirme, that in these places the old Imperialls, or that Ciuill Law (as they call it) gouernes, is as if (for example) an equall ig­norance shuld tel vs, that Spain were gouerned only by Alfonso's Par­fidas, and Scotland only by Malcolms Laws or the Quoniam Attachia­menta; or that in the time of the old Emperors the Roman State had been alwaies gouerned only by the XII. Tables, or that England were legally ruled only by the Grand Charter, or by the two volumes of old Statutes. Like accession and alteration as any of these haue had, is found in the Empire and in Italie, where the Imperialls haue, through the power of the Emperors and Videsis dist. 10. c. 22. & 13. & extr de noui ops. is nuntiatione c. 1. Popes, any now continuing auto­ritie. Now, for other Christian States, which acknowledge no superi­or, or any subiection to the Empire (except Portugall, where the Ro­man Ciuill Law is autorized, by an Videsis Suarez. de legibus lib. 3. cap. 8. §. 3. Ordinance of State, in cases [Page 480] which are not literally comprehended in the Customes or Constitu­tions of the Kingdome) as France, Spaine, Scotland, Denmarke, Poland, the Citie of Venice, and what also in Germanie hath made it selfe fro [...] from the Empire; what colour is there, that the Imperiall Ciuill Law should gouerne in them. Indeed in all of them, I thinke, the reason of it brought into method, is vsed and applied commonly to ar [...] ­ment, when any of their Customes or Statutes (which are especially in France and Spaine very voluminous) come in question, because the Practicers studied it in the Vniuersities, & had thence their Degrees giuen them; which yet they had not, till about some CCCC. yeers since, neither before about that time was a Doctor or Professor of them known on this side the Alpe [...]. But as it is Law, it neither binds nor rules with them, no more then the old stories of Heredotus, Thu­cydides, Diodore, Polybius, Iosephus, Liute, Tacitus, and the like, or Cicero and Demosthenes, or Plato's Lawes, and other of that kind; which are equally somtimes vsed for reason or example, specially by the Practi­cers of France. And so the old Imperiall Ciuill Law valet pro ratione (as Bertrand d' Argentre, President of the Parlament of Rennes Ad Consuet. Brit. tit. 22. de Succestionibus, ad rubricam. sayes) non pro inducto iure; & pro ratione only quantum Reges, Dynastae, & Res­publicae intra potestatis suae fines valere patiuntur And in France and Spain, Laws Vide Chappin. du Domain [...] &c. liu. 2. tit. 15. §. 5. Bodin de Repub. lib 1. cap 8. Suarez vbi supra &c. Philip. 2. in prag­matica ante collect. L [...]gum Ro [...]ni. were some CCC. yeers since expressely made, that the Im­perials should haue no force in thē. And in Scotland it is ordaind, that no Laws haue force there, but the Kings Laws Parl. 3. Iacobi 1. cap. 48. and Statutes of the Realme, and that it should be gouerned by the common Parl. 6. Iacob. 4. cap. 79. Lawes of the Realme, and by none other Lawes. Doubtlesse, Custome hath made some parts of the Imperialls to be receiued for Law in all places where they haue been studied; as euen in England also, in Marine causes, and matter of personall Legacies. But is England therefore gouerned by them? It were as good a consequent to conclude so, as to affirme, that any of the other States were, because som petie things are orde­red according to some Imperiall Text receiued and establisht by Cu­stome. But this may seeme no fit place to speak more (perhaps not so much) to cleere this grosse error of such as yet pretend to know more then vulgarly, but can make no difference twixt the vse of Laws in studie or argument (which might equally happen to the Laws of Vto­pia) and the gouerning autoritie of them. If any desire to search fur­ther here, beside the Autorities cited in the Vide extr. tit. de Priuileg. c. 28. super specula, & ibid. Hostiens. l. Andr. Anton. de Butrio. item Choppin. du Domaine, liu. 2. tit. 35. §. 5. Bodin de Repub. lib. 1. cap. 8. & ante alios Sua­rez de Legibus, lib. 3. cap. 8. v [...]de etiam pr [...]sat. ad Statut. Polonia, Prilusij. Margine, let him espe­cially see I. Baptista à Villalubos [...] Antinomia Iuris regni Hispaniarum ac Ciuilis, & note especially la Conference du droit Francois auec le droict Ro­maine, composed by Bernard Automne, and obserue both the Volumes of Statutes and Ordinances of Spaine, France, Scotland, Poland, and of other Countries, together with the various Prouincial Customes, es­pecially in France, with the Arrests, Decisions and Playd [...]es of that Kingdome, and he shall soon be confirmed in that which a great Ci­uilian of Italie is ingenuous enough to tell vs; Hispania, Anglia, Sco­tia, [Page 481] Balia, Hibernia, Alemania, Datia, Suetia, Vngaria, Boemia, Polonia, Bulgaria Hieronym. [...]igas tract. de Crin. lasa Maiest. lib. 3. quast. [...]3. §. 18. & 19. non vtuntur legibus seu iure ciuili, sed specialibus consuetudinibus [...] statutis, that is, they are all gouerned by their owne common Laws. [...] that most learned Frier In Compond. Theolog. citatur in Notis, ad Furtisc. pag. 43. Bacon, of his time; Omne regnum habes sua [...] aquibus laici reguntur vt iura Angliae & Franciae, & ita fit Iustitia in [...] per Constitutiones quas habent sicut in Italia per suas. This was then, and is now true. And the Interpretation of those common Laws in most places, saue England and Ireland, hath of late time been much directed by the reason of the Imperialls, and only by the reason of them (not by their autoritie) and that also in case when they are not opposite at all to the common Laws, but seeme to agree with the Law of Nations or common reason. And this vse of them, at the furthest, be­gan in its yongest infancie, not C.D.LX. yeeres since. For before that, euen from Iustinians time, they lay wholly out of vse: sauing on­ly, that some pieces of them, with the Interpolations of Alaricus and his Chancelor Anian, together with Lumbardine Additions and Inter­pretations, had their power in some parts of Italie and the Empire. But for about D.C. yeeres together, that is, from Iustinian till Frede­rique Barbarossa, no Profession was of them in any Vniuersitie, no Do­ctorship, no other Degree taken in them. But after that time, they grew into a common Profession in this Western world (although by their own autoritie they are confined to Rome, Constantinople, and Bery­tus) and euen here in England were, about Henry the thirds time, often applied to the common Law in discourse and argument, as you may see in Bract [...]n his frequent quotations of them. And heretofore some texts of them haue been in our Courts cited; not only as at this day some­times is done (when the words only of some of the regulae iuris is brought into an argument) but the Title and Law, after the Ciuilians fashion, hath been rememberd at the Barre, and so afterward exprest in the Report, as I haue seen in an example or two in the Mss. yeers of Edward the In Biblioth. Int. Templi. second. Yet, notwithstanding that, it is cleere, that England was neuer gouerned [...]y the Ciuill (or Imperiall) Law, as it was also affirmd by the vpper House of Parlament in 11 Rich. 2. where the King and Lords protested also, that their meaning was, it neuer should be gouerned by it.

Of the VIII. Chapter.

OVt of this fullnesse of Laws that were made for Tithes in Eng­land, let it be considered (by such as enquire here de iure) what interest was of right setled in the Clergie by them (howsoeuer they were litle obeyed) And by what Autorttie made (we haue care­fully added still what might help to a iudgement in that also) and how extensiue, in regard of Persons and Territorie, they were, and some such other; and how farre the Tithes might be, after such Laws, detained or [Page 482] made subiect to Customes, or possessed as things of common vse, The Laws of before, as well as of after the Norman Conquest (as it is vulgarly cal­led) are here gathered, and are perhaps equally obseruable, as the rest, in the consequent of a generall consecration of Tithes to the Church in England. For neither were the Laws formerly made, abolish by that Conquest, although, by Law of Vide Quintili­en lib. 5 Instituti­on. cap. 10. Atheric. Gontil de iure belli lib. 3. cap. 5 & He­toman. Illust. quast 5. Warre, regularly all Rights and Laws of the place conquered, be wholly subiect to the Conquerors will. For in this of the Norman, not only the Conquerors will was not declared, that the former Laws should be abrogated (and vntill such declaration, Laws remaine in force, by the opinion of Caluins [...]ase, fol. 17. b. some, in all Conquests of Christians against Christians) but also the ancient and former Laws of the Kingdome were confirmed by him. For in his fourth yeere, by the aduise of his Baronage, he summoned to London, Omnes Nobiles sapientes & l [...]ge suâ erud [...]tos, vt eorum leges & consuetudi­nes audiret, as the words are of the Book of Lichfield, and afterward confirme them, as is further also related in In Hen. 2. pag. 347. Roger of Houeden. Those Lege suâ eruditi were common Lawiers of that time, as Godric and Alswin were then also, who are spoken of in the Book of Ms. lib. 2. pag. 33. & 36. in Bibl. Cotton. Abing­don, to be Legibus patriae optime instituti, quibus tanta secularium facundia & praeteritorum memoria euentorum inerat, vt caeteri circumqua (que) facilè eorum sententiam, ratam fuisse, quam ed cerent, approbarent. And these two, and diuers other Common Lawiers then liued in the Abbey of Abingdon, Quorum collationi nemo sapiens (sayes the Autor) refragabatur, quibus rem Ecclesiae publicam tuentibus eius oblocutores elingues fiebant. You must know, that in those daies, euery Monk here in England, that would, might remaine so secular, that he might get money for him­selfe, purchase, or receiue by discent to his owne vse. And therefore it was fit enough for practicing Lawiers to liue in Monasteries. But what had those praeteritorum memoria euentorum (that is, Reports and adiudged Cases of the Saxon times) auailed in their skill, if the for­mer Laws had not continued? More obuious Testimonies to this pupose are had out of Videsis Cok [...] Praesat. ad Relat. 3. & 8. & si placet Hot. ad Fortese. pag. 7. & 8. Geruase of Tilburne, Ingulphus, and o­thers, and we here omit them. But also, indeed, it was not to be reputed a Conquest, or an Acquisition by right of Warre (which might haue destroyed the former Laws) so much as a violent recouering of the Kingdome out of the hands of Rebels, which withstood the Dukes pretence of a lawfull Title, claimed by the Confessors a­doption, or designation of him for his Successor; his neerenesse of bloud on the mothers side not a litle also aiding such a pretence to a Crowne. For the Confessors mother Emme, was sister to Ri­chard the second, Duke of Normandie, to whom, William was Grand-child and Heire. But these were only specious Titles▪ and perhaps examined curiously, neither of them were at that time enough. And howsoeuer his conscience so moued him at his death, that he profest he had got Historia Cado­nensis. England only by Bloud and the Sword, yet [Page 483] also by expresse declaration in some of his Patents, he before preten­ded his right from the Confessors gift. Chart. Eccles. Westm. in Inspex. part. 7. 1 Ed. 4. membr. 26. & vide Camden. pag. 104. In ore gladij, saith he, Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum, deuicto Haraldo Rege, cum suis complicibus, qui mihi regnum cum prouidentia Dei destinatum & beneficio concessionis Domini & cognati mei gloriosi Regu Edwardi concessum conati sunt auferre &c. And the stories commonly tell vs that the Confessor successionem Angliae ei dedit. And although Harold also pretended a Deuise of the Kingdom to himselfe made by the Confessor in extremis, and vrged also that the custom of England had been from the time of Augustines comming hether, Ms. siue Autor Gu [...]l. Pictau. siue quis alius sit. in Bibl. Cotton. Donationem quam in vltimo fine quis fecerit, eam ratam haberi; and that the former gift to the Norman and his own Oth for establish­ment of it were not of force, because they were made Malmesb. lib. 3. de gest. Regum. pag. 56. a. alij in Will. 1. & videsis Matth. Paris in Hen. 3. pag. 1257. edit. Londin. abs (que) generali Senatus & Populi conuentu & edicto; yet for his own part he was driuen to put all vpon the fortune of the field, and so lost it. and the Norman with his sword & pretence of the sufficiencie & precedence of the gift made to himself, got the Crown as if he had bin a lawfull Successor to the Confessor, and not a vniuersall Conqueror. All this is plain out of the stories, and iustified infallibly by that of the Titles of many cōmon persons made to their possessions in England after his Kingdom setled, vpon the possession of themselues or their Ancestors in time of the Saxon Kings, especially of the Confessor. but this was alwaies in case where they by whose possession the title was made, had not in­currd forfeiture by Rebellion. many such Titles are cleerly allowd in the book of Domesday, writen in the Conquerors time. one specially is noted by the most learned Camden in his Norfolk. that, as I remem­ber, is toucht in Domesday also, but enough others are dispersed there which agree with it. How could such Titles haue held if he had made an absolute conquest of England, wherein a vniuersall acquisition of all had been to the Conqueror, and no title could haue been deriud but only from or vnder him? More might be brought to cleer this; but we adde here only the iudicious assertion of a great Sharde in Caes. in I [...]i [...]. Temp. Ed. 3. fol. 143. b. Lawier of Edward the thirds time. Le Conquerour (saith he) ne vient pas pur ouster eux que anoient droiturell possession mes de ouster eux que de lour tort auoient occupie ascun terre en desheritance del Roy & son Corone. It was spoken vp­on an Obiection made in a Quo warranto, against the Abbot of Peeter­borough, touching a Charter of King Edgar, which the Kings Counsell would haue had void, because, by the Cōquest, all Frāchises, they said, were deuolud to the Crown. But, by the way, for that of his neernesse of bloud, which could not but aide his other pretended Title; let it not seem meerly vain, in regard of his being a Bastard. There was good pretence for the helpe of that Defect also. For, although the Laws of this Kingdom, and, I think, of all other ciuill States at this day, exclude Bastards (without a subsequent legitimation) from en­heritance; yet by the old Laws vsd by his Ancestors & Countrie men, that is, by those of Norway, a Princes sonne gotten Vide Roger de Honed. in Richard. 1. fol. 425. & 347. on a Concubine [Page 484] bond or free, was equally inheritable as any other born in Wedlock; which was, I beleeue, no small reason why he stood at first so much for the Laws of Norway to haue been generally receiud in this King­dom. and some Stories also which make mention of Duke Robert his getting William on that Arlet or Arir [...] (as shee is sometimes writen) say that shee was to him a good while vice vxoris So Henrie of In Bibl. [...]. Knigh­ton Abbot of Leicester: Transiens, saith he, Robertus aliquando per Phale­riam vrbem Normanniae vidit puellam Arlec nomine Pell [...]parij filam inter cateras in chorea tripudiantem: nocte sequente illam sibi coniunxit, quam vice vxoris aliquamdiù tenens Willielmum ex ea generauit. And he tells vs also the common tale of tearing her smock. If shee were so his Concu­bine or Viceconiux (between whom and a wife euen the old ff de Legat. 3. L. Item Legato 49. §. 4. Impe­rialls make no other difference but honor and dignitie; and by them also some kind of inheritance is allowd to Authent. 89. c. 12. dis [...]reu [...] igitur &c. such Bastards as are Na­turales liberi, that is gotten on Concubines;) it was much more rea­sonable that her sonne should be reputed as legitimate, then that the sonne of euery single woman bond or free, whether Concubine or no, should be so, as those Laws of Norway allow. and when he had in­herited his Dukedome, he made, doubtlesse, no question but that his bloud was as good in regard of all other inheritances that might by any colour be deriud through it. and therefore William of Malmesbu­rie well stiles him proximè consanguineus also to the Confessor, as he was indeed on the Mothers side. and those Videsis Mal­mesb. de gest. Reg. lib. 2. fol 52. of the posteritie of Ed­ward sonne to Ironside, were then so excluded or neglected that their neernesse on the Fathers side could not preuent him. you may see the common stories of them. But whereas that excellent 18. Ed. 4 fol. 30. a Lawier Litleton saies, that William the Conqueror was called a Bastard because he was born before mariage had between his Father and Mother, and that after he was born they were maried (which indeed by the C. tit. de Nat. lib. c. cum qua 10. &c. Imperialls and by the generall Law of Videsis Bacquet de Domaine in Fr. [...]ra [...]ct▪ du Ba­stardise chap. 9. &c. France would haue made him wholly legitimat) I doubt he had but litle or no ground to iustifie it. Had he been so legitimat, it is not likely he should haue been stiled so com­monly and anciently Bastardus, which name euen in his Apud Camden in Richmondia. own Char­ters he sometimes vsed with cognomento, as also the Bastards of the old Philip Duke of Burgundie were wont to do; although of later time it bee reputed as a name of dishonor; and the actio iniuriarum, or an action vpon the case lies where euer it be falsly obiected, as some will Videsis Pont. Hen [...]erum de libe­ris Natural, cap. 12. haue it. But these things proue enough that this William seised the Crown of England, not as conquerd, but by pretence of gift or adoption, aided and confirmd by neernesse of bloud; and so the Saxon Laws formerly in force could not but continue. and such of them as are now abrogated, were not at all abrogated by his Conquest but either by the Parlaments or Ordinances of his time and of his successors, or else by non-vsage or contrarie custom.

The Laws that are here gatherd are for the most part Latin, Saxon, [Page 485] or French. The Saxon is interpreted by the old Latin. But the Latin and French are left only in their own words. I presume, scarce any man that with the least care studies the subiect, wil confesse he vnderstands not the context of such Latin. And the French I translated not, spe­cially because it is but the same which is in our old yeer Bookes and Statutes, and may indeed euen as soon be vnderstood by any fit Rea­der of the rest, as I could haue translated it. and I thinke the iudicious Searcher desires rather the originall tongue whateuer it be, then a translation. Therefore I suppose (if he haue not studied the Laws, or otherwise know it) he will rather take some minuts pains then blame me for not turning it. and howsoeuer to diuers peeuish Ignorants, out of their daintie stomachs, and a pretence of nothing but the more polished literature, it may here seem barbarous and distastfull; the truth is, it was the plain and genuine French of elder time spoken in the English Court, and now lothed only by such a know not at all how to iudge of it, nor vnderstand the originall whence it came to be and remain so with vs. I remember that old In Pan [...]gyric. ad Originem. Father Gregorie of Neocae­sarea (whom they call Thaumaturgus) speaking of the old Imperialls of Rome, as they were in their Latin (which both then was, and now is a most accurat and polite phrase) commends them for that they were indeed in an admirable and stately language, and in such a one as fit­ted an Imperiall greatnesse, [...], saith hee, Yet to me it is crabbed and troublesome. and so hee saies he was euer driuen to thinke of it. yet in his youth he was put to studie them at Berytus, and was taught Latin to that purpose. If to so great a man that curious language could seeme no pleasanter when he studied it, it is the lesse wonder that the Law French (which doth as truly and fully deliuer the matter in our Lawes, as the Latin in the Imperialls; though indeed farre from polite expression) should bee so contemptible among the many petie Ignorants which vsually despise what euer their lazie course of studies hath not furnisht them withall, and most indiscreet­ly censure things only as they see them present, without regard to the cause or originall of them, which made them that they were first ine­uitable and afterward remained, not without exceeding difficultie (if at all) alterable. But this by the way.

Of the IX.X.XI.XII.XIII. and XIV. Chapters.

VPon the discouerie of the Originall of our Parishes, of the an­cient and late Practice of Tithing here, of Arbitrarie Consecrations of Tithes made by the Laitie, of the first setling of Parochiall right to Tithes in England, of Appropriations, of Exemptions, of Infeo­dations, and the ancient Iurisdiction of Tithes (all which take vp these VI. Chapters) no fit Reader can be so blind as not to see necessarie [Page 486] and new assertions and consequents to be made out of them in euery inquirie that tends to a full knowledge of the true and originall na­ture of Tithes, as they are possest or detaind by either Lay or Cler­gie man, in respect only of any humane positiue Law or ciuill Title. But we should here briefly admonish somewhat of our appropriated or consecrated Tithes, and conclude all with a touch of the Canon Lawes ancient autoritie, which in practice made such alteration in England, as is shewed, about the yeer M.CC.

To the matter of Consecrations and Appropriations here, apply what is admonisht touching them in the Reuiew of the VI. Chapter. and let euery man first carefully looke that he know the course of old Ap­propriations. and the way how the Monasteries and Colledges came by them, before hee conclude rashly of the Tithes that are possessed through them. Tithes consecrated and appropriated were purposely de­dicate to the Almightie and his Seruice, although not without mix­ture of superstition, that we are sure of. But although a Tithe gene­rally were due to the Euangelicall Priest iure diuino (without any ci­uill Title) yet we are nothing sure that all or the most appropriated or consecrated ▪ Tithes are the selfe same Tithes so due. which yet is sup­posd as cleer, and neuer further thought on by such as haue troubled themselues and their Readers whi [...]h arguments for the Church, in the point of Appropriations. Let him that shall now write of them, see here the way how to consider them. And let him that detaines them (and beleeus them not due iure diuino) think of the ancient Dedications of them made to holy vses. and howeuer they were abusd to supersti­tion, as the other large Indowments of the Church, before the Refor­mation; yet followes it not, without further consideration, that there­fore, although so dedicated, they might be prophand to common vses and Lay hands. Consult herein with Diuines. But I doubt not but that euery good man wishes that at our dissolution of Monasteries both the Lands and Impropriated Tithes and Churches possessed by them (that is, things sacred to the Seruice of God, although abusd by such as had them) had been bestowed rather for the aduancement of the Church to a better maintenance of the labouring and deseruing Ministerie, to the fostering of good Arts, reliefe of the Poore, and o­ther such good vses as might retaine in them, for the benefit of the Church or Common-wealth, a Character of the wishes of those who first with deuotion dedicated them (as in some other Countries Christop Bin­der as bo [...]is Ecclesia in ducat. VViten­berg. pag. 94. &c. vp­on the Reformation was religiously done) then conferd with such a prodigall dispensation, as it happend, on those who stood readie to deuoure what was sanctified, and haue (in no small number) since found such enheritances thence deriued to them, but as Seius his Horse or the Gold of Tholense. But I abstain from censure, and adde here by the way, a complaint made to the Parlament not long after the Disso­lution, touching the abuse that followed in the Church through Lay [Page 487] mens possessing of Appropriated Churches and Tithes. It deserues to be seriously thought on by euery Lay man that now enioy any of them, especially where Diuine seruice is not carefully prouided for. Ye that the Lords and Burgesses of Parlament house (so are the Ex libello dicto. The complaint of Roderik Mors sometime a Gray Frier &c. olim impress. Geneu [...]. words of it) I require of you in the Name of my poor Brethren that are Inglish men and members of Christes bodie, that yee consider well (as yee will answer be­fore the face of Almightie God in the day of iudgement) this abuse and see it amended. Whanas Antichrist of Rome durst openly without any viser walk vp and down thorow out England, he had so great fauor ther, and his children had such craftie wits (f [...]r the children of this worlde are wiser in their genera­tion than the children of light) that they had not only almost gotten all the best lands of England into their hands, but also the moost part of all the best Be­nefices both of Personages and Vicarages, which were for the most part all impropred to them (the Impropriations held by them were much more then one third of all the Parish Churches in England deuided into three parts) And whan they had the gifts of any not impropred, they gaue them vnto their friends, of the which alwaies some were learnd, for the Monks found of their friends children at scole. And though they were not learnd, yet they kept hospitalitie, and helped their poor friendes. And if the Parsonage were impropred the Monks were bound to deale Almesse to the pore, and to keepe hospitalitie, as the writings of the gifts of such Parsonages and Lands do plainly declare in these Words, in puram eleemosynam. And as touching the Almesse that they delt, and the Hospitalitie that they kept, euery man knoweth that many thousands were well receiued of them, and might haue been better, if they had not had so many grete mens Horse to fede, and had not bene ouercharged with such idle Gentlemen, as were neuer out of the Abbaies. And if they had any Vi­carage in their hands, they set in sometime some sufficient Vicar (though it were but seldome) to Preach and to Teach. But now that all the Ab­baies with their lands, goods, and impropried Parsonages, be in Tempo­rall mens hands; I do not here tell that one halpenie worth of Almes or any other profit cometh vnto the people of those Parishes. Your pretence of putting down Abbeys, was to amend that was amisse in them. It was farre amisse, that a great part of the lands of the Abbeys (which were giuen to bring vp learned men that might be Preachers, to keepe Hospitalitie, and to giue Almesse to the poore) should be spent vpon a few superstitious Monks, which gaue not XL. pound in Almesse, when they should haue giuen CC. It was amisse, that the Monks should haue Parsonages in their hands, and deale but the XX. part thereof to the Poore, and preached but ones in a yeer to them that paid the Tithes of the Parsonages. It was amisse, that they scarcely among XX. set not one sufficient Vicar to preach, for the Tithes that they receiued. But see now how it that was amisse is amended, for all the godly pretense. It is amended euen as the Deuill amended his Dames legge (as it is in the Prouerbe) when he should haue set it right, he brake it quite in pieces. The Monks gaue to little Almesse, and set vnable persons many [Page 488] time in their Benifices. But now, where XX. pound was geuen yerely to the Poore, in more than in C. places in Ingland is not one meales meat giuen. This is a saire. feare amendement: Where they had alwaies one or o­ther Vicar, that either preached, or hyred some to preach, now is there no Vicar at all; but the Fermer is Vicar and Parson altogether; and onely an old cast-away Monke or Frere, which can scarcely say his Mattins, is hyred for XX. or XXX. shillings, meat and drinke, yea in some places for meat and drinke alone, without any wages. I know, and not I alone, but XX.M. mo [...], know more than D. Vicarages and Parsonages thus well and Gospelly serued, after the new Gospell of Ingland. And so the Autor goes on with sharp Admonitions to the Lay men, that fed themselues fat with the Tithes of such Churches, while the soules of the Parishioners sufferd great famine for want of a fit Pastor; that is, for want of fit mainte­nance for him. for without that, he is scarce to be hoped for.

But we conclude with that of the Canon Laws getting such force, and making such alteration in matter of Tithes about the yeer M.CC. when through it, Parochiall payment became first to be performd here, or else­where, generally, and as of common right (where other titles preuen­ted it not) and through it only; not through the ancienter secular Lawes made here for Tithes. For the suits for them in the Spirituall Courts either were all grounded vpon the Canons; or the common right of Tithes was now supposed in the Libell as a knowne dutie to the Clergie, without secular Law. It may soon be apprehended, that it was much lesse difficult about that time, then any other, for the Popes and their Canon Laws to gaine more obedience among sub­iects, and execute more autoritie ouer Lay possessions, when also they so easily vsurpt power ouer supreme Princes, which yeelded to them. For no time euer was, wherein any of them more insolently bare themselues in the Empire, neuer neere so insolently in England, as in the continuing times next before and neere about this change. And to all States the Church of Rome now grew most formidable. Re­member but the Excommunication and Correcton sufferd by Frede­rique Barbarossa, Henry the sixt, and other Princes of the Empire, and by our Henry the second, and King Iohn. the stories of them are obui­ous. And our Richard the first, betweene those two, to gratifie the Clergie here for their exceeding liberalitie, in contribution to his Ransome from Captiuitie, with great fauour gaue them an indulgent Charter Apud Innocent. 3. Epist. Decretal. lib. 2. pag. 242. edit. Colon. of their Liberties; which being ioind with those other prone and yeelding Admissions of the Ecclesiastique Gouernment ouer the Crowne ( [...]o were the times) doubtlesse gaue no small autori­tie to the Exercise of the Canon Law in those things, which before a­bout that time were diuersly otherwise. Neither was that part of the Canon Law, which would haue a Generall and Parochiall payment of Tithes, not only second to any, in regard of the Clergie's profit; but also none other, doubtlesse, was so great as it, in gaining the Clergie a [Page 489] Direct and certain Reuenue. Therefore it was not without reason on their side▪ at such time as they saw the Power of Rome, that is, the au­toritie of Decretals and of the Canons grew most dreadfull to Prince and subiect, that they should vrge this on to a continuing practice, and that with execution of the raigning Censures of the Church. Hence haue the Canons, in this point, hitherto here continued, and haue been and are binding Ecclesiastique Lawes, sauing wherein the later expresse Laws of the Kingdome crosse them. And thus out of the qualitie of the time, with regard to the practiced insolencie of the Pope and his Clergie, in putting their Canons and Decretals in executi­on, that receiud generall practice of Parochiall payment (neere al­most according to the Canons) and other such alterations, that sud­denly varied from former vse, and from the libertie of the Lay sub­iect, must haue its originall; not from any want of the Canons of the Church of Rome, as if they had not been here at all had or read, before about that time. For doubtlesse, the Canon Laws were here vsed and practiced as farre forth as the Clergie could make the Laitie subiect to them. For, about D. yeers before this alteration, good testimonie is of the publique and solemne receiuing of the Codex Canonum vetus Ecclesiae Romanae (mentioned by old Popes Dist. 19. c. 1. Si Romanorum. Dist. 20. c. de Libollu. for the eldest and most authentique Bodie of the Canon Law of the Western Church) and that in a Nationall Synod held in D.C.LXX. vnder Theodore and Wilfrid Archbishops; where, with one voice, the Clergie answered Theodore, Optime Beda hist. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 5. omnibus placet quaecunque definierunt Sanctorum Canones patrum nos quoque omnes alacri animo libentissimè seruare. quibus statim (sayes Theodore) p [...]otuli eundem librum Canonum &c. But at that time there was no Law for Tithes, or mention of them in the known Canon Law of the Church of Rome, or in any other Prouinciall Ca­nons, sauing in that of the second Synod of Mascon. Afterward also we find that Leges Episcopales Vide Cap. 14. §. 1., which were serued by William the first from the Hundred, and confined to the Bishops Consistorie; that wee may omit the Nationall or Prouinciall Constitutions of this King­dome, made in those elder times, according to the old Canons of the Church of Rome. And X. yeers before Gratians Decree writen, it is certaine, that the Canons of the Church, generally by the name of Canones and Canonum Decreta (for diuers collections were of them, an some also confirmd by Papall autoritie, beside the Codex Vetus, before that of Gratian) were familiarly talkt of and vrged in that great G. Malme [...]b. hist. Nouell. lib. 2. pag. 103. b. Controuersie in the Synod of Winchester, in the fourth yeere of King Stephen, touching the Castles of Newarke, Salisbu­rie, and the Vies; where the King denied vtterly, Censuram Cano­num pati; that is, to haue it determined by them, whether, or no, the two Bishops, Roger of Salisburie, and Alexander of Lin­colne, might lawfull keepe their Castles that they had fortifi­ed. But while the rest of the Bishops stood so much vpon their [Page 490] Canons, and euen in the face of Maiestie profest a rebellion, the King and the Lay subiects, it seems, grew so exasperated against them, that by publique command, for preseruation of the libertie of the Crown and Laitie, they were forbidden to be of any more vse in the King­dom. For so perhaps is that to be vnderstood (as we haue elswhere Ian. Angl lib. 2. § 43 vide, si [...]lacet, Not. ad For­tisc. pag 43. & 44. noted) in Iohn of Chartres, De nug [...]s Curtae lium, lib. 8 cap. 21. where he sayes, that Tempore Regis Ste­phani à regno iussae sunt Leges Romanae quas in Britanniam domus Venerabilis Patris Theobaldi Britanniarum Primatis asciuerat. Ne quis etiam libros re­tineret, edicto Regio prohibitum est. What he calls Leges Romanae, the most learnd Frier Bacon mentioning the same storie, stiles Leges Italiae, and takes them for the Roman Imperialls, and not for the Canan Law. I con­fesse, I see not enough cleerly here to iudge (vpon the words of Iohn of Chartres) whether it were the Canons or the Imperialls. on the one side, If we say he meant that Theobald or his Clergie, brought the Ro­man Canon Law; it might so seem as if it had not been here before in the hands of the Clergie, nor partly practiced by them. Which doubt­lesse is otherwise. If on the other side we vnderstand the Imperialls (Copies of which indeed might well be at that very time brought as a noueltie hither; for they were then newly found; and plainly in Henrie the seconds time, they were here in the hands of the more cu­rious Scholers, as you may see by Iohn of Chartres his citing of them) how then is that true which he presenly after saies of the encreasing power and force of those Leges Romanae? Sed, saith he, Deo faciente eò magis virtus legis inualuit quo eam amplius nitebatur impietas infirmare. What force or power at all had the Imperiall here afterward? where is any signe of it? But the obiection against that which might proue them not to haue been the Canon Laws, may not difficultly perhaps be answered. It is true that the Canons of Rome were here before, and read, and partly practiced in the Church. But diuers Collections were of them about this age of King Stephen, and perhaps some later and larger Collection might be brought hither by Archbishop Theobald, or some of his Clergie, which are vnderstood, I think, in that Domus Ve­nerabilis Patris Theobaldi. He himselfe perhaps might bring Iuo's De­cree (when he came from Rome in 3. of King Stephen) and endeuour the strict practice of it here; which the King and the Lay subiect had reason enough to dislike) or some of his Clergie might perhaps after­ward bring in Gratians Decree, that was both compild by Gratian and confirmd by Pope Eugenius the third, about ten yeers before Theobalds death, that is, about 16. of King Stephen. And this way those words of Legis virtus inualuit, may haue their truth. For howeuer that opposi­tion against the Canon Law were, it is most certain that this first part of the body of it (the Decree) was presently vpon the first publica­tion of it in vse in England, and familiarly cited by such Diuines as talk [...] of what had reference to it, witnesse especially In Symbol. elect. [...]. in Bibl. Cot. Giraldus Cam­brensis in his Epistles. and the practice of the Canon Law here for the [Page 491] time of Henrie the second, is seen in the Epistles of that Iohn of Char­tres; which yet remain and are, I think, the ancientest examples of proceedings in our spirituall Courts. But notwithstanding that first part of the body of the Canon Law, which expresly commanded Tithes to be generally paid, were here soon receiud among the Clergie, yet about L. yeers after that, the former course of Arbitrarie Consecrations of them continued. and both that and the rest of those courses in disposition of Church-reuenues which so differ from the Canons, and from the practice of this day, was not fully alterd till some Decre­talls came hither with more powerfull and dreadfull autoritie (as the times were) of some of the following Popes, especially of Alexander the third, and Innocent the third, which two alone, I think, sent as ma­ny commanding Decretalls into euery Prouince as all their Predeces­sors had before done; and especially into England, as is alreadie shewd, they sent diuers (only for the matter of Tithes) which were all first of Papall autoritie for the particular ends for which they were sent, and so were obeid as Canon Law, although none of them became parts of the generall Canon Law vntill Gregorie the ninth put some of them into his Decretalls autorised by him in the yeer M.CC.XXX. about which time perhaps and diuers yeers before, the Canon Law of Rome was not only read here priuatly among the Clergie, but profes­sed also in Schooles appropried to it. so I ghesse is that close Writ of 19. Hen. 3. to be vnderstood, which prohibited the holding of Scholae Legum in London. it was directed to the Maior & Shrifes commanding them, Claus. 19. Hen. 3. membr. 22. Quod per totam Ciùitatem London Clamari faciant. & firmiter prohiberi ne aliquis Scolas regens de Legibus in eadem Ciuitate de caetero ibi­dem Leges doceat. Et si aliquis ibidem fuerit huiusmodi Scolas regens ipsum fine dilatione cessare faciat T. Rege apud Basing. XI. die Decembris. This was fiue yeers after the Decretalls published. and it seems most pro­bable, that these Leges were Canon Laws, perhaps mixt (as vsually they were) in the profession also with the Imperials (for both of them were, it videsis 39. Hen. 3. apud Matth. Pa­ris hist. maiori a. d. 1255. seems, studied here vnder Henrie the third by the Clergie, more then any other part of learning) and therefore were forbidden as being both, in regard of their own autoritie, against the supreme Maiestie and independencie of the Crown of England.

The end of the Reuiew.

The ancient Records and other Manuscripts, Vsed in this Historie of Tithes; with references to the places where they are cited, and to the Of­fices and Libraries wherein they remain.

they are specially therefore here collected that the more learned Reader (being perhaps, out of his owne Studies, furnished with the most or all of what we haue out of printed Testimonies) may at one view, without pains of reading the whole, be directed to all of them. I presumd he might wish for such a collection; which was neither difficult for me to make; nor will it be hard for any man that hereaf­ter transcribes or Prints it, to alter the numbers of the Pages according to his transcribed or printed Copie. the Margine will easily help him.

W [...]th these I reckon also that book of Parlaments (for the most part, of the time of Ed. 1.) remai­ning in the hands of that cour­teous and worthy Gentleman Mr. I. Borough. it is cited, pag. 285.286.366.367.

  • Records in the Tower of London. Of the time of
    • King Ethelbert, p. 252.
    • William the first, pag. 351.413.483.
    • William the 2. p. 416.
    • Henrie the first, p. 325.352.353.417.
    • Henrie the 2. p. 350.351.445.
    • King Iohn, chap 2. §. 8. & p. 352.353.387.4 [...]5.
    • Henrie the 3. chap. 6. §. 2. & pag. 194.265.267.284.286.352.358.391.4 [...]3.435.436.437.444.445.446.491.
    • Edward the first, p 364.435.438.
    • Edward the 2. p. 368.436.
    • Edward the 3. p. 106.176.237.238.239.240.241.436.441.442.443.
    • Henrie the 4. p. 242.3 [...]3
    • Henrie the fift▪ p. 369.

    W [...]th these I reckon also that book of Parlaments (for the most part, of the time of Ed. 1.) remai­ning in the hands of that cour­teous and worthy Gentleman Mr. I. Borough. it is cited, pag. 285.286.366.367.

  • [Page] In the Office of Receipt of the Exchequer.
    • The Booke of Domesday, p. 203.216.279.280.281.361.405.483.
  • Records of the time of
    • Richard the first, p. 374.381.386.
    • King Iohn, p. 382.383.384.439 440.
    • Edward the first, p. 366.367·389.390.332.
    • Edward the second, p. 448.
    • Edward the third, p. 363.
  • In the Office of the Kings Remembrancer.
    • The Red Booke of the Exchequer. pag. 227.
  • In the Princes Librarie.

    King Knouts Laws (pag. 223.224.) It is a most ancientest and perfit Co­pie of them in Latin.

  • In the publique Librarie of Oxford.
    • Ioannes Anglicus his Historia Au­rea. pag. 275.
    • The Legend of the Lord and Parson of Cometon, at the end of Iohannes de Grandiso­no his life of Thomas Becket. ibid.
    • An Epistle of the Vniuersitie (touching Personall Tithes) to the Conuocation of the Clergie. p. 171.
    • Thomas Elmham Prior of Lenton his Chronicle of Henrie the fift. Chap. 1. §. 4.
  • In the Inner Temple Librarie.
    • The yeeres of Edward the second at large. pag 481.
  • In the Librarie at Paules.
    • Iuo his Decreta. Chap. 5. §. 5. twice.
  • [Page] In Sir Robert Cottons Librarie.
    • Chartu­laries or Leiger-bookes of the
      • Church of Vtrecht, chap. 5. §. 2. in marg. & chap. 6. §. 2.
      • Abbey of Abingdon, chap. 5. §. 3. & p. 208.282.298.299. &c. to 306.419.420.482.
      • Church of Worcester, chap. 5. §. 3.
      • Church of Landaff, or Tile, p. 250. in margine.
      • Priorie of Gisburn, p. 272.308.441.
      • Church of Rochester, p. 282.310. &c. to 318.
      • Abbey of Reding, p. 283.284 319.
      • Abbey of Osney, pag. 306.307.308.357.397.398.399.400.401.402.
      • Nunnerie of Clerken­well, p. 319.
      • Nunnerie of Chartris pag. 363.
      • Abbey of S. Albons, p. 324.325. to 329.447.
      • Priorie of Bosgraue, p. 330. to 334.397.
      • Priorie of S. Needs, p. 334.378.
      • Hospitall of S. Leo­nards, p. 336.337.
      • Priorie of Merton, p. 440.
    • A most ancient copie of the Sy­nod of 742. held vnder Carlo­man, bound with a Ms. Ansegi­sus, chap. 5. §. 3.
    • Fridegodus, pag. 271. And a Bull of Lucius the second, in the same Volume, pag. 97
    • Bernardus Morlanensis, pag. 118
    • Iuo's Epistles. pag. 125
    • A Volume of Decretall Epistles, wherein are the most of those in Appendix Concilij Lateranen­sis, pag. 145. & 161
    • Henry Knighton Abbot of Leice­ster his Historie, pag. 147.484
    • Excerptiones Ecberti Arch. Ebora­censis, pag. 196.197
    • Nicholas of Glocester, pag. 204 and a French fragment in the same Volume, pag. 205
    • Robert of Glocester, pag. 206
    • Iohn Pike, pag. 206
    • Saxon Chronicles of
      • Peterborough
      • Abingdon
      • Canterburie
      pag. 206.
    • Statuta Synodorum, pag. 210.211.212.263.264.
    • Saxon Lawes in Saxon, pag. 213.219 222. And an old Ex­hortation in one of the Vo­lumer of them in 8. chap. 5. §. 6.
    • Historia Iornallensis, writen by Iohn Brampton, pag. 213.214.215.219.222.223.
    • Saxon Laws in Latin, p. 214
    • Bede in Saxon, p. 253.259.271.276.
    • Fleta, p. 216.428.
    • The storie of the Church of Lan­daff, pag. 250. and a Councell of the yeer 816. (vsed in pag. [Page] 261. & 277.) and some De­crees of Odo Archbishop of Cant [...]rburie are bound vp with it, cited pag. 217. And in the same Volume, the life of S. Ca­doc. pag. 276
    • A Councell vnder King Ethelred, pag. 220.221.222.
    • A Booke full of late collections out of some Saxon and Latine Moniments of this Kingdome, in a large 4. pag. 225.226.227.
    • Lanfranks Epistles, pag. 227
    • Regularis Concordia Monachorum &c. pag. 263
    • Fulcardus Dorobernensis, pag. 272. and in the same Volume a Bull of Gregorie the ninth, and a Charter of Athelstan, cited pag. 271. & 272. and a Writ to the Shiriffe of Yorke about Tithes, pag. 417
    • Turgotus Prior Dunelmensis, pag. 276.
    • The life of Saint Cuthbert, pag. 282.
    • Thomas Sprot, a Monk of Canter­burie, p. 321.322.323.397
    • Petrus Blesensis his continuance of Ingulphus, p. 323
    • Matthew Paris his liues of the Abbots of S. Albons. p. 329
    • Originall Instruments remai­ning there, pag. 193.338.339 to 350.359.373.379.414.415.
    • Anselmes Epistles, pag. 376.377. the published copie wants ve­rie manie.
    • Giralaus Cambrensis his Symbolum electorum. p. 382.383.490
    • Matriculus Ecclesiarum in Archidi­acon. Leicest. p. 385
    • Radulphus de Diceto, p. 388.389
    • The ancientest Booke of Ely, p. 412.
    • The Epistles of Robert Grossetest, p 430. 431.
    • The historie of Lichfield, p. 482
    • Gulielmus Pictauensis his life of William the first, p. 483. It is now on the Presse at Paris, with other things belonging to Normandie.
  • In the Librarie of Mr. Tho. Allen of Glocester Hall.
    • Robert of Glocester, pag. 206
    • Annales of the Monasterie of Burton, pag. 216.229. in margin. 232 266.422.429.433. And in that Volume are bound Constitutiones cu­iusdam Episcopi, cited pag. 231.
    • Turgotus Dunelmensis, pag. 229. in marg. & 276.
  • In Mr. Patrik Yongs Librarie.
    • Theodore Balsamon vpon the Councels and some Canonicall Epistles, in Greeke, pag. 463
  • [Page] In my own hands.
    • Our Prouinciall Constitutions in course of time, p. 236
    • A Book of Constitutions and o­ther things belonging to the Church of Yorke, pag. 337. & 418. And a Reference is in page 232. to one of the Con­stitutions of the same Pro­uince, that I long since found in the Librarie of Mr. Henrie Sauill.
    • The Eire of Darby, of 4. of Ed­ward the third, pag. [...]87
    • Roger of Houeden, pag. 202
    • Exposition of old Law-termes, pag. 216.
    • An English Penitentiall, to direct Priests in Auricular Confessi­on, pag. 169
    • Two of those (commonly calld) Bretons, much corrupted in the Print, pag. 390
    • Bracton (much corrupted also in the Print.) pag. 405

Faults committed in the Print.

PAge 93. l. 10. Epistles. p. 125. l. 21. Ecclesia, and l. 22. lege. Sed ita se habet etiam editio secunda Iuonis. autorem verò prima in eo loco vsus esse videtur; at (que) eam recte in exemplari quod accérit typographus, emendabat. p. 138. l. 21. was for were. p. 163. l. 11. broacht for brought. pag. 167. in marg. 10. Hen. 7. &c. p. 173. l. 9. honorabiles. p. 176. l. 19. licet. p. 178 l. 6. Church. p. 179. l. 15. droict. p. 182. l. 9. M.CCC.IV. p. 199. l 17. deferes p. 207. l. 28. thenceforth▪ p. 218. l. 6. Domini. p. 219. l. 6 [...]. p. 220. l. 17. Minister. p 221. l. 16. suprascripti. p. 229. in marg. l. vlt. dele in. p. 230 l. 10. innuant. & l. 24. proueniunt. p. 248. l. 9. first. p 277. l. 11. iubemus. p. 280. l. 16. Ipse for Iose. p. 283▪ l. 26. known. p. 285. l. 2. reuenues. p▪ 292. l. 18. tell. p 352. l. 28. Decimarum. p. 355. l. 19. magnates. p. 358. l. 4. are for is. p. 358. l. 20. istum. p. 364. l. 14. Domino. p. 376. l. 10. sollicitè p. 386. l. 21. Hospitale. p. 392. l. 17. hath for had. p. 398 l. 13. mens for mans. p. 422. l 11. By the Writ &c. p. 428. l. 7 read or more of &c. & in l. 8. blot out more. p. 433 l 29. veniunt. Consilium &c. p. 4 [...]6. l. 25. Cuius the Ab­besse &c. p. 438. l. 23. demanded for commanded. p. 440. l. 24. read we for some. p 46▪ l. 9. supposititious. p. 466. l. 33. blout out as. p. 469. l. 13. for what read that. p. [...]76. l. 17. bee done for been downe, & l. 23. Terrages. & l. 31. Law. p. 478. l. 29 & 30. for Canon, Common. & l. 38. read denomination. p 487. l. 2. enioies.

The Printer to the Reader

AS I found the Copie partly Printed partly Writen, so is this done off; sauing only where those faults, and perhaps some other which your courtesie, Reader, may amend) are committed. Neither thought I it fit to alter any thing without the Autors presence, whence euen the syllables of those passages in which mention was as if it were yet but in part only printed (as my Copie was) are al­so retained.

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