KINGS haue their authoritie from GodRom. 13.1., and are his Vicegerents in earthProv. 8.15., to exe­cute iustice and iudgement for him a­mongst the sonnes of men2. Chron. 19.6.. All subiects (as well Prelates and Nobles, as the infe­riour people) are forbidden with the tongue, to reuile KingsExod. 22.28., with the heart, to thinke ill of themEccl. 10.20., or with the hand, to resist themRom. 13.2.. The great King of heauen doth impart his owne name vnto his Lieftenants the Kings of the earth: and calleth them Gods, with an ego dixi Psal. 82.6., whose word is Yea and Amen: with this onely difference, that these Gods shall die like men Psal. 82.7., and fall like other Princes. Wherefore Nathan the man of God, must reprooue Dauid 2. Sam. 12.7, that he may repent, and be saued. And the Sages, Iudges, and Nobles (without feare or flatte­rie) must aduise and direct Roboam 1. Reg 12.7. Other attempts against Kings, the King of Kings hath neither commanded in his law, nor permitted in his Gospel.Apolog. Dauid cap. 10. Dauid (saith Ambrose) nullis legibus tenebatur, &c. Dauid though he were an adulterer, and an homicide, was tied to no law: for Kings are free from bonds, and can by no compulsion of law, be drawne to pu­nishment, beeing freed by the power of gouernment. Thus farre Ambr.

[Page 2] Saul the first King of Israel was rather a monster, then a man: after the spirit of God had forsaken him, and the euill spirit was come vpon him1. Sam 16.14.. There were not many sinnes a­gainst God, Man, or Nature, wherein he transgressed not; yet his excesse was punished, neither by the Sacerdotall Sy­nod, nor the secular Senate: Who can lay his hand on the Lords Annointed, and be guiltlesse 1. Sam. 16.9.? The very Annointment was the cause of Sauls immunitie from all humane coercion: as Augustine affirmeth,Aug. contr. lit. Petil. l. 2. 148. Quero sinon habebat, Saul sacramenti san­ctitatem, quid ineo Dauid venerabatur? If Saul had not the ho­linesse of the Sacrament, I aske what it was that Dauid reue­renced in him? he honoured Saul for the sacred and holy vnction, while he liued: and reuenged his death. Yea, he was troubled and trembled at the heart, because he had cut off a lappe of Sauls garment. Loe, Saul had no innocencie, and yet he had holinesse: not of life, but of vnction. So farre Au­gustine.

Who questioned Dauid for his murther and adulterie? who censured Salomon for his idolatrie? though their crimes were capitall by the law of God. After that kingdome was diuided, all the Kings of Israel, and most of the Kings of Iu­dah, were notorious idolaters: yet during those kingdomes, which endured aboue 200. yeares, no Priest did chalenge, no States-men did claime power from the highest, to punish or depose their Princes. And the Prophets perswaded all men to obey, and endure those idolatrous Princes, whose impietie they reprooued with the losse of their liues.

Christ fled when the people would haue made him a KingIoh. 6.15.. He paied tribute for himselfe and Peter Matth. 17.27.. When the question was propounded concerning the Emperours subsi­die, he concluded for Caesar Matth. 22.21.. And standing to receiue the [Page 3] iudgement of death before Pilate, he acknowledged his pow­er to be of GodIoh. 19.11.. This Sauiour of Mankind, whose actions should be our instruction, did neuer attempt to change that gouernment, or to displace those gouernours, which were directly repugnant to the scope of reformation that he ay­med at.

Iohn Baptist did indeede reprooue king Herod with a Non licet Mark. 6.18, but he taught not the souldiers to leaue his seruice, or by strife and impatience, to wind themselues out of the band of allegiance, wherein the law had left them, and the Gospel found themLuk. 3.14.

The Apostles deliuered vnto the Church the doctrine of obedience and patience, which they had learned by the pre­cept, and obserued by the practise of our Lord Christ. Peter commandeth obedience to all manner of men in authori­tie1. Pet. 2.13.. Paul forbiddeth resistance against any powerRom. 23.1, 2, 3, 4.. And S. Iude maketh it blasphemie, to reuile gouernment, or to speak euill of gouernoursIude [...].. If therefore an Angel from heauen preach otherwise, then they haue deliuered, let him be accursed Gal. 1.8.

THe true Church, which had the spirit of vnderstan­ding, to discerne the voice of Christ, from the voice of a stranger, neuer taught, neuer practised, neuer vsed or ap­prooued other weapons, then salt teares, and humble praiers against the Paganisme, heresie, apostacie, and tyrannie of earthly Kings.

Iustinus Martyr, Tertullian, and Cyprian, shall beare wit­nesse for 300. yeares, wherein the Kings and Potentates of [Page 4] the earth, bathed themselues in the blood of innocents, and professed enmitie against Christ and his seruants.

Ad inquisitionem vestram, Christianos nos esse profitemur, &c. At your inquisition, we professe our selues to be Christians, though we knowe death to be the guerdon of our profes­sion (saith Iustine Martyr to the Emperour Antoninus, [...]ccund. Apo­log. ad Ant. Imp. p. 113.) did we expect an earthly kingdome, we would denie our religi­on, that escaping death, we might in time attaine our expe­ctation: But we feare not persecution, which haue not our hope fixed on the things of this life, because we are certain­ly perswaded, that we must die. As for the preseruation of publique peace, we Christians yeeld to you (O Emperour) more helpe and assistance, then any other men. For we teach, that no euill doer, no couetous man, nor seditious, that lieth in wait for blood, can haue accesse to God: And that euerie man doth passe to life or death, according to the merit of his deeds: Thus farre he.

Tertull. lib. [...] Scap.We (saith Tertullian to Scapula the Viceroy of Carthage) are defamed, for seditious against the Imperial Maiestie: Yet were the Christians neuer found to be Albinians, Nigrians, or Cassians, (Albinus, Niger, and Cassius were traytors against Marcus Antonius, Commodus, Pertinax, and Seuerus the Empe­rours) but they that sware by the Emperours dietie, the very day before: they that vowed and offred sacrifice for the Em­perours health, are found to be the Emperors enemies. A Christian, is enemie to no man, much lesse to the Empe­rour: knowing, that the Emperiall maiestie, is ordained of God, and therefore necessarily to be loued, reuerenced, and honoured, whose prosperitie, together with the welfare of all the Romane Empire they desire so long as the world standeth. We doe therefore honour the Emperour, in such [Page 5] sort, as is lawfull for vs, and expedient for him: we reue­rence him as a mortall man, next vnto God, of whom he hol­deth all his authoritie, onely subiect to God, and so we make him, soueraigne ouer all, in that, we make him subiect, but to God alone: So farre Tertullian.

S. Cyprian sheweth many good reasons, for the patience of the Saints, in his booke against Demetrianus. God (saith he) is the reuenger of his servants, when they are annoied. Wherefore no Christian when he is apprehended, doth re­sist or revenge himselfe against your vniust violence, though the number of our people be very great. The confidence we haue, that God will reward, doth confirme our patience, the guiltlesse giue way to the guilty, the innocent rest con­tent with their vndeserued punishment, and tortures, beeing certainely assured that the wrong done to vs, shall not be vn­rewarded. The more iniurie we suffer, the more iust and grieuous shall Gods vengeance be on them that persecute vs. It is therefore cleare and manifest, that the plagues which come downe from Gods indignation, doe not come tho­rough vs poore persecuted Christians, but from him whom we serue, for the wrong done vnto vs. So farre Cyprian.

As many as liued according to Christs institution, did ne­uer reuile the gouernement of Tyrants, much lesse by force resist their violence, following the patience of Christ, who could by his owne power, the might of his Angels, or the strength of his creatures, haue at the first withstood, or, at the last reuenged, the iniurie of the people, the buffer of the Priests seruant, the scorne of Herod, the iudgement of Pilate, Io [...]. 10 15. Io [...]. and the violence of the souldiers. He yeelded himselfe pati­ently to death, to teach all his disciples, that an iniurie done by authoritie, is patiently to be endured, not forcibly to be [Page 6] repelled. As soone also as Paul became a Christian, his sedi­tious and bloody spirit, which he had learned of the Phari­sies, was changed into a desire of peace, and quietnesse. He honoured the heathen Magistrates, as Agrippa, Faelix, and Lisias, ratifying his doctrine, by the practise of his life. I knowe that Cardinall Alane, Cardinall Bellarmine, Ficlerus, Simancha, and other vpholders of the Papall tyrannie, that Stephanus Iunius, Franciscus Hottomanus, Georgius Buchananus, and other pillars of the Puritane anarchie, doe answear, that the Church then, as it were swathed in the bonds of weake­nesse, had not strength sufficient to make powerfull resi­stance. But these Fathers that then liued, doe conuince them, and all other sectaries of falshood, by making demonstrati­on, of the strength and potencie of the godly Christians, in case they would haue put their forces to the strōgest proofe. Seeing that all publike places, as Courts, Camps, Consisto­ries, Cities, and countrey villages, were stored and furnished with men of that profession and qualitie, as doth most eui­dently appeare by the words of Tertullian, in his Apolegeti­call defence of the Christians: Vna nox pauculis faculis, &c. One night with a few firebrands, would yeeld vs sufficient reuenge, if it were lawfull for vs to requite euill for euill. But God forbid, that Christians should either reuenge thē ­selues with humane fire, or be grieued to suffer that where­with they are tried. Were we disposed, not to practise se­cret reuenge, but to professe open hostilitie, should we want number of men, or force of armes? Are the Moores, or the Parthians, or any one nation whatsoeuer, more in number then we, that are spread ouer all the world? We are not of you, and yet we haue filled all the places and roomes which you haue. Your Cities, Ilands, Castles, townes, assemblies, [Page 7] your Tents, Tribes, and Wards; yea, the Imperiall Pallace, Senate, and seats of iudgement. For what warre, were not we, able and readie, though we were fewer in number then you, that go to our Martyrdome so willingly? if it were not more lawfull in our religion to be slaine, then to slay? we could without armour, not by rebelling against you, but by departing from you, doe you displeasure enough, euen with our separation. For if so great a multitude, as we are, should breake out from you, in any other corner of the world, the losse of so many citizens would shame and pu­nish you. You would feare, to see your selues left solita­rie, euen amazed, as among the dead. You should then see, silence and desolation euerie where. You would haue many more enemies, then inhabitants. Whereas now, you haue fewer enemies, because of the multitude of your citizens, that are almost all Christians. Haec Tertulli­anus. We see by these three witnesses, that the Church of God, in the first 300. yeares wanted, neither number of men, strength, nor courage to resist persecution, and to haue e­stablished the Christian faith, if that course had beene lawe­full: but because their Lord had giuen them no sword to strike withall, they chose rather to be crowned Martyrs, for their religion, then to be punished as traytors for rebellion. What number of men, what strength of armes had the Church (thinke you) the next 300. yeares after it had beene backed by Princes, defended by lawes, prouoked by honou­rable fauours, to professe Christianitie? Yet all that while, the seruants of God, neither did nor would resist Apostasie, Heresie, or Tyrannie: but yeelded their liues, with all sub­mission, though they wanted neither meanes nor multitude, conuenient for any warres, as the next chapter by, pregna­ble [Page 8] demonstration, shall shewe.

THe next 300. yeares, the Christians did as patiently endure Heresie, Apostasie, and Tyrannie, to the glo­rious triall of their faith, and the eternall reward of their patience. Whereof we haue a cloud of witnesses, namely, Hosius, Liberius, Athanasius, Hilarius, Basilius Magnus, Grego­rius Nazianzenus, Lucifer Calaritanus, Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Optatus Milevitanus, Ambrosius, Augustinus, Chrysostomus, Leo the first, and Gregorie the great.

Hosius was a famous confessor in the Church, before Con­stantine the great a worthie Bishop during that Emperours raigne, and after his death greatly esteemed of all good men, yea euen of Constantius the Arrian Emperour himselfe, for his old age, great experience, excellent learning, and good conuersation. When this worthie Prelate, was commanded by the Emperour, to subscribe to the condemnation of A­thanasius, he returned to the Imperiall Maiestie, this stout, Constant, Christian, and dutifull answear; Ego confessionis munus implevi primum, cum persecutio moueretur, ab avo tuo Maximiniano: I was then a confessor, when your grandfa­ther Maximinian persecuted the Church.Obsequere & scithe contra Atha­nasi [...]n qui enim contra [...]llum scribit the plane nob scum, &c. And if you doe now raise persecution, I am readie to endure any thing, ra­ther then betray the truth and shed innocent blood. I do not like your manner of writing against Athanasius: Cease from it, be not of the Arrian opinion: Giue no eare to the Ea­sterne [Page 9] Bishops: beleeue me rather, that for age might be your grandfather. Leaue off I beseech you, and call to mind, that you are a mortall man. Feare that dreadfull day of iudgement. Enterpose not your selfe (O Empe­rour) into the ecclesiasticall service, neither command vs in this kind, to condemne the innocent: but learne ra­ther of vs. God hath entrusted your Maiestie with the Empire, and committed vnto vs, the seruice of the Church: he that with an envious eie, maligneth your imperiall soueraigntie, contradicteth the ordinance of God. Take heede (O Prince) least drawing to your selfe the right of the Church, you become guiltie of grieuous transgression. It is written,Hosius apud Atham ad so­litariam vi­tam agentes. Giue vnto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to God the things that appertaine to God: it is therefore, neither lawfull for vs Priests, to vsurpe your kingdome: nor for you Princes, to meddle with the sacred seruice, and sacrifices of the Church. Thus farre Hosius. You see the grounds, that this good Bishop stood vpon: rather resolued to suffer any death or torture, then by his consent to betray the truth, or to condemne the guiltlesse. He admonisheth freely, and reprooueth sharply, he offreth his life to the Princes pleasure: It was farre from his meaning, to reuile the sa­cred maiestie, or to stirre vp any rebellion, against this hereticall Emperour, which infringed the Canons of the Church, without all regard of truth or equitie, to serue the humors of the Arrians, and to wreck his anger on them all, which yeelded not to that heresie.

Liberius a Bishop of Rome, did neither excommu­nicate nor depose this wicked Emperour Constantius, but appeared at his commaund, and endured his plea­sure, [Page 10] to the admiration of the Arrians, and the confir­mation of the Christians, as we finde in Athanasius, Trahitur Liberius ad imperatorem, &c. Liberius was haled to the Emperour, when he came to his presence he spake freely, Cease (said he) O Emperour, to persecute the Christians, goe not about, by any meanes, to bring hereticall impietie into the Church of God.Liberius quo supra apud Athan. We are readie, rather to endure any torture, then to be cal­led Arrians. Compell vs not to become enemies vnto Christ. Fight not against him (we beseech you) that hath bestowed the Empire vpon you. Render not im­pietie to him for his grace, persecute them not which beleeue in him, least you heare, it is hard for thee to kicke against the pricke. Act 9.5. Oh would to God you did so heare it that you might (as Paul did) beleeue it. Loe we are at hand, and come to your presence, before our enemies the Arrians can inuent any thing to enforme against vs, we hastened to come at your commande, though we were assured of banishment: that we might abide our punishment, before any crime could be obiected, much lesse prooued against vs. Whereby it may appeare, that all Christians are (as we now be) vndeseruedly punished, and the crimes laid to their charge not true but fained by sycophancy or deceitfull subtilty. Thus spake Liberius; & euery man admired his resolution: but the Emperour for answer commanded him to banishment. Thus farre he.

Pope Liberius had not learned the language of his successor Pius Quinius, when he bellowed against our late Queene, nor that principle of the Puritanes, that the inferior officer may vse force of armes against the [Page 11] cheife Magistrate that shall become a tyrant (whereof euery seditious sectarie will be iudge) and not onely defend himselfe, and his owne people, but also any other that shall flie vnto him.Poliria Chri­stian. l. 6. c. 3. Which opinion Lambertus Danaus auoucheth, contrarie to the Law, the Gospel, and the generall consent of all orthodoxall Fathers.

Hilarius, a Bishop of France,Hilarius ad Imperatotē Constant. wrote the same time to this same Emperour in most humble manner, Bene­fica natura tua domine beatissime Auguste: Your milde na­ture, most blessed Emperour, agreeing with your gra­cious disposition, and the mercie which floweth aboun­dantly, from the fountaine of your fatherly godlinesse, doe assure vs, that we shall obtaine our desire. We be­seech you, not onely with words, but also with teares, that the catholique Churches, be no longer oppressed with greeuous iniuries, and endure intollerable perse­cutions, and contumelies, and that (which is most shamefull) euen of our brethren. Let your Clemencie prouide, &c.

Surely, if it had then beene knowne, that the Pope, by his absolute power or indirect authoritie, could haue punished or deposed kings, which the Papists auouch, or for the Peeres or the people to haue done it, which the Puritanes affirme, some of these olde Bishops, would haue pressed that point against this hereticall Prince, which abused his sword, to the blaspheming of Christ, the murthering of the Saints, the seducing of many thousand soules: by strengthening, maintaining, and establishing the Arrian error. But they tooke it to be no Christian mans part, to beare armour (no not de­fensiue) against his Prince, though neuer so wicked, [Page 12] cruell or vngodly.

Holy Athanasius confesseth the power of Kings to be of God, and their impietie not to be punished by man. Sicut in toto mundo Deus rex est & imperator & potestatem exeroet in omnibus: As God is King and Emperour ouer all the world, and exerciseth his power in all creatures: so the King and Prince is ouer all earthly men, and doth by his absolute power,Ad Antioch. quest. 55. what he will, euen as God him­selfe. haec ille.

When it was obiected against this reuerend father Athanasius, that he had incensed Constans the religious Emperour of the West, against Constantius, in the be­behalfe of the persecuted Christians:Apolog. A­than. ad Constant. he cleared him­selfe from that accusation, in an Apologie to the saide Emperour Constantius. The Lord (saith he) is my re­cord, and his annointed your brother, that I neuer made mention of your Maiestie for any euill, before your bro­ther of blessed memorie, that religious Emperour Con­stans. I did neuer incite him against you, as these Arri­ans doe slaunder me, but whensoeuer I had accesse vnto him, I recounted your gracious inclination. God know­eth, what mention I made of your godly disposition. Giue me leaue and pardon (most courteous Emperour) to speake the truth. That seruant of God Constans, was not easily drawne to giue eare to any man in this kind. I was neuer in such credit with him, that I durst speake of any such matter, or derogate from one brother before an other, or talke reprochfully of one Emperour, in the hearing of an other. I am not so madde, neither haue I forgotten the voice of God, which saith, Curse not the King in thine heart, and backbite not the mightie in the [Page 13] secrets of thy chamber: for the birds of the ayre shall tell it, and the winged foule shall bewray thee. If then, the things that be spoken in secret against Princes, can not be hid: is there any likelihood, that I in the Emperours presence, and before so many, as continually attended his person, would say any thing otherwise then well of your Maiestie? Thus farre Athanas. This is sounder and seemelier doctrine for subiects, then that which Henrie Garnet, and Robert Tesmond, taught some Romish catho­like gentlemen of England, who imployed Thomas Win­ter into Spaine, in the moneth of December, Ann. Dom. 1601. to make request to the Spanish king, in the behalfe and names of the English Pope-catholikes,L. Cooke in his speach at Garnets ar­raignment. that he would send an armie hither into England, for the ad­uancement of their Catholique cause; and to promise, that the forces of the Papists here, should be readie to doe him seruice against the late Queene.

The selfe same doctrine of sedition, was published in the yeare after, viz. ann. Dom. 1602. by Gulielmus Bucanus, a man of no meane esteeme among the Puritans, and that, at the earnest request of Beza and Gonlartius, the chiefest Ministers of the Chutch of Geneva, (if the author himselfe belie them not,) whose words are as followeth: Subditis si fit publica & manifesta saevitia, licet fieri supplices, implorare auxilia ab alijs, [...] & suscipere corum defensionem alijs regibus licet: Subiects, when they endure publique and manifest wrong, may lawfully become suppliants to fo­raigne states, and craue their ayde against their Princes: and other Kings ought to take vpon them their defence and protection. So farre Bucan.

Subiects must square their subiection, according to [Page 14] the rule of Gods word, not after the affection and fancies of men. [...] Sam 12. [...]8. Saul commanded Doeg to murther 85. Priests, to destroy their citie, men, women, and children with the edge of the sword. Did Dauid, for whome they were slaine, when he had Saul in his power, take reuenge, or suffer his seruants to doe it, when they were readie and offered themselues to slay Saul? Dauid 2. Sam. 11.4.17. defiled Vrias his bed, and caused him to be killed: Did Absolon well, to conspire against him, that was both a murtherer and an adulterer? Salomon 1 Reg. 11.8. brought into the land many strange wiues, and as many different religions into the Church: Did the high Priest, the Peeres, the Prophets, or the people, offer to chastice or depose him? Achab 1 Reg. 11.8.9. suffered Iezabel to put Naboth to death, and to kill the Lords Pro­phets: Did Elias depose him, intice his subiects to rebell against him, or implore foraigne aide to destroy him? Herod Mar 6.27. Act. 12.24. beheaded Iohn Baptist, killed Iames, imprisoned Peter, and would haue slaine him also, if he had not beene deliuered by an Angel: Did Peter take vengeance on He­rod, which he might haue done with a word, as well as onAct 5.5. Ananias? No: he did leaue him to the Lord, whose iudgement insued in mostAct. 12.23. fearefull manner. In a word, wicked Princes haue neuer beene lawfully punished by Prelates, Potentates, or people of their kingdome, as the Papists and Puritans averre: but must be reserued to the iudgement of God, as the Protestants affirme.

Gregorie Nazianzen in his oration at the funerall of S. Basil, reporteth, that the Emperours Deputie in Pontus, commanded S. Basil to put out a widow, that had taken sanctuarie to saue her selfe from forced mariage.Basilius mag­nus. The Bi­shop (not willing to violate the Ecclesiasticall laws gran­ted [Page 15] by the Imperiall Maiestie) refused so to doe. The go­uernor called the Bishop before him, threatned to whip him, and to teare his flesh with iron hookes: the people hearing that indignitie offered to the Bishop, fell to an vprore, and would haue slaine the Lieftenant, had not that innocent man of God, with much adoe, staied that furious tumult, and deliuered his persecutor from that perill, Monodia Nazian, inter opuscula Ba­silij fol. 95. to whose pleasure he did afterward submit himselfe.

The same Nazianzen, for his admirable learning cal­led the diuine, writeth of Iulian the Apostata-Emperours death: Iulian was punished by the mercie of God, tho­rough the teares of Christian men: which teares were many, and shed of many, for that they had no other re­medie, against that persecutor. Thus farre Nazian. 1. orat. cont. I dian. This godly father liued vnder fiue Emperours, Constantius, Iu­lianus, Valens, Valentinianus, and Theodosius, in all which time, he could find no remedie against the tyrannie, he­resie, and apostasie of Princes, beside prayers and teares: The deuill of hell had not as yet hatched the distincti­ons of propriè and impropriè, directè and indirectè, sim­pliciter and secundum quid, absolutè & in ordine ad spiritua­lia, wherewith the Iesuites doe fill the schooles with cla­morous evasions, the Church with erroneous superstiti­on, and many Christian states with tragicall sedition.

Lucifer Calaritanus in sundrie bookes against Constan­tius, vseth many immodest and disloiall speeches: but he perswaded not the Pope to depose him, the state to punish him, the people to rebell against him, or for­raine aide to suppresse him, but threatned him with the dreadfull punishment of God. He that (in the feruency of zeale) durst call so cruell an Emperour, Theefe, Church-robber, [Page 16] Murtherer, Beast, Hangman, Heretique, Apostata, Idolator, the forerunner of Antichrist, and Antichrist him­selfe, would surely haue encouraged the Pope, the Peeres or the people, to haue remoued that euill king, and placed a better in his stead: if there had beene any such opinion in those daies, as our moderne Iesuites and Pu­ritans beare now the world in hand. As this father, in his writings, kept not the modestie of the other fathers, which liued in that age vnder Constantius: so he did not continue in the vnitie of the catholique Church. Lucifer (saith Ambrose) deuided himselfe from our communion, [...]. though he were banished with vs for our religion.

When Ambrose was commanded, to deliuer vp his Church in Myllaine to Maxentius an Arrian Bishop, he declared his resolution in a sermon to the people: which were verie sorie for his departure. Quid turbamini? vo­lens nunquam vos deseram: [...] Am­bro i [...] ad po­p [...]l [...]a [...]nter epistol. 32.33 Why are you troubed? I will neuer willingly depart from you. If I be compelled, I haue no waie to resist: I can sorrow, I can weepe, I can sigh, my teares are my weapons against Souldiours, Armour, Gothes: such is the munition of a preist: by any other meanes, then teares, I neither ought nor can resist: so farre Ambrose. Not disabilitie but dutie, not want of strength and martiall forces, but a reuerend re­gard of the Emperours Maiestie, commanded by the law of God, kept this blessed Ambrose from resisting. For he might easily haue wrought the churches liberty, his owne saftie, and the Arrians calamitie by the ouer­throwe of the Emperour, through the force of the Ga­rison in that Citie, which refused, to attend the Prince to any other Church, then that wherein Ambrose was. [Page 17] The stout and peremptorie answer of the Captaines and souldiers, is thus reported by Ambrose in an epistle to Marcellina, a religious woman.Epistol. 33. Si prodire vellet haberet copiam se presto futuros: The Emperour may goe at his pleasure, they would be readie to attend him, if he would goe to the catholike assemblies: or otherwise, they would keepe on their way to that Congregation, wherein Am­brose was: Thus farre the souldiers. They refused (as you see) to obey, and preferred Gods true seruice, before the Emperours fauour: they reuiled not his sacred person, they resisted not his soueraigne power, but yeelded themselues to his mercy and pleasure, to saue their soules from Gods wrath and displeasure, as we find in the same epistle. Vnum Iob miraturus ascenderam, I went to Church to extoll the patience of Iob,Epist. eadem. where I found euerie one of my hearers, a Iob, worthie to be extolled. In euerie one of you Iob is reuiued, in each of you his patience, and vertue shined, what could be said better by Christi­an men, then that which the holy Ghost this day spake in you? We beseech (O Emperour,) we offer not to fight, we feare not to die, we entreat your clemencie. Oh it was seemely for Christian souldiers, to desire the tran­quilitie of peace and faith, and to be constant in truth, euen vnto death: Thus farre Ambrose.

S. Augustine relateth the same of the Christian souldi­ers, vnder Iulian the Apostata-Emperour: Iulianus extitit imperator infidelis, Iulian was an vnbeleeuing Emperour, was he not an Apostata? an oppressor, and an Idolater? Christian souldiers serued that vnbeleeuing Emperour. When they came to the cause of Christ, they would ac­knowledge no Lord but him that was in heauen: when [Page 18] they were commanded to adore Idoles, and to offer sa­crifice, they preferred. God before their Prince. But when he called vpon them to warre, & bad them inuade any nation, they presently obeyed. They did distinguish their eternall Lord, from the temporall king, yet they submitted themselues to their temporal Lord, for his sake that was their eternall king:August. in Psal. 124. So farre he.

Optatus Milevitanus, is another pregnant witnesse: Cum super Imperatorem nemo sit nisi solus Deus. Seeing there is no man aboue the Emperour, beside God alone, which made the Emperour: Donatus, by advancing him­selfe aboue the Emperour,De schism. Donatist. l. 3. doth exceede the bounds of humanitie, and maketh himselfe a God rather then man, in that he feareth and reuerenceth him not, whom all men should honour, next after God. So farre Optat.

Com. in e­vang. Ioh. l. 12. c. 36.Saint Cyril is of the same iudgement. Cui legis pre­uaericatores liberare licet nisi legis ipsius authori? Who can acquit them that breake the law, from transgression, be­side the law-giuer? as we see by experience, in all hu­mane states, no man can without danger, breake the law, but kings themselues, in whom the crime of pre­uarication hath no place. For it was wisely said of one, that it is a wicked presumption, to say to a king, Thou doest amisse. So farre he.

In 1. epist. ad Timoth c. 2. [...]. 1.And also Saint Chrisostome. What meaneth the Apo­stle (saith he) to require prayers and supplications, in­intercessions, and thanksgiuing, to be made for all men? he requireth this to be done in the daily seruice of the Church, and the perpetuall rite of diuine religion. For all the faithfull do knowe, in what manner prayers are powred out before the Lord morning and euening, for [Page 19] all the world: euen for kings, and euery man in autho­ritie. Some man will (peradventure) say, that, for all, must be vnderstood of all the faithfull. Which cannot be the Apostles meaning, as may appeare by the words follow­ing, viz. for Kings: seeing that kings, neither did then, nor in many ages after, serue the liuing God: but conti­nued obstinately in infidelitie, which by course of suc­cession they had receiued: Thus farre Chrysost. Our Mo­derne reformers teach vs that which Paul and Chrysostome neither knewe nor beleeued,See the pre­face before Basilic. Dor. that wicked Princes are not to be prayed for, but to be resisted, &c.

When the faction of Eutiches had preuailed against the Catholikes, Leo the first, had no other remedie then prayers to God, sighes, teares, and petitions to the Em­perour: Omnes partium nostrarum ecclesiae, &c. Epistol. 24. ad Theodos. Imperat. All the Churches of these parts, all we Priests, euen with sighs, and teares, beseech your Maiestie, to command a gene­rall Synode to be held in Italie, that all offences bee­ing remooued, there may remaine, neither error in faith, nor diuision in loue. Fauour the catholiques, grant liber­tie to protect the faith against heretiques, defend the state of the Church from ruine, that Christ his right-hand may support your Empire: Thus farre Leo.

When Gregorie the great was accused for the mur­ther of a Bishop in prison, he wrote to one Sabinianus, to cleare him to the Emperour and Empresse. Breuiter suggeras serenissimis dominis meis: Epist. l. 7. e­pist. 1. You may briefly en­forme my soueraigne Lord and Ladie, that if I their ser­uant, would haue busied my selfe with the death of the Lombards, that nation would by this time haue had, nei­ther Kings, nor Dukes, nor Earles, & should haue bin in [Page 20] great confusion and diuision: but because I stood in awe of God, I was euer afraid, to meddle with the shedding of any mans blood: so farre Gregorie. These Lombards were Pagans, invaders of the countrey, ransackers of the citie, persecutors of the Saints, robbers of the Church, oppressors of the poore: whom Gregorie the first, might, and would not destroy, quia deum timuit, be­cause he feared God. It is verie like, that his successor Gre­gorie the seauenth, feared neither God nor man, when he erected the papall croisier against the regall scepter, and read the sentence of depriuation, against the Emperour Henrie: Ego authoritate apostolica, &c. I by my power apo­stolicall, doe bereaue Henrie of the Germaine kingdom, and do depriue him of all subiection of Christian men, absoluing all men, from the allegiance, which they haue sworne vnto him. And that Rodolph, whom the Peeres of the Empire haue elected, may gouerne the kingdome: I grant all men, that shall serue him against the Emperor, forgiuenesse of their sinnes, in this life and in the life to come.Carol. Sigon. de Regno I­tal. lib. 9. in vita Hen. 3. As I haue for his pride deiected Henrie from the royall dignitie, so I doe exalt Rodolph for his humilitie, to that place of authoritie: Thus farre Gregor. 7.

Benno Card in vit. Greg. 7It is no wonder, that Gregorie his chaire claue a sun­der, as some writers affirme, at the giuing of this sen­tence: because the proud Pope, and his wicked sentence, were too heauie a burthen for Peters stoole of humilitie to beare.

AFter the death of Gregorie the great, which was a­bout the yeare of our Lord 604. Sabinianus did suc­ceede him, who liued but one yeare, after whome came Boniface the 3. which obtained of Phocas to be called V­niversall Bishop; since that time, perijt virtus Imperato­rum & pietas Pontificum, the Emperours waxed weake, and the Bishops wicked. What the iudgemēt of those Fathers then was, concerning subiection to wicked Kings, I will make euident by the testimonie of Gregorius Turo­nensis, Isidorus, Damascenus, Beda, Fulgentius, Leo 4. and the Fathers assembled in a Councell at Toledo in Spaine.

Gregorie Turonensis acknowledgeth such an absolute power in Childericke, a most wicked king of France, as was free from all controll of man. [...]. lib 5. cap. 1. Si quis de nobis (Rex) iu­stitiae limites transcendere voluerit, &c. If any one of vs (O King) doe passe the bounds of iustice, you haue power to correct him, but if you exceede your limit, who shall chastice you? We may speake vnto you; if you list not to harken, who can condemne you, but that Great God, who hath pronounced himselfe to be righteousnes? ha­ctenus ille.

Isidorus saith no lesse for the immunitie of the Kings of Spaine. Let all earthly Princes know, that they shall giue account of the Church, which Christ hath com­mitted to their protection. Yea, whether the peace and discipline Ecclesiasticall be aduanced, by faithfull Kings, [Page 22] or dissolued by the vnfaithfull, he will require a recko­ning at their hands, which hath left his Church in their power. So farre Isidor.

Iohn Damascene pleadeth not onely for the exempti­on of wicked kings themselues, but also of their Depu­ties.Parallel. lib. 1. c. 21. The gouernours (saith he) which Kings create, though they be wicked, though they be theeues, though they be vniust, or otherwise tainted with any crime, must be regarded. We may not contemne them, for their impietie; but must reuerence them, because of their authoritie, by whome they were appointed our gouernours. So farre he.

Fulgentius saith, that no kinde of sedition can stand with religion. Cum pro nostra fide libere respondemus, &c. When we answer freely for our profession, we ought not to be taxed with the least suspition of disobedience or contumely, seeing we are not vnmindfull of the Re­gall dignitie, and doe know, that we must feare God, and honour the King, according to the doctrine of the Apo­stle, [...]ulgent. ad Thrasim reg. Giue to each one his due, feare to whome feare, ho­nour to whome honour appertaineth. Of the which feare and honour, S. Peter hath deliuered vnto vs the manifest knowledge,1. Pet. 2.17. saying, As the seruants of God, ho­nour all men, loue brotherly fellowship, feare God, ho­nour the King. Thus farre Fulgent.

Our countrie man Beda, for his great learning called Venerable, is of the same minde. Dauid (saith he) for two causes spared Saul,lib. 4. exposit. in Samuel. who had persecuted him most ma­litiously. First, for that he was his Lord, annointed with holy oile.1. Sam. 24. [...]. And secondly, to instruct vs by morall pre­cepts, that we ought not to strike our gouernours, [Page 23] (though they vniustly oppresse vs) with the sword of our lips: nor presume slanderously, to teare the hemme of their superfluous actions. So farre he.

Leo the fourth about the yeare 846. agnised all sub­iection to Lotharius the Emperour: I doe professe and promise (saith Leo) to obserue and keepe vnuiolably,Cap. de capi­tulis, dist. 15. as much as lieth in me, for the time present and to come, your imperiall ordinances and commandements: toge­ther with the decrees of your Bishops, my predecessors: If any man informe your Maiestie otherwise, know cer­tainely, that he is a lier. So farrre Leo.

The Bishops of Spaine assembled in a nationall councell at Toledo, made this decree against periurie and treason. Quicun (que) amodo ex nobis: Concill. Tol. 5. Canon. 2 circa annum Dom. 636. Whosoeuer among vs shall from this time forward, violate the oath which he hath taken for the safegard of this countrie, the state of the Gothish nation, & the preseruation of the Kings Maiestie: whosoeuer shall attempt the Kings death, or deposition: whosoeuer shall by tyrannicall presumption aspire to the regall throne; let him be accursed before the holy spirit, before the blessed Saints, let him be cast out of the catholique Church, which he hath polluted by periurie, let him haue no communion with Christi­an men, nor portion with the iust, but let him be con­demned with the deuill and his angels eternally, toge­ther with his complices, that they may be tied in the bond of damnation, which were ioyned in the socie­tie of sedition. Thus farre the fathers in that Synod.

I conclude therfore with these learned Fathers, that it is not for the people, otherwise then with humilitie and obedience, to controll the actions of their gouer­nours: [Page 24] but their dutie is onely to call vpon the God of heauen, and so submit themselues to his mercie, by whose ordinance the scepter is fallen into his hand and power, that enioyeth the crowne, whether he be good or bad. A right of deposing, must be either in him that hath an higher power, which is onely God: or in him, that hath better right to the crowne: which the Pope cannot haue, because he is a straunger: nor the Peeres, or people, because they are subiects. Be the king for his religion impious, for his gouernment vniust, for his life licentious, the subiect must endure him, the Bishop must reprooue him, the counsellor must aduise him, all must praie for him, and no mortall man hath authoritie to disturbe or displace him, as may euidently be seene by the chapter following.

IN this age of the Church, the Popes exalted them­selues aboue all that is called god, & vpon priuate dis­pleasures and quarrels, did curse and ban Princes, in­censing their neighbour-nations, and perswading their owne subiects, to make warre against them, as if Christ had ordeyned his Sacraments, not to be seales of grace, and helpes of our faith, but hookes to catch kingdoms, and rods to scourge such Potentates as would not, or could not procure the Popes fauour. How farre these Popish practises, did displease the godly and learned, I will shew by S. Bernard, Walthramus Bishop of Nanum­berg, the epistle Apolegeticall of the Church of Leige [Page 25] against Paschalis the Pope, and the author of Henrie the fourth his life.

S. Bernard, in one of his sermons vpon the words of Christ, I am the vine, commendeth the answer of a certaine King, Bene quidam rex, cum percussus humana sa­gitta, &c. It was well said of a King when he was shot into the bodie with an arrowe, and they that were a­bout him, desired him to be bound vntill the arrowes head weare cut out, for that the least motion of his bodie would endanger his life: no (quoth he) it doth not beseeme a King to be bound, let the kings power be euer safe and at libertie. And the same father in an e­pistle to Ludovicus Crassus the king of France teacheth subiects, how to rebell and fight against their Princes; Quicquid vobis de regno vestro de anima & corona vestra facere placuerit: Been. epist. 221. Whatsoeuer you please to doe with your kingdome, your soule, or your crowne, we that are the children of the Church cannot endure or dissemble the iniuries, contempt, and conculcation of our mother. Questionlesse we will stand and fight euen vnto death in our mothers behalfe, and vse such weapons, as we may lawfully, I mean not swords and speares, but praiers and teares to God.

When Gregorie the 7. had deposed Henrie the 4. he gaue away the Empire to one Rodolphus duke of Saxonie, that was a sworne subiect to that distressed Emperour: which Rodolph, in a battaile against his soueraigne Lord, lost his right-hand, and gained a deadly wound. After his death, the Pope made one Hermanus king of Germanie, who enioyed his kingdome but a little time, for he was slaine with a stone, which a woman threwe vpon him [Page 26] from a turret, as he made an assault (in sport) against his owne castle, to trie the valour of his souldiers. Then did Egbertus, Ex vita Hen. quarti quae habetur in fasciculo re­rum scienda­rum Coloni­ae impresso. by the Popes encouragement ascend the Im­periall throne, whereon he sat but a while: for as he step­ped aside from his armie into a mill, to rest himselfe in the heat of the day, he was discouered by the miller to the Emperours friends, and lost his life for his labour. During this hurly-burly in that state, Walthramus a godly Bishop, wrote to one Ludovicus an Earle of the Empire, diswading him from partaking with the seditious against that good Emperour, whom the Pope had deposed. Walthram by the grace of God, that he is, to Lewes the noble Prince, with instance of prayer, offreth himselfe in all things seruiceable. Concord is profitable to euery realme, and iustice much to be desired: these vertues are the mother of devotion, and the consecration of all ho­nestie. But whosoeuer seeketh after ciuill dissention, and incenseth other to the effusion of blood, he is a murthe­rer, & partaketh with him, who gaping for blood, goeth about seeking whō he may deuoure: The worthie vessel of election, that was taken vp to the third heauen, pro­testeth, saying, Let euerie soule submit himselfe to the higher power, there is no power but from God. He that resisteth power, resisteth the ordinance of God. If that be true (which some men prate among women and the vulgar sorte) that we ought not to be subdued to the kingly power, Then it is false which the Apostle tea­cheth, that euery soule must submit himselfe vnder pow­er and superioritie.Epistol. Wal. quae habetur in appendice Marian Scot. Can the truth lie? did not Christ the Lord speake by the Apostle? Why doe we prouoke the Lord? are we stronger then he? Doth not he thinke him­selfe [Page 27] stronger then the Lord, that resisteth the ordinance of God? seeing there is no power but of God: what saith the Prophet? Confounded be they that striue a­gainst the Lord, and they that resist him shall perish. Rodolphus, Hermanus, Egbertus, with many other Prin­ces, resisted the ordinance of God, in Henrie the Em­perour, but loe they are confounded, as though they had neuer beene, for as their end was ill, their begin­ning could not be good, &c. Haec ille.

Pope Paschalis seeing the bad successe of those sedi­tious subiects, which his predecessors Gregorie and Vrba­nus had armed against Henrie, that worthie Emperour: did perswade the Emperours owne sonne, against all law of God, nature, and nations, to rebell against his Father. The Bishop of Leige tooke the Emperours part, against this young Prince, for the which he was ex­communicate, his Church interdicted, and Robert Earle of Flaunders commanded by the Pope, as he hoped to haue the forgiuenes of his sinnes and the fauour of the Church of Rome, to destroie that Bishop and his false preists.

The Churchmen of Leige terrified with the Popes excommunication, and fearing the Earles oppression, wrote an apologie for themselues about the yeare 1106. We are excommunicate (say they) because we obey our Bishop, who hath taken part with his Lord the Empe­rour.Epistol. Leo­diensium a­pud Simo­nem Scard. These are the beginnings of sorrowe: for Sathan beeing loosed, compasseth the earth, and hath made a diuision betweene the Prince and the Priest: who can iustly blame the Bishop that taketh his Lords part, to whom he hath sworne allegiance? periurie is a great [Page 28] sinne, whereof they cannot be ignorant, that by newe schisme and nouell tradition, doe promise to absolue sub­iects from the guilt of periurie, that forsweare them­selues to their Lord the King, &c.

In the progresse of their apologie they determine three great questions: first, whether the Pope hath power to excommunicate Kings? Secondly, to whom it belongeth to inflict temporall punishment, when Church-men of­fend against faith, vnitie, or good manners? And third­ly, what remedie subiects haue against their kings, that are impious or tyrannous? Si quis respectu sancti spiritus, &c. If any man hauing respect to the spirit of God, shall turne ouer the old & new Testamēt, he shall plainly find that kings, ought not at all or very hardly be excommu­nicate, whether we consider the etimologie of their names, or the nature of their excōmunication. Euen till this day hath this point been questioned, and neuer de­termined. Kings may be admonished and reprooued, by such as be discreete and sober men, for Christ the King of Kings in earth, who hath placed them in his owne stead, hath reserued them to his owne iudgement, &c.

Their answer to the second question, is grounded on the testimonie of S. Augustine, the practise of Prin­ces, and the authoritie of Paul. Kings (say they) and Emperours by their publike lawes, haue forbidden he­retiques, to enioye any worldly possession. Wherefore seeing we are no heretiques, and that it belongeth not to the Pope, but to kings and Emperours to punish he­resies, why doth our Lord Paschalis, send Robert, his armourbearer, to destroie the possessions and to ouer­throw the villages of the Churches, which in case they [Page 29] deserued destruction, ought to be destroied by the edict of Kings and Emperours, which carie the sword not without good cause? &c.

For answer to the third question, they shew by sun­drie places of Scripture, that there is no other helpe a­gainst euill Princes, then prayer and patience. Nihil mo­do pro Imperatore nostro dicimus, &c. We will for the pre­sent say nothing in defence of our Emperour, but this we say, though he were as bad as you report him to be, we would endure his gouernment, because our sinnes haue deserued such a gouernor. Be it: we must needs graunt against our will, that the Emperour is an Arch-heretike, an invader of the kingdome, a worshipper of the Simo­naicall Idol, and accursed by the Apostles and Aposto­like men, as you say of him: euen such a Prince ought not to be resisted by violence, but endured by patience and praier. Moses brought many plagues vpon Pharaoh, whose heart God had hardened, but it was by praier and the lifting vp his hands to heauen. And S. Paul requireth praiers to be made for all men, for Kings and such as are in authoritie: which kings were neither Catholikes nor Christians. Baruch also from the mouth of the Prophet Ieremie, wrote vnto the Iewes, which were captiues vnto the king of Babylon, that they must pray for the life of Nabuchodonoser the king of Babylon, and Balthazar his sonne, that their daies in earth may be as the daies of heauen, &c.Epist. 1. eod. S. Paul teacheth why we ought to pray for euill kings, namely, that vnder them we may lead a quiet life. It would become an Apostolike man, to follow the Apostles doctrine: it were propheticall to follow the Prophet, &c. Thus farre they in their Epistle Apologeticall.

[Page 30] Vi [...] Hen. 4. [...].He that wrote the life of this Emperour Henrie the fourth, aniauncient, a modest, and an impartiall relator of such occurrents as happened in his time, declareth his dislike of the Popes practises, and the Germaines tu­mults against their said soueraigne Lord. Magnum mun­do documentum datum est: A great instruction was giuen to the world that no man should rise against his master. For the hand of Rodolph beeing cut off, shewed a most iust punishment of periurie; he feared not to violate his fidelitie sworne to the King, and his right hand was punished, as if other woundes had not beene sufficient to bring him to his death, that by the plague of the re­bellious, the fault of rebellion might be perceiued: thus farre he.

I Will for conclusion produce Otho Frisingensis, Tho­mas Aquinas, Gratianus, Philip the faire king of France, the Parliament of England in the time of Edward the 1. Vincentius, and Aeneas Sylvius that afterward was Pope, by the name of Pius Secundus.

Otho Frising. in his epistle dedicatorie before his Chronicle. Otho Frisingensis hath an excellent saying in his epistle dedicatorie to Frederick Barbarossa, Cum nulla persona mundialis inveniatur quae mundi legibus non subiaceat, &c. Although no earthly man can be found, that is not sub­iect to the lawes of the world, and in respect of subie­ction, liable to correction: Kings as it were placed ouer lawes, are not restrained by them, but reserued to the ex­amination [Page 31] of God, according to the words of the King and Prophet, Against thee onely haue I sinned. Psal. 51.5. It becommeth therefore a king, both in respect of the noble disposition of his minde, and the spirituall illumination of his soule, to haue God, the king of kings, and Lord of lords, euer in his minde, and by all meanes possible, to take heede, that he fall not into the hands of God, seeing it is (as the Apostle saith) a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the liuing God. It is more fearefull for kings, then for a­ny other; because kings haue none but God himselfe aboue them, whome they neede feare. It shall be so much more horrible for them, by how much they may offend more freely, then other men. So farre Otho.

Thomas Aquinas, Aquin. de re­gimine prin. lib. 1. c. 6. (if the tractare de regimene princi­pum be his) maketh three sorts of kings: Kings by electi­on, Kings by subordination, and Kings by succession. For the first, he saith, that they which did establish, may a­bolish: for the second, we must haue our recourse to him that did surrogate the subordinate King: as the Iewes did to Caesar against Herod: for the last, his resolution is, Recurrendum esse ad omnium regem deum, that we must flie to God, the King of all kings, in whose onely power it is, to mollifie the cruell heart of a tyrant. And that men, may obtaine this at the hands of God, they must cease from sinne; for wicked Princes, by diuine permission are exalted to punish the sinnes of the people, tollenda est i­gitur ou [...]pa vt cesset tyrannorum plag [...], we must therefore remooue our sinnes, that God may take away his pu­nishment: Thus farre Thomas.

Gratianus, which compiled the decrees, is verie pe­remptorie, that the Bishop of Rome, ought not to medle [Page 32] with the temporall sword, the state of common wealthes, or the change of Princes. He saith nothing indeede de Regni ordinibus, which in his time, and a 100. yeares af­ter him, neuer dreamed of any such authoritie. Cum Pe­trus qui primus apostolorum à domino fuerat electus, materia­lem gladium exerceret: When Peter whom the Lord had first chosen of all the Apostles, drewe the materiall sword, to defend his Master from the iniuries of the Iewes, he was commanded to sheath his sword: for all that take the sword, Matth. 26.52. shall perish by the sword. As if Christ should haue said, Hitherto it was lawfull for thee and thine auncestors to persecute Gods enemies with the temporall sword, hereafter thou must put vp that sword into his place,Caus. 23. quest. 8. pa­rag. 1. and drawe the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, to slay the old man: who­soeuer beside the Prince, and without his authoritie, that hath lawfull power, and as the Apostle teacheth, beareth not the sword in vaine, Rom. 13.4. to whom euerie soule must be subiect, whosoeuer (I say) without or beside the Princes authoritie, beareth the sword, shall perish by the sword: Thus farre Gratian.

About the yeare a 1300. began a quarrell betweene Boniface 8. and Philippus Pulcher the French king, about the collation of benefices, prebends, and other ecclesia­sticall promotions. Whereupon the Pope wrote vnto the said king, as followeth: Boniface Bishop, the seruant of Gods seruants, to his wel-beloued sonne Philip, by Gods grace king of France, Greeting and blessing Apo­stolicall. Feare God and keepe his lawe: We giue thee to vnderstand that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall things, and temporall, and that no gift of benefices or [Page 33] prebends belongeth to thee. If thou haue in thy hand a­ny vacant, keepe the profits of them to the successors, and if thou hast bestowed any, we decree the collation voide, and recall it, how farre soeuer it hath proceeded. Whosoeuer beleeueth otherwise, we account him a foole: Dated at Lateran the fourth of the Calends of December, and in the 6. yeare of our Papacie. King Phi­lip returned his haughtinesse, a correspondent answear, viz. Philip by the grace of God, King of Fraunce, to Bo­niface bearing himselfe for Pope,Philip. Pul­cher. Salutem modicam siue nullā. Sciat tua maxima fatuitas. Little health or none at all. Let thy great fooleship know, that in temporall things we are subiect to no man. And that the gifts of prebends and ecclesiasticall promotions, made and to be made by vs, were and shall be lawfull, both in time past and in time to come. For such collations belong to vs in the right of our crowne: wherefore, we will manfully de­fend the possessours of the said dignities, and doe iudge them that thinke otherwise fooles and madmen. Giuen at Paris the wednesday after Candlemasse, 1301. Questi­onlesse this King that did so scornefully reiect the Popes chalenge pretended from Christ, would little regard the claime of the Nobles, deriued but from the people.

The same busie Boniface, of whom some write, that he came in like a fox craftely, raigned like a lyon cruelly, and died like a dogge miserably, would take vpon him the de­cision of a controversie between the Kings of England & Scotland, and commanded King Edward of England either to cease his claime, or to send his procurators to the a­postolike sea, to shewe his right, and to receiue such or­der from the Pope, as iustice and equitie would require. [Page 34] The Lords and commons then assembled in Parliament at Lincolne sent Boniface this answear in the kings behalfe. Whereas our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God, the Noble King of England, caused your letters to be read openly before vs, touching certaine occurrents of state betweene him and the King of Scotland, we did not a little marvaile at the contents thereof, so strange and wonderfull, as the like hath neuer beene heard of. We knowe (most holy father) and it is well knowne in this realme, and also to other nations, that the King of England ought not to make answer for his right before a­ny iudge ecclesiasticall or secular: by reason of the free estate of his royall dignitie and custome,Parliament at Lincolne quoted by M. Beken­shaw. without breach at all times vnviolably obserued: Wherefore after trea­tie had and diligent deliberation, this was our resoluti­on, that our said king ought not to answer in iudgement, nor send procurators or messēgers to your court: seeing that tendeth manifestly to the disinheriting of the right of the crowne, the ouerthrowe of the state of the king­dome, and the breach of the liberties, customes, and lawes of our fathers, for the keeping whereof, we are bound by the dutie of an oath, and will (by Gods helpe) maintaine and defend with all our power and strength, &c. Dated at Lincolne Ann. Dom. 1301. & anno Edvardi primi 29. This was then the resolution of the state of this land: if our late sectaries Popish or Puritan, bring in any o­ther doctrine, we may not leaue the cawsey of truth & o­dience, whereon our forefathers walked to their com­mendation, to followe these newe guides, in their by-paths of pride, disobedience, and contempt of authori­tie, to our destruction.

[Page 35] Vincentius in his Speculo Historiali hath a notable place to disswade from sedition and periurie.lib. 15. cap. 1. Vt pace omnium bonorum dixerim, haec sola nouitas (ne dicam haeresis) nec dum è mundo emerserat. That I may speake with the fauour of all good men, this meere noueltie (if not heresie) was not sprung vp in the world, that preists should teach subiects, that they owe no subiection to wicked kings, and albeit they haue giuen an oath of fidelitie vnto them, they are not bound to keepe it: Nay they that o­bey an euill Prince, are to be held as excommunicated, and all such as rebell against him, are free from the guilt of the crime of periurie. So farre he.

I will end this chapter with Aeneas Siluius, who died in the yeare 1464. Sit tandem finis litium, Pius 2. de or­tu & author. imperij cap. 23. Let there be an end of contention, and one principall head to determine all temporall matters; let the occasion of perpetuall de­bate be taken away, let men acknowledge themselues subiect to their Prince, & giue reuerence to him, whom God hath made his vicegerent on earth. As that which God commandeth must be obeyed without contradict­ion, so the temporall commandements of Caesar, may not be resisted. But let the Kings themselues beware that they oppresse no man vniustly, nor giue their peo­ple cause to crie to God against them, for the earth is the Lords and the fulnesse thereof: he will not forget the crie of the poore: and for the sinne of the Prince he translateth the gouernment from one nation to another. There is nothing more offensiue to the greatest God the king and creator of heauen and earth, then the neg­lect of iustice, and the oppression of the poore: as the Psalmist saith, The poore shall not alway be forgotten, [Page 36] and the patient abiding of the needie shall not perish for euer. So farre Siluius.

CHilderick was deposed, and Pipine crowned King of France about the yeare 750. The truth of which historie is this. Childericke voide of all princely grauitie, gaue himselfe ouer to pleasure and wantonnesse, leauing the burthen of the state to Pipinus, that was his Lord Marshall: Who conspired with the Nobles, to aduance himselfe, by the deposition of the king his master. To set a better colour on the matter, Pipine sent his Chaplaine to Pope Zacharie, to haue his answer to this Question: Whether should be King, he that bare the name and did nothing, or he that gouerned the kingdome? The Pope gaue sentence with the Marshall against the King, whereupon, Childe­rick was made a shorne Monke, and Pipine a crowned king.

It is a wonder to see how these opposite sectaries, do insist vpon this fact of the Frenchmen, to iustifie their dangerous doctrine, and seditious conspiracies against Princes. As Card. Bellarmine de pontif. lib. 2. cap. 17. Thomas Harding against the Apologie of the Church of England fol. 181. Franc. Feuardentius in his commen­taries on Hester pag. 85. Boucher alias: Raynolds de iusta ab­dicatione Henrici. 3. lib. 3. cap. 14. Ficklerus de iure ma­gistratuum [Page 37] fol. 30. Alexander Carerius patauinus de potestate papae lib. 2. cap. 3. D. M [...]rta de temporali & spirituali ponti­ficis potestate lib. 1. cap. 23: and Doleman in his conference tou­ching succession parte. 1. cap. 3. pag. 48. And also these Pu­ritans, Christopher Goodman in his treatise of obedience pag. 53. George Buchanan de iure Regni apud Scotos p. 47. Danaeus de politia Christiana lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 221. Brutus Celta de iu­re magistratuum pag. 286. Phyladelphus dialogo 2. pag. 65. Franc. Hottomanus in his Francogallia cap. 12. and Speculum tyrannidis Philipi Regis pag. 27. The Papists which ascribe this deposing power to the pope, endeauour by tooth and naile, to disprooue that interest which the Puritans grant the peeres or the people. First, this example serued Gregorie 7. to excuse his presumptuous practises against Henrie the fourth. Quidum Ramanus pontifex. A certaine Bishop of Rome deposed a king of France,lib de vrit. Eccles. apud Scard. pag. 3. not so much for his ill life, as for that he was not fit for gouerment, and placed Pipine, which was father to Charles the great, in his place: absoluing all the Frenchmen from the oath of allegeance, which they had sworne to their king. Thus farre Gregorie in an epistle to one Herimanus, that was Bishop of Metz in France.

Thomas Harding concludeth from this fact, a diuine power in the pope.Conf [...]t. of the Apol [...]. fol. 181. Can you not see (saith Harding) what strength and power is in the pope, which is able with a word, to place and displace the mightiest King in Eu­rope? with a word, I say, for I am sure you can shewe vs of no armie, that he sent to execute his will. Is it in the power of a man (thinke you) to appoint kingdomes? can the Deuill himselfe, at his pleasure set vp and depose Kings? no surely. Much lesse can any member of his do [Page 38] the same. Remember you what Christ said, when the Iewes obiected, that he did cast out deuils in the name of the prince of deuils? beware you sinne not against the holy Ghost, who confesse that the Pope hath pulled downe and set vp Kings. Which thing vndoubtedly he could neuer do profitably and peaceably, but by the great power of God, &c. So farre Harding.

De Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 17.Cardinall Bellarmine the grand-master of Contro­uersies, cannot indure to heare that this deposition was done by any other then the papall authoritie. The Pope (saith he) Iudicauit licere Frauncis, regnum Childerici in Pipinum transferre. The Pope gaue iudgement that the Frenchmen might lawfully transfer Childericks kingdome to Pipin: and did absolue them from the oath which they had sworne vnto him. No man that hath his right wit can denie this to be lawfull. For the very euent hath prooued, that change to be most fortunate: seeing the kingdome of Fraunce, was neuer more potent, nor religion more flourishing, then vnder Pipin and Charles his sonne. Thus farre Bellarm.

This Cardinals reason from the successe to the appro­bation of the fact, will conclude well for the Turke, who hath longer continued, more flourished and inlar­ged his state, then the house of Pipin. Heare in a word the true succes of Pipins posteritie out of Benuentus Imo­lensis and Paulus Aemilius. Benventus Imolensis. The first of that line was Charles the great, in whose time the Empire was diuided. The second was Ludouicus Pius, against whome Lotha­rius, an vnnaturall sonne, did conspire: who thrust his father to a cloister, and placed himselfe in the throne, where he sate like a tyrant, till he was also deposed. The [Page 39] fourth was Ludovicus 2. a man vnfortunate in all his doings. The fifth was Ludovicus 3. whome they call Lu­dovicus nihili, or Lewes no-bodie. The 6.Paulus Ae­milius. was Charles the bald, a very coward. The 7. was Charolus Crassus, as very foole. Arnulphus the eight of that progenie, was eaten with lice. The 9. was Ludovicus 4. in whome that race en­ded.

Alexander Carerius inferreth the absolute soueraign­tie of the Pope ouer all Kings, euen to depose them, and to transpose the Realmes, from the insufficiencie of the Nobles and people. Esto quod verùm sit Papam, de potestate Pontif. l. 2. cap. 3. num 6. non depo­suisse regem Francia: Be it true that the Pope did not de­pose the king of France, but gaue consent to the Peeres and people to depose him, this is a most manifest proofe of our intent: that kings haue one, if not many superi­ours, viz. the Barons and people of their kingdome: and ouerthroweth their position and conclusion, That Kings haue in temporall things no superiour, no, not the Bishop of Rome. But seeing the Barons & people, could neither iudge nor depriue him, because they wanted coactiue power, which Vassalls or subiects haue not ouer their soueraigne, it followeth necessarily, that the Pope by his princely power, as superior to the King in temporal­ties, might lawfully depose him. Thus farre Carerius.

D. Marta, is as peremptorie for the Pope, against the pretended claime of the Peeres or the people. Chil­dericus priuatus est regno Franciae obstupiditatem & inepti­tudinem in administrando: Childerick was depriued of the kingdome of France, for his stupiditie and vnfitnesse to gouerne. They that say he was not depriued by the Pope alone, but by them that desired another king, doe [Page 40] not answer the reasons alleadged for the Popes soue­raigne power in temporalties: nay they confirme the Popes power. Baldus asketh this question, when the Emperour is vnprofitable, or madde, or a drunkard, may the people depose him, or assigne him a coadiutor? No, saith he,de temp. & spir. Pontif. potest. part. 1. cap. 23. nu. 15, 16, 17. the Pope must doe it, for the Pope is the crowne and braine of the people. And we haue prooued before, that God did giue no iurisdiction to the people, but to Moses and his successors. Wherefore the vassals or Peeres which represent the people, haue no power com­mon with the Pope, in the deposing of Princes. And in that they say, that the Frenchmen desired another king, it is a great confirmation, that the Pope hath right to di­spose of kingdomes. He vseth to desire, who hath not of his owne: or cannot of himselfe effect that, which he would haue done: Thus farre Marta.

They that plead for the state of the Laitie, are as con­fident against the Pope and clergie. Vt paucis dicam (saith Iunius) hoc fecit Zacharias vt dominus aut vt mandatarius, authoritate, instructus à domino, that I may vse sewe words, the Pope deposed Childericke either as his Lord, or as a mandatarie hauing authoritie from the Lord; but he did it neither way. Not as Lord, how could he be Lord in France, that in those dayes had no Lordship in Rome? he did it not as mandatarie, for then he ought to haue shewed his authoritie, which he neither did, nor could shewe. Christ would not diuide a priuate inheritance, shall Zacharie then presume to depose kings or transpose kingdomes? Thus farre Iunius.

Caeterum quod monachus iste (saith Lambertus Danaeus) whereas this monke Bellarmine contendeth, that Chil­dericke [Page 41] was lawfully deposed by Pope Zacharias, a stran­ger, a Priest, no Magistrate, but (in this respect) a priuate person, though he were Bishop of Rome.Resp. Dana [...] ad Bellar. l. 2. c. 17. p. [...]16. Will he euer be able to prooue or defend his assertion? Can Zacharie haue authorie in France, being a stranger? can he depose the publike Magistrate, beeing but a priuate person? or transferre that principality to Pipin that he hath no right vnto? and commit so many sacriledges and impieties, stealing from Childericke, and giuing to Pipin another mans right? authorising subiects to violate their oaths, which they had sworne to their king? transposing king­domes from one man to another, whereas it doth onely belong to God to depose kings, and dispose of king­domes? thou maist see (Bellarmine) how many outrages this thy Zacharie hath committed, beside that he did thrust his sickle into an other mans haruest, and medled with the cobler beyond his last, in that, beeing but a Priest he tooke vpon him the decision of the right of kingdomes. Thus farre Danaeus, who is not so violent a­gainst the Pope, as he is virulent for the deposing power of Peeres, or states of the kingdome.Danaeus pol. Christian. l. 6. c. 3. pag. 414. The kings (saith he) of Lacedemonia had the Ephori to controll them. The states-men of the Romane common-wealth, depo­sed the Emperours, which were tyrants, and abused their authoritie. The French-state hath often dethroned their kings: The Nobles of Spaine may doe it by their law: And the historie of the Scottish affaires (excellently well written bymulus mu­lum scabit. Buchanan) doth report that the states-men of that countrie, haue many times depriued the kings of Scotland. Finally, naturall reason, and the practise of all nations doth confirme, that the states-men in euery [Page 42] kingdome, may depose kings, that are peccant. So farre he.cap. 3. Hottoman in his Franco Gallia, hath a long chapter to prooue that this might be done lawfully, by the Peeres, or the people, but in no case by the Pope or the clergie.

Men cannot saie (as it is in the prouerbe) nimium al­ter cando veritas amittitur, seeing that in this opposition, the truth is not lost, but diuided among them. For their premisses, brought together, wil vnauoidably con­clude, that this deposing power, is neither in the Pope, the Peeres, nor the people. Though it were, the reason of the seditious Papists and Puritans, à facto adius, is so­phisticall in the schooles, where nothing can be con­cluded ex meris particularibus, of meere particular in­stances. Absurd in law, quia legibus non exemplis vivitur, for men must doe as the law requireth, not as other men practise. Erroneous in diuinitie, non ideo quia factum cre­dimus, August. ad Consen. de mendacio cap. 9. faciendum credamus, ne violemus praeceptum dum sectamur exemplum: We may not doe that, which hath beene done by other men, least we breake the law of of God, in following the example of man. And dange­rous in policie, as my Lord of Northampton, the or­nament of learning, obserueth. ‘The flie (saith that no­ble Earle) sitting on the cart wheele, might as well wonder at the dust raised in the way, as Gregorie or Za­charie, draw counsell to power, and make that fact their owne, which was hammered in the forge of ambition, countenanced with the colour of necessitie, and exe­cuted by Pipin, a minister, that beeing wearie of subor­dination, resolued by this tricke, when the meanes were fitted and prepared to the plot, to make himselfe absolute. The case of Kings were pitifull, if ex factis sin­gularibus, [Page 43] it were lawfull to drawe leaden rules in their disgrace.’ Thus farre the Earle.

THese desperate attempts, suggested by the Deuill, executed by the people, encouraged by the state, & approoued by the Pope, must serue as admonitions to Princes, to humble themselues before God: Qui non dabit sanctos suos in captionem dentibus eorum, who will not giue his Saints for a pray to their teeth. For it is not heard (as our great King remembreth) That any Prince forgeteth himselfe in his dutie to God, or in his vocation? Law of Mo­narch. p. 60. But God with the greatnesse of the plague reuengeth the greatnesse of his in­gratitude.

These practises therefore must be no president for Peeres, or people to follow, because God hath forbid­den Christian subiects to resist, though kings raigne as Tyrants; & commanded them to endure with patience, though they suffer as Innocents. And also, because that in stead of releeuing the Common-wealth out of di­stresse, which is euer the pretence of seditions practiti­oners, they shall heape mischeefe on it, and desolation on themselues: as (Aquinas) if he be the author of the booke de regim. principum, sheweth manifestly. Esset multitudini periculosum & eius rectoribus: de regim. princ. l. 1. c. 6. It were dange­rous to subiects and gouernours, that any should at­tempt [Page 44] to take away the life of princes, though they were tyrants: for commonly, not the well disposed, but the ill affected men, doe thrust themselues into that dan­ger. And the gouerment of good Kings, is as odious to bad men, as the rule of tyrants to good people. Where­fore the kingdome, by this presumption would be ra­ther in daunger to forgoe a good prince, then a wicked tyrant. So farre Thomas.

They that are the authors or abettors of sedition, can neither avoide shame in earth, nor escape eternall dam­nation. Though God the great Iudge do sometime per­mit rebells, in his Iustice to preuaile against Kings, for their contempt of the lawe of the highest, and the ne­glect of their owne dutie. The reward of rebellion shall be no better then the recompence of Sathan, who is the instrument of the Lords wrath for the punishment of all disobedience. It is most true that as sicke men, neere their death,Chrysostom. haue many idle fancies, so the world before the ende thereof shall be troubled with many errors. In these declining dayes of the world, many countreys, Cities, and Cantons, renounced their old gouernment, and submitted themselues to such a newe regiment as they best liked: for confirmation of which practises, there wanted not politike Diuines, (what wine is so soure that some hedge grapes will not yeeld) to inuest the people and Nobles with the power ouer Kings, to dispose of their kingdomes. The heathen Politicians from whome this politike Diuinitie is deriued, knowing not the true God, and hauing no rule to direct them, but naturall rea­son, thought him no murtherer, but a defender of his coun­trey that killed tyrants. But this pagan principle, beeing a [Page 45] plant, that Christ hath not planted, must be plucked vp by the rootes. I can finde no ground of this leud lear­ning, beyond 220. yeares in the Christian world: the first authors of it beeing Iohannes de Parisiis, Ioh. de Parie de potest. re­gia & papali cap. 14. Iacobus Al­main, and Marsilius Patavinus: Vbi peccat rex in temporali­bus, saith Iohannes de parisiis, papa non habet ipsum corrige­re: when the king offendeth in the temporall gouerne­ment, the Pope hath no authoritie to correct him, but the Barons or Peeres of the Realme, and if they either cannot, or dare not meddle with him, they may craue the the Churches aide to suppresse him: so farre Iohn of Paris.

Tota communitas (saith Iacob Almain) potestatem habet principem deponere. All the communalty,Iacob Al­main de po­test. eccles. cap. 1. hath power to depose their Prince, which power the communalty of France vsed, when they depriued their king, not so much for his impietie, as for his disabilitie to manage so great a charge: so farre Almain. Regis depositio & alterius insti­tutio (saith Marsilius Patavinus) the deposition of a king,Marsil. Pa­tav. de tran­slat. imperij cap. 6. and the institution of another in his place, belongeth not to the Bishop of Rome, to any priest, or to the col­ledge of priests, but to the vniuersall multitude of the subiects. So farre he.

From these, the Puritans haue learned their error, of the power of States-men ouer Kings, then which, no opinion can be more daungerous: where the Nobilitie are as readie to practise, as the Puritan preachers are to pre­scribe. What presumption is it in men, to passe the bounds which God hath set them, to controll the wis­dome of the Lord, and his vnspeakable goodnes, when he maketh triall of the patience of his Saints, by the out­rage and tyrannie of cruell kings, that they which are [Page 46] found patient in trouble, constant in truth, and loyall in subiection, may be crowned with glorie. Were we per­swaded, that the hearts of Kings are in Gods hand, that the haires of our head are numbred, and that no affliction can befall vs, which God doth not dispose to the exer­cise of our faith, the triall of our constancie, or the pu­nishment of our sinne, we would as well admire the iu­stice of God, in permitting tyrants, that our sinnes may be iudged, and punished in this world, as praise his mer­cie and fauour, in giuing rest to his seruants, vnder the protection of godly and gracious princes.

THe Citizens of Geneua, changed the gouerment from a Monarchie to a Democratie in the yeare of Christ, 1536. In the which yeare, Iohn Calvin came into that Citie, to visit his freind Farellus; And was chosen the publike reader of diuinitie. At his first comming thither, he published his Theologicall institutions. Wher­in he doth verie learnedly, and Christianly intreat of the authoritie of princes, and the dutie of subiects. One onely place is harshe, and dangerous: deliuered in ob­scure, and doubtfull tearmes, to excuse (as I conceiue) the outrage of the Citizens, against their prince, whom they had not many weekes before expelled: not to au­thorise other men to attempt the like against their so­ueraigne Magistrates. His words are these, Si qui sunt [Page 47] populares Magistratus, ad moderandam regnum libidinem consttuti. If there be any popular Magistrates, to restraine the licentiousnesse of Kings, of which kinde were the Ephori opposed against the Lacedemonian Kings,Iustit. l. 4. 6. 20. sect. 31. the Tribunes of the people, which curbed the Romane Consuls, and the Demarchie which brideled the Senate of Athens; And such peraduenture as things now stand are the three states in euery kingdome, assembled in Parliament. I doe not denie, but these in regard of their dutie, stand bound to represse the vnrulinesse of licentious kings: Nay, I affirme, that if they doe but winke at at those kings, which peeuishly make hauock of their people, and insult against their communaltie, that they want not the guilt of hainous treacherie, because they betray the libertie of the people, whose guardians they know themselues to be appointed. Thus farre Cal­vin. Since which time all Puritans haue turned his con­iunction conditionall, into an illative, his aduerb of doub­ting to an affirmative, and his permissive, non veto, into a verb of the imparative moode, in their books of regiment secular, and discipline Ecclesiasticall.

Christopher Goodman, published a treatise of obedience at Geneva, not without the verie good liking and appro­bation of the best learned in that citie, 1557.pag. 119. wherein he affirmeth, That if Magistrates transgresse Gods lawe themselues, and command others to doe the like, they loose that honour, and obedience which otherwise is due vnto them: and ought no more to be taken for Ma­gistrates: but to be examined and punished as priuate transgressors: so farre Goodman.

Much about the same time was Knoxe his appellation [Page 48] printed in the same place,Geneva, fol. 56. wherein he feareth not to af­firme, That it had beene the dutie of the Nobilitie, Iud­ges, Rulers, and people of England not onely to haue resisted Marie, that Iezabel whom they call their Queene, but also to haue punished her to the death, with all such as should haue assisted her, what time that she opēly be­gan to suppresse Christs Gospel, to shed the blood of the Saints, and to erect that most deuillish Idolatrie, the pa­pisticall abhominations, and his vsurped tyrannie. Thus farre Knox.

Ann. 1560. Theodore Beza printed his Confessions, wherein he auoucheth, That there are vices inherent in the persons of Princes, though they be lawfully esta­blished,pag. 216. by succession, or election, viz. Vngodlinesse, couetousnesse, ambition, crueltie, luxurie, lecherie, and such like sinnes which tyrants delight in. What shall be done in this case to these Princes I answer (saith he) that it belongeth to the superiour powers, such as are the 7. electors in the Empire, and the statesmen of the king­dome almost in euerie Monarchie, to restraine the fury of tyrants, which if they doe not, they are traytors to their countryes, and shall before the Lord giue an ac­count of their treacherie. Thus farre Beza.

1561. The verie yeare after there was a contention betweene the Nobilitie and Clergie of Scotland about this matter,Renum [...]cot. l. 17. p. 590. (as Buchanan reporteth:) let him tel his owne tale. Calendis Novembribus regina ad Missam: The Queene vpon the feast of All-Saints, added to her pri­uate Masse all the solemnities and superstitious cere­monies of the Papists; The Ministers of the Gospel tooke it verie ill, complained thereof to the people, in [Page 49] their publike congregations, and admonished the nobi­litie of their dutie in that behalfe: whereupon rose a controversie in a house of private meeting, between the Nobles and Preachers, whether the Nobles may re­straine Idolatrie, that is like to breake out to a generall destruction: and by rigor of law, compell the cheefe Magistrate to his dutie, when he exceedeth his bounds? The Ministers of the Church stood stedfast in opinion, as they had formerly done, that the cheefe Magistrate may be compelled euen by forcible meanes to liue ac­cording to law: but the Noble men because of the Queenes fauour, hope of honour, or loue of lucre,Note how basely the Puritans e­steeme the Nobilitie when they thwart them. did a litle wauer, and thought otherwise then the Ministers: and so in the end iudgement passed with the Nobles, because they were more in number and of better esteeme and reputation. Thus farre Buchanan.

1568. The outlandish Churches in London conclu­ded this Canon in a classicall Synode, [...]ezae epist. 24. Si quisquam re­pugnantibus legibus patriae: If any man vsurpe Lordship, or Magistracie, against the lawes and priuiledges of the countrie, or if he that is a lawfull Magistrate, doe vniustly bereaue his subiects of the priuiledges, and li­berties which he hath sworne to performe vnto them, or oppresse them by manifest tyrannie, the inferiour officers must oppose themselues against him, for they are in dutie bound before God, to defend their people, as well from a domesticall, as a forraigne tyrant. Thus farre they.

1574. We had swarmes of caterpillers: namely,fol. 145. Disciplina Ecclesiastica from Rochel, to teach vs, that the senate Ecclesiasticall hath the cheefe moderation of the [Page 50] Christian societie, and ought to prouide that no Ma­gistrate be defectiue in his charge, and by common care, counsell, and authoritie to ouersee, that euerie go­uernour our cary himselfe faithfully in his Magistracie. Thus farre that author.

pag. 48. Franco-Gallia from Colen, wherein we finde that the people hath power to dethrone their Princes.

pag. 300. Iunius de iure Magistratuum (as some thinke from Ge­neva,) wherein it is said, that the people haue the same right to depose kings that are tyrants, which a generall counsell hath to displace a Pope that is an heretique.

Eusebius Phyladelphus from Edenbruge, wherein we read,dialogo. 2. pag. 57. that it was as lawfull for his brethren of France, to defend themselues against the tyrannie of Charles the ninth, King of that name in France, as for wayfairing men to resist and repell theeues, cutthroats, and wolues: nay further, I am (saith he) of opinion with the old peo­ple of Rome, that of all good actions the murther of a tyrant is most commendable. Thus farre he.

pag. 206.1577. came forth the Vindicia contra Tyrannos, with this resolution, That Princes are chosen by God, esta­blished by the people: euery priuate man is subiect to the Prince: the Multitude and the officers of state which represent the Multitude, are superiours to the Prince: yea they may iudge his actions, and if he make re­sistance, punish him by forcible meanes. So farre he.

1584. Danaeus finished his booke of Christian policie, wherein among many other he propoundeth, and an­swereth a Noble question, lib. 3. c. 6. as he termeth it. Nobilis quaestio sequitur. A noble question followeth, whether it be lawful for subiects to change and alter their gouerment? [Page 51] Yea whether it may be done by godly men with a good conscience? his answer is. The cheefe Magistrate, that notoriously and willfully violateth the fundamentall lawes of the kingdome, may be displaced by godly sub­iects, with a good conscience. And this is his reason, Reges summi (que) Magistratus, Kings and cheefe Magistrates are the vassalls of the kingdome, and of the Common­wealth where they rule: Wherefore, they may be dis­possessed & deiected when they shall obstinatly attempt any thing, against the feudall lawes of the kingdome where they gouerne, as Kings and cheefe Magistrates. And it is truly said, that as a generall councell, is aboue the Pope, so the kingdome or the Peeres of the Land, are aboue the King. Thus farre Danaeus.

1585.de iure Reg. pag. 31. George Buchanan proclaimed rewards aswell for murthering kings as killing tygres. If I (saith he) had power to make a law, I would command tyrants to be transported from the societie of men into some solitarie place, or els to be drowned in the bottome of the sea, that the euill sauour of dead tyrants should not annoy liuing men. Furthermore I would award recompence to be giuen for the slaughter of tyrants, not onely of all in generall, but of euery one in particular, as men vse to re­ward them for their paines which kill wolues or beares, and destroy their young ones. haec ille.

The same yeare Thomas Cartwright commended Dud­ley Fenners his Sacra Theologia (as they call his booke) to the world, wherein men are warranted by sundry texts of Scripture, most miserably abused, to destroy tyrants. Therein he (following the common opinion of the Pu­ritans) maketh two sorts of tyrants, Tyrannus sine titulo, lib. 5. cap. 13. pag. 185. [Page 52] and Tyrannus exercitio. For the tyrant without title: He is confident, that any man may cut his throat. Huic quis (que) priuatus resistet, etiam si potest è medio tollat, let euerie pri­vate man resist him, and if he can, take away his life. For the Tyrant exercent: hauing described him to be a Prince, that doth wilfully dissolue all, or the chiefest compacts of the commonwealth, he concludeth against him, Hunc tollant, vel Pacifice vel cum Bello, qui ea potestate donati sunt, vt rgeni Ephori vel omnium ordinum conventus publicus: The Peeres of the kingdome or the publique assembly of states, ought to destroy him, either by peace­able practises, or open warre. haec ille.

Anno 1588. Hermanus Renecherus published obserua­tions vpon the first Psalme, wherein he investeth the Presbiterie with all the Popes prerogatiues. Concerning the Presbiterian power ouer kings. This is his notable an­notation:pag. 72. God (saith he) hath ordained the Ciuill Ma­gistrate for the good of the ecclesiasticall order, there­fore the ecclesiastical state is the highest throne of Gods earthly kingdome, the supreame seate of all excellencie, and the chiefest court wherin God himselfe is president, to distribute eternall gifts to his servants. Whereas the politicall Empire is but as it were an inferiour bench, wherein iustice is administred according to the prescrip­tion of the ecclesiasticall soueraigntie: Thus fatre Rene­cherus.

Robert Rollocke, a man otherwise verie learned, is caried with the current of this error, and borrowed his asserti­on of M. Fenner, whose words he expoundeth by way of paraphrasis, In Daniel. c. 5. p. 150. in his commentaries on Daniel printed at Edingburge, 1591. Though the chiefe lawfull Magistrate [Page 53] (saith M. Rollocke) doe many things vniustly and tyran­nously, he may not rashly be violated, by them especially which haue not authoritie: but the Nobles or the pub­like assemblie of states, must reduce him to his dutie, by reproofe and all other lawfull meanes, 1. Sam. 14.46. If he doe still persist in open and desperate tyrannie, wil­fully dissoluing all or the chiefest compacts of the com­mon wealth, priuate men must not yet medle with him, onely the Peeres, or the publike assemblie of all states to whom that charge belongeth, must prouide that the Church and Commonwealth come not to desolation: though it cannot otherwise be done, then by the death and destruction of the tyrant. Better it is that an euill king be destroyed, then the Church and state together ruined. Thus farre Rollocke. For proofe he referreth his reader first to the 1. Sam. 14.46. viz. Then Saul came vp from the Philistims, and the Philistims went to their own place: ergo Kings that are wicked may be reduced to their dutie by the Peeres, or assemblie of states according to the rules of the newe Puritan logique. Secondly, for the kil­ling and destroying of kings, he referreth his readers to the 2. regum c. 11. v. 4.5.6.7. which place I thinke he ne­uer vouchsafed to looke vpon, but set it downe as he found it quoted in Fenners diuinitie, from whom he hath taken all the rest.

I will make an end with William Bucanus, whose booke was published at the request, and with the approbation of Beza and Goulartius, maine pillars of the Church of Geneva. 1602. [...] pag. [...]. They (saith Bucanus) which haue any part of office in the publike administration of the Com­monwealth, as the Ouerseers, Senators, Consuls, Peeres, [Page 54] or Tribunes, may restraine the insolencie of euill kings. Thus farre he.

This Puritan-dangerous error is directly repugnant to the Law, the Gospel, the precepts of the Apostles, the practise of Martyrs, and the doctrine of the Fathers, Councels, and other classicall Writers, as I haue proo­ued in the sixe former Chapters: and will more directly shew (by the grace of God) in my other booke: wherein the holy texts of Scripture, which the Papists and Puri­tans doe damnably abuse against the Ecclesiasticall and Civill authoritie of Kings, shall be answered by the god­ly Protestants: whose labour God vsed to reforme his Church since the yeare of our Lord, 1517. and by the an­cient Fathers and orthodoxall Writers in euery age of the Church. This Puritan-position, which authoriseth Nobles and assemblies of States against wicked kings, is the very assertion of the most seditious Iesuits, that haue liued in our age, as I will demonstrate by two or three: Iohannes Mariana, whose booke seemeth to be written in defence of Clement the fryer, who stabbed Henrie the 3. king of France. The faults and licentiousnes of kings (saith Mariana) whether they raigne by consent of the people,de regis in­ [...]. lib. 1. c. 6. or right of inheritance, are to be borne and en­dured, so long as the laws of shamefastnes and honestie, whereto all men be bound, are not violated: for Princes should not rashly be disturbed, least the commonwealth fall into greater miserie and calamitie. But if the Prince make hauock of the commonwealth, and expose the pri­uate fortunes of his subiects for a pray to other men, if he despise law, & contemne religion, this course must be ta­ken against him. Let him be admonished and recalled to [Page 55] his dutie: if he repent, satisfie the Wealepublike, and a­mend his faults, there ought (as I thinke) to be no fur­ther proceeding against him. But if there be no hope of his amendment, the commonwealth may take away his kingdome. And because that cannot be done (in all like­lihoode) without warre, they may leuie power, brandish their blades against their king, and exact money of the people, for the maintenance of their warre: for when there is no other helpe, the Peeres of the common wealth, hauing proclaimed their king a publike enemy, may take away his life. Thus farre Mariana.

The Statesmen of the Kingdome (saith Franciscus Fe­vardentius) haue a soueraigne power ouer their Kings:In Hester. c. 1. pag. 88. for Kings are not absolutely established, but stand bound to obserue lawes, conditions, and compacts, to their subiects: the which, if they violate, they are no lawfull Kings, but theeues and tyrants, punishable by the states. Thus farre Feuardentius.

Inferiour Magistrates (saith Iohannes Baptista Ficklerus) are the defenders and protectours of the lawes and rightes of the state,de iure ma­gist. fol. 18. and haue authoritie (if need require) to correct and punish the supreame King. So farre Fick­lerus.

An English fugitiue, which was the author of the booke de iusta abdicatione Henrici Tertij, affirmeth, That all the Maiestie of the kingdome, is in the assembly of Statesmen, to whom it belongeth to make couenants with God, to dispose of the affaires of the kingdome, to appoint matters pertaining to warre and peace,l b 3. cap 8. to bridle the kingly power, and to settle all things that be­long to publique gouernment. So farre he.

[Page 56] part. 1 c. 4. pag 72.And the most seditious Doleman saith, that all humane lawe and order naturall, Nationall, and positiue, doth teach, that the commonwealth, which gaue Kings their authoritie for the common good, may restraine or take the same from them if they abuse it to the common ill: so farre Doleman, and of this opinion are many other as may appeare by D. Morton by whom they are discouered and refuted.

How farre this gangrene will extend, I knowe not. The kings of Christendome are daily crucified, (as Christ their Lord was) betweene two theeues; I meane the Papist and Puritan, which haue prepared this dead­ly poyson for Princes, whom they in their owne irreli­gious and traiterous hearts, shall condemne for tyran­nie. I hope neither Peeres nor people will be so fond to beleeue them, or wicked to followe them, which pre­tend the reformation of religion, and defend the subuer­sion of Christian states. If inferiour officers, or the pub­like assembly of all States, will claime this power, it standeth them vpon, (as they wil avoid euerlasting dam­nation) not to deriue a title from Rome, Lacedemon, or Athens, (as Calvin doth, whom the rest followe) but from the hill of Sion, and to plead their interest from the law or the gospell.August. in quest. mixt. Si mandatum non est praesumptio est, & ad paenam proficiet, non ad praemium: quia ad contumeliam per­tinet conditoris, vt contempto Domino colantur servi, & spreto Imperatore, adorentur Comites. If their opposition against Kings be not commanded of God, it is pre­sumption against God: for it is a contumely against God the creator of all states, to despise Lords and honour seruants, to contemne the soueraigne Empe­rour, [Page 75] and to reuerence the Peeres of the Empire. So farre Augustine. My sonne (saith Salomon) feare God and the King, and meddle not with the seditious: Prou. 24.21. for their de­struction shall come sodainly, and who knoweth the end of them? The conclusion of all is, That Kings haue supreame and absolute authoritie vnder God on earth, not because all things are subiect to their pleasure, which were plaine tyrannie, not Christian soueraigntie: but because all persons, within their dominions, stand bound in lawe, allegiance, and conscience, to obey their pleasure, or to abide their punishment. And Kings themselues, are no way subiect to the controwle, censure, or punishment, of any earthly man, but reserued by speciall prerogatiue to the most fearefull and righteous iudgement of God, with whome there is no respect of persons. He whose seruants they are, will beate them with a rod of iron, and breake them in peeces like a potters vessell, if they abuse that great, and soueraigne power, (which God hath endued them withall,) to support error, to suppresse truth, and to oppresse the innocent. God, of his great mercie, graunt vs the spirit of truth, to direct vs in all loyaltie, that we beeing not seduced by these seditious Sectaries, may growe in grace, stand fast in obedience, embrace loue, follow peace, and encrease more and more in the knowledge of our Lord Iesus Christ. To whom be all praise, power, and dominion now and for euer. Amen.