COnsidering oftentimes with my selfe, and applying my whole vnderstanding vnto these things, which now of late by a iust iudgement of God, are come to passe: I thinke I may with right vse the words of the Prophet Abacuck saying: I haue wrought a worke in your daies, and none will beleeue it, though it be told them. The French King is slaine by the hands of a Friar, for vnto this it may fitly be compared, although the Pro­phet spake of an other thing, namely of the incarnation of our Lord, which excéedeth and surmounteth all other won­ders and miracles whatsoeuer: as also the Apostle S. Paul referreth the same wordes vnto the resurrection of Christ. When the Prophet sayde a worke, his minde was not to signifie by it some common or ordinarie thing, but a rare and notable matter, and a déede worthie to be re­membred, as that of the creation of the worlde, The hea­uens are the workes of thine handes: And againe, He re­sted the seauenth day, of all the workes which he had made. When he sayth, I haue wrought, with these wordes the holy Scripture is wont to expresse thinges not come to passe by casualtie, fortune, or accident, but things befallen by the determined prouidence, will, and ordinance of God, as our Sauiour sayde: The workes which I doe, yée shall doe also, and yet greater, and many more such like where­with the holy Scriptures are replenished. And that he saith that it is done in times past, herein hee followeth the vse and order of the other Prophets, who for the certentie of the euent are wont to prophesie of things to come as if they were past alreadie. For the Philosophers say, that things [Page 4]past are of necessitie, things present, of being: and thinges to come only of possibilitie. For which certaintie the Pro­phet Isaie long before prophisying of the death of Christ, hath thus spoken: He was led as a shéepe to the slaughter, and like a dumme lambe before his shearer, so opened hée not his mouth, &c. And this whereof we speake at this present, and which is come to passe in these our dayes, is a famous, notable, and an vncredible thing not done or at­cheiued without the particular prouidence and disposition of the Almightie. A Friar hath kilde a King, not a pain­ted one, or drawen vpon a péece of paper, or pictured vpon a wall, but the King of France, in the midest of his armie, compassed and enuiconed round about with his Guard and Souldiers: which truely is such an act, and donne in such a manner, that none will beléeue it, when it shall be tolde them, and perhaps our posteritie and the age to come will account and estéeme it but a fable.

That the king is dead or else slaine, it is easily to be be­léeued, but that he is kild and taken away in this sort, is hardly to be credited, euen as we presently agrée vnto this that Christ is borne of a woman, but if we adde vnto it of a woman virgine, then following naturall reason we can in no wise assent vnto it. Euen so we lightly beléeue that Christ died, but that he is risen vp againe from death to life, it falleth harde vnto mans vnderstanding, and there­fore not lightly digested. That one is wakened againe out of a sléepe, extasie, or a sound, because it is not against na­ture, we naturally beléeue it, but to be risen againe from death, it séemeth so vncredible vnto the flesh, that S. Paule desputing in Athens of this point, was nushked greatly, and accused to be a setter soorth of new Gods, so that ma­ny (as S. Luke witnesseth) did mocke him, and many for the strangenesse of the doctrine saide, We will heare thée againe of this thing. Of such things therefore which befall not, according to the lawes of nature, and the ordinarie course thereof, speaketh the Prophet, That none shall be­léeue it when it shall be tolde them. But wee giue credite [Page 5]vnto it by consideration of the omnipotencie of God, and by submission of our vnderstanding vnder the obedience of faith, and seruice which we owe vnto our Sauiour Christ. And by these meanes this that was incredible by nature, commeth credible by faith: therefore we that beléeue not after the flesh that Christ is borne of a virgine, yet when there is added vnto it, that this was doone supernaturally by operation of the holy Ghost: then truely we agree vnto it, and faithfully beléeue it. So likewise when it is saide that Christ is risen againe from the dead, as wee are flesh onely we beléeue it not, but when it is affirmed that this was done by the power of the diuine nature which in him was, then without any doubting we beléeue it. In the same manner when it shall be tolde vs that such a mightie King was kilde by a poore, simple, and a weake Friar, euen in the middest of his arnne, and enuironed with his Guardo and Souldiers, to our naturall reason and fleshly capacitie it will séeme vncredible, yet considering on the other side the great and grieuous sinnes of this King, and the speciall prouidence of the almightie herein, and by what accusto­med and wonderfull meanes he hath accomplished his most iust will and iudgement against him, then most firmely we will beléeue it. Therefore this great & miraculous worke I may but onely ascribe it vnto the particular prouidence of God, not as those that referre all things amisse vnto some ordinarie causes, or vnto fortune, or such like acciden­tarie euentes, but as those who (more néere obseruing and looking in the course of the whole matter) easely sée that here in this befell many things, which could in no wise haue béene brought to passe and dispatched without the speciall helpe of God. And truely the state of Kings and kingdoms and all other such rare and weightie affaires should not be thought to be gouerned of God rashly and vnaduisedly. In the holy Scripture some are of this kind, and none of them can be referred vnto any other thing, but vnto God the on­ly author therof: yet there are none wherein the celestiall operation more appeareth then in this whereof we speake [Page 6]at this present. We read in the first booke of the Machab. the 6. chap. how Eleazar offered himselfe vnto a certaine death to kill the king that was an enemie and persecutor of the people and children of God. For in the battell espying an Eliphant more excellent then any of the other beastes, whereupon it was like that the king was with a swift course casting himselfe in the middest of the troupes of his enemies, here and there making a way perforce, came to the beast at last, and went vnder her, and thrust his sword in her belly and slewe her, who falling with the great waight of her bodie prest him to death, and kilde him out of hande. Here in this we sée some thinges not vnlike vnto ours, as much as toucheth the zeale, vali­antnesse of minde, and the issue of the enterprise, yet in the rest there is no comparison to bée made. Elea­zarus was a Souldier, exercised in weapons, and trai­ned vp in warres, set in battell, embouldened with cou­rage, and inflamed with rage and anger: this a Friar not in-ured to the fight, and so abhorring of bloud by the order of his profession, that perhappes hee could not abide the cutting of a vaine. He knew the kinde of his death, as also the place of his buriall, namely that he should be intombed vnder the fall of the beast, and so buried in the middest of his triumph and victorie. This man did looke for death onely, and expected nothing but vnknow­en and most cruell torments, and did not doubt before, but that he should lacke a graue to rest within. But in this are yet many other thinges that can suffer no comparison. The famous historie of the holy woman Iudith is suffi­ciently knowen, who tooke counsell with her selfe, that shée might deliuer her Citie and the people of God (no doubt by the inspiration of the holy ghost) to murther Holophernes chiefe Captaine and Prince of the enemies forces, which she also most valiantly accomplished. Wher­in although appeare many and most manifest tokens of heauenly direction, yet farre greater argumentes of Gods prouidence, are to be séene in the killing of this [Page 7]king, and the deliuering of the Citie of Paris, farre more difficult and harder to be brought to passe, then was the enterprise of Iudith, for this holy woman disclosed part of her intention before vnto the Gouernours of the Citie, and went not without great commendation of young and olde, through the gates of Bethalia, and by the watch, in sight and presence of the Elders, and Princes of that place: and by that meanes was not subiect vnto their exa­mination and searching which is alwayes vsed so strictly in time of siedge and warre, that a flie can hardly without ex­amining get by. She being come to the enemie, through whose campe and watches she was to goe, and now often­times examined and searched, being a woman, carrying no letters nor weapons about her, from whence any suspition might grow, & yéelding probable reasons of her comming there, and abandoning of her countrie, was easely dischar­ged. As also for the same causes, & for her sexe and exquisite beautie being brought before this lewd Prince whom lust, wine, & good chéere had rockt a sléepe, might lightly perform that which she had determined before. But this religious man had vndertaken a matter of greater waight, and also performde it, which was compassed with so many impedi­ments, difficulties & dangers, that it by no earthly meanes could haue béene brought to passe without the manifest or­dinance, & speciall ayde of the almightie. First letters of cō ­mendation were to be procured from the enemie, then was he constrained to goe through that gate of the Citie, which directly went to the enemies campe, the which without doubt was so narrowly kept and watched in the extremitie of that siedge, that euery trifle bred suspition, & none were suffred to go forth without curious searching before, touch­ing their letters, busines, and affaires they had. But he (a wonderfull thing) went by the watch vnexamined, yea with letters of commendation vnto the enemie, which if they had béene intercepted by the Citizens, without delay & further sentence he should haue béene executed presently, & therfore this is a manifest argument of Gods prouidence.

But this is a far greater miracle, that he without sear­ching went also through the ennemies campe, by diuerse watches and sentinelles, and, which more is, through the garde of the Kings body, and finally, through the whole army, which was compacted almost of none but Huge­notes and Heretickes, he being a religious man, and appa­relled after the order of his profession, which was so odions vnto them, that they killed, or at least greatly misused all those friars, whome they found in those places, which not long before they had taken perforce about Paris. Iudith was a woman, and nothing odious, yet examined often­times, she carried nothing about her that might haue tur­ned to her danger or destruction. This man, a friar, and therefore hated, and most suspected, hauing also a knife pre­pared for that purpose, not put vp in a sheath, (which might haue made his excusation probable) but bare and hidden in his sléeue, which if it had bene found about him, presently without any further iudgement shoulde haue béene hanged. All these are such cleare arguments of the particular proui­dence of God, that they cannot be denied or disprooued: and it coulde not be otherwise, but that God blinded the eies of the ennemies, so that they could not sée nor knowe him. For as we haue said before, although some absurdly ascribe this vnto fortune, or vnto some other such like accident, yet wée thinke good to referre all this to none else, but vnto the holy will and ordinance of God. And truely I coulde not beléeue this to haue bene done otherwise, vnlesse I shoulde captiue and submit my vnderstanding vnder the obedience of Christ his doctrine, who had determined by these mira­culous meanes to vnset and deliuer the city of Paris (which as we haue heard hath béene in great daunger and extremi­tie) and iustly punish the hainous and notorious sinnes of that king, and take him away out of this worlde by such an vnhappie and infamous death. And we truely (not without great inward griefe) haue oftentimes foretold, that as he was the last of his name and familie, so was he like to haue, and make some strange and shamefull ende of his [Page 9]life. Which, that I haue oftentimes said it, not onely the Cardinalles Ioiosa, Lenocurtins, and he of Paris, but al­so the Oratour at that time here resident, can sufficientlie witnesse and testifie. We will not séeme to call here to af­firme our wordes, for those that are already deceassed, but the liuing, and some of them at this time present do yet wel remember them: yet notwithstanding we will not vnrippe all that we are able and forced to speake against this vnfor­tunate king, for the most noble realme of Fraunce it sake, which we shall prosecute and foster hereafter, as wée haue doone alwayes before with all fatherly loue, honour, and af­fection. This therefore which we with griefe haue spoken toucheth onely the kinges person, whose vnhappie and vnluckie ende depriueth and exempteth him also of those du­ties and honours which this holie sea (the tender and gentle mother of all faithfull, but chiefly of christian Princes) is wont to offer vnto all Kinges and Emperours, which wee most willingly would likewise haue bestowed vpon him, if the holy scriptures in this case had not altogether forbidden it. There is, saith S. Iohn, a sin vnto death; I say not that any should pray for it, which may be vnderstoode, both of the sin it selfe, as if he shoulde say, for that sin or for the re­mission or forgiuenes therof, I will that none should pray, because it is not pardonable. Or else in the same sense, for that man who committeth such a sin vnto death, I say not that any should pray for. Whereof our Sauiour himselfe hath spoken in S. Mathew, saying, that he that sinneth a­gainst the holie Ghost, shal not be pardoned, neither in this worlde, nor in the world to come. Where he setteth downe thrée sorts or kindes of sinne, to wit, against the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, and that the two first are lesse hainous, and pardonable, but that the third is altogether vnpardonable, and not to be remitted. Al which difference procéedeth from the destinction of the attributes, as the di­uines teach vs, which seuerally are appropriated vnto euery seuerall person of the holy Trinitie. And although as the essence of all the thrée persons is but one, so also is their po­wer, [Page 10]wisedome and goodnes, as we haue learned in the sym­bole of Athanasius, where he saith, almighty is the father, almighty is the Sonne, and almighty is the holy Ghost: yet by attribution, power is ascribed vnto the Father, wisedome vnto the Sonne, and loue vnto the holie Ghost, whereof euery seuerall as they are tearmed attributes, so are they so proper vnto euery seuerall person, that they can not be attributed and referred vnto any other. By the con­traries of which attributes, we come to discerne the distinc­tion and greatnes of sinne. The contrary to power, which is onely attributed vnto the Father, is weaknes, and there­fore that which we doe amisse, through infirmity of nature, is said to be committed against the Father. The opposite vnto wisdome, is ignorance and blindnes, through which, when any man sinneth, is said to sinne against the Sonne, therefore that which we commit through naturall infirmi­ty and ignorance, is more easier forgiuen vs. The thirds attribute, which is the holy Ghostes, is loue, & hath for his contrary ingratitude, and vnthankefulnes, a vice most de­testable and odious, which causeth men not to acknowledge the loue of God, and his benefites bestowed vpon them, but to forget, despise, yea and to hate them. Whereout brieflie, and finally procéedeth, that they become altogether obsti­nate and impenitent. And this way sinne is committed a­gainst God with greater danger and perill, then if it were done through ignorance and weakenesse of the flesh, and therfore it is termed, a sin against the holy Ghost. And be­cause such sinnes are seldome and difficultly pardoned, and not without great aboundance of grace, in some sorte they are said to bee vnpardonable: whereas altogether through vnrepentance only, they become simply vnpardonable. For whatsoeuer is done amisse in this life: although it be against y^e holy ghost, by repentance it may be wipt out & defaced be­fore death, but they that perseuere therin til death, are exclu­ded from all grace & mercy hereafter. And therefore for such sinners and sinnes the apostle hath forbidden to pray after their decease. Now therefore because wée vnderstand, not [Page 11]without our great griefe, that the saide king is departed out of this worlde, without repentance and impenitent, in the company, to wit, of heretickes, (for all his army was made almost of none other but of such men) and that by his last wil he hath commended and committed his crowne and kingdome to the succession of Nauarre, long since declared an hereticke, and excommunicated, as also in his extremi­ty, and nowe ready to yéelde vp his ghost, desired of him, and such like as he was there standing by, that they would reuenge his death vppon those whome hee iudged to be the cause thereof. For these and such like most manifest tokens of vnrepentance, we haue decréed not to solemnize his death with funeralles, not that we would séeme to coniecture by these any thing concerning the secrete iudgementes of God against him or his mercies, who could according vnto his good pleasure in the departing of his soule from the body cō ­uert and turne his heart, and deale wyth him mercifully: but this we haue spoken, being thereunto mooued by these externall signes and tokens. God grant therefore that all, being admonished and warned by this fearefull example of heauenly iustice, may repent and amende, and that it may further please him to continue and accomplish that which he hath mercifully begunne in us, as we do put our trust in him, to the end we may giue euerlasting thanks to him, to haue deliuered his church from such great & imminent dan­gers. Wherof when his holines had spoken, he brake vp the Consistorie, & hauing giuen his blessing, let them al depart.

THe ages past haue séene many that vnnaturally haue rebelled against their country, and with violēce defiled their hands with the blood of their princes and parents: but none yet that euer approoued or commended the facte. But nowe of late, and in our dayes a notorious murtherer is come forth, the B. of Rome knoweth the cruell and bloody crime, and reprooueth not the offendor, but prayseth him. This therefore is false, Sixtus, although it bée an oldé [Page 12]saying, that villanie and mischiefe is more easier committed then excused: whether I compare thée with Papinian, or rather with Caracalla, both notable tyrantes, yet it will holde in none of them both. With right then may I saye with thée, fact um est opus in diebus nostris, there is wroght a worke in our dayes, to the eye and eare most detestable and gréeuous, and horrible to be remembred and spoken of. The greatest and mightiest king of Europe lieth ouerthro­wen and slaine by the treacherous fraude of a friar. But doost thou tearme this a worke onely? Nay, rather thou shouldest haue called it a most hainous, execrable, and cru­ell act: and therefore the more hainous, that not one of the common people, but thou the ruler of christendome, Christ his vicar, the gate of heauen, hast bene the aduocate, defen­der, and commender of this great offence. Truely, who can suffer the hands of priests, which by their laws should be harmelesse, and vndefiled of all christen blood, although most guilty, to be embrued and stayned wyth the blood of a prince? Who should not curse and detest the bloody butchar of the father of his country? Haue not the incensed and an­grie people, reason then to crie, torture, torture, and all things else wherewith such cruell monsters are to bée puni­shed? Yet this is but small, Sixtus, and that which thou thinkest to be the greatest part of this villanous acte, is the least. Thou wyth it onely art to be charged, because thou alone art sounde that commendest priuse murtherers, and praisest manslaughter, and not onely giuest licence, without punishment to destroy, not a citizen, but a magistrate, not a magistrate, but a king, but doost also most impudently de­fend the déed, and teachest this to be the readiest and spéedi­est way to heauen, with poison, sword, fraude and treason to kill Kings, that are the maiestie of mankinde, the true patterne of Celestiall power, and the liuelie Images of the King of Kings. And this is it, I thinke, Quod vix credat quisquam cum narrabitur, That none will be­léeue it, though it shall bée tolde them, because the like was neuer heard amongest the Turkes. And the Tartarians, [Page 13]and barbarous nations when they come to heare it, wil for the straungenes thereof, presently shake and tremble. Is not this then great, cruell and execrable, great truelye it should be, if yet greater did not follow after. Why doest thou quake Sixtus, can there be saide any thing more hay­nouser: I truly, we are fallen in those daies, in the which the aboundance of wickednesse, maketh vs destitute of wordes, and in the which it is scarse counted trespas, which in times past hat béene most iustly executed as hie treason. So it is I say that the destinies of our age haue brought forth a villanous déede, not the like redde or hearde before. No time euer hath séene a king slaine by like treason, yet in the murther is something that will rather frette thee, then make thée to maruaile. Why should not the casuall hande of this inraged murtherer accomplish the like, that the premeditated and forecast counsel of the traitour hath performed? There haue béene some whom the wild boare hath slaine, some whom the stagge bring intangled in the nettes, some died by the vnskilfull cutting of a vaine, some with the stroke of a horse héele, and finally if we looke nar­rowly vnto it, we shall finde almost so many kindes and sundry deaths of kinges, as there haue béene princes. And therfore, I tremble not so much at the strangenes of this as at the example thereof. I will not say, that thou the fa­ther of kinges in Christ, (for so thou louest to be tearmed) hast béene grieued, mourned, wept, and called vpon God, the strong reuenger of all iniquity, for this moste heauy chaunce, and misfortune of thy first begotten sonne, but (set­ting aside all piety and naturall affection) to haue vnder­taken voluntarily and without compulsion the defence of the murtherer, maintayned with thy authority, argu­ments, and lawes, the nocent innocency, of this accursed cut-throate, and in remembrance of thy sonne, to haue most cruelly inueighed against his dead body, and this it is, Six­tus, which I cannot heare, reade, or remember, with a quiet and vntroubled minde. Good God, I sée in one crime, two offences, two hainous murtherers, him first [Page 14]who most treacheroslic hath assaulted his naturall Prince, then him who reuengeth not the destroyer of his sonne, but excuseth him, and is not contented to excuse him, but de­fendeth him, and doth not onely defende him, but praiseth him, yea by a most exquisite and singular comparison, ca­nonizeth him amongst his Saintes of Heauen. Auoid, auoide therefore hence, all naturall affection, Sixtus hath banished thés out of the Romaine Empire. As long as hée raigneth goe visite the Tartarians and Muskouites, and other more barbarous nations if there be any, here are none that will intertaine thée, no not receaue thée without thy perill. But O yée Frenchmen, it were not manful­ly done, to leaue vnreuenged the death of your most Chri­stian King, who will suffer them to triumphe with proude orations, ouer the treacherous murthering of your prince? Let mée bée nothing estéemed off, if I reuenge it not, and requite this vnto thee, Sixtus, giue eare onely vnto mee, and that our posterity may know thee, and thy vile and bloudy excutioner, and al those that were of this conspiracy first hear in short and true words the chaunce of this migh­ty Potentate, that by the greatnes of the murther, all our succession may iudge him guiltie hereof, that did defend it.

The Historiographers haue written diuers causes of the originall of the ciuill wars, in the time of Charles the ninth, according as they were ledde with loue, and hate which they did beare vnto the Potentates, and Nobility of Fraunce, yet it is knowen to euery man, that after the departure of Henrie the thirde into Polonia, the house of Guise chiefely the two brethren Frauncis and Charles, Cardinalls, through a desire of raigning, haue corrupted first their owne, and then all the counsell of the Realme. For Empires first of all must be troubled, and shaken be­fore they can bée ouerthrowne and subuerted. And from thence all these ciuill warres haue taken their begin­ning. At that present the Kinges house, was yet mighty and strong, with diuers brethren and kinsemen: vnto whome the Crowne without contradicttion after the de­cease of the King belongeth. And vnlesse they were all [Page 15]dispatched, the Guises knew verie wel that their hope was but vaine. Amongst the Kinges kindred, Lodowick prince of Condy was most feared, as one indewed with singular graces, and alone sufficient to sustaine all their attemptes, and to breake and bring to naught all their desperate en­terprises. Who whether he now long since hath lefte this worlde, to the good or bad fortune of this Realme, through the popes authority, and ancient Romane religion, hauing followed as they say the better, (for at that time there was a great talke ouer all christendome, of a reformation of all hereticall errors and opinions) I know not. But first they set vpon him accusing him of heresie, and corrupting of re­ligion, which then was a difficult and hainous crime, & ha­uing him first sued in law, as an enemy of the apostolike Sea, presently after persecuted him with sword and fire. He on the other side not disprouided & destitute of corage, frends and helpe, (the new religion now being spred in al citties of France, and euerie day the number of his increasing, being likewise aided by the counsell of the chiefest and best of the Realme, who detested and hated the Guises great ambitiō, and suspected their power) did valiantly withstand them. And here out is first come the vnhappy distinction of the names of Catholiks and protestants, and the deadly & mor­tall diuision of this Realme, which I feare me, can neuer be agréede againe, vnlesse by a long peace, and great loue, all causes of ambition, hee remoued and quite taken away: broils now being raised euery wher, which thē might haue béen easely repressed, vnles the fatal destinies of France had letted it, the Guises proclaime open war ayainst y^e prince of Conde and al heretikes, and easely perswaded thervnto the king himselfe, and his mother, a very desperat and an auda­cious woman. And now séeing that they could bring his M. to consent vnto al whereunto the thought good themselues, for the small experience which he dad, caused presently all those whom they thought were aduersaries vnto their sub­til dealings, partly through feare and accusation of the like offence of heresie, to voide the court, & by al means sought [Page 16]to stirre vp the rest to ciuill iarres with a hope of spoile and such like nouelties. Call moreouer Philip King of Spaine, and thy predecessor Sixtus, vnto their ayde. Promise vnto the king then occupied in the Lowe Countries, that France should nothing hinder or molest him: and vnto the Bishop of Rome an euerlasting warre against the enemies of the holy Sea. For they perswaded vnto themselues that their intent could neuer, or hardly at the least be brought to passe, as long as the common wealth flourished with peace and quietnesse, but it being once troubled and with seditions, disquieted, should make it easie, and this their thought was not amisse. For the Princes of the Royall bloud being all dispatched, the strongest and mightiest of whom, was now assaulted with open warre, they hoped that the rest should eyther die in warre or for the affinitie which they had with the Prince of Conde in hope of the Crowne, would soone depart from the Court, and finally that then, Charles and his brethren but children, might be without labour conuayed away and murthered. And to that effect they began warre, and with these torches haue kindled first the fire of ciuill discorde in France: but the last destinies and extreme calamities of the Realme were not yet come, for as in our bodies a dangerous disease is often­times long felt before, and with diuers paines and grieues the forces thereof are assaulted and wearied before they are broken and ouercome: euen so the like befalleth with Em­pires and kingdomes. But both the brethren departed first out of this world before they could accomplish and make an end of their long practised enterprises. Francis died at the siedge of Orleans, at the thréescore and thrée yeares of his age, hauing left behind him thrée sonnes, Henry Duke of Guise, Charles Duke de Mayne, and Lodouick a Car­dinall not yet come out of their childhoods. But in whom as there appeared sparkes of domesticall prowesse, so in them séemed to be no feare of vice. Vnto whom he left not onely good store of treasure, and great reuenewes, but also a hope of a large Empire, his damnable practises, and [Page 17]sparkles [...] warre. But in the meane while the king & his brethren grew in age, before the Lions whelpes were capable of their fathers ferocitie, and so France turning her former mind, began to worship, honor, & obay her Princes, now come to full age and full of courage & magnanimitie, whom she neuer before had séene but children. But chiefly respected Henry, whom comlines of body, perfect age, & va­lure in armes commended & aduanced to the gouernment of outlandish Nations. And thus by little and litle their vaine ambition hath béene repressed, but in tract of time other oc­casions of euill were presented. Charles dieth, whether by destime or poyson it is vncertaine. And I haue no leasure at large to discourse vpon this point, & to rehearse from the be­ginning this tragidie: but yet this is most true, a litle before his departure out of this worlde, séeing his estate greatly weakned by the tediousnes of war & cruel murthers & mas­sacres euery day cōmitted vpon his subiects, & the treasure of this Reamle consumed & spent, Italy & Spain laughing at it, inuaighed with sharpe & threatning words against the authors hereof, and this was peraduenture the occasion of his vntimely death. Henry the third succéeded him, whom whether Polonia hath suffred with greater griefe to depart from thence, or France receiued him with more ioy it is doubtfull. He warned by his brothers example, as soone as he had set & established the affaires of his realme in good or­der, gaue his mind wholly to the studie of peace, knowing very well that riuill broyles are alwaies good for them that affect crownes and kingdoms, but naught to them y^e raigne & weare thē. From hence is come the first originall of this mischief, for thou & thine Sixtus would neuer commend the kings most wholsom counsell, thy drifts tending to nothing els but by sword & fire to confirme thine own sauegard, litle regarding by what law or with what condition one rained so y^e those perished together with their crowns whom thou didst hate & couldst not abide. And so by litle & litle the remē ­brance of so many victories, and so many bloud-sheds, com­mitted for the Sea of Romes sake, grew stale, & presently [Page 18]after enuie began to swel in the peoples minds dasly corrup­ted by the seditious fermons of Friars, not delaying only y^e most godly vow of their Prince, but infecting it. And so it was easie to make an entrie for mischiefe to follow. The Duke of Guise in y^e meane time with his two brethren in­creased in age power and fauor by the Catholikes, as their father was before, & at the first cōmended thēselues sundrie wayes vnto them, and hauing prospered reasonably vnder Henry being not yet come to y^e crowne, saluted courteously euery one that met thē, although one of y^e simplest amongst the cōmon people, spake to them, & left nothing vndoone to steale away the hearts of the commontie, all true signes & tokens of an ambitious mind practising & attempting some nouelties. Spread abroad false reports, to rayse priuie grud­ges & displeasures amongst the Nobilitie: and finally Fran­cis the kings youngest brother being now departed out of this life either by sicknes or fraud, ietted to & fro through all cities beraied yet with the bloud of those of the reformed re­ligion, fearing for their massacres a iust reuenge. Lamen­ted the cōmon miserie, & vnlesse there should be looked vnto in time, affirmed that after the death of the king (which too true they sayde should be ere long) they all should become subiects againe of an Heretike, & endure all bondage, mise­rie, & flauery whatsoeuer. But that they would display their power against it, & the promised and ready succor of Spaine & Italy, to defend & protect by it their liberties, and the Ca­tholike religion: these things are knowen vnto euery man, & the king himself hath bin aduertised of thē by diuers spyes since the yeare 77. & yet for lacke of punishment, as it is of­ten seene, grew maruellous strong. Let therefore the poste­ritie iudge whether this is come to passe through too great a clemency, or by some fatall negligence of all French men.

In the yeere 1585. Ianus temple being shut vp in France, & a happy peace flourishing in all the realme, no external or domesticall enemy once knowne, the Duke of Guise with­all the house of Lorraine hauing conspired together, take the weapons in haude, the only cause therof was a crowne, [Page 19]their cloake and probable occasion, pietie & religion, a care for the realme, now ill gouerned, a pitte to see the common­tie with exactions pould and oppressed, and an intent to re­duce all things in good order. They hauing put this vizard vpon their rebellion, by their first writinges published in theyr names, complayned of the publicke calamities, of the weakenesse of the kings friendes, of the Realmes trea­sure wasted and spent, notwithstanding the dayly increa­ses of tallages and tributes, and that the people were al­together vnable longer to endure this beauie burthen. Besides nothing. Something by the way as concerning religion and Heretikes. For vndoubtly they would not that so many ennemies should be raysed vp at once, think­ing that the king had drawen hatred and enuie enough vp­pon his head by the gouernement of his realine, and that therefore they had sufficient matter and occasion of warre. It is most euident truly through the priuate grudge which they did beare vnto their king & the Duke Espernon, that some small and casuall trisles of anger haue beene the first cause of these last troubles. In reuenge whereof so many dead bodyes, so many murthers, and finally the death of the king himselfe, and the ruine of the whole Realine, haue all scarce suffised. But warned by a Spaniard who milli­ [...]ed the order of making the accounts of the Realine, as al­so by thée Sixtus, that looked for no benefite to fall vnto thy share by this warres, but by the ouerthrowe of the Heretikes, they chaunge their Ensignos, and proclayme open warre against those of the reformed Religion.

Héereuppon presently the Pope sent his thunderboltes, whereby he excluded the king of Nauarre (at this pre­sent ruling in Fraunce) and the Prince of Cond [...], vn­heard; innocent, and thinking nothing such, from his Apostolicke blessing: but hereby may easely appeare, that God and none of the Apostles were present at the rash iudgement of the cause. They nowe hauing turned their long, spake nothing more of the king, or his gouernement but only in his singular cōmendation. Extolled the prime of [Page 20]his age, admonished him of his former valour and prowesse, and with exquisite wordes shewed that the memorie of so many victories, wherewith he had so ostentimes repressed & abated the courage of the Heretiks, was yet recont & fresh. That his time of rest was not yet come, and that vnto such a valiaunt and strong Prince the victory of the battaile, and the slaughter of a whole nation belonged. Moreouer, they laide before his eies his [...] and want of children, and their miseries wherin they were like to fall, if after the de­sease of such a most Christian king (with dissembling wise they saide that they greatly seared) they should be forced to submitt themselves vnder the yoke and bondage of an here­ticke. Finally desired his Maiesty, that it woulde please him, to appoint Charles of Borbon Cardinal, being weak­ned with age and sicke [...] haste vnto the Crown reiecting Nauarre: And breaking the alliance and treaty of peace, with the hereticks, should take armes against them: which if he liked & would perform, they neuer would refuse any due obedience vnto him their lawful prince. Showed besides that they had their swordes ready, and sufficient wealth and aide, wherewith they might not onely reuenge themselues [...]ppon the Heretickes, but also vpon their fauourers. The duke of Guise hauing spoken thus, not farrying if the King would further determine hereupon, hauing gathered forced for to assault those of the reformed religion, made them in­deede to march agaynst the King himselfe, dispossessed him partly by force and partly by pollicy, frō such Citties as hée could, where the name of Luther or Caluin had neuer béen hearde, robbed their treasure, imposed new tributes vpon them, and finally where no ennemy was, exercised all ho­stshty and eruchresse. The king in the meane time desti­tute of courage and good counsel rather then of force, distri­sted himselfe, for his corupted friends told him wonders of the Ginses power and army, and feared him that & the ca­tholikes should but once heare the name of Hereticks, they would presently all retire, and goe backe from him. That he should linger therefore a while, vntill he had hearde the [Page 21]counsell of his néerest friendes, who with all spéede if néede required would soone prouide all necessaries for the warre: and ouercom by the coūsell of his mother, who alwaies had fauoured the contrarie side, and fraighted by the Iesuites vaine superstitions was not brought but drawen therevn­to. And so the articles of peace were agreed vpon, and con­cluded betweene him and the duke of Guyse, and warre in­tended against those of the reformed religion, vnto whom by generall proclamation was commanded to departe at the appointed tyme out of the realme, otherwise to stand to the aduenture and hazard of their liues.

About the end of the same yeare great forces were ray­sed vp and enrolled, the duke de Maine was ordained chiefe ouer them, and being sent into Guyan or Aquitane, retur­ned next yeare againe wyth little good successe, recalled, as they say, by his brother, who impatient of all delayes was [...] alike with enuy, anger, and ambition, cryed, that the ennemie was not for to be sought for, that hee was at hand, and stoode before the doore, that the head of a Prince onely gréeued him, and hindred his enterprises, and final­ly, that he onely was to be assaulted, emitting and leauing the other. And so riseth againe against the king, being oc­cupied in other warres: and that hee coulde not obtaine by his first rebellion, by this he forceth it. Complaineth, that his brother was forsaken in Aquitane, frustrated, and de­stitute of men, money, and munition: as also that hee was not sent sooner against the enemie, before all the treasure of the realme was spent for to lacke nothing. That these were sure arguments, that the Catholikes were betrayed, that his Maiesties mind was corrupted by ill counsell: and those whome he should loue and embrace, that hee hated and des­pised them, and that therefore it could not be but hee had in­telligence with the Heretickes. And finally, if hee reiected and disherited not the king of Nauarre, and the Prince of Condy, and openly would appoint and declare a successor, that there was nothing remayning, that all good and godly catholickes should any longer commit their liues and safety [Page 22]vnto the protection of a dissembling Prince, who did all things wyth delay, and proclaimed warre wyth his tongue agaynst them, and called for peace wyth his hearte. This was spread abroade, Souldiours are taken vppe, and a­gayne a newe contracte of Peace was to bée made for a­gréement. The King at one tyme cumbred wyth two e­nemies, thought it necessarie, that wyth one of them an appoynment was to be concluded, gaue care againe vnto his mothers counsell: and againe, by her meanes agréede wyth the Guyse. Hée demeth him little, deliuereth vnto him the demaunded Cities, and commaundeth newe forces to be taken vppe, to inuade Aquitane the dwelling place of those of the refournied Religion, and publisheth agayne newe and cruell Ordinances and Statutes against them.

The Guyse nowe hauing obtayned his purpose, and thinking that he was crept farre enough in the peoples fa­uour, to vndertake and enterprise whatsoeuer pleased him: and that the Prince was brought into sufficient hatred, that all thinges were sette in a hurlie burlie, that the heartes of the Communaltie were dismayed, and that now but little hindered hym to come vnto his pretence, watched for a fitte opportunitie to bring to passe his long deuised practises, when Fortime almost dashed and threwe hym downe vnawares. For reporte was spread, that a great armie of high Germanes was come already into the fron­tiers of the Realme, to the ayde and assistance of the re­formed Religion. And moreouer, how the king of Nauarre hauing repulsed and driuen backe nine armies in the spare of two yearus, and ouerthrowne the Duke of Ioicuse, made haste for to goe méete the Germanes wyth his chrefest and chosen forces. Which reporte made the Duke, his alies, and conspirators not a little amazed, fearing that the king now better aduised, and hauyng gotten a fitte opportuni­ty to reuenge hymselfe vppon their pride and arrogancie, might turne both the armies vppon them, vnsufficient and altogether vnable to resist and wythstand so great a pow­er, as also that they might be discomfited before, ere euer [Page 23]they shoulde perceyue it. And their seare was not vaine altogether. For at the same tyme the King of Nauarre had sent his Ambassadours vnto his Maiestie, requesting hym to vse his, and the Germaine forces against the com­mon ennemie of the Realme. But héere it manifestly ap­peareth, that the King was neuer more betrayed then at that present. Here sure tokens are to be séene of his cor­rupted and disloyall counsell, which, if hée had vsed the be­nefite of the tyme, shoulde haue wythout any daunger re­couered altogether his former libertie, restored his realme to her former grace, and established an euerlasting peace amongest his Subiectes. But God had otherwise ap­poynted it.

The Duke of Guyse at this tyme was forced to rest and pawse a whyle, but soone after incouraged agayne, by the counsell of his especiall friendes, whom hée had alwayes about the kings person, and who were priuie vnto all hys secretes, setting aside his fathers practises, had recourse vnto his mothers pollicies. Hée writeth Letters vnto his Maiestie, and wyth an humble style, indeuoureth to prooue his mind to haue bin gentle and tractable alwayes, and ne­uer repugnant vnto any contract of peace. Further prayeth him to impute rather all things past vnto the destinies, then vnto the malice of men, protesting also, that he, and his, were alwayes minded to honour, ayde, and assiste their Prince, whose death they feared therefore the more, because his successor was vnknowne, and like to be farre inferiour vnto him, and if they were resolued of one doubt, that his Maiesty néeded not to doubt, but that all things then should prosper and succéed according vnto his owne wishing. Pro­miseth him also a strong aide against the inuading and ap­proching Germans, & with many words declareth, that the ancient enimies of the Realme were to be driuen out, who héeing once put to flight, they were like to enioy an eter­nall and a ioyfull peace. This is easely perswaded vnto the king, his greatest friendes about him, and especially his mother stopping vp the way alwayes vnto good counsell.

And by these means the King of Nauarre his aduice most profitable vnto the Realme, being reiected and neglected, an entrie was made againe vnto all deceit and disloyalty. The king assembleth a great armie together, and with his pre­sence doth incourage it, sendeth the Duke of Guyse before to stop the passage vnto the Germanes, and if he coulde not bring them to a battel, should at the least weary them with continuall I kirmishes and inuasions. The king remained in the meane time about the riuer of Loyre. The German sorces marched forward, and were come into the inwarde parts of the Realme wythout any resistance, to the great feare and terrour of all the country. When the same for­tune, which not long before had almost ouerthrowen the Guyse, presenteth vnto him a farre brauer occasion lucke­ly to procéede in his enterprise. For the ennemy béeyng brought by some crosse lucke betwéene the Loyre and the Seine, and wearied wyth a long winter, continuall flouds and raines, want and distresse of al necessaries, were forced for their better safetie without delay to go ouer the riuer to ioyne themselues wyth the king of Nauarre his forces. But the Duke of Guyse preuented and surprised them vp­pon a sodaine in the night, made a great slaughter amon­gest them, and killed about twelue hundred of them, taketh many, and putteth the rest to flight: and if Monsieur Cha­stillion had not béene there at that present, all this great army shoulde haue béene scattered and ouerthrowen in one night: yet not wythstanding the weake remnaunt mar­ched forward. And the King iealous of the victorie, com­mitteth one parte of his forces vnto Espernon to pursue the ennemy, and hymselfe followed not farre behinde. But hauing vnderstoode the Germanes shamefull yéelding, re­turneth againe to Paris.

All stormes of feare now ouerblowne and past, the duke of Guyse imboldened wyth this vnlooked for and good suc­cesse, thought good not to séeke herehy so much praise, as thereby to procure all hatred and enuy vnto his Maiestie. To that effect secret reportes were spread abroad, whereby [Page 25]this new conquering Captaine was exalted and lifted vppe vnto the skie. The Germaine spotles, to wit their horses, weapons, and all other array were ledde and carried in triumphe through the Citties. And when the people were flocked together in great troups, to sée this new sight, ther were alwaies certaine declarors and tellers of the battaile among them: The number of the dead persons and en­signes, was augmented, the manner of the fight was made very difficult, bloudy, and dangerous for y^e conquerors: and most of this was fals, for it is wel knowē that y^e companies of Collonel Donon now heauy with wine and sléepe, were surprised and oppressed, where they had no place to fight, or to escape. And that not one of the duke of Guyses souldiers were found wanting. Besides after the great ouerthrowe of so mighty an army, that such small remnants haue béen able to ouercome so many distresses, and come in safety to their iournies end: that it came not by any fault that might haue béene in the duke of Guise, but by the kings and the duke Espernons negligence and small care, vnto whom he had left the chase of the weake remnand of pages and sculli­ons onely, hauing atchieued himselfe all the difficulties of the warre, and either slaine or taten the chosen and valli­ant Captaines and souldiers therof, And notwithstanding al this, that by their meanes they were al safely arriued to the king of Nauarre, to depriue the victorie of her due ho­nor and prayse, and to hinder therewith the more the good commodities that might haue ensued herby vnto the whole realm. That they at the first followed then for very shame, but so slackely, that they that were already vanquished, might easely escape without running. And now when they sawe, that the hurt, wearie, and sicke men could not fly a­way or escape, who should haue al béene put to the sword, or at the least imprisoned, by the lawes of armes and ordi­nances of the Realme, to haue giuen and graunted vnto them (for a counterfaite yeelding and submission onely) their lifes, horses, and furniture, therewith to inuade the Realme againe, and moreouer vnto some of them all [Page 26]their goods. By these deuises, hatered and enuy, being procured and prouoked: the ill aduised Prince, but to late, acknowledging his errour, in vaine began to wishe for this most fitte and neglected opportunity of reuengement, yet being come to Paris, spendeth the rest of the winter in re­payring and renewing of his forces, publishing an expe­dition against those of the reformed religion, which he him­selfe prepared the next Sommer following, either by these meanes to drawe againe vnto him the heartes of the com­monalty altogether affectionated vnder the coullour of religion vnto the Guyse, or that hée had determined to doe it, importunated thereunto by the Iesuites continuall outcries, assuring him daily of certaine argumentes of Gods wrath against the Heretikes, and in briefe a happye end and issue of all his warres against them.

In the year eightie eight, which was feared should haue béene fatall vnto all the Worlde, the Guise taketh new ad­uise and counsaile, howe to come to a happie end of his long continued hope, and to enioy the fruites thereof. Complai­neth that so oftentimes ciuill warres haue béene moued in daine against the king of Nauarre, whereof the issue was doubtfull, the profite vncertaine, or to late at the leaste. That his Maiesty could not bee deceiued, but coulde be op­pressed, and y^e one of two ennemies once being dispatched, that with lesse labour the other was to be ouerthrown and vanquished. That he had al thinges ready to suppliant the first, and then afterwarde would fall vppon him who was yet remayning. That it was to bee hastened, and not to bee slepte vppon. Beginneth therefore now no lesse to hate and enuy the King, then before he had done the He­retickes. That Fortune had offered him this good op­portunity, which if hee shoulde let it slippe by, hee might wishe afterward for it, when it was past recouery. More­ouer (the Germaines nowe repulsed) that nothing was remaining that might cause him to feare. That al hope of out landishe aide and assistance was cut off vnto the King of Nauarre, by whose faulte all Germany and [Page 27]England did crie out, that so great an army, so many Nobles, and such number of valiaunt Captaines and souldiers were discomfited and slaine. And that the king himselfe was sore wearied and broken with long during warres, and although Conquerour of many battailes, yet had lost notwithstanding all the chiefest of his souldi­ers, and those that were escaped, either for want, and néede, or for a desire of quietnesse, wished onely for peace. And that with them therefore hee shoulde haue but litle to doe: hereupon thinking most expedient not to make any further delayes, furiously taketh now the thirde time the weapons in hand: message is brought vnto his M. and reports euery where spred abroad, not as before, that Citties are surprised, that the people rise in armes, that musters are taken, and such like signes of mischiefe yet far off, and to be preuented diuers waies, but that the Duke commueth in person himselfe. And no sooner was it spoken, but he was séene in déede, arriueth in Paris very trouble­somely (where the king was at that time) where hee had laid long before ready and trusty ambushes, partly for the mutinous mindes of that common people, as also for the great number of conspirators in that Citty: as it is most certaine that no where kinges and princes can be more ea­sier oppressed then in their imperiall Citties. But the first night of his arriuall he was quiet, wearied (God hauing so disposed it, for the Prince his safegard yet altogether vn­prouided) that all thinges were not yet currant and rea­dy. But next day morning soundeth alarme, putteth the kings garrisons to the sword, and marcheth directly to the Louure his Maiesties pallace, with the mutinous & bloudy people to besiege their sworne Prince. The king amased at this sudain accident and vpror, vnto whose honor it stood not to fly away, not to his safety to expect his enemy w^e dis­aduantage in no indifferent place, yet w^e the lord chiefe Iu­stices souldiers, and with his gard of Switzers resisteth their assalts for a day or twaine. But séeing y^e people to arm themselues against him, & al things to go backward w^e him [Page 28]and no hope of any helpe or succour, escaped safely among the inraged clamours of the desperate multitude, crying nothing but sworde and fire, and came to Lions. The wel­minded and affectionated subiects vnto their King, coulde not brooke and beare such an outragious iniury. Their hearts turned therfore vppon a suddaine, & the case now al­tered, doe pitty their Prince. The pillers of the Realme, the nobility, the commons, and the better and sounder part of the cleargie came in poste vnto his Maiesty. They exclaime all against the house of Lorraines great presump­tion, and said that punishment was to be done which should equal, or rather excéede the greatnesse of the offence. They pronuse vnto the king all aide and furtherance, if it woulde onely please him (giuing ouer all other, yea rather the here­tikes themselues who neuer dared the like) to ouergoe this gréefe. The king subiect vnto his destiny, séemeth to bee tourhed with this readinesse of his affectionated subiectes, but yet is nothing moued with it. But thanketh euery one very soberly, as if he had had no néede at all, aunswereth quietly vnto them, that hée wanted neither courage nor force to reuenge his priuate iniuries, and that it was not néedefull to sustaine two ciuill wars in one realme, where one sufficed, & was rather too much. And herwith sent thē al home againe, intending againe reconciliation. If the poste­rity wil beleue one telling the truth, let it without doubting beléeue this with mée, that nothing more touched and mo­ued the hearts of Frenchmen, then to see their Kings great patiency, not despising, but scarce approuing the most rea­dy mindes of his subiects, in the reuengement of the publike and common shame and dishonor. Let the posterity also v­pon my word, holdly say that Ouéene Katherine his mo­ther, was the only cause of his deadly sound and vnsensible­nes, vnto whose faithfull helpe and aide, the Guyse tooke his refuge, as soone as hée perceaued that his matters wold not forge, and that the commō people were altered for this [...] done vnto the king, and that the Nobility, and the chiesest of his beganne to bée discomforted, discouraged, [Page 29]and drawe backe from him. Now this third time Henry giueth place vnto his mothers aduice, and hearkeneth vnto her counsell: now this third time an agréement is conclu­ded with great ioy of all the conspirators, who thought it to be no smal fauor thus easily to haue escaped deserued pu­nishment for their mutinie and rebellion. But the wise yet feared in generall that this wound could not be closed vp and healed without a foule searre remayning, or that hee who had once presumed to beate his Prince out of his Im­periall Citie, should not want audacitie to attempt some further matter. All things now pacified, a Parleament is proclaimed and published, generally to determine vpon the common affaires of the lande, vpon an agréement of the administration of the Realme, for assurance of succession of the Crowne: and finally that these small tinnults & iarres (for so the conspirators of the kings ouerthrow and sworne his bane termed it onely,) might haue an end and rease a­mong the Catholikes, that a mortall warre should be in­tended and concluded against the Heretikes. But the king and the Guise, had farre different and contrarie meanings: the Prince his intent was, now hauing recouered againe his authoritie, to bridle the common enemie of France con­demned by full Parleament. But how difficult and hards this was to doe, and how full of trouble and daunger, the euent and issue thereof hath taught it vnto vs. The Guise on the otherside to exclude the king of all gouernement by the authoritie of the whole estate, that vnto him onely (Nauarre and the rest of the bloud royall supplanted) the administration of the whole Realme might be committed. And so farre he had almost brought it, none being come to this generall Counsell, but those that were of the conspi­rarie.

And so the Parleament was kept at Bloys, where the king shewed at large in the face of the full assembly, his great affection towards the Catholikes, his benefits sundry times most largely bestowed vpon them, how many victo­ries be had gotten vpon the Heretikes, how oftentimes he [Page 30]had altogether discomfited and put them to flight, how ma­ny thousands of them he had sent to Hell, being in manner but a childe: and now a man that he had no lesse stomacke & courage then he had in his yonger age. And that he neuer was minded to suffer in his realm any religion, contrary to the seruice of God. But that he had bene forced through the peoples great miserie & want, wearied, and discoraged with so many ciuill warres to dissemble his desire and meaning. And to delay all thinges till a fitter time and opportunitie, which could not haue béene vrged at that instant without great danger. But that he had also learned by sundrie try­alles, and long experience, that by peace and generall qui­etnesse, the corrupted minds of the inconstant people were with lesse labour drawne vnto godlinesse, then when by the sound of warre once noysed abroade, and by the brightnes of swordes and armours once séene and perceiued great li­berty to al licentiousnes, was giuen to mutinous & seditious heads: that the church was not to be reformed and purged by villanies, wherewith all wars were for the most parte infected, but chiefly the domestical & ciuil broiles: But that it was to be done, by godly maners, good examples, by the preaching of the worde of God, by humilitie, and feruent prayers. That this hath béene his only mind, euen when the Guyse in the yere 1585. took first the weapons in hand, troubled the people & common peace, wherunto he was not yet altogither repugnant: but forced for the general welfare of his subiects, that he armed himself ful sore against his wil, & that nothing now was remaining which was not consu­med & wasted by wars. He reckoned them the armies since the time of 3. yéers, and how much money there was spent in: and that it gréeued him very much, that so many valiant soldiers were destroyed, so great a tresure cōsumed in waste, wherwith a great kingdome might haue bene ioined to his. But thus far more, that he had in the meane time receyued more harme and dammage by his friends, then euer hée had done by his enemies, and that the issues of his wars & victo­ries had bin rather hindered and stopped by the ambition of [Page 31]some, then by the forces and power of the enemie preuen­ted. That he was notwithstanding fully determined not to lay down the weapons, before he had ouerthrowen & quite rooted out all the rebelles, although they all should stand a­gainst it, & should be feared that it might turne to the vtter ruine & destruction of the whole realm: that at the least this cloake and coullour being taken away, he might be able to hold & kéepe euery man from hence forward in their duetie & obedience. That therefore they should determine by what meanes, what money, & souldiers this might be done most commodiously. That they were called to that intent. As touching the other affaires of the realme, as the reformati­on of the Clergie, of the treasure, easie subsidies, tributes, and fallages, setteth downe ordinances and causeth thereof writings to be made. The Commissioners & assignes bar­ken vnto the Kings doubtfull Oration with a merry and gnatonical countenance, & with many flattering words ha­uing praised him in whose ouerthrow & vndooing they were assembled and sworne, demanded a certaine time to deter­mine vpon it. And in the meane while y^e this was a doing not without the great expectation of all men, ludos homi­nibus dens facit, they féede the king onely with fancies.

The Guise fearing that the Prince (prouoked with so many iniuries) would not suffer long these delaies, and that he would séeke, and finde meanes for reuenge: and séeing that all had bended their eyes vpon him, and expected for some greater thinges which should farre excéede the first: that Naua [...]e without iustice and law vnheard and not to be heard [...] reiected and condemned: that nothing was wanting but to dispatch the Kings simul ardet & audet, both most [...] desires it, and dares it.

He charged euery man being of the conspirators to prouide, and prepare the rest. This charge hee vndertooke himselfe, this burden he layd vpon his owne shoulders: And thinking y^e now the time was come to make a happie end of his fathers before, but now his enterprises, calleth the chiefe of the conspiracie, amongst whō were Ledonick the [Page 32]Cardinall his brother and the Arch-bishop of Lyons the chiefest. Vnto them and vnto some few other he declareth and sheweth in what state his matters stande, sayth that al things are brought to some effect, that nothing is obstant but the Prince only, besides that he was driuen to such ex­tremities, that eyther hee or the king must perish. That they therefore should sée, whether he were to be dispatched, or vntill such times imprisoned till all thinges were confir­med and established for a new gouernement. And that there was no other meane or medium to be found. They cry all that this is not to be delayed, that fetters and prison are al­together vnprofitable, that no caue or denne how déepe so­euer, were able to kéepe close so great and mightie a poten­tate, as long as he liued would alwayes thirst after re­uenge, but as soone as he should be dispatched, that new deuises should be practised, newe counsels taken, and that euery man would rather fall againe to their priuate, pre­sent, and sure commodities, then to attempt olde and dan­gerous enterprises. But contrariwise if he were kept pri­soner, it would séeme cruell and strange vnto the common people, and altogether vntollerable. That they of late af­ter the kings flying away from Paris, had found and lear­ned by experience that pittie preuailed more then fauour. Finally that hereupon they néeded not long to beate their braines: but that hee was to be conuayed away and dis­patched out of hande, Hereunto they all condescend. Now vpon the death of their Lord the seruantes determine, the annointed of the Lord and reuerented of so many Nations is bequeathed vnto their bloudie swordes. The day nowe appointed, and their desperate wickednesse sealed with an oth, they all depart. It was not néedefull to haue any be­wraying hereof, for it was not vnknowen, but vnto them which were remooued into the vtmost partes of Europe, that this was the Guises pretence, and had béene long since. To what end tended else the arming of his rebellious bandes, so often against his Prince? But certaine it is that he was aduertised by the Duke de Mayne yet liuing of his [Page 33]brothers vngodly practises wyth these words: that his Ma­iesty should take héede of a furious and desperate mind. And one of the conspirators (as it is most alwayes séene in such­like actions) moued in conscience, disclosed vnto his Maiesty the whole conspiracie, the day appointed, the tokens, the conspirators themselues: but in so short a tyme, that he had scarce opportunitie to escape this imminont daunger. The king now destitute of al meanes of deliberation, and beaton wyth his owne rod, ouerthrowed not the conspirators, but preuented them in one day.

There was hope that this burning fire of ciuill broyles should haue bin quenched, séeing that the flaming torches of these tumults were now extinguished. And it pleased God, Sirtus, that France should nowe enioie peace, but not thy Holinesse. Hereupon the conspirators, who were not the better, but the greater parte beganne to hang downe theyr heades, to séeke holes to hide themselues, and through feare to runne to their holdes and places of defence. One parte gaue ouer their enterprise, and brake their faith giuen. But shortly after when they saw, that the Prince by some fatall and disasterous leuitie, vsed no further rigour against them, that he was satisfied wyth the punishment of two only, that he had but imprisoned sixe, and had sent away the rest vn­touched: and that the siege of Orleans which hée had be­gunne to batter but slackely, was raysed by the comming of the Mayne. Then suddenly they beganne to runne as mad men, beganne to strike alarme, to surprise Citties, to slaunder the name and credite of their Prince, wyth di­uerse outragious speaches: To disanull and abolishe the Lawes, the Magistrates, and all that was royall in the Realme, all that was sacred and auncient, and to induce newe, strange, and intollerable ordinances. Finally, dri­uen wyth a senslesse fury, to exercise tyranny and crueltie a­gainst themselues: insomuch, that almost no Citie or towne hath escaped, their owne Citizens massacres, robberies, banishments, proscriptions, and yet farre greater cruelties then the enemy himselfe coulde haue imagined. And this [Page 34]through a iust iudgement of God, iustly taking vengeance, for so many murthers, sheading of innocent blood, and innumerable villanies by them committed. And by these moanes, a more desperate, and bloodie warre then euer was before, is nowe renewed. The Mayne who a little before had béene the bewrayer and accuser of his brothers treason, is chosen chiefe of these inraged and desperate companies. When uppon suddenly the whole Realme beginneth to re­bell. And truly (freely I would haue it to be spoken) by the kings owne fault, who euer had reiected al good, wholsome, and profitable counsell, before he was driuen to these extre­mities. Parts gaue vnto the rest an example of rebellion, as it was reason, she being the first, inriched with sundry gifts of kings, and the imperiall of the Realme. All the rest fol­lowed, few onely excepted. And as they were before striuing who shoulde be more affectionated vnto his prince, so nowe they contend who shal excéed in outragiousnes against him. And to the end that nothing should be wanting to the fulnes of their treacherie, they require and séeke for thy authoritie Sixtus, for the iudgements, of the diuines, for the consent of the clergis, and al was presently at their command. Urban, one of the Magistrates in Paris, demaunding in the full as­semblie of th [...]se of the Sorbonne, Whether the French­men could be godly and honestly released from their other made vnto the king. Answere was made, that they could. This answere is brought vnto the Magistrate, and with drawne swords is commaunded to approoue the same. The Senat flatly denieth such a wicked acte to be lawfull & worthy of the ancient loyaltie of France. And sitting a little vpon it, the mutinous people brake opē the gates of the pal­lace, and selfe not vpon one or two of the Magistrates, but vpon them all, and cast the whole bench in prison, the onely maiestie of the Realme. Presently a newe Counsell is cho­sen, which approouing the answere of the vngodly diuines, dischargeth the people of their othes: thrust the king out of his kingdome. The Clergie commendeth this new counsel, and presently hereupon the noyse of the Popes thunderbolte [Page 35]is heard, rowling from the high Capitoll, and threatening foorthwyth, as they sayde, the ouerthrowe of all the princi­pall mountaines of France.

In the yeare 1589. the king beeing at that instant at Blois, tydings was brought vnto his Maiestie, that Paris, Roan, Lions, Tholouse, and the cities of the Realme were all reuolted, and that not one was remaining which was not insected with some notable treacherie. It was told vnto his maiestie also how Brisac, Boidaulphin, and the lorde Chastre, whom he had suffred to goe home vntouched vpon their othes vpon the Guyses death, had broken their pro­mise so solemnely confirmed, & were reuolted to the enimy. Moreouer, that the Spanyard, the Italian Princes, the Dukes of Loraine and Sauoy, together with the inraged & furious people had sworne the Guises reuengement. That he was not in safety in Bloys, wheresoeuer be turned him­selfe, that all places were surprised, and vntrustie. That at the one side the conspirators did presse him, at the other side the king of Nauarre wyth a great power came to inuade the realme, being alreadie at Samure, and had taken all the cities thereabout.

The king thus crost with so many troubles and aduersi­ties at once, pensiue what to do, and put aside from al other hope, is forced to apply the vttermost remedy to an extreme fore & disease, and that which he had neglected in the ful pros­perity of his wealth, power, and gouernment, craueth now voluntarily, being almost dispossessed of his crowne & king­dom. Calleth (not without gods appointment) to his aid the king of Nauarre his mortall enimy, but his most necessarie and profitable friend, if long before he had vsed him. He, al­though greatly-iniured and offended, although so oftentimes at the Guyses request, by him assaulted with war: presently vnlooked for, commeth to the king his brother, with a cho­sen army, not only great in number, but also in valor, so that euery cōmon souldier might haue supplied the roome of anie officer. A great change is nowe againe to be séene: for at the arriuall of this mightie prince and vnlooked for armie, [Page 36]the hearts of all the good, being herewith incouraged, and of the conspirators terrified: de Maine himselfe (to represse and stay by his presence the common report of the people, com­plaining already against the intollerable insolences of the souldiours, and féeling a dearth of all maner of victuals and necessaries, commonly the only causes of vproares and sedi­sions in great cities) is constrained to returne again to Pa­ris, with his mutinous companies which hee had brought from thence into the territories of Tours, to place them e­uery where in garrisons. His departure was not vnlike a cowardly running away, the K. of Nauarre following him so neere vpon his héeles, that he put al the hindermost of thē & all straglers to the sword. His maiesty in the meane time fortified with a power of Switzers, & incoraged with some good successe against the rebelles, commeth in person in his camp, and marcheth directly to Paris with al his forces, to punish them for their treacherie & rebellion. Help commeth to him from all parts, his bands increase dayly in number, fame, and power. The state of the realm thus suddenly chā ­ged (as the hearts of men are commonly inconstant and wauering) the chiefe cities beginne to intreate vpon peace: the German and Italian Princes, to send ambassadors, to wish wel to his M. to promise him mony and men, and some of the first conspirators also through dispaire flie to his mer­cy. All thinges finally, fal contrary vnto the Guises exper­tatiōs, now out of all hope to looke any more, as long as the King liued, for any condition of agréement, or surety of life.

The conspirators all begin to tremble at this new and suddaine chaungement doubtfull what to doe, or to vnder­take: yet the ring-leaders of the rebellion assemble togither in counsell, to determine vppon the extremitie of their af­faires. One among the rest, whose name shall be know­en and spread abroade by his execution, declareth the daun­ger wherein they liue, what they haue in France lesse tru­stie. That the minds of the nobilitie were mutable and in­constant, falling alwayes on fortunes side. That the feare­full Cities coulde not bée kepte faithfull vnto them, vnlesse [Page 37]they were partakers of the like rebellion and treachery, & if liberty were giuen vnto them, that ere long they woulde reuolte to the king again. That the cleargie was couetous and neuer did giue but little of their own vnto their kings, that therefore there was but small hope that they woulde giue more vnto them that could and might but intreate for it. That this was their case at home: from abroad lesse hope was to be looked for. That the Spaniard was olde, & carefull for the quietnesse of his owne family, vnto whome it was more surer, that France were troubled, then vsur­ped by any, but himselfe. That the Italian Princes were circumspect and wise, and those of Germany couetous and misers. That the Pope was subtill, crafty, and inconstant, gréedy for his own gain, & turning with euery blast of For­tune. That therefore all his hope stoode in himselfe, if they had any good successe that they should want nothing, but o­therwise, that they néeded not to looke for any help & safety but in their héeles and flight. Finally that by the death of one King all their affaires might bée repaired, and that on­ly was to be intended and labored, how & by what meanes the Prince was to be dispatched or murthered. That there was no other remedie for the redresse of their distressed e­state Hereunto they apply all their witte and industry, and there are not found wanting some, who offered themselues to be ministers of this villanous trechery. Many are solici­ted and prouoked thereunto by great promises, according as they had a quicknesse of hand to performe such an act, & a desperate audacitie of mind to dare vndertake it. Amongst them al, Sixtus, is found Clement th [...] welbeloued, a Fri­ar Iacobin, fit and ready for such a trecherous enterprise, yer trusting not so much vppon his owne boldnesse, wherin not withstanding hée greatly did excell all his fellow-friars: then knowing that Friars, but chiefely those of his order, had alwaies had a frée acces vnto his Maiesty, wher other verie seldome were admitted but at certaine howrs. This from his youth of hauing béene brought vp in the monaste­rie very-poorely, hath giuen oftentimes notable tokens of [Page 38]his vngodly inclination and vilde disposition (which many haue heard out of the Deanes owne mouth) and for his lewdnesse, by their order of discipline hath béene often di­uersly punished, yet nothing to his amendement, was most often taken in stews and whore houses, oftentimes assaied to runne away. No godlinesse, piety, or learning hee had, no not so much as the knowledge of the French letters, which any wayes might haue commended him. Which I think good to be spoken of this accursed murtherer, that our posterity may iudge, whether thy words are worthy of a sacred mouth, that doth not make God only himselfe priuy of manslaughter, (pardon I craue O Iehoua) but farther dost presume to say, that he hath communicated vnto a des­perate bloudshedder the giftes of his spirite, and such moti­ons of the minde, which haue beene graunted only vnto his Prophetes and Apostles. This Friar nowe sent out of Paris, goeth directly to the Campe, vppon this prouiso notwithstanding, that all those that were suspected to bee of the Kinges side, should be kept fast within the Cittie, wherevppon his life did stand altogether. Those whom bee met first, solde them, that he brought letters and wri­tings from certaine Parisians who were greatly affectio­nated and known vnto the King, that they contained mat­ters of great importance. And that hee besides had other things, to be disclosed vnto none but vnto his Maiesty: her­uppon was brought vnto the king with like facillity, as all the rest of his order were before. Gréeteth the king but ri­sen, and yet scarse ready, and at such a time, as he was wōt to bee alone, deliuereth the letters, the which when his M. had perused, demanded him what newes he brought. The Friar falleth vpon his knées (the king at that present sit­ting in a chaire, and inclining his eare to heare what hee would say) stabbed him with a knife which he had made & poisoned for that purpose. The prince hereuppon crieth out, the Lordes presently come running into his chamber, after many wounds slay this cursed and most miserable wretch Clemens, as also him that came with him, although the [Page 39]king did most earnestly forbid it, for to learne by them, the order of the conspiratis, the signes tokens, and conspi­rators, who if they were knowen, as no double they shall be yet hereafter: I can not tell, Sixtus, whether [...] thou shalt bee able to shake from thy souldiers the suspition of this bloudy crime, or at the least to haue béene the in­uentor of this vngodly counsell. But the author of truth hath kept it to himselfe till the time of thy punishment. Great heauinesse and sorrowe was seene in al the Campe, but greate ioye among the ennemy, whose reioysing voi­ces were hearde at that instant, demanding one of another whether the Friars knife was sufficiently sharpe or not. The King thus wounded was laid in his bed, wher he yeel­ded by his ghost vnto God the next night following, hauing before made his will and set al things in good order.

Here haue you hearde the ende of this mighty Prince, and here may you beholde as in a looking glasse, the ouer­throwe of a whole Realme. I see many thinges in it to bee lamented: Wheresoeuer I turne my selfe, I can perceaue nothing but a dreadfull horrour, a cruell, and blouddy spectacle, yet nothing more heauily doth present it selfe afore vs, then thine Oration, Sixtus, an ouer­plus to the common griefe. Farre bee such a shame from vs (lette it suffice vs, to haue lost a good Prince, and that by our owne faulte and negligence) as to suf­fer the name of the dead to bée slandered and defamed, and the Monuments of so many worthy acts destroyed. Ther­fore I demand first of thée Sixtus, by what lawes that I shall contend with thée? With Christian lawes? But what hast thou to doe with Christ, whose birth and buriall thou [...]landerest with a most detestable murthe­rers comparison? With the lawes of nature? but by what bandes of nature can bee vpholden the main­tainer of willfull murther? Howe then, with the ci­uil lawes? The statutes of Princes and the ciuill lawes haue enacted diuers and seuere punishmentes vnto those that offended but by chaunce: but vnto those that reuenged [Page 40]their priuate quarrell by their own authoritie, fearfull tor­ments. What punishments doe they alot then vnto those who violat & ouerthrow the welfare af a common wealth, truly almost incredible. But I see that I am constrained to séeke out new lawes to deale with thée, I am ready for it. Thou the autor of new offences, shalt bée my lawe and witnesse, Europe the court, and the Heauens the Iudges, and vpon these equall conditions I will pleade against thée. Come then and hearken first vnto this, It séemeth verie straunge vnto mee, and therefore make me somewhat bet­ter acquainted with it, that thou so oftentimes vsurpest the worde of Gods iudgement. Could not this suffice thee, to know God to bée the best of all goodnesse? but to say that hée willed such a detestable and wicked act. In déede wée sée euerie where his wonderful iudgements: and we know that Princes the larger their gouernement hath béene, the greater accounts they haue to make. Besides if kinges had committed any offence, that not onely themselues did smart for it, but sometimes all their subiects felt the punish­ment thereof. Both is to be séene in the holie Scriptures. I will not deny, but that this prince hath suffered deserued punishment, if thou doest regard God onely, in whose eies all thinges are corrupt, naught, and crooked, nothing entire, or vndefiled,. But leaue the iudgement hereof vnto God, not vnto thy selfe, Sixtus. How knowest thou whe­ther this is in stéede of a blessing and benefit, which thou thinkest to be a curse, and a punishment. Did not Iosias al­so die an vntimely death? doth not God most often cal them first vnto him whom he loueth: Are tirants not séene often­times to raigne and liue longest? and good princes seldome come to great age? Superfluous, nay too curoius it were, Sixtus, to search & examin these things, & more impious to iudge them. But let it be so, I grant this vnto thée. Shall therfore the excuse and cloake of Gods iudgement, protect & defend y^e cause of a murtherer? the king of France for his of­fences hath deserued some heauy punishment at Gods hāds doth it follow therfore y^e he is to he accounted godly, great, [Page 41]famous, happy, and worthy the title of an Emperor, who­soeuer of the common people the most abiect and vilest, shall haue murthered his Prince? Then with thée that sonne shall be accounted innocent, that is a reuenger of his fa­thers offence by his fathers death: and the indignation of those children estéemed iust spilling the bloud of their pa­rentes in Gods quarrell. What? is he worthy any longer to be reuerenced and honored with the title of a father, who liketh the example of naturall affection violated and quite extinguished? Herewith thou art touched Sixtus, but wher­fore art thou so soone afeard, thou hast no cause yet to trem­ble, these are but toyes and trifles, come but néere, for to heare that which shall not make thée pale, but altogether senselesse. Let first the lawes of bloud and nature, which are the sacred bandes of humaine societie depart and goe a­side, for as long as they are present I haue no reason to speake any word at all. I grant againe that it is lawfull by thy lawes to kill parents condemned by iudgement, and an executioner not to be wanted in the citie, as long as y^e offen­ders sonne is found present. Let thy iudge then pronounce sentence and say, That lawfully the sonne may kill the father, but let him adde vnto it at the least, accused, noted, and condemned of a notorious offence, as an enemie vnto the cōmon wealth, that by these meanes the priuate lawes of a familie may be disanulled, by those which concerne the publike vtilitie. But contrariwise if thou destroyest the publike commoditie by a publicke offence, away with thy lawes, for they cannot be exogated with the welfare of a common wealth. Let vs now sée then: Here lyeth wallow­ing in his bloud, not the father of a priuate familie, but hée of a great kingdome: not the griefe of one household, but the heauinesse and sorrow of a whole realme most treche­rously procured. And yet doest thou commende this? and sayest that he is murthered worthely? Well let it be so, so that he for whom we mourne be too worthy for to die af­ter such a manner. But what was the offence in the re­uenge whereof, the diuine, the ciuill, the common, and pri­uate [Page 42]lawes did cease and loyter? Thou sayst that he hath commanded Lodouick the Cardinall, the Guise his brother to be executed, whose consecrated head was not to be tou­ched but only by full authoritie from the Bishop of Rome. Thou cruell beast dost thou say that it is not lawfull for a King, ruling onely by Gods grace and authoritie to punish traytors against his Maiestie, and conuicted so oftentimes to haue troubled the publike peace? and that it is permitted vnto a gracelesse Friar to stabbe a Prince, for to haue iust­ly executed a Cardinall? What say ye to this O ye Prin­ces of Europe, vpon whose neckes this cruell and bloudie Lyon treadeth. If he were to be punished, it was not to be done after that order, witnesses were to be produced, the offender was to be heard, iudges to be chosen & no hast was to be made vpon the execution of so great a Potentate. As if he wanted witnesses, by whose ambition now 3. yeares together France hath béene disquieted with ciuill warres: but his execution was to be delayed, to what end? To the troubling of good men, to the murthering of his Prince, & to the ruine and ouerthrow of the whole realme, all which but a day before was preuented. But heare sirha, by what law dost thou exempt thy disciples of common iustice more then any other? Forsooth that the lawes should shew rigour a­gainst euery poore wretch for euery small trespasse, & that it should be lawfull, vnto Priests, Bishops, and Cardinals to commit great and haynous crimes without offence? That Princes ordinances should haue no iurisdiction ouer them? If they offended that they should make lawes for their own purpose? The example pleaseth me, and verely I thinke it to be so altogether, after the saying of the Euangelist, that we should flollow the wordes but not the workes of those that sit in the cheare of Moyses. But hee, Sixtus, that was both God and man, thy better and greater, scorned not to appeare before the tribunall seate of an earthly Iudge, and being brought into iudgement, complayned not of the Iudge. Iames and Andrewe Apostles, and Saint Stephen a Martyr, haue submitted them selues [Page 43]vnder the laws, And Saint Paule being imprisoned defen­ded not his libertie by the preeminence of an Apostle, but by the title of a Citizen of Rome. But I knowe what thou wilt aunswere hereupon that Christ and his Apo­stles had not so great a libertie, as the Church hath at this day, it is true: Well, séeing that the blinde and ignorant ages haue ordained this, let vs beare the burthen which our ancestors haue layde vpon our shoulders, let the Cler­gie reioyce in her fréedome, but let them exercise their li­bertie of offending onely betwéene and vpon themselues, and let Princes and their subiectes be safe from their auda­citie, and the common wealth voyde of treacherie and such like diuelish practises. If not, heare our lawes and the seuere ordinances of our Kinges, who haue exempted alwayes from your priuiledges, publike crymes and offen­ces of treason, and such other like conspiracies which might turne to the damage of the common wealth. Heare the wordes of thy predecessor Innocent. Qui de Ecclesia aliquem exemerit, vel in ipsa ecclesia, vel loco, vel cultui, Sacerdotibus, & ministris aliquid iniuriae importauerit ad instar publici criminis & laesae Maiestatis accusabitur, & conuictus seu confessus capitali sententia a Rectoribus prouinciae puniatur. What doest thou answere hereupon, art thou not yet conuicted, doest thou demande examples to confirme it. Peruse the monumentes of thy Predeces­sors, and then yéelde some reason wherefore it be not as lawefull vnto a king to doe the like in his Realme, which was permitted vnto Nicholas the fift in the Church a­gainst Porcarius and Sarra, both famous knightes of Rome, vnto Plus against Carrapha and Rebiba Cardi­nalles, against Palian and Alphius noble Earles of Italie, which vnto many other? Whose steppes are yet to be séene in diuerse places: nay vnto thy selfe? that hast séene Rome slowing with running streames of bloud, and many Noble mens heads to stand vpon poales vppon the gates of the Cittie. But loe yet once I am mistaken, and nowe the thirde time I confesse that thou hast right.

Without doubt it was a haynous offence for a King to haue punished a Cardinall, although a rebell, a traytor, laying ambushes to murther his Prince, tempering poyson to dispatch him, heyring villaines to performe the déede. All these are purged & quite washt away with the sacred oyle of Chrisme, wherewith whosoeuer is annointed is set frée for euer from all authoritie and secular power. He there­fore that shall haue touched but with his least finger, one sealed with this noble and worthy caractar, I affirme with thée, that God himselfe is not able to deliuer him from dan­ger. But likewise grant this vnto me, Sixtus, that all these offences, slanders, and accusations, wherewith in great heapes thou chargest the king, are contayned and included in the death and execution of both the Guises, and this onely excepted, him to be altogether blamelesse and in­nocent: which if thou dost grant me, I demand of thée like­wise, wherefore didst thou not only foretell long before the dolefull kinde of death of this Prince, but didst wish for it. Wherefore callest thou Ioiosa and Lenocurtius Cardi­nals, and him of Paris witnesses of thy vnluckly south-say­ing: what curse of thée had the poore Prince deserued, at that time when thou didst sée Ioiosa and Lenocurtius? At that time the Guyses were not yet executed, Nauarre was not yet sent for, no truce was made with the Here­tikes: for what occasion then, as a dismall and filthy Owle didst thou foreshow an vnaccustomed and shamefull end of his life? Did not he proclaime warre against the Here­tikes in the yeare 85? Was not the Guise made chiefe of the whole armie, to the ruine, and ouerthrowe of the whole Realme? Were not the Germaine forces discomfi­ted? what was there omitted? because he would not for­sake and be deposed from his crowne, and goe to prison, be­cause he would not commit the gouernement of his realme vnto the Guyse, or vnto the Spaniard: onely therefore by a prettie allusion thou hast destinated him to an extreame punishment, as the last of his name and family. Thou scor­ner and mocker of our griefe, come hether: wilt thou goe [Page 45]about with nightcrowes to mollifie thy words, and hinder with a subtil eloquence the deserued rigor, & punishment due to a hainous offence? By these means thou defilest most fil­thely the remembrance of him, whom so long for his discent, for his worthy actes both done at home and abroade, the de­stinies of this Realme haue aduanced to imperiall dignitie and promotion, and so thou requitest him with slaunders, by whose grandfathers and auncestors thy sea hath béene ouercharged and laden with innumerable benefites. Heyda Sixtus, thy aduice pleaseth mée, and thy witte worthie one­ly of such a high Bishop as thou art. But here I appeale vnto all these Princes that are liuing at this time, and also vnto them that shall hereafter come to reade these our wri­tings, that they may acknowledge with mée, the woonder­full iudgements of the Lorde, and the mockeries and chan­ges of fickle fortune. The mightiest Prince of Europe is murthered: and liue he shoulde yet, if long agone he had not norished his bloodshedders with his owne, and with the blood of the whole realme: and whose liues, maners, and exerci­ses he loued more then his owne welfare, by their fraude, sword, and treacherie he is depriued of his life. Hee is gone (oh horrible) by their meanes, whose safetie, when onely he intended, neglected his subiects and his owne welfare. And besides are not yet ashamed to say (but too too bolde) that by their deuises the Realme falling to decay, might haue béene repaired and supported? His ghost is accused but by him, whom he hath defended with al carefulnes, being vpon this world, whom he loued most dearely, & whom he reuerenced aboue measure far more then he was worthie of. The dole­ful monuments of his loue and loyalty towards thée are yet extant, wherof I would to God that the remembrāce could bee extinguished and quite defaced. To what ende tended so many ciuil warres, so many massacres, so many proscripti­ons which France hath suffered, then onely that thy wealth might remaine vntouched, and all thine might liue in euer­lasting securitie. And yet funeralles, and the last home of the body is denied him. Moreouer, from yearely praiers [Page 46](from whence no enemie euer hath bene barred) he is exclu­ded, and by those at whose request we haue séene him so of­tentymes humblie, but not Princely walke barefoote, with­out Scepter or Crowne, and his sworde downewarde. For whose dwelling and abiding places he complained that his kingdome was not great enough, for whose welfare hée himselfe hath not onely prayed most oftentymes, but hath emoyned vnto his people to doe the like. I will now make an ende in one worde. None coulde méete him that were as welcome vnto him as Friars, none loued the order of Priestes more entirely then hee: and of him no body was more estéemed of, reuerenced, and honoured then the bishop of Rome. And vnto him his destinies haue procured a friar to be his murtherer, priestes his deadly ennemies, and the Pope his accuser. I craue pardon of thée, O naturall affec­tion (if it be lawfull to argue vpon the death of my Prince in a publike griefe) if this be the argument of my medita­tions.

I will come anone vnto thée Sixtus, when I shall bee resolued of this point: wherefore doost thou denie vnto a dead Prince the gift of a little dust, and comfortable prayers vnto his soule? What? Art thou so obstinately angrie and offended with him, as to shewe extreme crueltie vppon his ashes? Leaue his body to be torne at pleasure vnto thy bloo­dy butchars, let his soule enioy at the least eternall rest: to desire that both be cast away, is too vnnaturall, rigorous, and cruell.

Can the high Bishoppe not bée appeased wyth lesse pu­nishmentes? I demaunde whether this be godlie and chri­stianlie spoken, O ye Princes of the earth giue eare vnto me.

The holy Bishop of Rome denounceth by Apostoli­call authority, that he hath opened the gates of heauē to Iames Clement, for to haue murdred the most chri­stian King of France, and that vnto the dead body of the King worthely, the pompe of funeralles, and the honour of buriall may be denied; yea, that lesse is, [Page 47]praiers and songes. For to haue denied vnto the Guyses the goueruement of the Realme at his re­quest. Therefore what King soeuer, whether he be an Hereticke or Catholicke, if presently he disposeth not his Crowne at the pleasure of the high Priest, to giue it vnto him, vnto whome it shall bee comman­ded him, let him looke for no better end in this life, and in the life to come. And whosoeuer shall haue op­pressed, by sword, or poison, secretly, or opēly, valiant­ly, or by deceit, any Prince, Emperor, or Monarch, not obaying our sacred thunderbolts. Let him as a starre with a new shining light, increase the number of the stars in the firmament. This is the will of Christ his vi­car. The successor of S. Peter and S. Paule Apostles.

What neede haue wée of thee (O Christ) if eternall life can be obtained not by thy bloud, but by that of Kinges and princes, if not by a crosse, but a knife the way of heauē is opened vnto Friars.

Let the ghosts of Luther and Calum come to hear this, that by these ioyful newes and tidings they may ease at the least, and mittigate the griefe of their paines if they suffer any. But now I come from the footepath vnto the high way againe. It séemeth but a matter of nothing vnto Six­tus, to dally with the accusation of a most hainous of­fence, vnder the couller of Gods iudgementes, and vnder a counterfaite and fained authority drawen from the holy Scriptures: but he doth adde examples thereunto, to the end the accursed traitour might become famous for euer, & not common onely, and of such sortes of persons, but by whome the actes of Alexander and Cesar might bee illustrated and commended. I lette passe willingly that which hee hath rehearsed of the conception, death, and resurrection of our Lorde, vngodly to be spoken and shame­full to bee hearde. I must pause a while before I can giue an eare to heare such horrible blasphemies. First hee prai­feth Eleazarus his notable acte in stabbing the beaste. Whereupon he thought that Antiochus was, and litle re­garding [Page 48]his owne life, so that he with the fall of the Eli­phant, might kill the rider and himselfe together. He prai­seth the manly audacity and courage of Iudith, not respe­cting her own welfare and honesty, so that she might with the ennemies head, preserue the liues, goods, and chastity of the Cittizens of Bethulia. Hee extolleth both their zeale, constancy, and magnanimity, but so as the Poets did He­ctors and Aeneas triumphs and victories, that the conque­rour thereby might reape the more praise and glory. He commeth presently vnto his sonne Clement whom he exal­teth so hie that he seemeth to repent himselfe to haue produ­ced these vnfit and vnequall examples, and to be angrie that for want of better, hath béene forced to vse but weake com­parisons. By these meanes let the noble fights and combats of Sampson and Dauid giue place (Sixtus being iudge) vn­to Cain, Ioab, and Iudas their infamous treacheries. Let there be no difference then whether one killeth, villaniously or valiantly, a tirant or a king, an enemy or the father of his countrey? Let the Captaines who are famous for their prowesse, and renowmed through many victories be equa­led with a Friar but crept out of a caue. And finally let the constancy of Martirs be commended by the audacity of a murtherer. If this will stand for good, why dost thou not e­stablishe statutes and ordinances, and like as we vse Gre­gorians and Gratians lawes, that we may haue thine also Sixtus, to depriue vertue of her due praise by them, and vi­ces of their deserued shame and punishment: for none are or were euer to be found, that would haue vndertaken the de­fence of this act, thou only excepted. Besides is not conten­ted to vse a common praise, but to make the foolish people more astonished, sheweth mirakles whereby the deuine po­wer is argued to haue assisted and furthered this treachery, He telleth therefore how Clement went through the gates of the Citty being so narrowly besieged, and through the watches of both the Camps not marked, or as one should say inuisible, he speaketh this as a wonder, the like whereof Iudith is not able to bring forth, although she be so highly [Page 49]exalted with sacred poesies, that she was a woman, that she had opened her pretence vnto the Magistrate & the Elders of the Citie, and that in their companies she went by the Sentinels of the Citie without danger, & then afterwarde was brought before the watch of the enemie, and lastly be­fore the chiefe of the armie, and that by the exquisite beauty of her face she easily bewitched the heart and senses of the Prince which were ouercome already with wine and lust, and that therefore all things were readie & easie vnto her. But that all things crost the Friar, that in euery thing was great trouble and trauell, but yet more daunger, that he alone (surely without any bodies helpe or induction) had conceiued secretly the boldnesse of this desperate enterprise. That he had not only to go through the watches of the en­nemie, but by the Citizens straight wardes & Sentinels: and if his face, his words, or his pace, had bewrayed there any token of vnconstancie, which oftentimes is séene in those that doe attempt high and great matters, he had to looke for nothing, but for present death & destruction. Here if the letters had béene found about him, he had no lesse to feare the like of those that were ignorant of the matter and being besiedged were afeard of euery trifle. So that (as Ho­mere sayth) as Aeneas was carryed by the helpe of Nep­tune out of the battell, euen so Sixtus leadeth this Fryar through the Citie, & the Campe couered with a cloud that he could not be séene of any body: I maruaile that he hath not set him vpon the winges of angels, to carry and bring him in safetie to the kinges tente. I appeale vnto your authoritie O honourable and reuerent antiquitie: what is become of shamefastnesse? Who thinkes now a dayes a lie to be a discredite? Come to heare a historie & not a fa­ble. Clement by a great summe of money, by further hope, & by a notorious harlot was solicited, taketh counsell with the chiefe conspirators of the kings death, and it is knowen now, who were present at that instant, who were the coū ­sellers, & who were the furtherers. It were iniurious that our posterity should be deceiued & depriued of the memory of [Page 50]this cruell act, and (as I hope cre long) of the example of the execution thereof. They did counterfaite letters from certaine prisonners vnto the King, bewraying some great matters to be declared by the mouth of the Fryar, the which when he had receiued, taketh the knise which he had made and poysoned to kill the king withall: and goeth out of the Cittie, but first hauing lest charge that all those that were suspected might be kept within, that by these meanes the life of a bloodie murtherer should be in safetie with the danger of thousande innocents, if he should haue fallen a liue in the enemies handes. This is the first part of this miracle, these are the diuine motions, this is the celestiall inspiration, and this the infallible argument of the present assistance of Gods power. He commeth in the kings campe no man letting him, and at that trouble­some time, when Fryars onely were frée, and had onely safe conduct to goe where they would themselues. But why goe I about to spend my time in confuting Sixtus his lyes, where so many blasphemies doe offer themselues be­fore me? All these are toyes of the common people. Let e­uery mans vertue separate and distinguish him from the common sort: but the Bishop of Rome let him be knowen by his notorious and extraordinarie villanies. It is an old saying, where lawfull things are onely permitted vnto go­uernours, there they command by intreatie, a Priest doth not differ from a Lay-man, but onely in libertie of offen­ding. It is sayth hee (speaking of the murthering of the Prince) a most famous, and a memorable act, and not at­chieued without the particular prouidence and disposition of the Almightie (pardon me Oeuerlasting, holy, and omni­potent God, pardon me Opietie, and naturall affection, re­hearsing wordes which are impious and full of blasphemie) what Sixtus if thou hadst onely sayde that this befell by his permission, vnto whom it is casie to hinder all thinges, although it be true, it were not godly, and lesse godly for thée to affirme this that knowest not all thinges that are present, and therefore the more that thou callest in witnesse [Page 51]and defence of thy villanyes, him whom thou callest good and almightie. Hei thou Doctor in Israell art thou igno­rant of this, that all good things are ascribed vnto God on­ly, and that all the rest is attributed vnto our selues? Who can suffer then that vnto the same God who is good onely, onely omnipotent the bloudie offence of an outcast from all man kinde is referred? And yet thou doest estéeme it but small to saye that the King was slaine, not onely by thy knowledge, but by thy counsell, not dissembling at it, but commaunding it, and hauing set a side all celestiall and infernall care, that it hath béene thy will onely and procurement that at thy pleasure such a haynous and exe­crable murther was committed in France. Doe the hea­uens heare this and suffer it? for whom are the gulphes of the earth, the vnluckie rockes, and the fearefull whirlpooles and déepes of hell reserued? Lightnings and thunderbolts should be wanting if no part of these villanies were left vn­punished. Nowe long agone my eares are hardened and acquainted with these execrable wordes. And what is all this which I haue sayde? but vulgar and common, nothing worthie of high Ioue his anger, nothing notorious, no­thing pontificiall. I would willingly follow childrens fa­shions when they are to drinke a medicine: they inuent de­layes, they leaue nothing vndoone, they turne the cup, and oftentimes put it vnto their mouth to taste it, then they shake their heads as if they were angry, they aske for swéet things to ouercome or to mitigate the bitternesse of the po­tion. But finally they being wearied with the continuall cryings of the standers by, turning their head aside, & stop­ping their nostrels, do not drinke the medicine but powre it in. The like happeneth vnto me at this time: I would if I might, Sirtus, passe by thy horrible blasphemies & impious wordes, wherewith thou hast polluted by an abhominable comparison of a most villainous offence, the holy myste­ries of our Sauiors birth and buriall. I would to God that Christian eares had only hard it, who are déeper grounded in religion & better perswaded of faith, & who neuer would [Page 52]haue giuen credite to thy impious Dration, if it were vn­knowen to the Barbarians Heathen, and Turkes: who will hereafter make a mocke of the true Christian doctrine, by thy authoritie, Sixtus, and example. Art thou not asha­med, that thou, being the Pastor of the redéemed flocke, by whose guiding it draweth the water of life out of the holy well, whose wordes should haue sounded nothing, but that which was sainct, pure, and godly: that thou the liuely in­terpretor of the written lawe of God, and the seuere puni­sher of blasphemies, and of those that falsefie and corrupt the sense of the holy Scriptures, and moreouer of those that abuse, or vse too fréely wordes taken out of the booke of GOD: I will not say hast deluded the Prophetes and Apostles, hast called in doubt the trueth of the hy­storie, hast corrupted the holy Scriptures, wrested and falsefied them by a false interpretation, by godly exam­ples hast coulloured impious offences, and hast protected them by thine authoritie, (these are but small thinges be­cause they are vsuall vnto thée) but to compare the eter­nall counsell of the redemption of mankinde, which one­ly was committed vnto the seconde person of the Trini­tie, onely of him suscepted, with the vngodly and dete­stable conspiracie of the murthering of a Prince? And to equall the cafuall audacitie of an imaged and bloudie but­ther vnto the reuerende myracles of our Lordes natiui­tie, death, and resurrection? Anoyde impietie, auoyde blasphemie, infect not the holy Lambe with thy poysoned breath. What hast thou left vntouched, whome hast thou spared? what hath not Mahomet nowe to obiect vnto vs? what hath the Iewe any longer to holde his peace? Loc yée Christians: if the Sarrisins, the Indi­ans, and the Barbarous people of Calico, inueigh most bitterly against you, they haue borrowed it of the Bishoppe of Rome. Diddest thou lacke prophane examples, Sixtus, to compare them vnto thy villaynie that thou hadst a refuge vnto most holy and diuine compa­risons? I am glad, sir Bishoppe, that the world hath béene [Page 53]voide vntill thine age of such hainous and publicke mur­thers, & that both were reserued vnto thy time, to wit hee that durst attempt such a detestable acte, and he that was not ashamed to command it. Come forth all yee, whome the religious antiquity hath seperated from the worlde to bee adicted vnto celestiall meditations, whome the sonne neuer saw but throwe some narrowe ristes, bring shutt vp in high walles and iron doores. Arise I say and come forth Sixtus calleth you vnto villennie, to the murthering of Kings and princes, now the gates are kept no longer by a seuere and frowning porter. And those bars and doores that kept you from the frendly imbrasing of your fathers, and the swéete kisses of your affectionated mothers, are nowe fréely remoued and opened vnto you, to shed by treacherye and treason the bloud of your parents, and dearest frends. I was determined Sixtus, to leaue thy lies, surmises, and false accusations vntouched: But I am prouoked to the contrarie through thy impudency, which deserueth no smal indignation, as those may easely iudge that are somewhat acquainted with our estat and affaires. Dost thou say that Monkes and Friars were kild, or at the least ill vsed in the Kings Camp? I would to God it had beene so, if it be law­ful and godly to desire it. But at the least I wish that all this idle and vnprofitable cattle should haue béene pounded and imprisoned: then our Prince should liue yet, worthy of a longer life, and then as a fearfull hare thou durstest not tread vppon the body of the dead Lion, and deride our griefe and mishappe. As if all the world knew not that vn­to these slaues he neuer was harde, where as oftentimes, he was vnto his most familiar friendes seuere. Truely his vntimely facillity, hath hurt him, hauing had as yet no ex­perience how much hipocrisie and deceite there lay hidden vnder a Friars hood. As if thy selfe didst not know that hee alwayes had with him two Friers in his armie, whose help he alwayes vsed in his diuine seruice. Let me be vndon and cast away, if I would not haue wisht a Friars wéede, and forsaken my counsellers gowne, if by that meanes I coulde [Page 54]haue perswaded him to the best. Truly none were so migh­ty in the Realm, whose welfare and cōmodity, nay not his owne, hée esteemed not lesse then these peoples delights and pleasures onely. Thou hast no lucke, Sixtus, with thy lie, it will not forge, thou mightiest more easier haue made the worlde beleeue any thing els. The enemy himselfe dare not say, that Friars were ill vsed as long as he liued. Here I woulde make an end if I were but certified of one pointe. Resolue mee, Sixtus, of this, I inquire no further cau­ses of the murthered Prince, it sufficeth mee to knowe that thou hast commaunded it, thy will shall stande for a lawe. But wherefore dost thou persecute his shadowe, wherefore doest thou accuse him of obstinacy, impeniten­cy? vnthankefulnesse, and to haue sinned against the ho­ly Ghost? Why doest thou compare him with Cain and Iudas? By what iustice or equitie canst thou doe this? when hee lay vppon his death bedde did hee doubt of Chri­stian faith? Did hee deny the euerlasting Sonne of the eternall GOD? Hath hee neglected the auncient cu­stomes of the Church, and the most comfortable Sacra­mentes vnto those that he in their extremity? Yet once againe herein thou art a notable lier. Why dost thou force mee so oftentimes to repeate the remembraunce of my bitter griefes? It is certaine that the godly Prince, as soone as the Phisitions and Surgeons had bounde vp his wounde and had laide him vppon his bedde, hauing a little slepte vppon his paine and griefe, that hee pro­nounced with his owne mouth his Prayers, and with a loude voice, made confession of his faith, and of the feeling which hee had of his redemption: adding there­vnto these wordes vnto GOD. If it bee to thy glo­ry, O GOD, and the commoditie of my people, graunte mee I most humbly desire, first pardon for my sinnes, and then some longer dayes of life. But if it bee otherwise, I thanke thee most highly, O Father, that thou doest barre mee hence forth from the thraldome of sinne, whereby wee moste oftentimes procure thy [Page 55]wrath against vs. And therefore I am readie most willing­ly to come where thou callest me. Hauing made an ende of his Prayers he sendeth for his brother the King of Na­uarre, and for the chiefest of his army, and vnto his bro­ther he commendeth the charge of the Realme, and the go­uernment of his subiects, the Lawes of France, importing as much: and repeted oftentimes these words, whereby he charged him to haue a speciall care to kéepe Christes flocks in vnity and concord: and as he was heire vnto the crowne, that he likewise would be heire to godly and ancient institu­tions. Desiring this most earnestly at his hands with a so­lemne protestatiō, shewing that this had bin his only desire from his childhood. They al depart very sorrowful, whervpō he confesseth his sins in the eare of a priest, & hauing craued pardon of God for his offences, he had a sensible féeling, that they were forgiuē him for Christs sake. And nowe ready to communicate of his sacred body openly that al might hears it, that grace which he had fréely receiued of God in the for­giuenes of his sins, that same he frankly imparteth to al his enemies, nay to them that had béene the conspirators of his death, & his murtherers. And thus hauing receiued his last due & farewell, departed ioyful & glad out of this worlde, not without the great griefe of all the standers by, bewraying y^e inward sorrowe with outward abundant teares. Here Six­tus, I sée no tokens of desperation, no signes of impeniten­cie. And I thinke not, that thou art so farre voyde of al rea­son, as to compare a most Christian prince vnto K. Saule. But let him be cōpared yet to him, so that he heare no bit­terer words, & suffer greater torments. Beholde with what words Gods indignation vpon this impious king is expres­sed. The spirite of the Lorde is gone from Saule, saith the prophet: And in another place the Lord speaketh vnto Sa­muel, saying, How long wilt thou lament ouer Saul, when I haue cast him off that he shall not raigne? Doth he saie, that he is miserable, vnhappie, & worthy of eternal damna­tion? God forbid. When the scripture speaketh of his death, marke the most christian wordes of Dauid, directed vnto [Page 56]the vnluckie yongman, who boasted, but falsely, that hee; with his owne handes had slaine the Prince in the battell: How wast thou not afraid to put forth thy hand, to destroy the annointed of the Lord? And in many other places, who shall stretch forth his hands vpon the Lords annointed, and shall be innocent? Answere Sixtus, is not thy oration cru­eller whereby thou commaundest wilfull and publike mur­ther, in praisnig it: or say, that this example is not to be fo­lowed, and to be abolished by thine authoritie. Saule was slaine in the battell, an Amalekite his enemy had doone it, here is nothing that was forbidden by lawe, yet the Lorde hath reuenged the death of his annointed. Sée further what the holy Chronicles tell of Ioab, and Ammon, being mur­thered, although vngodly kings, authors of abhominations, and hated of God. Sée, reade, and peruse all the sacred and prophane histories, and thou shalt finde, that not onely the lawe of nature, of men, and aboue all Gods ordinances, but also the seuere and horrible examples of the punishmēt ther­of, debarre impious and bloodie handes, from the annoyn­ted bodies of kings and Princes. Rome fertile alwayes in all villanie, hath féene of twelue her Emperors, eight mur­thered wyth the sword, but none vnreuenged. He, Sixtus, therefore that succéedeth shall be, I hope, the reuenger, and that which thou hast now long agone knowne by other hi­stories, thou shalt come to learne it ere long by thine owne. Auoyde therefore, thou Bishop, and be prowde with this answere: Go vnto the Indians, or in some other cor­ner of the world, a iust punishment is re­serued for thée vnder some greater ennemy.