THE Second volume of …

THE Second volume of Chronicles: Conteining the description, conquest, inhabitation, and tro­blesome estate of Ireland; first col­lected by Raphaell Holinshed; and now newlie recognised, augmen­ted, and continued from the death of king Henrie the eight vntill this present time of sir Iohn Perot knight, lord deputie: as appeareth by the sup­plie begining in pag. 109, &c.

By Iohn Hooker alias Vowell gent.

Wherevnto is annexed the de­scription and historie of Scotland, first published by the said R. H. and now newlie reuised, inlarged, and continued to this present yeare; as appeareth in pag. 405: &c. By F. T.

With two tables seruing both countries added in the end of this volume.

Historiae placeant nostrates ac peregrina.

1586

TO THE RIGHT HO­norable sir Henrie Sidneie knight, lord deputie generall of Ireland, lord president of Wales, knight of the most noble order of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell within hir realme of England.

TAking in hand (right honorable) to gather the particular histories of diuerse countries and nations, to ioine with a cos­mographie, which one Reginald Wolfe late printer to the queenes maiestie meant to publish in our English toong: when I came to consider of the histories of Ireland, I found my self so vnprouided of helps, to set downe anie particular discourse therof, that I was in despaire to enterprise to write anie thing at all concerning that realme, otherwise than incidentlie as fell to purpose to touch the same in the historie of England. At length yet as maister Wolfes vse was, to impart to me all such helps as he might at anie hand procure for my furtherance, in the collections of the other histories, where­with I speciallie dealt; his hap was to light also vpon a copie of two bookes of the Irish histories, compiled by one Edmund Campion, fellow sometime of S. Iohn Baptists college in Oxford, verie well penned certeinlie, but so breefe, as it were to be wished, that occasion had serued him to haue vsed more leasure, and thereby to haue deliuered to vs a larger discourse of the same histories: for as he himselfe confesseth, he had not past ten weekes space to gather his matter: a verie short time doubtlesse for such a peece of worke. But how breefe so euer I found him, at the persuasion of maister Wolfe, vpon the hauing of that copie, I resolued to make shift to frame a speciall historie of Ireland, in like maner as I had doone of o­ther regions, following Campions order, and setting downe his owne words, ex­cept in places where I had matter to inlarge that (out of other authors) which he had written in breefe. And this I haue thought good to signifie, the rather for that I esteeme it good dealing in no wise to defraud him of his due deserued praise.

But now after I had continued the historie, and inlarged it out of Giraldus Cam­brensis, Flatsburie, Henrie of Marleburgh, and other, till the yeare 1509, in which that famous prince Henrie the eight began his reigne; some of those that were to bestow the charges of the impression, procured a learned gentleman maister Ri­chard Stanihurst, to continue it from thense forward as he saw occasion, being fur­nished with matter to inlarge the worke, whereof for those latter times I found my selfe vtterlie void, more than that which Campion had deliuered. What I haue [Page] doone heerein, your honors discretion shall easilie conceiue. For the imperfection sith it is the first that hath beene set foorth in print, I craue most humblie pardon of your good lordship, beseeching you rather to respect my good will than the per­fectnesse of the worke, which (the wants considered) for the orderlie furnishing thereof, is not to be looked for in the skilfull, much lesse in me the meanest of all, and least able to performe it. Hauing presented the right honourable the earle of Leicester with the historie of Scotland, to whom (as I haue heard) Campion made dedication of his booke, I could not remember me to whome I might more conue­nientlie offer this my trauell in this historie of Ireland, than to your lordship, be­ing hir maiesties lieutenant in that realme. And therefore in most humble wise I ex­hibit the booke to your honour, beseeching the same to beare with my bold at­tempt therein, and to receiue it in good part from him that wished to haue more amplie satisfied your good lordships expectation, if abilitie might haue answered good will. Thus I beseech the Lord to guide your heart in his holie waies, & to fur­nish you with politike prudence and skilfull knowledge to gouerne in your estate and office, so as your dooings may redound to his glorie, the suertie of hir ma­iesties dominion there, your owne aduancement in honour, and conse­quentlie to the sure support and peaceable quietnesse of the true and loiall subiects of that realme.

Your honours most humble to command, RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.

¶ The authors out of whom this historie of Ireland hath beene gathered.

  • Giraldus Cambrensis.
  • Flatsburie.
  • Henricus Marleburgensis.
  • Saxo Grammaticus.
  • Albertus Crantz.
  • Rogerus Houeden.
  • Guilielm. Paruus Nouoburgensis.
  • Polychronicon, siue Ranulfus Higeden.
  • Iohannes Bale.
  • Edmund Campion.
  • Records and rolles diuers.

The contents of the chapters following in the description of Ireland.

  • 1 The names of Ireland, with the com­passe of the same, also what shires or counties it conteineth, the diuision or partition of the land, and of the language of the people. Chap. 1.
  • 2 Of the nature of the soile and other incidents. Chap. 2.
  • 3 The names of the ciuities, boroughs, and hauen towns in Ireland. Chap. 3.
  • 4 Of the strange and woonderfull pla­ces in Ireland. Chap. 4.
  • 5 Of the lords spirituall of Ireland, their names and dignities. Chap. 5.
  • 6 The lords temporall, as well Eng­lish as Irish, which inhabit the coun­trie of Ireland. Chap. 6.
  • 7 The names or surnames of the lear­ned men and authors of Ireland, and what bookes they wrote. Chap. 7.
  • 8 The disposition and maners of the meere Irish, commonlie called the wild Irish. Chap. 8.

TO THE RIGHT HO­norable sir Henrie Sidneie knight, lord deputie generall of Ireland, lord president of Wales, knight of the most noble order of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell within hir realme of England.

MY verie good Lord, there haue beene diuerse of late, that with no small toile, and great commendation, haue throughlie imploied themselues, in culling and packing togi­ther the scrapings and fragments of the historie of Ireland. A­mong which crue, my fast friend, and inward companion, maister Edmund Campion did so learnedlie bequite himselfe, in the penning of certeine breefe notes, concerning that coun­trie, as certes it was greatlie to be lamented, that either his theame had not beene shorter, or else his leasure had not beene longer. For if Alexander were so rauisht with Homer his historie, that notwithstanding Thersites were a crabbed and a rugged dwarfe, being in outward feature so deformed, and in inward conditions so crooked, as he seemed to stand to no better steed, than to lead apes in hell: yet the vali­ant capteine, weighing how liuelie the golden poet hath set forth the ouglie dandeprat in his colours, did sooner wish to be Homer his Thersites, than to be the Alex­ander of that doltish rithmour, which vndertooke with his woodden verses to blase his famous and mar­tiall exploits: how much more ought Ireland (being in sundrie ages seized of diuerse good and couragi­ous Alexanders) sore to long and thirst after so rare a clarke, as maister Campion, who was so vpright in conscience, so deepe in iudgement, so ripe in eloquence, as the countrie might haue beene well assu­red to haue had their historie trulie reported, pithilie handled, and brauelie polished.

Howbeit, although the glose of his fine abbridgement, being matcht with other mens dooings, bare a surpassing kind of excellencie: yet it was so hudled vp in hast, as in respect of a Campion his absolute perfection, it seemed rather to be a woorke roughlie hewed, than smoothlie planed. Vpon which ground the gentleman being willing that his so tender a suckling, hauing as yet but greene bones, should haue beene swadled and rockt in a cradle, till in tract of time the ioints thereof were knit, and growen stron­ger: yet notwithstanding he was so crost in the nicke of this determination, that his historie in mitching wise wandred through sundrie hands, and being therewithall in certeine places somewhat tickle toon­ged (for maister Campion did learne it to speake) and in other places ouer spare, it twitled more tales out of schoole, and drowned weightier matters in silence, than the author (vpon better view and longer search) would haue permitted. Thus much being by the sager sort pondered, and the perfection of the historie earnestlie desired: I, as one of the most that could doo least, was fullie resolued to inrich maister Campion his chronicle, with further additions. But weighing on the other side, that my course packthred could not haue beene sutablie knit with his fine silke, and what a disgrace it were, bungerlie to botch vp a rich garment, by clouting it with patches of sundrie colours, I was forthwith reclai­med from my former resolution, reckoning it for better, that my pen should walke in such wise in that craggie and balkish waie, as the truth of the matter being forprised, I would neither openlie borrow, nor priuilie imbezell ought to anie great purpose from his historie. But as I was hammering that worke by stealths on the anuill, I was giuen to vnderstand by some of mine acquaintance, that o­thers had brought our raw historie to that ripenesse, as my paine therein would seeme but needlesse. Wherevpon being willing to be eased of the burden, and loath also in lurching wise to forstall anie man his trauell, I was contented to leaue them thumping in the forge, and quietlie to repaire to mine vsuall and pristinat studies, taking it not to stand with good maners, like a flittering flie to fall in an other man [Page] his dish. Howbeit the little paine I tooke therein was not so secretlie mewed within my closet, but it slipt out at one chinke or other, and romed so farre abroad, as it was whispered in their eares, who before were in the historie busied. The gentlemen conceiuing a greater opinion of me, than I was well able to vphold, dealt verie effectuallie with me, that as well at their instance, as for the affection I bare my natiue coun­trie, I would put mine helping hand to the building and perfecting of so commendable a worke. Hauing breathed for a few daies on this motion, albeit I knew that my worke was plumed with downe, and at that time was not sufficientlie feathered to flie: yet I was by them weied not to beare my selfe coy, by gi­uing my entier friends in so reasonable a request a squemish repulse. Wherefore, my singular good lord, here is laid downe to your lordship his view a briefe discourse, with a iagged historie of aragged weale­publike. Yet as naked as at the first blush it seemeth, if it shall stand with your honor his pleasure (whom I take to be an expert lapidarie) at vacant houres to insearch it, you shall find therein stones of such estima­tion, as are worth to be coucht in rich and pretious collars. And in especiall your lordship, aboue all others, in that you haue the charge of that countrie, maie here be schooled, by a right line to leuell your gouerne­ment. For in perusing this historie, you shall find vice punished, vertue rewarded, rebellion suppressed, loi­altie exalted, hautinesse disliked, courtesie beloued, briberie detested, iustice imbraced, polling officers to their perpetuall shame reprooued, and vpright gouernours to their eternall fame extolled. And trulie to my thinking, such magistrats as meane to haue a vigilant eie to their charge, can not bestow their time better, than when they sequester themselues from the affaires of the wealepublike, to recreat and quicken their spirits by reading the chronicles that decipher the gouernement of a wealepublike. For as it is no small commendation for one to beare the dooings of manie, so it breedeth great admiration, ge­nerallie to haue all those qualities in one man harboured, for which particularlie diuerse are eternised. And who so will be addicted to the reading of histories, shall readilie find diuerse euents worthie to be re­membred, and sundrie sound examples dailie to be followed. Vpon which ground the learned haue, not without cause, adiudged an historie to be the marrow of reason, the creame of experience, the sap of wis­dome, the pith of iudgement, the librarie of knowledge, the kernell of policie, the vnfoldresse of trea­cherie, the kalendar of time, the lanterne of truth, the life of memorie, the doctresse of behauiour, the register of antiquitie, the trumpet of chiualrie. And that our Irish historie being diligentlie heeded, yeeldeth all these commodities, I trust the indifferent reader, vpon the vntwining thereof, will not de­nie. But if anie man his stomach shall be found so tenderlie niced, or so deintilie spiced, as that he maie not, forsooth, digest the grosse draffe of so base a countrie, I doubt not, but your lordship, who is thoroughlie acquainted with the woorthinesse of the Iland, will be soone persuaded to leaue such quaint and licou­rous repastours, to feed on their costlie and delicate woodcocks, & willinglie to accept the louing present of your heartie welwiller. The gift is small, the giuer his good will is great, I stand in good hope, that the greatnesse of the one will counterpoise the smalnesse of the other. Wherefore that I maie the sooner vnbroid the pelfish trash that is wrapt within this treatise, I shall craue your lordship to lend me either your eares in hearing, or your eies in reading the tenor of the discourse following.

RICHARD STANIHVRST.

A TREATISE CON­teining a plaine and perfect description of Ire­land, with an Introduction to the better vnderstan­ding of the histories apperteining to that Iland: compiled by Richard Stanihurst.

The names of Ireland, with the com­passe of the same, also what shires or coun­ties it conteineth, the diuision or partition of the land, and of the language of the people. The first chapter.

THe more 10 part aswel of Cosmo­graphers, as Chrono­graphers, do with on accorde af­firme, that the nation of Ireland 20 (the vtter­most wea­sterne Ile known) is halfe as big as Britannia. Which I take to be true, if the word Britannia so farre displaie the significati­on, that it comprise England, Wales, and Scotland. To which opinion Giraldus Cambrensis relieth, sai­eng, The length and breadth of Ireland. Girald. Cam­brens. lib. 1. topog. dist 1. rub. 2. Polych. lib. 1. cap. 32. that Britannia conteineth in length eight hun­dred miles, and two hundred in breadth. Ireland 30 he taketh to be in length from the mounteins called Torrach (the author of Polychronicon termeth them Brendane his hilles) to saint Columbe his Iland eight daies tourneie, rating of long Irish miles for­tie miles to the daie: and in breadth from Dublin to saint Patrike his hilles and the sea of Connaght foure daies torneie, according to the foriner rate. So as by Cambrensis his surueie, who was a curious insearcher therof, Ireland is thrée hundred & twentie miles long of Irish miles, and one hundred and three 40 score miles broad. And accounting thrée hundred and twentie Irish miles to amount to foure hundred English miles, which may well be reckoned accor­ding to their indgements that haue trauelled in the Irish territories; Ireland will be found halfe as big as Britannia: which Girald. Cambrensis anoucheth, saieng, that Ireland is as big as Wales and Scot­land. Ireland hath on the east, England, within one daies sailing; on the southeast it hath France; His­paine on the south, distant thrée daies sailing; on the west the maine ocean sea.

Touching the name Ibernia, historiographers The name Iberni [...] whense it procéedeth. are not yet agreed from whense it is deducted. Some write it Hibernia corruptlie, and suppose that the strangers finding it in an od end of the world, foistie and moistie, tooke it at the first for a verie cold coun­trie, and thereof named it Hibernia, as to saie, the Winterland. But this error being vpon short expe­rience reformed, it could not be that the name should haue liued long, especiallie the first impositors suru [...] ­uing the triall, and able to alter the first nomination. Others bring a ghesse, that it should be named of Ir­lamale. Ireland. But because I read nothing of them in anie probable historie, I purpose not to build vpon that coniecture.

Most crediblie it is holden, that the Hispaniards (the founders of the Irish) for deuotion towards Hispaine, called then Iberia of Iberius the sonne of Iberus the Hispanish riuer. Iuball, and the rather, for that themselues had dwel­led beside the famous riuer Iberus, named the land Iberia (for so Leland and manie forren chroniclers Leland. in cyg. cant. write it) or Ibernia, adding the letter (n) for diffe­rence sake. And from Ibernia procéedeth Iberland, or Iuerland; from Iuerland, by contraction Ireland: forsomuch as in corruption of common talke we find that (u) with his vocale is easilie lost and suppres­sed; so we saie ere for euer, nere for neuer, shoole for shoouell, ore for ouer, ene for euen, dile for diuell. At the same time it was also named Scotia, in reue­rence Scotia. Scotach. Gathelus. of Scotach the wife of Gathelus, ancient cap­teine of those Iberians that flitted from Hispaine into Ireland: & the said Scotach was old grandame to Hiberus and Hermon after the Scotish chroni­cles, who in anie wise will haue their countrimen deriued from the Irish, and not from the Britons. The name Scotia is of late yeares so vsuallie taken Iohan. maior. Scot. lib. 1. ca. 9. for that part of Britaine that compriseth Scotland, that diuerse ancient Irish authors are holden to be borne in Scotland, wheras in verie déed their natiue soile is Ireland. As the famous schooleman Io­hannes Iohannes do­minus Scotus borne in Ire­land. Duns Scotus, otherwise named Doctor subti­lis, for his subtill quiddities in scholasticall contro­uersies, was an Irish man borne, and yet is taken for a Scot.

Some hold opinion that he was borne in Thash­mon, a market towne fiue miles distant from Weiseford. Others anouch, and that more trulie, that he was borne in Downe, an old ancient ciuitie in the north of Ireland, and thereof they ghesse him to be named Dunensis, and by contraction Duns, Why schoole­men are cal­led Dunses. which tearme is so triuiall and common in all schools, that whoso surpasseth others either in cauilling sophi­strie, or subtill philosophie, is forthwith nickenamed a Duns. Wherefore as Scotland is named Scotia mi­nor, [Page 10] so Ireland is tearmed Scotia maior, as the head Scotia maior. Scotia minor. from [...]hense the name of Scotia minor tooke his of­spring. The Irish also were named of the foresaid Gathelus, or Gaudeilus, Gaudeili. In their Irish Gaudeili. rithmes, they tearme Ireland verie often Banno. I cannot diuine what reason should lea [...] their makers Banno. therto, vnlesse it be the riuer in the countie of Weise­ford, named the Banne, where the Britons vpon the conquest first arriued. The place otherwise is called The riuer Bann [...]. Bagganbun, according to the old ancient rithme: 10

At the creeke of Bagganbun,
Ireland was lost and wun.
Bagganbun.

For the remembrance of which riuer so notoriouslie famosed, it carieth great likelihood, that the name should be to the whole realme generallie ascribed. Sundrie Latine authors write Ireland Inuerna, o­thers Inuerna. Ioan. Camet­te [...] in cap. 35. Solini. Iuerna, diuerse Ijerna. Claudius nameth it Iberna. The diuersitie of which names grew, for that in their time the true and certeine name was not knowne, so that they were contented to take it as 20 they found it, which matter is handled by Hermo­laus Barbarus.

There are some of the ruder sort so quaint in seue­ring Hermol. Barb. ca. 16. in lib. 4. Plin. castig. The name I­r [...]sh and Ire­land curiously seuered. the name Irish and Ireland, as that they would be named Ireland men, but in no wise Irishmen. But certes, in my fantasie such curious distinctors may be verie aptlie resembled to the foolish butcher, that offred to haue sold his mutton for fiftéene grots, and yet would not take a crowne. Who so will grate vpon such nice diuersities, in respect that he is asha­med 30 of his countrie; trulie (in mine opinion) his countrie maie be ashamed of him. Ireland is diui­ded into foure regions, Leinster, east: Connaght, 1. Lagenia. 2. Connatia. 3. Hultonia. 4. Momonia. 5. Media. west Méeth & cast Méeth. west: Ulster, north: Mounster, south: and into a fift plot, de falked from euerie fourth part, and yet mea­ring on each part, called thereof Media, Méeth, comprising as well east Méeth, as west Méeth: Lein­ster butteth vpon England, Ulster vpon the Scotish Islands: which face with Hebriades scattered be­tweene both the realms, wherin at this daie the Irish 40 Hebriedes. Scot, successor of the elder Scithian, Pict, or Red­shanke dwelleth. Ech of these fiue, where-they are fra­mable to ciuilitie, & answer the writs of the princes courts, be sundred into shires or counties in this ma­ner. In Leinster lieth the counties of Dublin, Kil­dare, The shires and counties of Ireland. Weiseford or Gueisford, Catherlach, Kilken­nie, the counties of Leise & Ophalie, called the kings and quéenes counties: these two latelie so named by parlement, in the reignes of Philip and Marie, ha­uing shire townes accordant, Philips towne, and 50 Marie bourgh. Connaght hath the countie Clare: Ulster the counties of Louth, Doune, Antrim, one moitie of the towne of Droghedagh (for the rest is in Méeth) and Carregfergus. In Mounster lie the coun­ties of Waterford, Limerike, Corke, the countie palantine of Tipperarie, Kerie, & the crosse of Tippe­rarie. Mounster was of old time diuided into cast Mounster, Ormond, west Mounster, Desmond, south Mounster, Toonmound. The occasion why Ireland was parted into these fiue principall regions grew 60 of this. There arriued in Ireland fiue brethren, that were valiant & martiall gentlemen; to wit, Gandius, An. mun. 2533. Cambrens. lib. 1. dist. 3: [...]ub. 5. & 6. Genandius, Sagandus, otherwise named Gangan­dus, Rutheragus or Rutheranus, & Slanius. These fiue perceiuing that the countrie was not sufficient­lie peopled, were agreed (as it were) to cast lots, and to share the whole realme betwéene themselues. The foure elder brethren seuering the countrie into foure parts, and being loth to vse their yoongest brother like an outcast or stepsonne, condescended that each of them foure should of their owne portion allot to Slanius a paring or parcell of their inheritance. Which being as heartilie receiued of Slanius, as it was bountifullie granted by them, he setled himselfe therein, and of that partition it tooke the appellation of Media, Méeth. The foure parts méet at a certeine Méeth [...] it is named. stone at Méeth, néere the castell of Kilaire, as an in­different meare to seuer the foure regions.

But although Slanius in the beginning had the least parcell, yet in short space he stood so well to his tacklings, and incroched so far vpon his neighbors, that he obteined the whole monarchie of Ireland. At Méeth ap­pointed for the king his ta [...]. which time he did not suppresse in obliuion his inheri­tance of Meeth; but did inlarge it, and decreed it should be a countrie appendant to the monarch his diet or table. And albett the confines thereof were by Slanius stretched, yet it conteineth not so much land as anie of the other foure parts comprehendeth; but rather by indifferent surueie, the halfe deale, where of also it is not vnlikelie named Méeth. For whereas in the time of Slanius, each of the foure parts compriseth two and thirtie cantreds, Meeth conteineth but sixteene cantreds. A cantred is named Cantred. so much land as conteineth an hundred towneships. This Slanius is intoomed at an hill in Méeth, which of him is named Slane. There hath béene in anci­ent Slane. time one Galfride Geneuile, lord of the libertie of Meeth. This noble man became a frier preacher, Galfride Geneui [...]. and decesed in the yeare of our Lord 1314, the twen­tith of October, and was intoomed in the abbeie of the Blacke friers at Trim.

There is also another diuision of Ireland, into the The Eng­lish pale. English pale, and Irishrie. For when Ireland was subdued by the English, diuerse of the conquerors planted themselues néere to Dublin, and the con­fines thereto adioining, and so as it were inclosing and impaling themselues within certeine lists and territories, they feazed awaie the Irish; insomuch as that countrie became méere English, and there­of it was termed the English pale: which in ancient time stretched from Dundalke to Catherlagh or Kilkennie. But now what for the slacknesse of mar­chours, and incroching of the Irish enimie, the scope of the English pale is greatlie impaired, & is cram­perned and coucht into an od corner of the countrie named Fingall, with a parcell of the king his land, Méeth, the countries of Kildare and Louth, which parts are applied chieflie with good husbandrie, and taken for the richest and ciuilest soiles in Ireland. But Fingall especiallie from time to time hath bin Finguls ex­celleth in husbandrie. so addicted to all the points of husbandrie, as that they are nickenamed by their neighbours, for their continuall drudgerie, Collonnes, of the Latine word Collonnes of Fingall. Clowne. Coloni, wherevnto the clipt English word clowne seemeth to be answerable.

The word Fingall counternaileth in English Fingall, why so named. the race or sept of the English or estrangers, for that they were solie seized of that part of the Iland, gri­ping with their talants so firmelie that warme nest, that from the conquest to this daie the Irish ensmie could neuer rouse them from thense. The inhabi­tants of the English pale haue béene in old time so much addicted to their ciuilitie, and so farre seques [...]e­red from barbarous sauagenesse, as their onelie mo­ther toong was English. And trulie, so long as these The ci [...] of Ireland in ancient time. impaled dwellers did sunder themselues as well in land as in language from the Irish: rudenesse was daie by daie in the countrie supplanted, ciuilitie in­graffed, good lawes established, loialtie obserued, re­bellion suppressed, and in fine the coine of a yoong England was like to shoot in Ireland. But when their posteritie became not altogither so warie in kéeping, as their ancestors were valiant in conque­ring, the Irish language was frée dennized in the English pale: this canker tooke such déepe root, as the bodie that before was whole and sound, was by little and little festered, and in maner wholie putri­fied. And not onlie this parcell of Ireland grew to [Page 11] that ciuilitie, but also Ulster and the greater part of Mounster, as by the sequele of the Irish historie shall plainlie appéere. But of all other places, Weis­ford with the territorie baied and perclosed within the riuer called the Pill, was so quite estranged weisford wholie En­glish. The Pill. from Irishrie, as if a traueller of the Irish (which was rare in those daies) had pitcht his foot within the Pill and spoken Irish, the Weisfordians would command him foorthwith to turne the other end of his toong and speake English, or els bring his trouch­man 10 with him. But in our daies they haue so as­quainted themselues with the Irish, as they haue made a mingle mangle or gallimaufreie of both the languages, and haue in such medleie or checkerwise so crabbedlie iumbled them both togither, as com­monlie the inhabitants of the meaner sort speake neither good English nor good Irish.

There was of late daies one of the péeres of En­gland The saieng of a noble man touching the English of weisford. sent to Weisford as commissioner, to decide the controuersies of that countrie; and hearing in 20 affable wise the rude complaints of the countrie clowns, he conceiued here & there some time a word, other whiles a sentence. The noble man being verie glad, that vpon his first comming to Ireland, he vn­derstood so manie words, told one of his familiar friends, that he stood in verie great hope to become shortlie a well spoken man in the Irish, supposing that the blunt people had pratled Irish, all the while they iangled English. Howbeit to this daie, the dregs of the old ancient Chaucer English are kept as well there as in Fingall, as they terme a spider, 30 an attercop, a wisp, a wad, a lumpe of bread, a poc­ket, Old English in weisford and Fingall. or a pucket, a sillibucke, a copprous, a faggot, a blease, or a blaze, for the short burning of it (as I iudge) a physician, a leach, a gap, a shard, a base court or quadrangle, a bawen, or rather (as I doo suppose) a barton, the houshold or folks, meanie, sharpe, kéene, estrange, vncouth, easie, éeth or éefe, a dunghill, a mi­zen. As for the word bater, that in English purpor­teth Bater. a lane, bearing to an high waie, I take it for a 40 méere Irish word that crept vnwares into the En­glish, through the dailie intercourse of the English and Irish inhabitants. And whereas commonlie in all countries the women speake most neatlie and pertlie, which Tullie in his third booke De oratore, spea­king in the person of Crassus séemed to haue obser­ued: yet notwithstanding in Ireland it falleth out contrarie. For the women haue in their English The pronun­tiation of the Irish women. toong an harsh & brode kind of pronuntiation, with vttering their words so péeuishlie and faintlie, as though they were halfe sicke, and readie to call for a 50 posset. And most commonlie in words of two syl­lables they giue the last the accent: as they saie, markeat, baskeat, gossoupe, pussoat, Kobart, Ni­clase, &c: which doubtles dooth disbeautifie their En­glish aboue measure. And if they could be weaned from that corrupt custome, there is none that could dislike of their English.

Here percase some snappish carper will take me at rebound, and snuffinglie snib me for debasing the 60 Irish language: but trulie, whosoeuer shall be found so ouerthwartlie bent, he takes the matter farre a­wrie. For as my skill is verie simple therein, so I would be loth to disueile my rashnes, in giuing light verdict in anie thing to me vnknowen: but onelie my short discourse tendeth to this drift, that it is not expedient that the Irish toong should be so vniuer­sallie gagled in the English pale: because that by proofe and experience we sée, that the pale was neuer in more florishing estate than when it was wholie English, and neuer in woorsse plight than s [...]nce it hath infranchised the Irish. But some will saie, that I shew my selfe herein as friuolous as some loosing The supersti­tion of gam­sters. gamsters séeme superstitious, when they plaie them­selues drie, they gogle wish their eies hither and thi­ther, and if they can prie out anie one that giueth them the gaze, they stand lumping and lowring, fretting and fuming, for that they imagine that all their euill lucke procéeded of him: and yet if the stander by depart, the looser may be found as drie shauen as he was before. And euen so it fareth with you, because you sée all things run to ruine in the English pale, by reason of great enormities in the countrie, either openlie practised, or couertlie win­ked at; you glanse your sie on that which standeth next you, & by beating Iacke for Gill, you impute the fault to that which perhaps would little further the weale publike if it were exiled. Now trulie you shoot verie néere the marke. But if I may craue your patience till time you sée me shoot my bolt, I hope you will not denie, but that as néere the pricke as you are, and as verie an hagler as I am, yet the scantling shall be mine. First therefore take this with you, that a conquest draweth, or at the leastwise ought to draw to it thrée things, to wit, law, apparell, A conquest implieth thrée things. and language. For where the countrie is subdued, there the inhabitants ought to be ruled by the same law that the conqueror is gouerned, to weare the same fashion of attire wherwith the victor is vested, and speake the same language that the vanquisher parleth. And if anie of these thrée lacke, doubtlesse the conquest limpeth. Now whereas Ireland hath bin by lawfull conquest brought vnder the subiection of England, not onelie in king Henrie the second his reigne, but also as well before as after (as by the dis­course of the Irish historie shall euidentlie be deci­phered) and the conquest hath béene so absolute and perfect, that all Leinster, Meth, Ulster, the more part of Connagh and Mounster, all the ciuities and burroughs in Ireland haue béene wholie Englished, and with English conquerors inhabited; is it decent (thinke you) that their owne ancient natiue toong shall be shrowded in obliuion, and suffer the enimies language, as it were a tettar or ringworme, to har­bor it selfe within the iawes of English conquerors? No trulie.

And now that I haue fallen vnwares into this discourse, it will not be farre amisse to stand some­what roundlie vpon this point. It is knowen, and by the historie you may in part perceiue, how braue­lie Ulster whilom florished. The English families were there implanted, the Irish either vtterlie ex­pelled or wholie subdued, the laws dulie executed, the reuenue great, and onelie English spoken. But what brought it to this present ruine and decaie? I doubt not but you gesse before I tell you. They were inuironed and compassed with euill neighbours. Neighbourhood bred acquaintance, acquaintance wasted in the Irish toong, the Irish hooked with it attire, attire haled rudenesse, rudenesse ingendered ignorance, ignorance brought contempt of lawes, the contempt of lawes bred rebellion, rebellion ra­ked thereto warres, and so consequentlie the vtter decaie and desolation of that worthie countrie. If these chinks, when first they began to chap, had beene diligentlie by the dwellers stopped; hir maiestie at this daie, to hir great charges, should not haue béene occasioned to dam vp with manie thousand pounds, yea and with the worthie carcases of valiant soul­diors, the gaps of that rebellious northerne coun­trie.

Now put the case that the Irish toong were as sa­cred as the Hebrue, as learned as the Gréeke, as fluent as the Latine, as amarous as the Italian, as courteous as the Spanish, as courtlike as the French; yet trulie (I know not which waie it falleth out) I sée not but it may be verie well spared in the English pale. And if reason will not lead you to [Page 12] thinke it, trulie experience must force you to grant it.

In old time, when the Romans were first ac­quainted with the Gréeke toong, as it is commonlie the nature of man to be delighted with newfangle wares: so he was accounted no gallant among the Romans, that could not pratle and that Gréeke. Marcus Cicero father to Tullie, being at that time Cic. lib. [...]. de [...]. stept in yeares, perceiuing his countrimen to be­come changelings, in being bilwise and polmad, and 10 to sucke with the Gréeke the conditions of the Gre­cians, as to be in words talkatine, in behauiour light, in conditions quaint, in manners hautie, in promises vnstedfast, in othsrash, in bargains wa­uering (which were reckoned for Gréekish proper­ties in those daies) the old gentleman not so much respecting the neatnesse of the language, as the naughtie fruit it brought with it; said, that his coun­trimen the Romans resembled the bondslaues of Siria; for the more perfect they were in the Greeke, 20 the worse they were in their manners and life. If this gentleman had béene now liuing, and had séene what alteration hath happened in Ireland, through the intercourse of languages, he would (I dare saie) breake patience, and would demand whie the Eng­lish pale is more giuen to learne the Irish, than the Irishman is willing to learne English: we must Oneile whie he would not learne Eng­lish. imbrace their language, and they detest ours. One demanded merilie whie Oneile that last was would not frame himselfe to speake English? What (quoth 30 the other) in a rage, thinkest thou that it standeth with Oneile his honor to writh his mouth in clatte­ring English? and yet forsooth we must gag our lawes in gibbrishing Irish? But I dwell too long in so apparant a matter. As all the ciuities & towns in Ireland, with Fingall, the king his land, Meth, the countie of Kildare, Louth, Weisford, speake to this daie English (whereby the simplicitie of some is to be derided, that iudge the inhabitants of the Eng­lish pale, vpon their first repaire into England, to 40 learne their English in three or foure daies, as though they had bought at Chester a grotes worth of English, and so packt vp the rest to be carried af­ter them to London) euen so in all other places their natiue language is Irish.

I find it solemnlie aduouched, aswell in some of the Camb. lib. 1. dist. 3. rub. 8. The founder of the Irish language. Irish pamphlets as in Girald. Camb. that Gathelus or Gaidelus, & after him Simon Brecke, deuised the Irish language out of all other toongs then extant in the world. And thereof (saith Cambrensis) it is called 50 Gaidelach, partlie of Gaidelus the first founder, and partlie for that it is compounded of all languages. But considering the course of interchanging and blending of speeches togither, not by inuention of art, but by vse of talke, I am rather led to beléeue (séeing Ireland was inhabited within one yeare af­ter the diuision of toongs) that Bastolenus a branch of Iaphet, who first seized vpon Ireland, brought Bastolenus. thither the same kind of spéech, some of the 72 that to this familie befell at the desolation of Babell. Un­to 60 whom succeeded the Scithians, Grecians, Egyp­tians, Spaniards, Danes, of all which the toong must Epiphan. cont. har. lib. 1. 1. tom. 1. néeds haue borowed part, but especiallie reteining the steps of Spanish then spoken in Granado, as from their mightiest ancestors. Since then to Hen­rie Fitzempresse the conqueror no such inuasion happened them, as whereby they might be driuen to infect their natiue language, vntouched in manner for the space of seuenteene hundred yeares after the arriuall of Iberius. It séemeth to borrow of the Spanish the common phrase, Commestato, that is, How doo you? or how fareth it with you? It fetcheth sundrie words from the Latine, as arget of Argen­tum, monie; salle of Sal, salt; cappoulle of Caballus, a plough horsse, or (according vnto the old English terme) a caball or caple; birreat of the old mothea­ten Latine word Birretum, a bonnet. The toong is sharpe and sententious, & offereth great occasion to quicke apophthegms and proper allusions. Where­fore their common iesters and rimers, whom they terme Bards, are said to delight passinglie these Bards. that conceiue the grace and propertie of the toong. But the true Irish indéed differeth so much from The obscuri­tie of the true Irish. that they commonlie speake, that scarse one in fiue hundred can either read, write, or vnderstand it. Therefore it is preserued among certeine of their poets and antiquaries. And in verie déed the lan­guage The difficul­tie. carrieth such difficultie with it, what for the strangenesse of the phrase, and the curious featnes of the pronuntiation, that a verie few of the coun­trie can atteine to the perfection thereof, and much lesse a forrener or stranger.

A gentleman of mine acquaintance reported, that he did see a woman in Rome, which was pos­sessed with a babling spirit, that could haue chatted anie language sauing the Irish; and that it was so difficult, as the verie diuell was grauelled there­with. A gentleman that stood by answered, that he tooke the speech to be so sacred and holie, that no damned féend had the power to speake it; no more than they are able to saie (as the report goeth) the verse of saint Iohn the euangelist, Et verbum care Iohn. 1. verse 14. factum est. Naie by God his mercie man (quoth the other) I stand in doubt (I tell you) whether the a­postles in their copious mart of languages at Ieru­salem could haue spoken Irish, if they were appo­sed: whereat the companie heartilie laughed. As fluent as the Irish toong is, yet it lacketh diuerse words, and borroweth them verbatim of the Eng­lish. As there is no vulgar Irish word (vnlesse there be some od terme that lurketh in anie obscure The [...] the Irish. shrowds or other of their storehouse) for a cote, a gowne, a dublet, an hat, a drinking cup: but one­lie they vse the same words with a little inflexion. They vse also the contracted English phrase, God morrow, that is to saie, God giue you a good mor­ning.

I haue apposed sundrie times the expertest men that could be had in the countrie, and all they could No Irish word for knaue. neuer find out an equiualent Irish word for knaue. The Grecians (according to Tullie his iudgement) were in the same predicament as touching the terme Ineptus: his words are these. Ego meherculè ex Lib. [...]. de orat. Ineptus. omnibus Latinis verbis, huius verbi vim vel maximam semper putaui. Quem enim nos ineptum vocamus, is mihi videtur ab hoc nomen habere ductum, quòd non sit aptus, idque in sermonis nostri consuetudine perlatè patet. Nam qui aut tempus, quo quid postulet, non videt, aut plura loquitur, aut se ostentat, aut eorum, quibuscum est, vel dignitatis vel commodi rationem non habet, aut denique in aliquo genere aut inconcinnus aut multus est, is ineptus esse dicitur. Hoc vitio cumulata est eruditissima illa Grae­corum natio. Itaque qui vim huius mali Graeci non vide­dent, ne nomen quidem ei vitio imposuerunt. Vt enim quaeras omnia, quomodo Graeci ineptum appellent, non re­peries.

Certes I haue béene of opinion (saith Tullie) that amongest the whole crue of Latine terms the word Ineptus hath béene of greatest importance or weight. For he, whom we name Ineptus, seemeth to me to haue the etymologie or of spring of his name here hense deriued, that he is not apt; which stretch­eth far and wide in the vsuall custome of our dailie spéech or communication. For he that dooth not perceiue what is sitting or decent for euerie sea­son, or gableth more than he hath commission to doo, or that in bragging, bosting, or peacockwise set­teth himselfe foorth to the gaze, by making more of [Page 13] the broth, than the flesh is worth; or he that regar­deth not the vocation and affaires of them, with whome he intermedleth: or in fine, who so is stale without grace, or ouer tedious in anie matter, he is tearmed Ineptus; which is asmuch in English, in my phantasie, as saucie, or malapert. The famous & lear­ned Gréeke nation is generallie dusked with this fault. And for that the Grecians could not spie the Saucines. enormitie thereof, they haue not so much as framed a terme thereto. For if you should ransacke the whole 10 Gréeke language, you shall not find a word to coun­teruaile Ineptus. Thus far Tullie. Yet Budaeus would not séeme to acknowledge this barrennesse, but that the Gréeke word [...] is equipollent to Inep­tus: but that I referre to the iudgement of the lear­ned, being verie willing to find out some other Bu­daeus, that could fashion an Irish word for knaue, Budae. lib. 2. de Asse. & part. ciue. whereof this discourse of Ineptus grew. As the whole realme of Ireland is sundred into foure principall parts, as before is said, so each parcell differeth ve­rie 20 much in the Irish toong, euerie countrie hauing his dialect or peculiar maner in speaking the lan­guage: therefore commonlie in Ireland they as­cribe a propertie to each of the foure countries in this sort. Ulster hath the right Irish phrase, but not the true pronunciation; Munster hath the true pro­nunciation, but not the phrase; Leinster is deuoid of the right phrase, and true pronunciation; Con­naght hath both the right phrase and true pronuncia­tion. There is a cholerike or disdainfull interiection 30 vsed in the Irish language called Boagh, which is as much in English as twish. The Irish both in Irish boagh. ancient time and to this daie commonlie vse it, and therefore the English conquerors called them Irish poghes, or pogh Morrice. Which tawnting terme is at this daie verie wrongfullie ascribed to them of the English pale. The English interiection, Fough, Fough. which is vsed in lothing a ranke or strong sauour, seemeth to be sib to the other.

Of the nature of the soile, and 40 other incidents. The second chapter.

THe soile is low and wate­rish, including diuerse little Ilands, inuironed with lakes & marrish. Highest hils haue standing pooles in their tops. Inhabitants especialllie new 50 come, are subiect to distilla­tions, rheumes and fluxes. For remedie whereof, they vse an ordinarie drinke of Aqua vitae, being so qualified in the making, that it drieth more, and also inflameth lesse than other Aqua vitae. hot confections doo. One Theoricus wrote a proper treatise of Aqua vitae, wherein he praiseth it vnto the ninth degrée. He distinguisheth thrée sorts there­of, Theoric. Episc. Hermenensis in Romanula iuxta Bononi­am. Simplex, Composita, and Perfectissima. He declareth the simples and ingrediences thereto belonging. He 60 wisheth it to be taken as well before meat as after. It drieth vp the breaking out of hands, and killeth the flesh wormes, if you wash your hands therewith. The commo­dities of A­qua vitae. It scowreth all scurfe & scalds from the head, being therewith dailie washt before meales. Being mo­deratlie taken (saith he) it sloweth age, it strength­neth youth, it helpeth digestion, it cutteth flegme, it abandoneth melancholie, it relisheth the heart, it lighteneth the mind, it quickeneth the spirits, it cureth the hydropsie, it healeth the strangurie, it pounceth the stone, it expelleth grauell, it putteth awaie all ventositie, it kéepeth and preserueth the head from whirling, the eies from dazeling, the toong from lisping, the mouth from ma [...]ling, the teeth from chattering, and the throte from ratling: it kéepeth the weasan from stifling, the stomach from wambling, and the heart from swelling, the bellie from wirtching, the guts from rumbling, the hands from shiuering, & the sinewes from shrinking, the veines from crumpling, the bones from aking, & the marrow from soaking. Vlstadius also ascribeth Vlst. in coelo philos. vel de secret. [...]t. cap. 11. thereto a singular praise, and would haue it to burne being kindled, which he taketh to be a token to know the goodnesse thereof. And trulie it is a souereigne liquor, if it be orderlie taken.

The aire is verie holesome, not generallie so cleare and subtill as that of England. The weather is more temperat, being not so warme in summer, nor cold in winter, as it is in England and Flan­ders. The countrie is stored with bees, contrarie to the opinion of some writers, who both in this and o­ther errors, touching this countrie, may easilie be excused, as those that wrote by hearesaie. No vine­yards, yet grapes grow there as in England. They doo lacke the Robucke, as Polychronicon writeth. Poly. lib. 1. cap. 32. They also lacke the bird called the pie. Howbeit in the English pale to this day, they vse to tearme a flie cousener, a wilie pie. Giraldus Cambrensis in his Wilie pie. Camb. part. 1. dist. 3. time complaineth, that Ireland had excesse of wood, & verie little champaine ground; but now the English pale is too naked: turffe is their most fewell and No vene­mous worme in Ireland. seacole. No venemous creeping beast is brought forth, or nourished, or can liue in Ireland, being brought or sent. And therefore the spider of Ireland is well knowne not to be venemous, onelie because a frog was found lieng in the medowes of Water­ford Camb. part. 1. dist. 1. somewhat before the conquest, they construed it to import their ouerthrow.

Bede writeth, that serpents conuesed into Ire­land Bed. lib. 1. Angl. Hist. cap. 1. did presentlie die, being touched with the smell of the land, that whatsoeuer came from Ireland was then of souereigne vertue against poison. He exem­plifieth in certeine men, stung of adders, who dranke in water the scrapings of bookes that had béene of Ireland, and were cured. Generallie it is obserued, the further west, the lesse annoiance of pestilent cre­tures. The want whereof is to Ireland so peculi­ar, that whereas it laie long in question, to whether realme, Britaine or Ireland, the Ile of Man should The contro­uersie of the Ile of Man decided. apperteine: the said controuersie was decided, that for somuch as venemous beasts were knowen to bréed therein, it could not be a naturall part of Ire­land. And contrariwise, the Orchades are adiudged Orchades opp [...]ant to Irela [...] Hector Boet. in Scot. reg. descrip. pag. 9. Sect. 50. Camb. topo. lib. 1. dist. 1. rub. 29. to be appendant to Ireland, because those Ilands, neither bréed nor foster anie venemous worme, as Hector Boetius auoucheth. Giraldus Cambrensis writeth that he heard certeine merchants affirme, that when they had vnladen their ships in Ireland they found by hap some toads vnder their balast. And they had no sooner cast them on the shore, than they would puffe and swell vnmeasurablie, & shortlie after turning vp their bellies, they would burst in sunder. And not onelie the earth and dust of Ire­land, but also the verie thongs of Irish leather haue the verie same force and vertue. I haue séene it, saith Cambrensis, experimented, that a toad being Cam. ibid. rub. 30. 31. incompassed with a thong of Irish leather, and crée­ping thitherward, indeuering to haue skipt ouer it, Irish leather expelieth ve­ [...]mous wormes. suddenlie reculed backe, as though it had béene rapt in the head: wherevpon it began to sprall to the o­ther side. But at length perceiuing that the thong did embaie it of all parts, it began to thirle, and as it were to dig the earth, where finding an hole, it siunke awaie in the presence of sundrie persons.

It happened also in my time, saith Giraldus Cam­brensis, Cambr. in co. dem loco. that in the north of England a knot of yong­kers tooke a nap in the fields: as one of them laie snorting with his mouth gaping, as though he would [Page 14] haue caught flies, it happèned that a snake or adder slipt into his mouth, and glided downe into his bel­lie, where harboring it selfe, it began to roame vp and downe and to féed on the yoong man his entrals. The patient being sore distracted and aboue mea­sure tormented with the biting pangs of this grée­die ghest, incessantlie praied to God, that if it stood with his gratious will, either wholie to bereaue him of his life, or else of his vnspeakeable mercie to ease him of his paine. The worme would neuer ceasse 10 from gnawing the patient his carcasse, but when he had taken his repast, and his meat was no sooner digested, than it would giue a fresh onset in boring his guts. Diuerse remedies were sought, and medi­cins, pilgrimages to saints, but all could not pre­uaile. Being at length schooled by the graue aduise of some sage and expert father, that willed him to make his spéedie repaire to Ireland, would tract no time, but busked himselfe ouer sea, and arriued in Ireland. He did no sooner drinke of the water of 20 that Iland, and taken of the vittels of Ireland, but forthwith he kild the snake, auoided it downe­ward, and so being lustie and liuelie he returned in­to England. Thus far Giraldus Cambrensis.

There be some that moue question, whether the want of venemous wormes be to be imputed to the whether ve­nemous wormes were expelied Ire­land through the praiers of saint Patrike. propertie of the soile, or to be ascribed to the praiers of saint Patrike, who conuerted that Iland. The greater part father it on saint Patrike, especiallie such as write his life aswell apart, as in the legend 30 of Irish saints. Giraldus Cambrensis disaffirmeth flatlie that opinion, and taketh it to be a secret or hidden propertie naturallie vnited to the soile, from whom Polychronicon dooth not swarue. For my part as I am wedded to neither of both the opinions, so Polychr. lib. 1. cap. 32. I would haue béene easilie persuaded, being neither hot nor cold in the matter, to rest as a lukewarme neuter, in omitting the one and the other vnskand, were it not that one maister Alan Cope, or some o­ther that masketh vnder his visours, more slan­derouslie 40 than pithilie had busied himselfe therein. Wherefore, sith I may with better warrant defend my natiue countrie, than he or his betters may re­prooue it, especiallie where his slanderous reports are vnderpropt with flim flam surmises: I purpose vnder maister Cope his correction to cope and buc­kle with him herein: and before he beare the ball to the goale, to trip him if I may in the way. And be­cause (gentle reader) I mind to make thée an indif­ferent vmpier in this controuersie, for the better vn­derstanding 50 of the matter, I will laie downe mai­ster Cope his words, in such wise as they are im­printed in his booke. First therefore thou must vn­derstand, that his booke is made in dialog wise, a kind of writing as it is vsed, so commended of the learned. In these dialogs Irenaeus an English­man and Critobulus a Germane plaie the parts. Irenaeus entresh into the [...]age, and in this wise be­ginneth.

Incipiam à sancto Paulo: nosti in Melita (quam hodie 60 Alan. Copus dialog. 3. acd. 28. Maltam appellant) Paulum viperam à manu pendentem in ignem excussisse. In ea insula scorpiones, qui alibi sunt laetales, Pauli, vt creditur, munere sunt innoxij.

Critobulus. Fortasse hoc habet à natura.

Irenaeus. Falleris: nam insulant, vt Lucas refert, clama­bant, delatum eò parricidam, cui cùm mare pepercisset, trati dij serpentes, qui eum tollerent, immisissent: nec quicquam ma­gis quàm praesentem eius mortem expectabant. A qua cùm ille tantùm abesset, vt nihil omnino damni aut doloris inde sentiret, in admirationem acti, dixerunt, eum longè supra hominem esse, & deum sub humana specie.

Critobulus. Sic est, vt dicis.

Irenaeus. Caetera itaque audi. Especu, ad quem diuertis­se dicitur, colliguntur lapides in tota fermè Europa salutares Adhaec, quos nasci octauo calendas Februarij contingit (qui di­es conuersionis eius memoriae dicatus est) quaecunque eos orbis pars in lucem proferat, non horrent nec formidant angues, imò, quod magis est, sola saliua horum morsibus medentur. Id quod homo doctissimus & diligentissimus Thomas Fazellus nuper Thomas Fazellus. prodidit, vsu ipso rerum, & certis, ni fallor, exemplis ab eo obseruatum.

Critobulus. Ista quidem digna sunt obseruatione: & iam recordor, me legisse ac saepiùs audisse, precibus beati Patri­cij Hiberniae apostoli, ei regioni simile beneficium indultum, ne ea insula aliquid laetale pariat. Dicifortassè inde à nonnullis solet, nihil esse in Hibernia venenati praeter ipsos homines, quod propter feros & agrestes eorum mores dictum à plerisque accipitur.

Irenaeus. Eam regionem nihil pestiferum aut venenatum alere, tum ex multorum sermonibus, tum ex Beda intelligo: Bed. lib. 1. Ang. hist. c. 1. adeò vt terra illius regionis exportata, pestifera ac venenata animalia extinguat. Verùm id quicquid est, non Patricio, sed Sententia de­finitiua Solin, cap 35. naturae regionis tribuo, propterea quòd longè antè Patricium natum constet, eam fuisse eius regionis dotem, quam non est difficile alibi reperiri.

‘I will begin (saith Irenaeus) with saint Paule. You know that in Melita (which at this daie is called Malta) saint Paule flung into the fire a viper that stucke or did cleaue to his hand. In that Iland scor­pions which are elsewhere deadlie or venemous, are become through the gift of saint Paule (as it is sup­posed) harmelesse.’

‘Tush (quoth Critobulus) that may be percase incident to the nature of the soile.’

‘Naie then (replieth Irenaeus) you are in a wrong box. For the Ilanders (as saint Luke mentioneth) showted, that a parentquellor was brought thither, and because he was not swallowed in the gulfes of the sea, the gods being in their fustian fumes, sent serpents to slaie him. And they looked for nothing sooner than to see him euen at a twinkling to perish. But when they perceiued him to be so farre distant from death, as that he susteined no harme, ne felt a­nie paine, the people therewith amazed, said he far surpassed mans estate, & that he was a god inuested in man his shape.’

‘You haue reason (answereth Critobulus) you haue hit the naile on the head.’

‘Yea but I praie you clip not my tale (saith Ire­naeus) but take me with you. Stones are culled in the caue or den wherein saint Paule is said to haue bai­ted or soiorned, which stones in maner in all Europe are souereigne medicines to cure the bitings and stinges of scorpions and serpents. Furthermore, they that are borne the fiue and twentith of Ianua­rie (which daie is named the conuersion of S. Paule) in what part soeuer of the world they are borne, they feare not or grudge not at snakes: yea, that which is more to be admired, the stingings of poisoned worms are healed by the verie spittle of this Ianuarie brood. Which thing hath béene of late published by a well lettered man Thomas Fazellus, to haue béene curi­ouslie noted of him, as well by proofe and experience, as by sure and substantiall examples, if I take not the matter amisse.’

‘Then commeth in Critobulus, whome maister Cope maketh (I will not saie the vice or hicscorner) but the plesant conceipted gentleman of this enter­lude, and fetcheth a long leape (for I am sure he could not iumpe so farre) from Malta to Ireland, and fra­meth his tale in this sort. By the faith of my bodie sir, here is stuffe woorth the noting. And now I call to mind, that I haue read and often heard, that the like benefit hath béene imparted to Ireland, through the praiers of saint Patrike the apostle of the said I­land, that is to saie, that Ireland breedeth no vene­mous worme. And therevpon percase some are ac­customed to saie, that there is no poisoned or vene­mous [Page 15] thing in Ireland, but onelie the people, which is taken to haue beene said of most men for their brutish and sauage maners.’

‘To this (saith Irenaeus) I am doone to vnderstand by the report of diuerse, and also by Bede, that no poi­soned or venemous thing is bred in that realme: in somuch that the verie earth of that countrie being brought into other realmes, killeth all venemous and poisoned worms.’ But let the matter fall out which waie it will; I ascribe that propertie not to 10 Iudgement. saint Patrike, but to the nature of the soile, because it hath béen knowen long before saint Patrike was borne, that Ireland was indued with that propertie, which is elsewhere easie to be found. Hitherto Mai­ster Cope.

In this discourse (gentle reader) thou seest that Maister Cope handleth two principall points, the propertie of Malta, and the nature of Ireland in de­stroieng venemous worms, the one he ascribeth to the blessed apostle saint Paule, the other he will not 20 in anie wise impute to saint Patrike. Touching the first, as I haue no occasion to intermeddle there­in, so I purpose not for the quarell I haue to the person, to disprooue his opinion so farre as it standeth with truth. Wherefore that God that of his bounti­full goodnesse gaue the grace to Moses, to turne Aa­rons rod into a serpent, to turne the riuer into Exod. c 7. verse 10. bloud, and to worke diuerse other effects that are mentioned in the scripture; to Iosu. c. 10 verse 13. Iosue, to staie the sun; to 3 Reg 17 verse 22. and Eccles. 48 verse 50. Elias to raise the dead child; to Act 3 vers. 7. Peter to 30 make the lame go; to heale Act 9. ver. 34. Eneas; to reuiue Act 9 vers 40 Ta­bitha; yea with his verie Act 5 vers. 13. shadow to cure the sicke; and the God that gaue to that Paule, of whome mai­ster Cope speaketh, his gratious gift to make the Act. 14 verse 10. lame go; to Act 20 verse 10 & 11. quicken and raise the deceased, and for his sake to Act. 27 ver [...] 23 Act. 9 vers. 43 Act. 28 verse 9. salue his fellow passengers: it is not to be denied, but that God would impart his goodnes to anie region, euen the sooner that any of his blessed seruants would harborough there. And as I doubt not but Simon the tanners house was nothing the woorse for lodging so happie a ghest as Peter: so I 40 am sure Malta was farre the better for harboring so blessed a traueller or passenger as Paule. Which S. Luke letteth not to tell, declaring that all they which were sicke in the Iland, flocked to Paule, and were cured; and also that the patient that was father to Publius, in whose house they were thrée daies verie courteouslie interteined, was by S. Paule healed. Which cure as well of that patient, as of the residue of the Ilanders, did not onlie extend to their bodies, 50 but chéetlie & especiallie to their soules, according to the opinion of the learned diuines. For as our saui­or Augu. tract. 30 in Iohan. Th. p 3 q. 44. u. 3 ad. 3 m. Iesus Christ was neuer thought to cure anie ones bodie, but he would also heale his soule: so it must be thought of his apostles, in whose steps both in life and miracles they traced. And therfore the learned hold opinion, that S. Paule being in Malta expelled from diuerse of their soules the old serpent that deceiued our progenitors Adam and Eue; for which God is Gen. 3 vers. 13. to be magnified and glorified. Thus much I thought good here to insert, as a clause not wholie swaruing 60 from that we treat of, and also that I would be found prest and readie, as farre as my simple skill stretch­eth, to vnderstand anie opinion that tendeth to the honor and glorie of God.

Howbeit forsomuch as M. Cope hath so strictlie dealt with Ireland, as with a countrie nothing ap­perteining to this matter, I trust he will pardon me, to be somewhat bold with him, touching the hi­storie of Malta, that as his negligence shall be in the one disshrowed, so his slanderous iudgement maie be in the other reuersed. First therfore where he wri­teth, that the inhabitants of Malta Clamabant, that is, tried, or showted, it was not so. The Gréeke text run­neth, [...], Dicebant ad inuicem, that is Act. 28. vers. 4. to saie, They mutte [...]ed one to an other. And saint Luke paraphraseth his meaning after. For when they perceiued that the viper did not annoie Paule, then saith saint Luke, Conuertentes se, dicebant eum esse deum; They turning the one towards the other, whi­spered or muttered that Paule was a god. Now put Saint Paul [...] heard not the inhabitants of Malta. the case they cried, as M. Cope saith, is it like that Paule was so busie in making of a fire, or that his eares did wander so farre off, as that he could not heare them? And if he heard them, thinke you that he would haue béene whist, in hearing God so farre blasphemed, as that he would suffer himselfe to be de­f [...]ed? No trulie. He would haue taken on, as he and Act. 14. vers. [...] 12, 13, 14. Barnabas did at Listris, where the inhabitants named them gods, Barnabas to be Iupiter, and Paule, for that he was well spoken, to be Mercurie. For when the apostles heard of their idolatrie, ren­ting their clothes, they rusht into the throng, crieng and speaking, that they were mortall men, &c. In which place S. Luke putteth an expresse difference as it were of set purpose, betwéene both the words, Clamantes & dicentes. M. Cope addeth further, Dela­tum eò parricidam, and yet the Gréeke hath [...], Omninò interfector, or as the vulgar text is, Vtique homicida est homo hic. So that they tooke him to be but a manquellor, yet M. Cope maketh him a parricide, which is woorse. For although euerie parricide be a manquellor, yet E conuerso, euerie manquellor is not a parricide.

‘M. Cope procéedeth further, Irati dij, serpentes, qui cum tollerent, immisissent: The gods being angrie sent serpents to dispatch Paule.’ And yet forsooth, all these serpents were but one viper, as is plainelie exprest in the text, vnlesse M. Cope would teach saint Luke to tell his tale after the finest fashion, least the apo­stle should haue béene thought to haue [...]itoned. As A parson his sermon. the parson that preached to his parishoners of the go­spell, wherein mention is made of them that Christ fed in the desert, or wildernesse. O (quoth the parson) what a Christ was that, that with fiue barlie loaues, and fiue fishes fed fiue hundred persons. The clerke hearing his master to grate ouerlong on that point, for he did often iterate that sentence, stole vp to the pulpit, and plucking the parson by his gowne, whi­spered in his eare that Christ fed fiue thousand. Hold thee contented thou foolish fellow (quoth the parson) if I should tell mine hearers of so great a number, I should but discredit the gospeller, and they would not beléeue me. So it fareth with M. Cope. Belike he mistrusted, that if he had said, that one viper could haue slaine Paule, the reader would haue suspected the vntruth of the matter: bicause it carrieth great likelihood with it, that one man could withstand one viper: and therefore to saue saint Luke his credit, he increaseth the number by putting the plurall for the singular. Whereas therefore it standeth with M. M. Cope his rhetorike. Cope his pleasure, to florish in his rhetoricall figure named, Veritatis superlatio; in terming muttering, showting, a manquellor, a parricide, one viper, ser­pents: he must be borne withall, if in the heat of his figure he step a little awrie in the remnant of his dis­course. For thus he saith.

And therevpon it is reported percase by some men, that there is nothing venemous or poisoned in Ireland, but the men and women. Which is taken to haue beene spoken by most men for their brutish and sauage maners. Here (good reader) thou must vnder­stand that M. Cope putteth the text downe and the glose. The tert is, There is nothing in Ireland vene­mous but the inhabitants. The glose is, This is said to haue béen spoken for their brutish and sauage con­ditions. Now well harpt by saint Lankfield. Here is a glose, I vndertake you, sutable to the text. But [Page 16] let vs sée, how cunninglie M. Cope beequiteth him­selfe. First he obserueth not Decorum personae, second­lie he followeth not Decorum dialogi, thirdlie he shew­eth herein little diuinitie. Touching the first point, who knoweth not, that these iapes and gibes are one­lie fit for ruffians, vices, swashbucklers & tospots. And trulie they beeset a diuine as well, as for an asse to twang quipassa on a harpe or gitterne, or for an ape to friske trenchmoore in a paire of buskins and a doublet. The heathen misliked in an orator squiri­litie, 10 what should be thought then of a diuine, whome Cic. lib. 2. de orat. saint Paule would haue to be sober, modest, graue, and wise? Unlesse M. Cope leaning to the letter of saint Paule his words would beare vs in hand, that 1. Tim 3. vers. 2. & 3. saint Paule would haue modestie to rest onelie in bishops. We are commanded in the old and new te­stament, to loue our neighbors as our selues. Which dooth implie, that we ought not to slander our neigh­bours.

And shall a diuine then speake vncharitablie, not 20 onelie of one, but of an whole realme, and not onelie speake but also write, yea and that in the language that is vniuersallie spoken, thoroughout the greater part of the world, vpon no sure ground, but onelie vpon hearesaie, weieng not what the prophet writeth, Perdes omnes qui loquuntur mendaciū, Thou shalt destroie Psal. 5. ver. 7. Sapient. 1. Vide August in cundem Psal. all them that speake vntruths? And were it that anie such flim flam flirts were soothed by anie person of credit; yet (as me seemeth) it would stand more with the grauitie of a diuine, that such childish quips, and 30 scornefull tawnts should sooner by his meanes chari­tablie be whisted, than thorough his procurement car­pinglie published. I will stand no longer on this point, but onelie craue M. Cope to resort to the fift Matth. 5. vers. 22. of Matthew, and there peruse Christ his verdict tou­ching slanderous toongs. To come to the second part, in which he obserueth not Decorum dialogi, thou shalt vnderstand (good reader) that Critabulus, or Crito­bulus, whome M. Cope maketh his bagpipe to belch out his rancour, is a Germane borne, as M. Cope 40 saith, who séemeth to be Critabulus his godfather. Now let anie one, that is acquainted with the ma­ners of Germans, iudge, if it be decent, that one of them should scoffe and scorne the conditions and fa­shions of other countries. I will not speake by heare saie, as M. Cope dooth, but by eiesight. I could ne­uer espie nor probablie haue I heard it reported, no not of the méere sauage Irish, such quaffing, such swilling, such bolling, such gulling, such brutish drunkennesse, such surfetting, such vomitting, as I 50 haue seene some Germans doo. In good sooth it is knowne, and for my part I haue seene it being be­yond The German his friendship. the seas, that in their carowsing and cup friend­ship, they threaten such kindnesse on their compani­ons, that least their felowes should mistrust them with double dealing, they will not sticke to shew them the bottome of their stomachs; & to the end they should take the better view thereof, they will place it now and then in their neighbors bosome.

Thus when they haue cast their gorges, they clap 60 on their thrumd hats, and run like bedlem barre­tors into the stréets with their naked flatchets, and there they keepe such a stinking sturre with hacking of stones, with hewing of blocks, with thwitting of stocks, with striking of stalles, with thumping at doores, that it would make a horsse breake his halter, to see so drunken a pageant. In fine, this qualitie is so naturallie ingraffed in the greater part of them, that a famous diuine did not sticke of late to saie o­penlie in his lecture, that drunkennesse in that coun­trie man, was either Peccatum originale or Accidens in­separabile. I write not this (I take God to record) to the reproch or slander of that countrie (being loth to commit the selfe same fault that I reprehend in anie other) but onelie my meaning is to settle before she reader his eies the absurditie of M. Cope, in fra­ming poore Critabolus to flout Ireland, considering that if he cast his eie homeward, he shall find as fil­thie puddle in his owne countrie, as in other realms. And therefore this quip sate as vnseemelie in his mouth, as for an whoore to reprehend bitcherie, or for an vsurer to condemne simonie. For as there is nothing lesse to be tollerated, than for anie one to haue an other to account for his life, that can yeeld no account of his owne: so there is nothing that ought to moozzell vp anie one from rebuking other nations, than to sée the misdemeanor of his owne natiue countrie. I would wish M. Critabolus or M. Cope, if it shall please him to make vp the mu­ster, with indifferencie to weie the estate of Ireland, and so without parcialitie to frame his iudgement.

Ireland, and especiallie the ruder part is not sto­red Ireland hem it maie be re­formed. with such learned men as Germanie is. If they had sound preachers, and sincere liuers, that by the imbalming of their carian soules with the swéet and sacred flowers of holie writ, would instruct them in the feare of God, in obeieng their prince, in obser­uing the lawes, in vnderpropping in ech man his vo­cation the weale publike; I doubt not, but within two or thrée ages M. Critabolus his heires should heare so good a report run of the reformation of Ire­land, as it would be reckoned as ciuill as the best part of Germanie. Let the soile be as fertile and betle as anie would wish, yet if the husbandman will not manure it, sometime plow and eare it, sometime harrow it, sometime till it, sometime marle it, some­time delue it, sometime dig it, and sow it with good and sound corne, it will bring foorth wéeds, bindcorne, cockle, darnell, brambles, briers, and sundrie wild shoots. So it fareth with the rude inhabitants of Ire­land, they lacke vniuersities, they want instructors, they are destitute of teachers, they are without prea­chers, they are deuoid of all such necessaries as ap­perteine to the training vp of youth: and notwith­standing all these wants, if anie would be so fro­wardlie set, as to require them, to vse such ciuilitie, as other regions, that are sufficientlie furnished with the like helps; he might be accounted as vnrea­sonable, as he that would force a créeple that lacketh both his legs to run, or one to pipe or whistle a gali­ard that wanteth his vpper lip.

But such is the corrupt nature of vs worldings, and me thinketh such vaine humors are not vtterlie dried vp in our sage and mortified diuines. We are most commonlie giuen rather to tawnt that which is amisse, than to praise that which is good; and rather we follow the spider in soking the poison, than in imitating the bee by sucking the honie. Now that it appeareth, that it was not sitting for the author being a diuine, to write so vncharitablie, nor for M. Crita­bolus being a Germane to carpe other countries so snappishlie: let vs see what wholesome diuinitie hath beene here vttered, and how well the sinewes of M. Critabolus his argument shall be found to hang to­gither, when the an atomie therof by peecemeale shall be examined. I call to mind (quoth M. Critabolus) that I haue read and often heard, that the like benefit hath béene granted to Ireland through the praiers of S. Patrike. M. Critabolus read & heard that by the praiers of S. Patrike, Ireland hath no venemous worme: Ergo some hold opinion, that the poison re­steth onlie in the people. Truly this argument hang­eth togither by verie strange gimbols. And I dare say, M. Cope neuer learned this kind of reasoning in the famous college of Magdalene in Oxford, what so­euer M. Critabulus did in Germanie. But let vs put the logike apart, & scan the singular point of diui­nitie. I would gladlie lerne in what part of scripture [Page 17] or in what ancient father M. Critabulus read or heard (for most of his learning hath béene, as it séemeth, purchased by heare-saie) that anie holie pre­lat, that came of meere charitie to conuert a coun­trie from night to light, from rudenesse to know­ledge, from infidelitie to christianitie, from vice to vertue; from the diuell to God (which dooth implie an especiall zeale in saluing their soules) would purge the soile of all venemous wormes, & leaue the soules that haue more néed to be wéeded, wholie infected 10 with the contagion of vice and sinne. Wherby insueth that the place is better than the inhabitants, and so consequentlie the saieng of the Machabées must be falsified: Non propter locum gentem, sed propter gentem lo­cum Deus elegit: God did not choose the people for the 2. Mac. 5. ver. 19. place, but he elected the place in respect of the peo­ple. Our sauiour Iesus Christ dispossessing the pati­ent of the legion of diuels, permitted them to enter Luc. 8. ver. 32. into an heard of hogs. Critabulus would haue Christs saints doo the contrarie, to dispossesse the 20 hogs, and to leaue the men possessed with diuels. For so he reporteth saint Patrike to haue doone, by rid­ding the land of all poisoned wormes, & leauing the rancour to lurke in the people. Trulie if the matter stood so farre out of ioint, I doubt not, but the Ilan­ders might haue come as lawfullie to him, as the Gergesens came ingratefullie to Christ, requiring him to depart their countrie. For such a scoffing pre­lat, Luc. 2. ver. 37. his roome had béene better than his companie, sith his abode would tend rather to the peruerting, 30 than the conuerting of their Iland.

Hitherto thou hast heard (gentle reader) how gal­lantlie Critabulus hath plaied his part: now shall I desire thée to view how sagelie Ireneus claspeth vp all the whole controuersie. He saith it is the nature of the soile, not to breed anie venemous worme, and that was incident thereto before saint Patrike was borne. How prooue you that sir? Pleaseth you to skew your ele towards the margent, and there shall you find the fiue and thirtith chapter of Solinus solemn­lie 40 quoted. Touching this matter, there is nothing in Solinus but this: Illic anguis nullus, auis rara, In Ire­land is no snake, and seldome a bird, & yet birds are as commonlie there as in anie other countrie. But I would gladlie vnderstand how this authoritie of Solinus furthereth M. Ireneus his opinion. Ire­land bred no snake before saint Patrike was borne: Ergo it ingendred no toad, no adder, no frog, nor anie other virulent worme. As if a man would reason thus: Before saint Patrike his time there was no 50 horssemill in Ireland: Ergo before his time there was no milhorsse. Certes he that would wind vp his conclusion so fondlie, might be thought to haue as much wit as a rosted horse. This authoritie of So­linus is so far from vpholding Ireneus his asserti­on, as that it plainelie séemeth quite to ouerthrow it, & as it were in his owne turne, it giueth him a fall.

For the cause whie saint Patrike was mooued to expell all the venemous wormes out of Ireland, might probablie haue béene coniectured, to haue pro­céeded 60 of this; that he perceiuing the land to bréed no snakes, therof was occasioned, for the furthering of christian faith, to expell other kind of wormes that lucked there before his comming, as toades, adders, blindworms, frogs, &c. Héere perchase M. Cope may blench me, in replieng that Anguis may be [...]ction. construed generallie for all kind of vermine, and so I might be taken tard [...]e in building my discourse vpon a misconstruction.

In good sooth to omit what strange and absurd sig­nification [...]. Anguis should beare, by notifieng a poiso­ned spider and such like, and in mine opinion further from the purpose, than the father that dissuading his sonne from plaieng on sundaie, fortified his reason with the old said saw, Non est bonum ludere cum sanctis, It is not good, quoth he, to plaie on sundaies or holie daies. Is it (thinke you) fellonie or treason, to bring the credit of Solinus in question, for mistaking An­guis aswell as Auis? For as he was grossie deceiued in the one, in writing that birds were rare in Ire­land; so might he haue straied as likelie in the other, by disburdening Ireland of all venemous wormes, bicause the Iland wanted in his time but one or two kinds, as a snake and a toad. Where a man buildeth vpon euerie twatling and pratling rumor, and his Rumor cat­cheth [...]ethers. eie is not his iudge, he may be sure, that such flieng fales will catch manie feathers before they come at him that is as far distant from their nests, as So­linus was from Ireland when he wrote his pamph­let. The proofe whereof as it is dailie tried, so not ma­nie yeares past hath béene verie pretilie verefied. There was a gentleman of mine acquaintance that met his enimie in the fields, where they both vpon a trifling quarell fought so fréendlie, as they had more néed to haue beene grapled togither with cables, than parted by indifferent sticklers. Howbeit, bicause the gentleman was neuer before flesht, and yet no­thing at all that daie, for each of their blowes did commonlie light on the medow where they fought; a friend of his reported well of him to an other, sai­eng, that he was like in time to prooue a proper man of his hands, for the well handling of his weapon in his late combat. Wherevpon soone after, the other doubling the gentleman his praise, gaue notice to an other, that such a gentleman (naming him) fought valiantlie such a daie in such a place. Immediatlie vpon this in a shire or two off, it was noised that the partie praised, fought with two at once in such a place, naming the medow. At length it was bruted, that he fought foure seuerall daies; and I am well as­sured that was the first fraie that euer he made, and I thinke it will be the last, vnlesse he be forced mau­gre his heart to the contrarie.

Not long after it happened, that a gentleman and I trauelled abroad the countrie of set purpose to dis­port our selues, and so to returne afresh to our books, where entering in communication with a blunt countrie lob (yet such an one as tooke his halfepenie to be good siluer) that knew the foresaid champion. My companion and I made wise, as though we were not acquainted with him, or euer heard of the combat: Now in good faith gentleman (quoth he) A fréendlie commenda­tion. you would doo verie well to enter in acquaintance with him; for ouer this, that he is a gentleman a­bundantlie endued with singular good qualities, he is become of late so valiant a cutter, as he maketh blading his dailie breakefast. By saint Marie, quoth my companion, that is verie cold rosse, and if his breakefasts be no better than a péece of coldyron, I little weigh how seldome I take a repast in his com­panie at anie such ordinarie. Naie, my meaning is (quoth the other) that he vseth to fight fresh and fast­ing euerie morning, in so much that of late, I dare bide by it, he fought eight daies in one weeke. At which words I for my part could not refraine from laughing, séeing how demurelie the fellow kept his countenance, and how that he spake Bonafide. Where­vpon I shaped him an answer and said, that I neuer heard of anie that fought eight daies in one weeke, but onelie in old time, when fiue quarters made vp the yeare.

The fellow perceiuing that he ouershot himselfe, replied: Sir, you take me verie short, as long and as verie a lowbie as you imagine to make me: my meaning is, that he fought eight seuerall times in one weeke. Eight times (quoth my companion) then belike he fought once aboue commons. For you told vs right now, that he made his fraie his morning [Page 18] breakefast, and whereas there are but seauen daies in the wéeke, & he fought (as you report) eight times, and you know that eight maketh one aboue seauen, and seauen maketh six and one vnder eight; either you must confesse that he fought out his breakfast, dinner, beuer or supper; or else you must grant that there be eight daies in one wéeke, or at the least two breakefasts in one daie: and that I am sure you will confesse to be as great an absurditie as the other. Naie (quoth the clowne) and you intrap me with such 10 sophistrie, you shall dine, sup and breake your fast a­lone for me, and therewithall departed. Wherby may be gathered, that if he had bin soothed vp, & his toong let to run at libertie vncontrold, like a bowle that runneth in a smooth allie without anie rub, he would haue brought himselfe to that baie, as he would not sticke to saie that his fréend had fought eight daies in one houre. Wherefore as this pudding his pricke grew at length by report to an huge post, so the want of one venemous worme in Ireland, being bruted in 20 forten realmes, might haue beene so thwitted and mangled in the cariage before it came to Solinus his eares, as he might haue beene informed, that the countrie was denoid of all venemous woormes, whereas indéed there lacked but one kind.

Like as God of his iustice punisheth a countrie that is hardhearted, with outward wormes: so of his mercie they are remooued from a realme that is pliant to follow his lawes and precepts. As when Pharao would not listen to God his threats denoun­ced 30 him by the preachers of God, Moses and Aaron, E [...]od. [...]. vers. 7, 17, [...] 24. Vide Apoc. 9. verse 3, at 2. Reg. 8. verse. 37. Egypt was punished with frogs and diuerse kind of flies, as is exprest at full in holie writ: and againe vpon Pharao his feined promises (the secrets of whose hollow heart God perfectlie knew) at the in­stance of Moses, these plagues were appeased, and the vermine quite extinguished: so I praie you, is it so absurd a position to hold, that saint Patrike find­ing the Irish priest to embrace the gospell, as he did in verie deed, might stand so highlie in God his fauor, 40 as through his earnest petition made to God, the poisoned woormes should be abandoned? This is not so rare a thing vpon the implanting of christian faith in anie region, but rather a propertie incident there­to, according to Christ his promise: Signa autem eos, qui crediderint, haec sequentur; In nomine meo daemonia eijcient: Gregor. hom. 29. in euang. Mar. 16. v. 17. linguis loquentur nouis: serpentes tollent: & si mortiferum quid biberint, non eis nocebit: super aegros manus imponent, & bene habebunt. And these tokens shall follow them that beléeue; In my name shall they cast out diuels, 50 they shall speake with new toongs, they shall driue awaie serpents, and if they drinke anie deadlie thing it shall not hurt them: they shall laie hands on the sicke, and they shall be cured. Wherefore, sith it is so euidentlie warranted by scripture, that in the name of Iesus, serpents may be driuen awaie, if Ireland be found through anie such means to be deuoid of poisoned wormes, we are to ascribe the glorie hereof to God, according to the saieng of the prophet; A do­mino factum est istud, & est mirabile in oculis nostris, That 60 hath béene doone by God, and it séemeth woonderfull Psalm. 117, verse. 22. in our eies.

Thus farre (gentle reader) incroching vpon thy patience, I haue imploied my trauell in defending my natiue countrie, against such as labour to di­staine it with their slanderous sco [...]es. Touching the principall question, whether S. Patrike did expell poisoned wormes out of Ireland, or whether it be the nature of the soile, as I said in the entrie of this discourse; so I saie againe, that I weigh not two chips which waie the wind bloweth, bicause I sée no inconuenience that may insue either of the affirma­tiue or negatiue opinion. And therefore if M. Cope had dealt as modestlie as Cambrensis, the author of Polychronicon or others, that stood to the deniall, h [...]ue doone; he should haue gone scotfree with his complices, and haue made in mounterbankwise the most he could of his wares. But for that he would needs sée further in a milstone than others, and not onelie slenderlie disprooue the triuiall opini­on, but scornefullie slander an whole realme, wherein he shall find his superiors in honour, his betters in parentage, his peeres in learning, his mates in wis­dome, his equals in courtesie, his matches in hone­stie: I must craue him to beare it patientlie, if by crieng him quittance, I serued him with a dish of his owne cookerie. And if for this my streict dea­ling with him (wherevnto I was the sooner led, for that as it is courtesie to mollifie wild speaches with mild answers, so I reckon it for good policie now and then to cleaue knurd knobs with crabbed wedges) he will séeme to take pepper in the nose, for anie recom­pense he is like to haue at mine hands, he may wipe his nose on his sléeue. And if it shall stand with his pleasure, to replie either in English or in Latine (the occasion of which is rather of him growne than by me giuen) he shall find me willing, if God spare me health, to reioine with him in so good a quarrell, ei­ther in the one language or the other: and when both tales are heard, I beshrow him, for my part, that shall be driuen to the wall.

Cambrensis reporteth of his owne knowledge, The bar­nacle. and I heare it auowed by credible persons, that bar­nacles thousands at once are noted along the shores in Ireland to hang by the beakes, about the edges of putrified timber, as ships, oares, masts, anchor holds, and such like, which in processe taking liuelie heat of the sunne, become waterfoules, and at their time of ripenesse either fall into the sea, or flie abroad into the aire. The same doo neuer couple in the act of generation, but are from time to time multiplied, as before is exprest.

Aeneas Syluius writeth himselfe tohaue pursued Sabel. part. [...]. Ene. 10. lib. 5. Cam. lib. to­pog. dist. 1. rub. 15. Thom. p. 3. q. 31. ar. 4. corp. the like experiment in Scotland, where he learned the truth hereof to be found in the Ilands Orchades. Giraldus Cambrensis gathereth hereof a pretie con­clusion against the Iewes in this wise following: Respice infoelix Iudaee, respice, vel serò, primā hominis generati­onem ex limo sine mare & foemina. Secundámque ex mare sine foemina, ob legis venerationem, diffiteri non audes. Tertiam solam ex mare scilicet & foemina, quia vsualis est, dura cer­uice approbas & affirmas. Quartam verò, in qua sola salus est ex foemina scilicet sine mare obstinata malicia in propriam per­niciem detestaris. Erubesce miser, erubesce, & saltem ad natu­ram recurre, quae ad argumenta fidei, ad instructionem no­stram noua quotidie animalia sine omni mare vel foemina procreat & producit. Prima ergo generatio ex limo, & haec vltima ex ligno. Illae quidem quoniam à Domino naturae tan­tùm semel, ideò semper obstupenda processit. Istam verò non minùs admirabilem, minus tamen admirandam (quia saepè fit) imitatrix natura administrat. Sic enim composita est huma­na natura, vt nihil, praeter inusitatum & rarò contingens vel pretiosum ducat vel admirandum. Solis ortum & occasum, quo nihil in mundo pulchrius, nihil stupore dignius, quia quo­tidie videmus, sine omni admiratione praeterimus. Eclipsin verò solis, quia rariùs accidit, totus orbis obstupescit. A [...] idem etiam facere videtur, flatu solo, & occulta quadam inspira­tione citra omnem mixturam apum ex fauo procreatio.’

‘Marke thou wretched Iew, saith Cambrensis, marke yet at length the first creation (that is of A­dam) of earth without male or female. As for the se­cond, of a man without a woman (that is to saie Eue) for that thou hast the old law in reuerence, thou darest not denie. As for the third, both of man and woman, bicause it is dailie vsed as stiffeneckt as thou art, thou dooest acknowledge and confesse. But the fourth procreation, in which consisteth our onelie iustification (he meaneth the incarnation of Christ) [Page 19] of a woman without man, with sturdie and obstinat rancor to thine vtter destruction thou doost detest. Blush therefore thou vnhappie Iew, be ashamed of this thy follie, and at the least wise haue recourse to nature, and settle hir works before thine eies, that for the increase of faith, and to the lessoning of vs, dailie bréedeth & ingendreth new liuing creatures, without the coupling of mascle or female. Adam was created of earth, the barnacles are ingendred of wood, bicause Adam was once created by him, who 10 is Lord of nature, therefore it is continuallie admi­red. But for that dame nature the counterfeitresse of the celestiall workeman, est soones bréedeth barna­cles, therefore their brood is accompted more mar­uellous than to be maruelled, more woonderfull than woondered. For such is the framing of man his na­ture, as he deemeth nothing pretious or woonderfull, but such things as seldome happen. What may be thought more beautifull than the course of the sunne? And yet bicause we sée it dailie rise and set, we let it 20 ouerslip vs as an vsuall custome, without anie sta­ring or gazing. Yet we are amazed and astonied at the eclipse, bicause it happeneth verie seldome.’ The bées that are ingendred of the honie combe, onlie by a puffe or secret breathing without anie coupling, Bées how they are in­gendered. séeme to vphold this procreation of barnacles. Hi­therto Cambrensis, with whom concerning the in­gendring of bées Iohannes de sancto Geminiano accordeth. Iohan. de S. Gem. in lib. de exempl. & si­mili. rerum li. 4. c. 31, whether the barnacle be fish or flesh. Cambr. lib. 1. topog. dist. 1. [...]ub. 15. Polychr. lib. 1. c. 32.

The inhabitants of Ireland are accustomed to 30 mooue question, whether barnacles be fish or flesh, & as yet they are not fullie resolued; but most vsuallie the religious of streictest abstinence doo eat them on fish daies. Giraldus Cambrensis, and after him Po­lychronicon suppose, that the Irish cleargie in this point straie. For they hold of certeintie that barna­cles are flesh. And if a man saie they had eaten a collop of Adam his leg, he had eaten flesh. And yet Adam was not ingendred of mascle or female, but onelie created of claie, as the barnacles of wood & 40 rotten timber. But the Irish clergie did not so farre straie in their opinion, as Cambrensis & Polychro­nicon, in their disproofe. For the framing of Adam Adam & Eue onelie created by God. August. super Genes. ad lit. lib. 9. c. 18. and Eue was supernaturall onelie doone by God, & not by the helpe of angels or anie other creature. For like as it surpasseth natures course to raise the dead, to lighten or insight the blind, so it stood not with the vsuall & common linage of nature, but onlie with the supereminent power of God, to frame a man of claie, and a woman of a mans rib. But the 50 ingendring of barnacles is naturall, & not so woon­derfull as Cambrensis maketh it. And therefore the examples are not like.

Now it should séeme that in Cambrensis his time, the Irish clergie builded their reason vpon this plot. What soeuer is flesh, is naturallie begotten or in­gendred of flesh; barnacles are not naturallie in­gendred of flesh, but onelie of timber and wood; bar­nacles therfore are not flesh, vnlesse you would haue them to be wooden flesh. And if the reason be so knit it may not be disiointed by Cambrensis his example. 60 As if a man should argue thus. She that is begotten of anie man, must be of force daughter to that man; Melcha was begotten of Aran; Ergo Melcha was A­rans Genes 11. verse 29. daughter. This argument is of all parts so for­tified, as it séemeth of all sides to be impregnable. Yet a busie braine sophister cauilling on the terme (begotten) might saie, that Eue was begotten of A­dam, and yet she is not Adams daughter. True it is Adam & Eua of no kin. Thom. p. 1. q 92. art. 2. ad. 3. [...]. that Adam was not Eues father, no more than Eue was Adams mother, neither by that ingendring was there anie degree of consanguinitie sprong be­twéene them. But bicause the word (begotten) is ta­ken in the argument for the naturall ingendring of man and woman, the instance giuen of Eue dooth not disproue the Maior. And yet for the better vn­derstanding of the question, it is to be noted that the philosophers distinguish Animalia sensitiua, that is, sen­sible Thom. p. 1. q. 91. art. 2. ad 2. m Liuing things are of two sorts. Thom. p. 1. q. 71. 1. 0. 1. m. Auicenna. liuing things, in two sorts, perfect and vnper­fect. The perfect are they that are ingendred of seed, the vnperfect without seed. Those that are naturallie ingendred with séed, can neuer be naturallie ingen­dred without séed: albeit Auicenna verie erronious­lie holdeth the contrarie: as for example.

Bicause man is naturallie ingendred of man and woman, no man may naturallie be ingendred with­out the copulation of man and woman: yet super­naturallie it may be. As Adam was made without Gen. 2. vers. 7. Gen. 2. ver. 21. Mat. 1. ver. 10 Luc. 1. vers. 34 man and woman: Eue framed without woman: our sauiour Christ begotten without man. And ther­fore the diuell could not haue attainted him of origi­nall sinne. Contrariwise, the vnperfect may be in­gendred without séed by mire, mud, doong, carien, rotten timber, or anie other thing; and chieflie by the secret influence and instillation of the celestiall pla­nets, Vide Arist. lib. 1. Meteor. ca. 3. 6. 7. as the sunne and such other. As if you put the haire of an horsse taile in mire, puddle, or in a doong­hill for a certeine space, it will turne to a little thin spralling worme, which I haue often séene & experi­mented. And they are termed vnperfect, not in re­spect of their owne nature, in which they are perfect, but in comparison of other sorts of liuing things. Among this crue must barnacles be setled. But here some will saie; Let them be perfect or vnperfect, what then? I would faine know, whether Cambrensis be in an errour, or the Irish clergie. For hitherto I sée nothing, but Cambrensis his reason disprooued. And it is often séene that a sound opinion may be weake­ned by a féeble reason, as we sée manie faire gar­ments mard in the making. It is true: and if anie be desirous to know my mind herein, I suppose, ac­cording The barnacle neither fish nor flesh. to my simple iudgement, vnder the correc­tion of both parties, that the barnacle is neither fish nor flesh, but rather a meane betwéene both. As put the case it were enacted by parlement, that it were high treason to eat flesh on fridaie, and fish on sun­daie. Trulie I thinke that he that eateth barnacles both these daies, should not be within the compasse of the estatute: yet I would not wish my friend to hazard it, least the barnacle should be found in law fish or flesh, yea and perhaps fish and flesh. As when the lion king of beasts made proclamation, that all horned beasts should auoid his court, one beast ha­uing but a bunch of flesh in his forehead departed with the rest, least it had béene found in law that his bunch were an horne.

But some will peraduenture maruell, that there should be anie liuing thing, that were not fish nor flesh. But they haue no such cause at all. Nits, fleshwormes, bees, butterflies, caterpillers, snailes, grassehoppers, beetels, earewikes, reremise, frogs, toads, adders, snakes, & such other, are liuing things, and yet they are neither fish nor flesh, nor yet red her­ring: as they that are trained in scholasticall points may easilie iudge. And so I thinke, that if anie were so sharpe set (the estatute aboue rehearsed, presuppo­sed) as to eat fried flies, butterd bees, stued snailes, either on fridaie or sundaie, he could not be therefore indicted of haulte treason; albeit I would not be his ghest, vnlesse I tooke his table to be furnisht with more wholesome and licorous viands. The like que­stion The sell whe­ther it be fish or flesh. Thom. p. 1. a. 7 [...] a. 1. 0. 3. 0. may be mooued of the sell, and if it were well canuassed, it would be found at the leastwise a moot case. But thus farre of barnacles.

Ireland is stored of cowes, of excellent horsses, of hawkes, of fish and of foule. They are not without woolues & greihounds to hunt them, bigger of bone and lim than a colt. Their cowes as also the rest of [Page 20] their cattell, and commonlie what else soeuer the countrie ingendreth (except man) is much lesse in quantitie than those of England, or of other realms. Shéepe few, and those bearing course fleeses, whereof they spin notable rug. Their shéepe haue short and Shéepe. curt tailes. They shéere their shéepe twise yearelie, and if they be left vnshorne, they are therewith ra­ther pained than otherwise. The countrie is verie fruitfull both of corne and grasse. The grasse (for de­fault of good husbandrie) suffered vncut, groweth so 10 ranke in the north parts, that oftentimes it rotteth their cattell. Egles are well knowen to bréed in I­reland, Egle. but neither so big, nor so manie as bookes tell. The horsses are of pase easie, in running woonder­full The Irish hobbie. swift, in gallop both false and full indifferent. The nag or the hackeneie is verie good for trauel­ling, albeit others report the contrarie. And if he be The nag. broken accordinglie, you shall haue a little tit that will trauell a whole daie without anie bait. Their horsses of seruice are called chiefe horsses, being 20 The chiefe horsse. well broken they are of an excellent courage. They reine passinglie, and champe vpon their bridels brauelie, commonlie they amble not but gallop and run. And these horsses are but for skirmishes, not for trauelling, for their stomachs are such, as they dis­daine to be hacknied. Thereof the report grew, that the Irish hobbie will not hold out in trauelling. You shall haue of the third sort a bastard or mongrell hob­bie, The mongrell hobbie. néere as tall as the horsse of seruice, strong in trauelling, easie in ambling, and verie swift in run­ning. 30 Of the horsse of seruice they make great store, as wherin at times of néed they repose a great péece of safetie. This brood Volaterane writeth to haue Volat. lib. 3. Geog. Asturcones. come from Austurea, the countrie of Hispaine, be­twéene Gallicia and Portugall, whereof they were named Asturcones, a name now properlie applied to the Hispanish genet.

The names of the ciuities, boroughs and hauen townes in Ireland. 40 The third chapter.

DUblin the beautie and eie of Ireland, hath béene named Dublinum. by Ptolome, in ancient time, Eblana. Some terme it Du­blina, others Dublinia, ma­nie write it Dublinum, au­thors of better skill name it 50 Dublinium. The Irish call it, Ballée er Cleagh, that is, a towne planted vp­on hurdels. For the common opinion is, that the plot vpon which the ciuitie is builded, hath béene a marish ground; and for that by the art or inuention of the first founder, the water could not be voided, he was forced to fasten the quakemire with hurdels, and vpon them to build the citie. I heard of some that came of building of houses to this foundation: and other hold opinion that if a cart or waine run 60 with a round and maine pase through a stréet called the high stréet, the houses on ech side shall he percei­ued to shake. This citie was builded, or rather the buildings thereof inlarged, about the yeare of our Dublin builded. Lord 155. For about this time there arriued in I­reland thrée noble Easterlings that were brethren, Auellanus, Sitaracus, and Yuorus. Auellanus be­ing Auellanus the founder of Dublin. the eldest brother builded Dublin, Sitaracus Waterford, and Yuorus Limerike. Of the foun­der Auellanus, Dublin was named Auellana, and after by corruption of speach Eblana. This citie, as Auellana. Eblana. it is not in antiquitie inferiour to anie citie in Ire­land, so in pleasant situation, in gorgious buildings, in the multitude of people, in martiall chiualrie, in obedience and loialtie, in the abundance of wealth, in largenesse of hospitalite, in maners and ciuilitie it is superiour to all other cities and townes in that realme. And therefore it is commonlie called the I­rish or yoong London. The seat of this citie is of all Dublin the Irish Lon­don. The situation of Dublin. sides pleasant, comfortable, and wholesome. If you would trauerse hils, they are not far off. If champi­on ground, it lieth of all parts. If you be delited with fresh water, the famous riuer called the Liffie, na­med The Liffie. of Ptolome Lybnium, runneth fast by. If you will take the view of the sea, it is at hand. The on­lie fault of this citie is, that it is lesse frequented of merchant estrangers, bicause of the bare hauen. Their charter is large, King Henrie the fourth gaue The sword giuen to Du­blin. Shiriffes of Dublin 1547. this citie the sword, in the yeare of our Lord 1409, and was ruled by a maior and two bailiffes, which were changed into shiriffes by a charter granted by Edward the sixt, in the yeare of our Lord 1547. In which yeare Iohn Rians and Robert Ians, two worshipfull gentlemen, were collegues in that of­fice, & thereof they are named the last bailiffes & first shiriffes that haue beene in Dublin. It appeereth by the ancient seale of this citie, called Signum praepositu­rae, Dublin go­uerned by [...] prouest. that this citie hath beene in old time gouerned by a prouost.

The hospitalitie of the maior and the shiriffes for The hospita­litie of the maior and shiriffes. the yeare being, is so large and bountifull, that sooth­lie (London forepriced) verie few such officers vnder the crowne of England kéepe so great a port, none I am sure greater. The maior, ouer the number of officers that take their dailie repast at his table, kee­peth for his yeare in maner open house. And albeit in tearme time his house is frequented as well of the nobilitie as of other potentats of great calling: yet his ordinarie is so good, that a verie few set feasts are prouided for them. They that spend least in their maioraltie (as those of credit, yea and such as bars the office haue informed me) make an ordinarie ac­count of fiue hundred pounds for their viand and di­et that yeare: which is no small summe to be be­stowed in houskéeping, namelie where vittels are so good cheape, and the presents of friends diuerse and sundrie.

There hath beene of late yeares a worshipfull gen­tleman, 1551 Patrike Scarsefield his hospita­litie. named Patrike Scarsefield, that bare the office of the maioraltie in Dublin, who kept so great port in this yeare, as his hospitalitie to his fame and renowme resteth as yet in fresh memorie. One of his especiall and entire friends entring in commu­nication with the gentleman, his yeare being well neere expired, mooued question, to what he thought his expenses all that yeare amounted? Trulie Iames (so his friend was named) quoth maister Scarsefield, I take betwéene me and God, when I entered into mine office, the last saint Hierome his The maior o [...] Dublin when he is sworne. daie (which is the morrow of Michaelmasse, on which daie the maior taketh his oth before the chiefe baron, at the excheker within the castell of Dublin) I had thrée barnes well stored and thwackt with corne, and I assured my selfe, that anie one of these thrée had bene sufficient to haue stored mine house with bread, ale, and béere for this yeare. And now God and good companie be thanked, I stand in doubt, whether I shall rub out my maioraltie with my third barne, which is well nigh with my yeare ended. And yet no­thing smiteth me so much at the heart, as that the knot of good fellowes that you sée here (he ment the sergeants and officers) are readie to flit from me, and make their next yeares abode with the next maior.

And certes I am so much wedded to good fellow­ship, as if I could mainteine mine house to my con­tentation, with defraieng of fiue hundred pounds yearelie; I would make humble sute to the citizens, [Page 21] to be their officer these thrée yeares to come. Ouer this, he did at the same time protest with oth, that he spent that yeare in housekéeping twentie tuns of claret wine, ouer and aboue white wine, sacke, mal­meseie, muscadell, &c. And in verie deed it was not to be maruelled: for during his maioraltie, his house was so open, as commonly from fiue of the clocke in the morning, to ten at night, his butterie and cellars were with one crew or other frequented. To the haunting of which, ghests were the sooner allured, for 10 that you should neuer marke him or his bedfellow (such was their buxomnesse) once frowne or wrin­kle their foreheads, or bend their browes, or glowme their countenances, or make a sowre face at anie ghest, were he neuer so meane. But their intertein­ment was so notable, as they would sauce their bountifull & deintie faire with heartie and amiable chéere. His porter or anie other officer durst not for both his eares giue the simplest man that resorted to his house Tom drum his interteinment, which is, to 20 Tom drum his intertein­ment. hale a man in by the head, and thrust him out by both the shoulders. For he was fullie resolued, that his worship and reputation could not be more distained, than by the currish interteinment of anie ghest. To be briefe (according to the golden verses of the an­cient and famous English poet Geffreie Chaucer:

An housholder, and that a great, was hee,
Chaucer in the prolog of his Can­turburie tales
Saint Iulian he was in his countrie.
His bread, his ale, was alwaie after one,
A better viended man was no where none. 30
Without bakte meat was neuer his house,
Of fish and flesh, and that so plenteouse.
It shewed in his house of meat and drinke,
Of all deinties that men could thinke.
After the sundrie seasons of the yere,
So changed he his meat and his suppere.
Full manie a fat partrich had he in mew,
And manie a breme, and manie a luce in stew.

Some of his friends, that were s [...]udging penie­fathers, would take him vp verie roughlie for his 40 lauishing & his outragious expenses, as they tearme it. Tush my maisters (would he saie) take not the matter so hot: who so commeth to my table, and hath no néed of my meat, I know he commeth for the good will he beareth me; and therefore I am be­holding to thanke him for his companie: if he resort for néed, how maie I bestow my goods better, than in reléening the poore? If you had perceiued me so far behind hand, as that I had bene like to haue brought haddocke to paddocke, I would patientlie permit 50 you, both largelie to controll me, and friendlie to re­proue me. But so long as I cut so large thongs of mine owne leather, as that I am not yet come to my buckle, and during the time I kéepe my selfe so farre aflote, as that I haue as much water as my ship draweth: I praie pardon me to be liberall in spending, sith God of his goodnesse is gratious in sending.

And in déed so it fell out. For at the end of his maioraltie he owght no man a dotkin. What he dis­pended 60 was his owne: and euer after during his life, he kept so woorthie a standing house, as that hée séemed to surrender the princes sword to other ma­iors, and reserued the port & hospitalitie to himselfe. Not long before him was Nicholas Stanihurst their maior, who was so great and good an houshol­der, Nicholas Stanihurst. that during his maioraltie, the lord chancellor of the realme was his dailie and ordinarie ghest. There hath beene of late worshipfull ports kept by maister Fian, who was twise maior, maister Sedgraue, Thomas Fitz Simons, Robert Cusacke, Walter Cusacke, Nicholas Fitz Simons, Iames Bedlow, Christopher Fagan, and diuerse others. And not one­lie The hospita­litis of Dub­lin. their officers so farre excell in hospitalitie, but al­so the greater part of the ciuitie is generallie addic­ted to such ordinarie and standing houses, as it would make a man muse which waie they are able to beare it out, but onelie by the goodnesse of God, which is the vpholder and furtherer of hospitalitie. What should I here speake of their charitable almes, dailie and hourelie extended to the néedie? The poore prisoners both of the Newgate and the castell, with three or foure hospitals, are chieflie, if not onelie, relieued by the citizens.

Furthermore, there are so manie other extraor­dinarie beggers that dailie swarme there, so chari­tablie succored, as that they make the whole ciuitie in effect their hospitall. The great expenses of the citi­zens maie probablie be gathered by the woorthie and fairlike markets, weeklie on wednesdaie and fridaie kept in Dublin. Their shambles is so well stored with meat, and their market with corne, as not onelie in The shambles and markets at Dublin. Ireland, but also in other countries you shall not sée anie one shambles, or anie one market better furni­shed with the one or the other, than Dublin is. The citizens haue from time to time in sundrie conflicts so galled the Irish, that euen to this daie, the Irish feare a ragged and fagged blacke standard that the The blacke standard. citizens haue, almost through tract of time worne to the hard stumps. This standard they carrie with them in hostings, being neuer displaied but when they are readie to enter into battell, and come to the shocke. The sight of which danteth the Irish aboue measure.

And for the better training of their youth in mar­tiall The musters of Dublin. exploits, the citizens vse to muster foure times by the yeare: on Blacke mondaie, which is the mor­row of Easterdaie, on Maiedaie, saint Iohn Bap­tist his eeue, and saint Peter his eeue. Whereof two are ascribed to the maior & shiriffes: the other two, to wit, the musters on Maie daie and saint Peter his éeue, are assigned to the maior and shiriffes of the Bull ring. The maior of the Bull ring is an office e­lected The maior of the Bull ring by the citizens, to be as it were capteine or gar­dian of the batchelers and the vnwedded youth of the ciuitie. And for the yeare he hath authoritie to chastise and punish such as frequent brothelhouses, and the like vnchast places. He is tearmed the maior of the Bull ring, of an iron ring that sticketh in the corne­market, to which the bulles that are yearelie bated be vsuallie tied: which ring is had by him and his companie in so great price, as if anie citizen batchel­ler hap to marrie, the maior of the Bull ring and his crue conduct the bridegroome vpon his returne from church, to the market place, and there with a solemne kisse for his Vltimum vale, he dooth homage vnto the Bull ring.

The Blacke mondaie muster sproong of this oc­casion. The blacke mondaie. Soone after Ireland was conquered by the Britons, & the greater part of Leinster pacified, di­uerse townesmen of Bristow flitted from thense to Dublin inha­bited by the Bristollians. This was a­bout the yeare of our Lord 1209. Dublin, and in short space the ciuitie was by them so well inhabited, as it grew to bée verie populous. Wherevpon the citizens hauing ouer great affiance in the multitude of the people, and so consequentlie being somewhat retchlesse in héeding the mounteine enimie that lurked vnder their noses, were woont to rome and roile in clusters, sometime thrée or foure miles from the towne. The Irish enimie spieng that the citizens were accustomed to fetch such od vaga­ries, especiallie on the holie daies, & hauing an ink­ling withall by some false clatterfert or other, that a companie of them would haue ranged abrode, on mondaie in the Easter weeke towards the wood of Cullen, which is distant two miles from Dublin, they laie in staie verie well appointed, and laid in sun­drie places for their comming. The citizens rather minding the pleasure they should presentlie inioy, [Page 22] than forecasting the hurt that might insue, flockt vn­armed out of the ciuitie to the wood, where being in­tercepted by them that laie hoouing in ambush, they were to the number of fiue hundred miserablie slaine. Wherevpon the remnant of the citizens dee­ming that vnluckie time to be a crosse or a dismall daie, gaue it the appellation of Blacke mondaie.

The citie soone after being peopled by a fresh sup­plie of Bristollians, to dare the Irish enimie, agréed to banket yearelie in that place, which to this daie is 10 obserued. For the maior and the shiriffs with the citi­zens repaire to the wood of Cullen, in which place the maior bestoweth a costlie dinner within a mote or a rundell, and both the shiriffs within another: where they are so well garded with the youth of the ciuitie, as the mounteine enimie dareth not attempt to snatch as much as a pastie crust from thense. Dublin hath at this daie within the citie and in the suburbs these churches that insue, of which the greater num­ber The churches of Dublin. are parioch churches, onelie Christs church with a 20 few oratories and chappels excepted. Christs church, otherwise named Ecclesia sanctaetrinitatis, a cathedrall Christs church. church, the ancientest that I can find recorded of all the churches now standing in Dublin. I take it to haue beene builded, if not in Auellanus his time, yet soone after by the Danes. The building of which was both repared & inlarged by Critius prince of Dub­lin, at the earnest request of Donat the bishop, and soone after the conquest it hath béene much beautified by Robert Fitz Stephans and Strangbow the erle 30 of Penbroke, who with his sonne is in the bodie of the church intoomed. The chappell that standeth in the chore, commonlie called the new chappell, was buil­ded by Gerald Fitz Thomas earle of Kildare, in the yeare of our Lord 1510, where he is intoomed.

Saint Patrikes church, a cathedrall church, in­dued with notable liuings, and diuerse fat benefi­ces. It hath a chappell at the north doore which is cal­led the paroch church. This church was founded by the famous and woorthie prelate Iohn Commin, a­bout 40 the yeare of our Lord 1197. This foundation The contro­uersie be­tweene Christ church and saint Patriks church. was greatlie aduanced by the liberalitie of king Iohn. There hath risen a great contention betwixt this church and Christes church for antiquitie, where­in doubtlesse S. Patrike his church ought to giue place, vnlesse they haue further matter to shew, and better reasons to build vpon than their foundations, in which this church by manie yeares is inferror to the other. Saint Nicholas, Saint Michaell, Saint Uerberesse, or Saint Uarburgh, so called of a Chef­shire 50 virgine. The citizens of Chester founded this church, with two chappels thereto annexed; the one called our ladies chappell, the other S. Martins chap­pell. Hir feast is kept the third of Februarie. This church with a great part of the citie was burned in the yeare 1301: but againe by the parochians reedified. Saint Iohn the euangelist, Saint Au­deon, which is corruptlie called Saint Ouen, or Owen. His feast is solemnized the fourtéenth of August. The paroch of this church is accounted the 60 best in Dublin, for that the greater number of the aldermen and the worships of the citie are demur­rant within that paroch.

Saint Tullocke now prophaned. In this church in old time, the familie of the Fitz Simons was for Fitz Si­mons. the more part buried. The paroch was meared from the Crane castell, to the fish shambles, called the Cockhill, with Preston his innes, & the lane thereto adioining, which scope is now vnited to Saint Iohn his paroch. S. Katharine, S. Michan or Mighan, S. Iames his faire. Saint Iames; his feast is celebrated the fiue and twentith of Iulie, on which daie in ancient time was there a woorthie faire kept at Dublin, continuing sir daies, vnto which resorted diuers merchants, as well from England, as from France and F [...] ­ders. And they afforded their wares so dogcheape, in respect of the citie merchants, that the countrie was yeare by yeare sufficientlie stored by strangers: and the citie merchants not vttering their wares, but to such as had not readie chinkes, and there vpon forced to run on the score, were verie much impoue­rished. Wherefore partlie thorough the canuasing of the towne merchants, and partlie by the winking of the rest of the citizens, being woon vpon manie gaie glosed promises, by plaieng b [...]péepe to beare themselues ouerlie in the matter, that famous mart was supprest, and all forren saile wholie abandoned. Yet for a memoriall of this notable faire, a few cot­tages, booths, and alepoles are pitched at Saint Iames his gate. Saint Michaell of Poules, aliâs Paules, Saint Brigide, Saint Keuin, Saint Pe­ter Demonte, or vpon the hill, appendant to Saint Patrikes church. Saint Stephan; this was erec­ted for an hospitall for poore, lame, and impotent la­zers, where they abide to this daie, although not in such chast and sincere wise, as the founders will was vpon the erection thereof. The maior with his bre­thren on Saint Stephan his daie (which is one of their station daies) repaireth thither, and there dooth offer. Saint Andrew now prophaned.

Both the gates neere the White friers, Saint Ke­uen The [...] of the gates of the citie and suburbs of Dublin. his gate, Hogs gate, Dammes gate, Poule gate, aliâs Paules gate, Newgate, a goale or pri­son, Wine tauerne gate, Saint Audeon his gate, hard by the church going downe towards the Corke­stréet. The reason why this gate, and the Wine ta­uerne gate were builded, procéeded of this. In the yeare 1315, Edward Bruise a Scot, & brother to Robert Bruise king of Scots arriued in the north of Ireland. From whence he marched on forwards with his armie, vntill he came as far as Castle­knocke. The citizens of Dublin being sore amazed at the sudden & Scarborough approch of so puissant an enimie, burned all the houses in Saint Thomas his stréet, least he should vpon his repaire to Dub­lin haue ante succour in the suburbs. The maior (named Robert Notingham) and communaltie be­ing in this distresse, razed downe an abbete of the frier preachers, called Saint Sauiour his monaste­rie, and brought the stones thereof to these places, where the gates now stand; and all along that waie did cast a wall for the better fortifieng of the cruitie, mistrusting that the wals that went along both the keies, should not haue béene of sufficient force to outhold the enimie. The Scots hauing intelligence of the fortifieng of Dublin, and reckoning it a folie to laie siege to so impregnable a ciuitie, marched to­ward a place not far from Dublin, called the Sal­mon leape, where pitching their tents for foure daies, they remooued towards the Naas. But [...]ert the ciuitie was past this danger, king Edward the second gaue strict commandement to the citizens to build the abbeie they razed; saieng, that although lawes were squarted in warre, yet notwithstanding they ought to be reuiued in peace. Gurmund his gate, hard by the Cucull, or Coockolds post. Some suppose, that one Gurmundus builded this gate, and thereof to take the name. Others iudge, that the Irish assaulting the ciuitie, were discomfited by the earle of Ormond, then by good hap soiourning at Dublin. And because he issued out at that gate, to the end the valiant exploit and famous conquest of so woorthie a potentate should be ingrailed in per­petuall memorie, the gate bare the name of Or­mond his gate. The bridge gate, Saint Nicholas his gate, Saint Patrike his gate, Bungan his gate, the Newstreet gate, Saint Thomas his gate, Saint Iames his gate.

[Page 23] The Dam [...]es stréet, the Castle street, stretching to the pillorie, Saint Uerberosses stréet, Saint Iohn The names of the stréets, bridge [...], lanes and other no­torious places in Dublin. his stréet, aliâs fish shamble street, Skinners rew rea­ching from the pillorie to the tolehall, or to the high crosse. The High street bearing to the high pipe. This pipe was builded in the yeare 1308, by a Iohn Decer. woorthis citizen named Iohn Decer, being then maior of Dublin. He builded not long before that time the bridge hard by Saint Woolstans, that rea­cheth ouer the Liffie. The Newgate stréet, from 10 the Newgate to Saint Audoen his church. Saint Nicholas his stréet, the Wine tauerne street, the Cooke street, the Bridge stréet. This stréet with the greater part of the keie was burnt in the yeare 1304. The Woodkeie, the Merchant keie, Osmon­towne, so called of certeine Easterlings or Nor­mans, properlie the Danes that were called Ost­manni, Ostmanni. They planted themselues hard by the wa­ter side neere Dublin, and discomfited at Clontarfe in a skirmish diuerse of the Irish. The names of 20 the Irish capteins slaine were Brian Borrough, 1050 Miagh macke Bren, Tadie Okellie, Dolin Ahertegan, Gille Barramede. These were I­rish potentates, and before their discomfiture they ruled the rost. They were interred at Kilmai­nanne ouer against the great crosse. There arriued a fresh supplie of Easterlings at Dublin in the yeare 1095. and setled themselues on the other side of the ciuitie, which of them to this daie is called Ost­mantowne, 1095 Ostman­towne, why so called. that is, the towne of the Ostmannes, 30 whereof there ariseth great likelihood to haue béene a separat towne from the citie, being parted from Dublin by the Liffie, as Southworke is seuered from London by Thames. Saint Thomas his street; this street was burnt by mishap in the yeare 1343. The New buildings, the New stréet, Saint Francis his stréet, the Kowme, Saint Patrike his street, the backeside of Saint Sepulchres, Saint Ke­uen his street, the Poule, or Paulmilstréet, Saint Brigids stréet, the Shéepe street, aliâs the Ship stréet. 40 For diuerse are of opinion, that the sea had passage that waie, and thereof to be called the Ship stréet.

This as it séemesh not wholie impossible, con­sidering that the sea floweth and ebbeth hard by it: so it carieth a more colour of truth with it, because there haue béene found there certeine iron rings fastned to the towne wall, to hold and graple botes withall. Saint Uerberosses lane, vp to Saint Nicholas his stréet, now inclose [...], Saint Michaell his lane, be­ginning The lanes. at Saint Michaell his pipe, Christchurch 50 lane, Saint Iohn his lane, Ram lane, aliâs the Schoolehouse lane, Saint Audoen his lane, Kesers lane. This lane is stéepe & slipperie, in which other­ [...]iles, they that make more hast, than good spéed, clinke their bums to the stones. And therefore the ruder sort, whether it be through corruption of spéech, or for that they giue it a nickename, commonlie terme it, not so homelie, as trulie, Kisse arsse lane. Rochell lane, aliâs Backelane, on the southside of the flesh shambles, the Cookestréet lane, Frapper lane, 60 Giglottes hill, Marie lane, Saint Tullocke his lane, Scarlet lane, aliâs Isouds lane, Saint Pul­chers lane, Saint Kenin his lane, the White friers lane, Saint Stephan his lane, Hogs lane, the Sea lane, Saint George his lane, where in old time were builded diuerse old and ancient monuments. And as an insearcher of antiquities may (by the view there to be taken) coniecture, the better part of the suburbs of Dublin should séeme to haue stret­ched that waie. But the inhabitants being dailie and hourelie molested and preided by their prolling mounteine neighbors, were forced to suffer their buildings fall in decaie, and embaied themselues wi [...] in the citie wals.

Among other monuments, there is a place in The old Es­cacar. that lane called now Collets innes, which in old time was the Escacar or E [...]cheker. Which should implie that the princes court would not haue béene kept there, vnlesse the place had béene taken to be cocksure. But in fine it fell out contrarie. For the baron sitting there solemnlie, and as it seemed, retch­les [...]ie: the Irish espieng the oportunitie, rushed into the court in plumps, where surprising the vnweapo­ned multitude, they committed horrible slaughters by sparing none that came vnder their dint; and with­all, as far as their Scarborough leasure could serue them, they ransacke the prince his the saure, vpon which mishap the excheker was from thense remoo­ued. S. George his chappell. There hath beene also in that lane a chappell de­dicated to saint George, likelie to haue béene foun­ded by some worthie knight of the garter. The mai­or with his brethren was accustomed with great tri­umphs and pageants yéerelie on saint George his feast to repaire to that chappell, and there to offer. This chappell hath beene of late razed, and the stones therof by consent of the assemblie turned to a com­mon ouen, conuerting the ancient monument of a doutie, aduenturous, and holie knight, to the cole­rake The bridges. swéeping of a pufloafe baker. The great bridge going to Ostmantowne, saint Nicholas his bridge, the Poule gate bridge, repared by Nicholas Stani­hurst about the yeere one thousand fiue hundred for­tie 1544. & foure, the Castell bridge, S. Iames his bridge.

The castell of Dublin was builded by Henrie The castell. Loundres (sometime archbishop of Dublin, and lord iustice of Ireland) about the yéere of our Lord one thousand two hundred and twentie. This castell 1220. hath beside the gate house foure goodlie and substan­tiall towers, of which one of them is named Ber­mingham Bermingham his tower. his tower, whether it were that one of the Berminghams did inlarge the building thereof, or else that he was long in duresse in that tower. This 1566. castell hath béene of late much beautified with sun­drie and gorgious buildings in the time of sir Hen­rie Sidneie, sometimes lord deputie of Ireland. In the commendation of which buildings an especi­all welwiller of his lordships penned these verses:

Gesta libri referunt multorum clara virorum,
Laudis & in chartis stigmata fixa manent.
Verùm Sidnaei laudes haec saxa loquuntur,
Nec iacet in solis gloria tanta libris.
Si libri pereant, homines remanere valebunt,
Si pereant homines, ligna manere queunt.
Lig náque si pereant, non ergò saxa peribunt,
Saxáque si pereant tempore, tempus erit.
Si pereat tempus, minimè consumitur aeuum,
Quod cum principio, sed sine fine manet.
Dum libri florent, homines dum viuere possunt,
Dum quoque cum lignis saxa manere valent,
Dum remanet tempus, dum denique permanet [...]uum,
Laus tua, Sidnaei, digna perire nequit.

There standeth neere the castell ouer against a void roome called Preston his [...]nnes, a tower named Isouds tower. It tooke the name of la Beale Isoud, Isouds to­wer. daughter to Anguish king of Ireland. It séemeth to haue béene a castle of pleasure for the kings to recre­at themselues therein. Which was not vnlike, con­sidering that a meaner tower might serue such single soule kings as were at those daies in Ireland. There is a village hard by Dublin, called of the said la Chappell Isoud. Beale, chappell Isoud.

Saint Pulchers, the archbishop of Dublin his Saint Pulchers. house, as well pleasantlie sited, as gorgeouslie buil­ded. Some hold opinion, that the beautifuller part of this house was of set purpose fired by an archbishop, to the end the gouernors (which for the more part laie there) should not haue so goodliking to the house: not far disagréeing from the policie that I heard a noble [Page 24] man tell he vsed, who hauing a surpassing good horse, and such a one as ouer ran in a set race other choise horses, did bobtaile him vpon his returne to the sta­ble, least anie of his fréends casting a fantasie to the beast, should craue him. The noble man being so bountifullie giuen, as that of liberalitie he could not, & of discretion he would séeme to giue his fréend the repulse in a more weightie request than that were.

Saint Stephans gréene, Hegging gréene, the 10 The names of the fields adioining to Dublin. Scald­brother. Steine, Ostmantowne gréene. In the further end of this field is there a hole commonlie termed Scald brothers hole, a labyrinth reaching two large miles vnder the earth. This hole was in old time frequen­ted by a notorious théefe named Scaldbrother, wherein he would hide all the bag and baggage that he could pilfer. The varlet was so swift on foot, as he hath estsoones outrun the swiffest and lustiest yoong men in all Ostmantowne, maugre their heads, bea­ring a pot or a pan of theirs on his shoulders to his 20 den. And now and then, in derision of such as pur­sued him, he would take his course vnder the gal­lows, which standeth verie nigh his caue (a fit signe for such an inne) and so being shrowded within his lodge, he reckoned himselfe cocksure, none being found at that time so hardie as would aduenture to intangle himselfe within so intricat a maze. But as the pitcher that goeth often to the water, commeth at length home broken: so this lustie youth would not surcease from open catching, forcible snatching, and 30 priuie prolling, till time he was by certeine gaping groomes that laie in wait for him, intercepted, flée­ing toward his couch, hauing vpon his apprehension no more wrong doone him, than that he was not soo­ner hanged on that gallowes, through which in his Scaldbrother executed. youth and iolitie he was woont to run. There stan­deth in Ostmantowne gréene an hillocke, named little Iohn his shot. The occasion proceeded of this. Litle Iohn.

In the yéere one thousand one hundred foure score 1189. and nine, there ranged three robbers and outlaws in 40 England, among which Robert Hood and little Iohn were cheefeteins, of all theeues doubtlesse the most courteous. Robert Hood being betraied at a nunrie in Scotland called Bricklies, the remnant of the Robert Hood. crue was scattered, and euerie man forced to shift for himselfe. Wherevpon little Iohn was faine to flée the realme by sailing into Ireland, where he so­iornied for a few daies at Dublin. The citizens be­ing doone to vnderstand the wandering outcast to be an excellent archer, requested him hartilie to trie 50 how far he could shoot at randon: who yéelding to their behest, stood on the bridge of Dublin, and shot to that mole hill, leauing behind him a monument, ra­ther by his posteritie to be woondered, than possiblie by anie man liuing to be counterscored. But as the repaire of so notorious a champion to anie countrie would soone be published, so his abode could not be long concealed: and therefore to eschew the danger of lawes, he fled into Scotland, where he died at a towne or village called Morauie. Gerardus Mer­ [...]ator 60 Little Iohn deceased. in his cosmographie affirmeth, that in the same towne the bones of an huge and mightie man are kept, which was called little Iohn, among which bones, the hucklebone or hipbone was of such large­nesse, as witnesseth Hector Boetius, that he thrust his arme through the hole thereof. And the same bone being suted to the other parts of his bodie, did argue the man to haue béene fourteene foot long, which was a pretie length for a little Iohn. Whereby appeereth that he was called little Iohn ironicallie, like as we terme him an honest man whom we take for a knaue in graine.

Neere to the citie of Dublin are the foure ancient manors annexed to the crowne, which are named The king his land. to this daie, the Kings land; to wit, Newcastell, Massaggard, Eschire, and Crumlin. The manor of Crumlin▪ Crumlm paieth a greater chéefe rent to the prince than anie of the other thrée, which procéeded of this. The seneschall being offended with the tenants for their misdemeanor, tooke them vp verie sharplie in the court, and with rough and minatorie spéeches be­gan to menace them. The lobbish and desperat clob­beriousnesse, taking the matter in dudgeon, made no more words, but knockt their seneschall on the co­stard, and left him there spralling on the ground for dead. For which detestable murther their rent was inhansed, and they paie at this daie nine pence an acre, which is double to anie of the other thrée ma­nors.

Waterford was founded by Sitaracus (as is Waterford. aforesaid) in the yeere one hundred fiftie and fiue. Ptolome nameth it Manapia, but whie he appropria­teth Manapia▪ that name to this citie, neither dooth he declare, nor I ghesse. This citie is properlie builded, and verie well compact, somewhat close by reason of their thicke buildings and narrow stréets. The hauen is passing good, by which the citizens through the inter­course of forren traffike in short space atteine to a­bundance of wealth. The soile about it is not all of the best, by reason of which the aire is not verie sub­till, yea nathelesse the sharpnesse of their wittes sée­meth to be nothing rebated or duld by reason of the grossenesse of the aire. For in good sooth the townes­men, and namelie students are pregnant in concei­uing, quicke in taking, and sure in kéeping. The citizens are verie héedie and warie in all their pub­like affaires, slow in the determining of matters of weight, louing to looke yer they leape. In choosing their magistrate, they respect not onlie his riches, but also they weigh his experience. And therefore they elect for their maior neither a rich man that is yoong, nor an old man that is poore. They are chéerfull in the interteinment of strangers, hartle one to another, nothing giuen to factions. They loue no idle bench­whistlers, nor luskish faitors: for yoong and old are wholie addicted to thriuing, the men commonlie to traffike, the women to spinning and carding. As they distill the best Aqua vitae, so they spin the choisest rug in Ireland. A fréend of mine being of late de­murrant in London, and the weather by reason of an hard hoare frost being somwhat nipping, repaired to Paris garden, clad in one of these Waterford rugs. The mastifs had no sooner espied him, but dée­ming he had béene a beare, would faine haue baited him. And were it not that the dogs were partlie muz­led, and partlie chained, he doubted not, but that he should haue béene well tugd in this Irish rug; where­vpon he solemnlie vowed neuer to see beare baiting in anie such wéed. The citie of Waterford hath con­tinued to the crowne of England so loiall, that it is not found registred since the conquest to haue béene distained with the smallest spot, or dusked with the least freckle of treason; notwithstanding the sundrie assaults of traitorous attempts: and therefore the ci­ties armes are deckt with this golden word, Intacta The posie of Waterford. manet: a posie as well to be hartilie followed, as greatlie admired of all true and loiall townes.

Limerike called in Latine Limericum was buil­ded Limerike. by Yuorus, as is before mentioned, about the yéere one hundred fiftie and fiue. This citie coasteth Sennan the riuer of Li­merike. on the sea hard vpon the riuer Sennan, whereby are most notablie seuered Mounster and Connaght: the Irish name this citie Loumneagh, and thereof in English it is named Limerike. The towne is Limerike whie so called. planted in an Iland, which plot in old time, before the building of the citie was stored with grasse. During which time it happened, that one of the Irish po­tentates, raising warre against another of his peers, [Page 25] incamped in that Ile, hauing so great a troope of horssemen, as the horsses eate vp the grasse in foure and twentie houres. Wherevpon for the notorious number of horses, the place is called Loum ne augh; that is, the horse bare, or a place made bare or eaten vp by horses. The verie maine sea is thrée score miles distant from the towne, and yet the riuer is so nauigable, as a ship of two hundred tuns may saile to the keie of the citie. The riuer is termed in Irish Shaune amne, that is, the old riuer; for shaune is 10 old, & amne is a riuer, deducted of the Latine word Amnis. The building of Limerike is sumptuous and substantiall.

Corke, in Latine Coracium, or Corracium, the fourth citie of Ireland happilie planted on the sea. Their ha­uen Corke. is an hauen roiall. On the land side they are in­combred with euill neighbors, the Irish outlaws, that they are faine to watch their gates hourlie, to kéepe them shut at seruice times, at meales from sun to sun, nor suffer anie stranger to enter the citie with 20 his weapon, but the same to leaue at a lodge appoin­ted. They walke out at seasons for recreation with power of men furnished. They trust not the coun­trie adioining, but match in wedlocke among them­selues onelie, so that the whole citie is welnigh lin­ked one to the other in affinitie. Drogheda, accoun­ted the best towne in Ireland, and trulie not far be­hind Drogheda. some of their cities. The one moitie of this towne is in Meth, the other planted on the further side of the water lieth in Ulster. There runneth a blind prophesie on this towne, that Rosse was, Du­blin 30 is, Drogheda shall be the best of the three.

Rosse, an hauen towne in Mounster not far from Waterford, which séemeth to haue béene in ancient Rosse. time a towne of great port. Whereof sundrie & pro­bable coniectures are giuen, as well by the old dit­ches that are now a mile distant from the wals of Rosse, betweene which wals and ditches the reliks of the ancient wals, gates, and towers, placed be­tweene both are yet to be seene. The towne is buil­ded 40 in a barren soile, and planted among a crue of naughtie and prolling neighbours. And in old time when it florished, albeit the towne were sufficientlie peopled, yet as long as it was not compassed with wals, they were formed with watch & ward, to keepe it from the gréedie snatching of the Irish enimies. With whome as they were generallie molested, so the priuat cousening of one pezzant on a sudden, in­censed them to inuiron their towne with strong and substantiall wals. There repaired one of the Irish to 50 this towne on horssebacke, & espieng a peece of cloth on a merchants stall, tooke hold thereof, and bet the cloth to the lowest price he could. As the merchant and he stood dodging one with the other in cheaping the ware, the horsseman considering that he was well mounted, and that the merchant and he had growne to a price, made wise as though he would haue drawne to his purse, to haue defraied the mo­nie. The cloth in the meane while being tucked vp and placed before him, he gaue the spur to his horsse 60 and ran awaie with the cloth, being not imbard from his posting pase, by reason the towne was not per­closed either with ditch or wall. The townesmen be­ing piched at the heart, that one rascall in such scornefull wise should giue them the slampaine, not so much weieng the slendernesse of the losse, as the shamefulnesse of the foile, they put their heads togi­ther, consulting how to preuent either the sudden ru­shing, or the post hast flieng of anie such aduenturous rakeheil hereafter.

In which consultation a famous Dido, a chast wi­dow, Ro [...]e, of Rosse. a politike dame, a bountifull gentlewoman, called Rose, who representing in sinceritie of life the swéetnesse of that hearbe whose name she bare, vn­folded the deuise, how anie such future mischance should be preuented: and withall opened hir coffers liberallie, to haue it furthered: two good properties in a councellor. Hir deuise was, that the towne should incontinentlie be inclosed with wals, & there­withall promised to discharge the charges, so that they would not sticke to find out labourers. The de­uise of this worthie matrone being wise, and the of­fer liberall, the townesmen agreed to follow the one, and to put their helping hands to the atchiuing of the other. The worke was begun, which thorough the multitude of hands séemed light. For the whole towne was assembled, tag and rag, cut and long taile: none exempted, but such as were bedred and impotent. Some were tasked to delue, others ap­pointed with mattocks to dig, diuerse allotted to the vnheaping of rubbish, manie bestowed to the ca­riage of stones, sundrie occupied in tempering of morter, the better sort busied in ouerséeing the work­men, ech one according to his vocation imploied, as though the ciuitie of Carthage were afresh in buil­ding, as it is featlie verified by the golden poet Vir­gil, and neatlie Englished by master doctor Phaer.

The Moores with courage went to worke, some vnder burdens grones:
Some at the wals and towrs with hands were tumbling vp the stones.
Some measurd out a place to build their mansion house within:
Some lawes and officers to make in parlment did begin.
An other had an hauen cast, and deepe they trench the ground,
Some other for the games and plaies a statelie place had found.
And pillers great they cut for kings, to garnish foorth their wals.
And like as bees among the flours, when fresh the summer fals,
In shine of sunne applie their worke, when growne is vp their yoong:
Or when their hiues they gin to stop, and honie sweet is sproong,
That all their caues and cellars close with dulcet liquor fils,
Some doo outlade, some other bring the stuffe with readie wils.
Sometime they ioine, and all at once doo from their mangers fet
The slothfull drones, that would consume, and nought would doo to get.
The worke it heats, the honie smels of flours and thime ywet.

But to returne from Dido of Carthage, to Rose of Rosse, and hir worke. The labourers were so ma­nie, the worke, by reason of round and excheker pai­ment, so well applied, the quarrie of faire marble so néere at hand (for they affirme, that out of the tren­ches and ditches hard by their rampiers, the stones were had: and all that plot is so stonie, that the foun­dation is an hard rocke) that these wals with diuerse braue turrets were suddenlie mounted, and in man­ner sooner finished, than to the Irish enimies noti­fied: which I wisse was no small corsie to them. These wals in circuit are equall to London wals. It hath three gorgeous gates, Bishop his gate, on the east side: Algate, on the east southeast side: and South­gate, on the south part. This towne was no more fa­moused for these wals, than for a notable woodden bridge that stretched from the towne vnto the other side of the water, which must haue béene by reasona­ble surueie twelue score, if not more. Diuerse of the poales, logs, and stakes, with which the bridge was vnderpropt, sticke to this daie in the water. A man [Page 26] would hére suppose, that so flourishing a towne, so firmelie builded, so substantiallie walied, so well peo­pled, so plentiouslie with thrifstie artificers stored, would not haue fallen to anie sudden decaie.

But as the secret and deepe iudgements of God [...]. are veiled within the couerture of his diuine maie­st [...], so it standeth not with the dulnesse of man his wit, to beat his braines in the curious insearching of hidden mysteries. Wherefore I, as an historian vndertaking in this treatise, rather plainelie to de­clare 10 what was doone, than rashlie to inquire why it should be doone: purpose, by God his assistance, to accomplish, as neere as I can, my dutie in the one, leauing the other to the friuolous deciding of busie heads. This Rose, who was the foundresse of these former rehearsed wals, had issue thrée sonnes (how­beit some hold opinion, that they were but hir ne­phues) who being bolstered out thorough the wealth of their moother, and supported by their traffike, made diuerse prosperous voiages into forren countries. 20 But as one of the thrée chapmen was imploied in his traffike abroad, so the prettie peplet his wife be­gan to be a fresh occupieng giglot at home, and by re­port fell so farre acquainted with a religious cloiste­rer of the towne, as that he gat within the lining of hir smocke. Both the parties wallowing ouer­long in the stinking puddle of adulterie, suspicion be­gan to créepe in some townesmens brains: and to b [...] briefe, it came so farre. thorough the iust iudge­ment of God, to light, whether it were that she was 30 with child in hir husband his absence, or that hir lo­uer vsed hir fondlie in open presence, as the presump­tion was not onelie vehement, but also the fact too apparent: hir vnfortunat husband had no sooner no­tice giuen him vpon his returne of these sorowfull newes, than his fingers began to nibble, his teeth to grin, his eies to trickle, his eares to dindle, his head to dazell, insomuch as his heart being scared with gelousie, and his wits installed thorough phrensie, he The pangs o [...] gelousie. became as mad as a March hare. 40

But how heauilie soeuer hir husband tooke it, dame Rose and all hir friends (which were in effect all the townesmen, for that she was their common benefactresse) were galled at their hearts, as well to heare of the enormious adulterie, as to sée the bed­lem pangs of brainsicke gelousie. Wherevpon di­uerse of the townesmen grunting and grudging at the matter, said that the fact was horrible, and that it were a deed of charitie vtterlie to grub awaie such wild shrubs from the towne: and if this were in a­nie 50 dispunishable wise raked vp in the ashes, they should no sooner trauerse the seas, than some other would inkindle the like fire afresh, and so conse­quentlie dishonest their wiues, and make their hus­bands to become changelings, as being turned from sober mood to be hornewood, because rutting wiues make often rammish husbands, as our prouerb dooth inferre. Others soothing their fellowes in these muti­nies turned the priuat iniurie vnto a publike quar­rell, and a number of the townesmen conspiring 60 togither flocked in the dead of the night, well ap­pointed, to the abbeie, wherein the frier was cloi­stered (the monument of which abbeie is yet to be séene at Rosse on the south side) where vnderspar­ring the gates, and bearing vp the dormitorie doore, they stabbed the adulterer with the rest of the co­uent thorough with their weapons. Where they left them goaring in their bloud, roaring in their cab­bins▪ and gasping vp their flitting ghosts in their couches.

The vprore was great, and they to whome the slaughter before hand was not imparted, were won­derfullie the reat astonied. But in especiall the rem­nant of the cleargie bare verie hollow hearts to the townesmen; and how freendlie their outward coun­tenances were, yet they would not with inward thought forget nor forgiue so horrible a murther, but were fullie resolued, whensoeuer oportunitie ser­ued them, to sit in their skirts, by making them soulfe as sorowfull a kyrie. These thrée brethren not long after this bloudie exploit, sped them into some out­landish countrie to continue their trade. The religi­ous men being doone to vnderstand, as it seemed, by some of their neighbors, which foresailed them home­ward, that these thrée brethren were readie to be im­barked, slunkt priuilie out of the towne, and resor­ted to the mouth of the hauen, néere a castell, named Hulke tower, which is a notable marke for pilots, in Hulke tower. directing them which waie to sterne their ships, and to eschew the danger of the craggie rocks there on euerie side of the shore peking. Some iudge that the said Rose was foundresse of this tower, and of pur­pose did build it for the safetie of hir children, but at length it turned to their bane. For these reuengers nightlie did not misse to laie a lanterne on the top of the rocks, that were on the other side of the water. Which practise was not long by them continued, when these three passengers bering saile with a lustie gale of wind, made right vpon the lanterne, not doubting, but it had béene the Hulke tower. But they tooke their marke so farre amisse, as they were not ware, till time their ship was dasht and pasht a­gainst the rocks, and all the passengers ouerwhirled in the sea.

This heauie hap was not so sorowfull vnto the townesmen, as it was gladsome to the religious, thinking that they had in part cried them acquit­tance, the more that they, which were drowned, were the archbrochers of their brethrens bloud. Howbeit they would not crie hoa here, but sent in post some of their couent to Rome, where they inhansed the slaughter of the fraternitie so heinouslie, and concea­led their owne prankes so couertlie, as the pope ex­commenged the towne, the towne accurssed the fri­ers: so that there was such curssing and banning of all hands, and such dissentious hurlie burlie raised betwéene themselues, as the estate of that flourish­ing towne was turned arsie versie, topside the other­waie, and from abundance of prosperitie quite ex­changed to extreame penurie.

The wals stand to this daie, a few streets and hou­ses The present estate of Rosse in the towne, no small parcell thereof is turned to orchards and gardens. The greater part of the towne is stéepe and steaming vpward. Their church is called Christs church, in the north side whereof is placed a monument called the king of Denmarke his toome: whereby coniecture may rise, that the Danes were founders of that church. This Rosse New Rosse, old Rosse. is called Rosse Noua, or Rosse Ponti, by reason of their bridge. That which they call old Rosse, beareth east thrée miles from this Rosse, into the countrie of Weisford, an ancient manour of the earle of Kil­dares. Rosse I­barcan. There is the third Rosse on the other side of the water, called Rosse Ibarcan, so named, for that it standeth in the countrie of Kilkennie, which is diuided into thrée parts, into Ibircan, Ida, & I­douth. Weisford a hauen towne not far from Rosse, Weisford. I find no great matters thereof recorded, but onelie that it is to be had in great price of all the English posteritie, planted in Ireland, as a towne that was the first fostresse and harboresse of the English con­querors.

Kilkennie, the best vplandish towne, or (as they Kilkennie. terme it) the properest drie town in Ireland, it is par­ted into the high towne, and the Irish towne. The Irish towne claimeth a corporation apart from the high towne, whereby great factions grow dailie be­twéene the inhabitants. True it is, that the Irish [Page 27] towne is the ancienter, and was called the old Kil­kennie, being vnder the bishop his becke, as they are or ought to be at this present. The high towne was builded by the English after the conquest, and had a parcell of the Irish towne thereto vnited, by the bi­shop his grant, made vnto the founders vpon their earnest request. In the yeare 1400, Robert Talbot 1400 Robert Talbot. a worthie gentleman, inclosed with wals the better part of this towne, by which it was greatlie fortified. This gentleman deceased in the yeare 1415. In 10 this towne in the chore of the frier preachers, Willi­am Marshall earle marshall and earle of Penbroke William Marshall. was buried, who departed this life in the yeare 1231. Richard brother to William, to whome the inheri­tance descended, within thrée yeares after deceased at Kilkennie, being wounded to death in a field gi­uen in the heath of Kildare, in the yeare 1234, the twelfe of Aprill, and was intoomed with his bro­ther, 1234 according to the old epitaph héere mentioned:

Hîc comes est positus Richardus vulnere fossus, 20
Cuius sub fossa Kilkenia continet ossa.

This towne hath thrée churches, saint Kennies The churches of Kilkennie. church, our ladies church, aliàs S. Maries church; and S. Patrikes church, with the abbeie of S. Iohn. S. Kennies church is their chéefe and cathedrall church, a worthie foundation as well for gorgeous buildings, as for notable liuings. In the west end of the church­yard of late haue beene founded a grammar schoole by the right honorable Pierce or Peter Butler erle The gram­mer shcoole. P [...]ce Bu [...]er. M [...]rgaret Fitzgerald. of Ormond and Ossorie, and by his wife the coun­tesse 30 of Ormond, the ladie Margaret fitz Gerald, sister to Girald fitz Girald the earle of Kildare that last was. Out of which schoole haue sprouted such pro­per impes, through the painefull diligence, and the laboursome industrie of a famous lettered man M. Peter White (sometime fellow of Oriall college in Peter White. Oxford, and schoole maister in Kilkennie) as general­lie the whole weale publike of Ireland, and especial­lie the southerne parts of that Iland are greatlie thereby furthered. This gentlemans method in trai­ning 40 vp youth was rare and singular, framing the education according to the scholers veine. If he found him frée, he would bridle him like a wise Iso­crates from his booke; if he perceiued him to be dull, he would spur him forward; if he vnderstood that he were the woorse for beating, he would win him with rewards: finallie, by interlasing studie with recrea­tion, sorrow with mirth, paine with pleasure, sower­nesse with sweetnesse, roughnesse with mildnesse, he had so good successe in schooling his pupils, as in good 50 sooth I may boldlie bide by it, that in the realme of Ireland was no grammar schoole so good, in Eng­land I am well assured none better. And bicause it was my happie hap (God and my parents be than­ked) to haue béene one of his crue, I take it to stand with my dutie, sith I may not stretch mine abilitie in requiting his good turnes, yet to manifest my good will in remembring his paines. And certes, I ac­knowledge my selfe so much bound and beholding to him and his, as for his sake I reuerence the meanest stone cemented in the wals of that famous schoole. 60 This towne is named Kilkennie, of an holie and Kilkennie [...] so cal­led. The life of Kanicus. learned abbat called Kanicus, borne in the countie of Kilkennie, or (as it is in some bookes recorded) in Connaght. This prelat being in his suckling yeres fostered, through the prouidence of God, with the milke of a cow, and baptized and bishoped by one Lu­racus, thereto by Gods especiall appointment depu­ted, grew in tract of time to such deuotion and lear­ning, as he was reputed of all men to be as well a mirrour of the one, as a paragon of the other: where­of he gaue sufficient coniecture in his minoritie. For being turned to the kéeping of sheepe, and his fellow shéepheards, wholié yéelding themselues like lus [...]ish vagabunds to slouth and sluggishnesse, yet would he still find himselfe occupied in framing with osiars and twigs, little wodden churches, and in fashioning the furnitures thereto apperteining. Being stept further in yeares, he made his repaire into Eng­land, where cloistering himselfe in an abbeie, wherof one named Doctus was abbat, he was wholie wed­ded to his booke, and to deuotion: wherein he conti­nued so painefull and diligent, as being on a certeine time penning a serious matter, and hauing not ful­lie drawne the fourth vocall, the abbeie bell tingd to assemble the couent to some spirituall exercise. To which he so hastened, as he left the letter in semicir­clewise vnfinished, vntill he returned backe to his booke. Soone after being promoted to ecclesiasticall orders, he trauelled by the consent of his fellow moonks to Rome, and in Italie he gaue such mani­fest proofe of his pietie, as to this daie in some parts thereof he is highlie renowmed.

Thomas towne, a proper towne builded in the Thomas towne. Thomas Fitzantonie. countie of Kilkennie, by one Thomas Fitzantonie an Englishman. The Irish thereof name it Ballie mac Andan: that is, the towne of Fitzantonie. This gentleman had issue two daughters, the one of them was espoused to Denne, the other married to Archdeacon, or Mackodo, whose heires haue at this daie the towne betwéene them in coparcenarie. But bicause the reader may sée in what part of the countrie the cities and cheefe townes stand, I take it not far amisse to place them in order as insueth.

Drogheda, Carregfargus, Downe, Armagh, Ar­glash, The names of the cheefe townes in Ulster. Cloagher, Muneighan, Doonnegaule, Karreg mac Rosse, Newrie, Carlingford, Ardie, Doon­dalke, Louth. Dublin, Bulrudrie, Luske, Swords, The names of the cheefe townes in Leinster. Tashaggard, Lions, Newcastle, Rathcoule, Ough­terarde, Naas, Clane, Mainooth, Kilcocke, Ra­thaimgan, Kildare, Luianne, Castletowne, Philips towne, Mariborough, Kilcullen, Castle Marten, Thistledermot, Kilca, Athie, Catherlaugh, Leighe­len, Gauranne, Thomas towne, Enestiocke, Ca­shelle, Callanne, Kilkennie, Knocktofer, Rosse, Clonmelle, Weiseford, Fernes, Fidderd, Enescor­tie, Tathmon, Wickloa, Ackloa. Waterford, Lis­more, Doongaruan, Yoghill, Corke, Limerike, Chéefe towns in Mounster. Kilmallocke. Aloane, Galuoie, Anrie, Louaghriagh, Chéefe towns in Connaght. Clare, Toame, Sligagh, Rossecomman, Arctlowne. Trimme, Doonshaghlenne, Rathlouth, Nauanne, Chéefe towns in Meeth. Abooie, Scrine, Taraugh, Kemles, Doonboine, Gréenocke, Duléeke. Molingare, Fowre, Lough­seude, Chéefe towns in westméeth. Kilkeniwest, Moilagagh, Deluinne.

In the foure and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, it was enacted in a parlement 1542 holden at Dubline before sir Anthonie Sentleger knight, lord deputie of Ireland, that Méeth should be diuided and made two shires, one of them to be cal­led the countie of Meeth, the other to be called the countie of Westméeth, and that there should be two shiriffes and officers conuenient within the same shires, as is more exprest in the act.

Loughfoile, the Banne, Wolderfrith, Crareg­fergus, The names of the chiefe hauen towns in Ireland. Strangford, Ardglas, Lougheuen, Car­lingford, Kilkeale, Dundalke, Kilclogher, Dunane, Drogheda, Houlepatrike, Nanie, Baltraie, Bri­more, Balbriggen, Roggers towne, Skerrish, Rush, Malahide, Banledoo [...]le, Houth, Dublin, Dal­kée, Wickincloa, Arckloa, Weisford, Bagganbun, the Passage, Waterford, Dungaruan, Rosse noua, Youghille, Corke mabegge, Corke, Kinsale, Kierie, Rosse Ilbere, Dorrie, Baltinimore, Downenere, Downeshead, Downelounge, Attannanne, Crag­hanne, Downenebwme, Balineskililiedge, Dau­gine Ichouse, Tralie, Seninne, Cassanne, Kilne­wine, Limerike, Inniskartée, Belalenne, Arine­newme, Glanemaugh, Balliweiham, Binwarre, [Page 28] Dowris, Woran, Roskam, Galwaie, Killinillie, Innesbofinne, Owran, Moare, Kilcolken, Burske, Belleclare, Rathesilbene, Bierweisowre, Buraueis hare, Ardne makow, Rosbare, Kilgolinne, Wal­lalele, Rabranne, Strone, Burweis now, Zaltra, Kalbalie, Ardnocke, Adrowse, Sligaghe, Innes Bowsenne.

Cambrensis obserued in his time, that when the Camd. lib. 1. top. dist. 2. rub. 3. & 4. sea dooth eb at Dublin, it ebbeth also at Bristow, and floweth at Milford and Weisford. At Wickloa the 10 sea ebbeth when in all other parts it commonlie floweth. Furthermore this he noted, that the riuer which runneth by Wickloa vpon a low eb is salt, but in Arckloa the next hauen towne, the riuer is fresh when the sea is at full. He writeth also, that not far from Arckloa standeth a rocke, and when the sea eb­beth in one side thereof, it floweth in the other side as fast. Cambrensis insearcheth diuerse philosophicall reasons in finding out the cause, by obseruing the course of the moone, who is the empresse of moisture. 20 But those subtilties I leaue for the schoolestréets.

Of the strange and woonderfull places in Ireland. The fourth chapter.

I Thinke it good to begin with S. Patrike his purga­torie, S. Patrike his purgato­rie. partlie bicause it is 30 most notoriouslie knowne, & partlie the more, that some writers, as the author of Po­lychronicon and others that were miscaried by him, séeme to make great doubt where they néed not. For they ascribe the finding out of the place not to Patrike that conuerted the countrie, but an other Patrike an abbat, whom likewise they affirme to haue béene imploied in conuerting the Iland from heathenrie 40 to christianitie.

But the author that brocheth this opinion, is not found to carie anie such credit with him, as that a man may certeinlie affirme it, or probablie coniec­ture it; vnlesse we relie to the old withered worme ea­ten legend, loded with as manie lowd lies, as lewd lines. The better and the more certeine opinion is, that the other Patrike found it out, in such wise as Cambrensis reporteth. There is a poole or lake, saith Camb. lib 1. topo [...]. dist. 2. rub. 6. he, in the parts of Ulster, that inuironneth an I­land, 50 in the one part whereof there standeth a church much lightned with the brightsome recourse of an­gels: the other part is ouglie and gastlie, as it were a bedlem allotted to the visible assemblies of horri­ble and grislie bugs. This part of the Iland contei­neth nine caues. And if anie dare be so hardie, as to take one night his lodging in anie of these ins, which hath béene experimented by some rash & harebraine aduenturers, streight these spirits claw him by the backe, and tug him so ruggedlie, and tosse him so 60 crabbedlie, that now and then they make him more franke of his bum than of his toong; a paiment cor­respondent to his interteinement. This place is called S. Patrike his purgatorie of the inhabitors. For when S. Patrike laboured the conuersion of the people of Ulster, by setting before their eies in great heat of spirit, the creation of the world, the fall of our progenitors, the redemption of man by the bles­sed and pretious bloud of our sauiour Iesus Christ, the certeintie of death, the immortalitie of the soule, the generall resurrection, our latter doome, the ioies of heauen, the paines of hell, how that at length e­uerie man, small and great, yoong and old, rich and poore, king and keaser, potentate and pezzant must either through God his gratious mercie be exalted to the one, to floorish in perpetuall felicitie; or through his vnsearchable iustice tumble downe to the other, to be tormented in eternall miserie. These and the like graue and weightie sentences, wherwith he was abundantlie stored, so far sunke into their harts, as they séemed verie flexible in condescending to his be­hest: so that some proofe of his estrange preaching could haue béene verefied. Wherevpon, without fur­ther delaie, they spake to the prelat in this wise.

‘Sir, as we like of your preaching, so we dislike not of our libertie. You tell vs of manie gugawes and estrange dreames. You would haue vs to aban­don infidelitie, to cage vp our libertie, to bridle our pleasure: for which you promise vs for our toile and labour a place to vs as vnknowen, so as yet vncer­teine. You sermon to vs of a dungeon appointed for offendors and miscredents.’ In deed if we could find that to be true, we would the sooner be weaned from the sweet napple of our libertie, and frame our selues pliant to the will of that God, that you re­ueale vnto vs. S. Patrike considering, that these sealie soules were (as all dulcarnanes for the more part are) more to be terrified from infidelitie through the paines of hell, than allured to christianitie by the ioies of heauen, most hartilie besought God, so it stood with his gratious pleasure, for the honour and glorie of his diuine name, to giue out some euident or glimsing token of the matter they importunatlie required. Finallie by the especiall direction of God, he found in the north edge of Ulster a desolate cor­ner hemmed in round, and in the middle thereof a pit, where he reared a church, called Reglis or Re­glasse. Reglasse. At the east end of the churchyard a doore leadeth into a closet of stone like a long ouen, which they call S. Patrike his purgatorie, for that the people resort thither euen at this daie for penance, and haue re­ported at their returne estrange visions of paine and blisse appearing vnto them.

The author of Polychronicon writeth that in the Polychr. lib. 1. c. 36. 1138 reigne of king Stephan, a knight named Owen pil­grimaged to this purgatorie, being so appalled at the strange visions that there he saw, as that vpon his returne from thense he was wholie mortified, and sequestring himselfe from the world, he spent the remnant of his life in an abbeie of Ludensis. Also Dyonisius a charterhouse moonke recordeth a Dyon. Cart. in lib. de quatu­nouiss. art. 48. vision seene in that place by one Agneius, or Egne­ius, whereof who so is inquisitiue, may resort to his treatise written De quatuor nouissimis. Iohannes Ca­mertes Ioh. Camert. in lib. Solini. cap. 35. holdeth opinion, which he surmiseth vpon the gesse of other, that Claudius writeth of this purga­torie. Which if it be true, the place must haue béene extant before saint Patrike, but not so famouslie knowen. The poet his verses are these following:

Est locus, extremum pandit qua Gallia littus.
Claud. lib. 1 in Ruffin.
Oceani praetentus aquis, quo fertur Vlysses
Sanguine libato populum mouisse silentum,
Flebilis auditur questus, simulachra coloni
Pallida, defunctásque vident migrare figuras.
There is a place toward the ocean sea from brim of Gallish shore,
Wherein Vlysses pilgrim strange with offred bloud ygore,
The people there did mooue, a skrit­ching shrill from dungeon lug
The dwellers all appall with gast­lie galpe of grislie bug.
There onelie shapes are seene to stare with visage wan and sad,
From nouke to nouke, from place to place, in eluish skips to gad.

They that repaire to this place for deuotion his [Page 29] s [...]ke vse to continue therein foure & twentie houres, which dooing otherwhile with ghostlie meditations, and otherwhile a dread for the conscience of their de­serts, they saie they see a plaine resemblance of their owne faults and vertues, with the horror and com­fort therevnto belonging, the one so terrible, the o­ther so ioious, that they verelie déeme themselues for the time to haue sight of hell and heauen. The reue­lations of men that went thither (S. Patrike yet li­uing) are kept written within the abbeie there adioi­ning. 10 When anie person is disposed to enter (for the The ceremo­nies vsed in entering S. Patrike his purgatorie. doore is euer spard) he repaireth first for deuise to the archbishop, who casteth all pericles, and dissuadeth the pilgrime from the attempt, bicause it is knowen that diuerse entering into that caue, neuer were seene to turne backe againe. But if the partie be ful­lie resolued, he recommendeth him to the prior, who in like maner fauourablie exhorteth him to choose some other kind of penance, and not to hazard such a danger. If notwithstanding he find the partie fullie bent, he conducteth him to the church, inioineth him 20 to begin with praier and fast of fiftéene daies, so long togither as in discretion can be indured. This time expired, if yet he perseuere in his former purpose, the whole conuent accompanieth him with solemne pro­cession & benediction to the mouth of the caue, where they let him in, and so bar vp the doore vntill the next morning. And then with like ceremonies they a­wait his returne and reduce him to the church. If he be séene no more, they fast and praie fiftéene daies after. Touching the credit of these matters, I sée no 30 cause, but a christian being persuaded that there is both hell and heauen, may without vanitie vpon suf­ficient information be resolued, that it might please God, at sometime, for considerations to his wisdome knowen, to reueale by miracle the vision of ioies and paines eternall. But that-altogither in such sort, and by such maner, and so ordinarilie, and to such per­sons, as the common fame dooth vtter; I neither be­léeue nor wish to be regarded. I haue conferd with diuerse that had gone this pilgrimage, who affirmed 40 the order of the premisses to be true; but that they saw no sight, saue onelie fearefull dreams when they chanced to nod, and those they said were excéeding horrible. Further they added, that the fast is rated more or lesse, according to the qualitie of the peni­tent.

Cambrensis affirmeth, that in the north of Moun­ster there be two Ilands, the greater and the lesse. In Camb. lib. 1. topog. distinct. 2. rub. 5. the greater there neuer entereth woman o [...] anie li­uing 50 female, but forthwith it dieth. This hath-béene of­ten prooued by bitches and cats, which were brought thither to trie this conclusion, and presentlie they died. In this Iland the cocke or mascle birds are seene to thirye, and yarch vp and downe the twigs, but the ben or female by instinct of nature abando­neth it as a place vtterlie poisoned. This Iland were a place alone for one that were vered with a shrewd wise. The lesse Iland is called Insula viuentium, bi­cause none died there, none maie die by course of na­ture, 60 Insula viuen­tium. as Giraldus Cambrensis saith. Howbeit the dwellers when they are sore frusht with sicknesse, or so farre withered with age as there is no hope of life, they request to be conueied by boate to the greater Iland, where they are no sooner inshored, than they yéeld vp their ghosts. For my part, I haue béene ve­rie inquisitiue of this Iland, but I could neuer find this estrange propertie soothed by anie man of cre­dit in the whole countrie. Neither trulie would I wish anie to be so light, as to lend his credit to anie such feined gloses, as are neither verefied by experi­ence, nor warranted by anie colourable reason. Wherfore I see not why it should be termed Insula vi­uentium, vnlesse it be that none dieth there, as long as he liueth.

Cambrensis telleth further, that there is a church­yard Cambren. in codem loco. in Ulster, which no female kind maie enter. If the cocke be there, the hen dareth not follow. There is also in the west part of Connaght an Iland, pla­ced Aren. in the sea, called Aren, to which saint Brendan had often recourse. The dead bodies néed not in that Iland to be grauelled. For the aire is so pure, that the contagion of anie carrien maie not infect it. There, as Cambrensis saith, maie the sonne sée his father, his grandfather, his great grandfather, &c. This Iland is enimie to mice. For none is brought thither, but either it leapeth into the sea, or else being staied it dieth presentlie. There was in Kildare an The Fire­house or Kil­dare. ancient monument named the Firehouse, wherein Cambrensis saith, was there continuall fire kept day and night, and yet the ashes neuer increased. I tra­uelled of set purpose to the towne of Kildare to sée this place, where I did sée such a monument like a vault, which to this daie they call the Firehouse.

Touching the heath of Kildare Cambrensis wri­teth The heath of Kildare. that it maie not be tild: and of a certeintie with­in this few yeares it was tried, and found, that the corne which was sowed did not prooue. In this plaine (saith Cambrensis) stood the stones that now stand in The stories of Salisburie plaine. Salisburie plaine, which were conueied from thense by the sleight of Merlin the Welsh prophet, at the request of Aurelius Ambrosius king of the Britons. There is also in the countie of Kildare a goodlie field called Moolleaghmast, betwéene the Norrough and Moolleagh mast. Kilka. Diuers blind prophesies run of this place, that there shall be a bloudie field fought there, betweene the English inhabitants of Ireland and the Irish, and so bloudie forsooth it shall be, that a mill in a vale hard by it shall run foure and twentie houres with the streame of bloud that shall powre downe from the hill. The Irish doubtlesse repose a great affiance in this balducktum dreame. In the top of this height stand metes or rundels verie formalie fashioned, where the strength of the English armie (as they say) shall be incamped.

The Earle of Sussex being lord lieutenant of Ireland, was accustomed to wish, that if anie such The earle of Sussex. prophesie were to be fulfilled, it should happen in his gouernement, to the end he might be generall of the field. Not farre from Moolleaghmast, within a mile of Castledermot, or Thristledermot, is there a place marked with two hislocks, which is named the Ge­raldine The Geral­dines throw. his throw or cast. The length of which in ve­rie déed is woonderfull. The occasion procéeded of 1470. this. One of the Geraldins, who was ancestor to those that now are lords of Lackath, preded an enimie of his. The earle of Kildare hauing intelligence therof, suppressing affection of kinred, and mooued by zeale of iustice, pursued him with a great troope of horsse­men, as the other was bringing of the prede home­ward. The Geraldine hauing notice giuen him, that the earle was in hot pursute, and therefore being warned by the messenger to hie him with all speed possible: the gentleman being nettled, that his kinsman would séeme to rescue the prede of his dead­lie fe; and as he was in such fretting wise frieng in his grease, he brake out in these cholerike words; And dooth my cousine Kildare pursue me in déed? Now in good faith; where as he séemeth to be a suppresser of his The Geral­dines wish. kindred, and an vpholder of my mortall enimie, ‘I would wish him no more harme, than that this dart were as far in his bodie, as it shall sticke foorthwith in the ground:’ and therewithall giuing the spurres to his horsse, he hurled his dart so farre, as he abashed with the length thereof aswell his companie as his posteritie:

The Geraldine was not verie farre from thense, when the earle with his hand made hot foot after, and [Page 30] dogging still the tracke of the predours, he came to the place where the dart was hurled, where one pick­thanke or other let the earle to vnderstand of the Ge­raldine his wild spéeches there deliuered. And to in­hanse the h [...]inousnesse of the offense, he shewed how farre he hurled his dart▪ when he wished it to be pit­ched in his lordship his bodie. The erle astonied at the length thereof, said: Now in good sooth, my cousine in behauing himselfe so couragiouslie, is woor [...]hie to The earle of [...]dares answer. haue the prede shot frée. ‘And for my part I purpose 10 not so much to stomach his cholerike wish, as to im­brace his val [...]ant prowesse.’ And therewithall com­manded the retreat to be blowne and reculed backe. There is in Meeth an hill called the hill of Taragh, wherein is a plaine twelue score long, which was na­med The hill of Taragh. the Kempe his hall: there the countrie had their méetings and folkemotes, as a place that was ac­counted the high palace of the monarch. The Irish historians hammer manie fables in this forge of Fin mac Coile and his champions, as the French histo­rie 20 dooth of king Arthur and the knights of the round table. But doubtlesse the place séemeth to beare the shew of an ancient and famous monument.

There is in Castleknocke a village not far from Dublin, a window not glazed nor latized, but open, Castleknocke. The strange welles. and let the weather be stornne, the wind bluster boi­sterouslie on euerie side of the house; yet place a can­dle there, and it will burne as quietlie as if no puffe of wind blew. This maie be tried at this daie, who so shall be willing to put it in practise. Touching the 30 strange wels that be in Ireland, I purpose to speake litle more than that which I find in Cambrensis, whose words I will English, as they are Latined in his booke. There is (saith he) a well in Mounster, with the water of which if anie be washed, he becōmeth forth­with Camb. in lib. 1. topog. dist. 1. rub. 8. & 10. hoare. I haue séene a man that had one halfe of his beard, being died with that water hoare; the other halfe vnwashed was browne, remaining still in his naturall colour. Contrariwise, there is a founteins in the further edge of Ulster, and if one be bathed 40 therewith, he shall not become hoare: in which well such as loath greie heares are accustomed to diue. There is in Connaght a well that springeth on the top of an hill farre and distant from anie sea, [...]bbing and flowing in foure and twentie houres, as the sea dooth; and yet the place is vplandish, and the water fresh. There is another spring in the same countrie, the water of which is verie wholsome to men and wo­men, but poison to beasts: and if a man put but the grauell of this well into his mouth, it quencheth pre­sentlie 50 his thirst.

There is in Ulster a standing poole thirtie thou­sand pases long, and fiftéene thousand pases brode, [...]nt of which springeth the noble northerne [...]uer, cal­led the Banne. The fishers complaine more often for bursling of their nets with the euer great lake of fish, than for anie want. In our time vpon the con­quest a fish swam from this poole to the shore, in shape resembling a salmon, but in quantitie so huge, that it could not be drawne or caried [...]holie togither, 60 but the fishmongers were forced to hacke it in gob­bets, and so to carrie it in péecemeale throughout the countrie, making thereof a generall dole. And if the report be true, the beginning of this poole was strange. There were in old time where the poole now standeth, vicious and beastlie inhabitants. Al [...] time was there an old said saw in euerie man his mouth, that as soone as a well there springing ( [...]ch for the supers [...]tious reuerence they bare it was con­tinuallie couered and signed) we [...] le [...] open and vn­signed, so soone would so much water gush out of that well, as would foorthwith ouerwhelme the whole ter­ritorie. It happened at length, that an old tro [...]came thither to fetch water, and hearing hir chil [...] whine, she ran with might and maine to dandle hir babie, for­getting the [...]seruance of the superstitious order to­fore-vsed. But as she was returning backe to haue couered the spring, the land was so farre ouerflowne, as that it past hir helpe: and shortlie after she, hir suckling, & all those that were within the whole ter­ritorie were drowned. And this séemeth to carie more likelihood with it, bicause the fishers in a cleare sun­nie daie sée the stéeples and other piles plainlie and distinctlie in the water. And here would be noted, that the riuer of the Banne flowed from this head spring before this floud, but farre in lesse quantitie than it dooth in our time. Hitherto Giraldus Cam­brensis.

Boetius telleth a rare propertie of a poole in Ire­land, Hector Boet. in Scot. reg. descript. pag 9 Sect. 50. & for that he maketh himselfe an eiewitnesse of the matter, he shall tell his owne tale. Ac quoniam Hiberniae incidit mentio, praeter infinita in ea rerum miracu­la, haud importunum fore existimem, si vnum, quod ob porten­tuosam nouitatem fidem omnium excedere videatur, nos ta­men verum experti sumus, adiunxerimus. Lacus in eaest, circaquem amplissimo circumquaque spatio nec herba nec ar­bor vlla nascitur, &c. in quem silignum infigas anni circi­ter vnius curriculo, id quod in terra fixum erit, in [...]apidem conuertetur; quod deinceps aquâ operietur, in ferrum: reli­quum aqua exstans ligni formam naiuramque seruabit. Ita coniuncta, lapis, ferrum & lignumeodem in stipite inaudita nouitate conspectantur. But for that mention is made of Ireland, ouer and aboue the infinite number of woonders in that land, it will not be wholie beside the purpose, to insert one maruellous thing, which al­though i [...] [...]y seeme to some to haue no colour of truth: yet because it hath beene by vs experimented, and found out to be true, we maie the better aduouch it. There is a standing poole in that Iland, neere which of all sides groweth neither herbe, shrub, nor bush. If you sticke a rod or péece of timber in this poole, that which sticketh in the earth within the space of one yeare turneth to a stone; as much as is dipt in the water, is conuerted to iron; all that is aboue the water remaineth still in the pristinat and former woodden shape. So that you may s [...]e that which is strange, [...] one stocke or sticke, stone, iron and wood linkt and knit togither. Thus much Hector Boetius.

In the countrie of Kilkennie and in the borders there to confining, they vsed a solemne triall by a wa­ter they call Melashée. The propertie of this water is, as they say, that if a periured person drinke there­of, Melashée. the water will gush out at his bellie, as though the drinker his nauill were bord with an anger. The riuer that runneth by Dublin named the Liffie hath The Liffiie. this propertie for certeine, and I haue obserued it at sundrie [...]ies. As long as it reigneth, yea if it stood powring six daies, you shall find diuerse shallow brookes, and the riuer will be nothing thereby in­creased: but within foure a [...] twentie houres after the showres are ceast, you shall perceiue such a sud­den spring flow, as if the former raine were great; a verie few places or none at all will be found pasa­ble. Cambrensis writeth, that in the south part of Mounster, betwéene the maine sea coasting on His­paine Cambr. lib. 1. dist. 2. rub. 4 [...]. and saint Brenban his hills, there is an I­land of the one side incompassed with a riuer abun­dantlie s [...]ored with fish, & on the other pa [...] inclosed with a little brooke. In which place saint Brendan was verie much resiant. This plot is taken to be such a sanct [...]ie for bea [...]s, as i [...] [...]e hare, for, [...]ag, or other wild beast be chased néere that Iland by dogs, it maketh straight vpon the brooke, and as­soone as it passeth the streame, it is so cocke [...]e, as the hunter may perceiue the beast resting on the one banke, & the dogs questing on the other brim, being as it were by some inuisible railes imbard from dipping their féet in the shallow foord, to pursue [Page 31] the beast chased. On the other [...]de of this Iland there runneth a riuer stored aboue measure with fresh wa­ter fish, and in especiallie with salmon. Which a­bundance, as Cambrensis writeth, procéeded of God, to mainteine the great hospitalitie that was kept there. And because the dwellers thereabout shall not like pinching coistrels make anie sale of the fish, let it be poudered as artificiallie as may be, yet it will not kéepe (as though it were manna) aboue the first night or daie that it be taken. So that you 10 must eate it within that short compasse, otherwise it putrifieth and standeth to no stéed.

This riuer ouerfloweth a great rocke, vsuallie called the Salmon leape: for as it is commonlie the The Salmon leape. propertie of all fish to swim against the tide, as for birds to flitter against the wind; so it is naturallie giuen to the salmon to struggle against the streme, and when it approcheth neere this high rocke, it ben­deth his taile to his head, and sometime taketh it in his mouth; and therewithall beareth it selfe ouer the 20 water, and suddenlie it fetcheth such a round whiske, that at a trice it skippeth to the top of the rocke. The like salmon leape is néere Leislip, but not so high as this. There be also, as witnesseth Cambrensis, in the further part of Ulster, certeine hils néere to saint Bean his church, where cranes yearelie bréed. And when they haue laied their egs, if anie purpose to ransacke their nests, let him but attempt to touch the egs, they will shew like yoong scralling pullets without feather or downe, as though they were new 30 hatched, and presentlie brought out of their shels. But if the partie plucke his hand from the nest, forth­with they shew (whether it be by anie metamorpho­sis, or some iugling legier de maine by dazeling the eies) as though they were transformed into egs. And further, saith Cambrensis, let two at one in­stance be at the nest, and let the one of them onelie giue the gaze, and the other attempt to take awaie the egs, they will séeme to the looker on as egs, and to the taker as yoong red little cranets, being as 40 bare as a bird his arsse.

The towne of Armagh is said to be enimie to rats, and if anie be brought thither, presentlie it dieth. Armagh. Which the inhabitants impute to the praiers of saint Patrike. But to omit the strange places, that ei­ther by false reports are surmised, or by proofe and ex­perience dailie verefied: there are in this Iland such notable quaries of greie marble and touch, such store of pearle and other rich stones, such abundance of cole, such plentie of lead, iron, latin and tin, so ma­nie 50 rich mines furnished with all kind of metals, as nature séemed to haue framed this countrie for the Ireland the storehouse of nature. storehouse or iewelhouse of hir chiefest thesaure. Howbeit she hath not shewed hir selfe so bounti­full a mother in powring foorth such riches, as she prooueth hirselfe an enuious stepdame; in that she instilleth in the inhabitants a droulie lithernesse to withdraw them from the insearching of hir hourd­ded and hidden iewels. Wherein she fareth like one, that to purchase the name of a sumptuous franke­len 60 or a good viander, would bid diuerse ghests to a costlie and deintie dinner, and withall for sauing of his meat with some secret inchantment would bo­num them of their [...]ms, or with some hidden loth­somnesse would dull their stomachs, as his ghests by reason of the one are not able, or for the other not willing, by taking their repast to refresh themselus, in so much as in my thantasie it is hard to decide whether estate is the better: either for a diligent la­borer to be planted in a barren or stonie soile, or for a luskish loiterer to be setled in a fertill ground; be­cause the one will, and may not; the other may and will not through his painefull trauell reape the fruit and commoditie that the earth yéeldeth.

Of the lords spirituall of Ireland, their names and dignities. The fift chapter.

THe spirituall iurisdiction is ordered into foure prouinces, whereof the primasie was e­uer giuen (in reuerence of saint Patrike that conuerted the countrie) to the archbi­shoprike of Armagh, who is called Primas totius Hiberniae, and the archbishop of Dublin, Primas Hiberniae. This custome was since confirmd by Eugenius the third, 1148, or 1152: who sent withall thrée other palles of archbishops to be placed, one at Dublin, one at Cashill, & the last at Twene. To these are suffra­gans in right nine and twentie, and they all to the Primas of Armagh, vnder whose prouince are the bi­shops Armagh. of Meeth and Deren, Ardach, Kilmore, Clog­her, Doune, Coner, Clonknos, Raboo, Dromoore. Under Dublin, wherevnto Innocentius the third v­nited Dublin. Glandelagh, the bishop of Elphine, Kildare, Fernes, Ossorie and Leighlin. Under Cashill, the Cashill. bishop of Waterford, to whome Lismore is vnited, Corke and Clone, Rosse, Ardigh, Limerike, Eme­lie, Killalooe, and Ardfert. Under Twene, Kilma­co, Twene. Olfine, Auaghdoune, Clonfert, Morroo. In this recount some difference hapneth by reason of perso­nall and reall vnion of the sees, and for other altera­tions. I haue obserued in perusing of old bookes the names of certeine bishops and archbishops of Dub­lin: and albeit I could not find a iust register or ca­talog of them, yet I tooke it to be better to place such as I could find, than to omit the whole. ¶ Corma­chus was one of the first bishops that I haue read of, but I am well assured, that there were diuerse Lib. 10. Scot. Hist. fol. 212. sect. 40. others before his time. He flourished about the yeare 893, of this bishop Hector Boetius maketh mention. ¶ Dunanus was bishop of Dublin long after Cormachus: for Dunanus died in the yeare 1074. He was buried in Christs church in Dublin, in the vpper part of the chancell on the right hand.

¶ Patricius was consecrated bishop of Dublin 1074. in Paule his church at London by the archbishop of Canturburie Lanifranus or Lanfrancus. The rea­son of this consecration was, for that as yet the me­tropolitans of Ireland receiued not their pall. A pall Pall what it is. is an indowment appropriated to archbishops, made of white silke the breadth of a stole, but it is of ano­ther fashion. And where you shall espie the armes of anie archbishop blazed, there you may perceiue the pall set out in white, with a great manie blacke crosses vpon it. An archbishop within thrée moneths c. quoniam. c. dis. after his consecration or confirmation ought to de­mand his pall, otherwise he may be remooued; nei­ther ought he to name himselfe archbishop before the c. quod sicut de elect. pe­nul. De priuil. & exces. priuil. cap. Archie. & in glos. c. ex tuarum, &c. adhoc. de auct. & vsu. pal. receit, neither may he before summon or call a coun­cell, make chrisme, dedicate churches, giue orders, or consecrat bishops. He may not weare his pall with­out the church, neither in other prouinces; albeit in another prouince he may be in his pontificalibus, so that pontificalia differeth from the pall. Further­more, an archbishop may not lend his pall vnto ano­ther, but it ought to be interred with him. But to re­turne to Patricius, his time was but short, for soone after as he was crossing the seas to Dublin ward, he was drowned with his felow passengers the same yere that he was consecrated, the ninth of October.

¶ Donatus, of some called Bungus, succéeded Pa­tricius, 1075. and likewise consecrated by Lanfrancus archbishop of Canturburie, at the instance of Ter­d [...]nacus king of Ireland, the bishops of Ireland, the clergie and the citizens of Dublin: he deceassed [Page 32] in the y [...]e one thousand ninetie and fiue. Samuell [...] succéeded Donatus, and died in the yéere one thou­sand one hundred two and twentie. Gregorius did not succéed imm [...]diatlie after Samuell, for there be thirtie yeeres betweene them both. This Gregorius was the first metropolitan of Dublin, and was con­secrated archbishop in the yéere one thousand one hundred fif [...]e and two, and died in the yéere one thou­sand 1 [...]2. one hundred thrée score and two.

S. Laurentius Othothille. This prelat was 10 1162. first abbat of S. Keuins in Glindelagh, and after he was solemnlie consecrated and installed in Christ church at Dublin by Gelarius the primat of Ar­magh, and not by Canturburie, as the bishops of Dublin were before the pall giuen them. He died in Normandie, and was buried in our ladie church of Angle in the yeare one thousand one hundred and foure score, the fouretéenth of Nouember.

Iohan Cummin an Englishman succéeded Lau­rence. This famous prelat being cloistered vp in 20 the abbeie of Eusham in Worcestershire was high­lie renowmed of all men, as well for his déepe lear­ning, as for the integritie of his life. The clergie of Dublin being giuen to vnderstand of so woorthie a clerke, became humble petitioners to the king his maiestie Henrie the second, that through his means such an vnvaluable iewell should be installed in Laurence his dignitie. The king bowing to their 11 [...]. earnest sute agréed he should be consecrated their archbishop; which was an happie houre for that coun­trie. 30 For besides the great trauell he indured in edi­fieng his flocke in Christian religion, he was foun­der of S. Patrike his church in Dublin, as is before specified. He deceassed in the yéere one thousand two hundred and twelue, and was intoomed in the quéere of Christs church.

Henrie Londres succéeded Cummin. This man was nicknamed Scorchbill, or Scorchvillein tho­rough this occasion. Being setled in his sée, he gaue commandement to all his tenants to make their ap­peerance 40 before him at a daie appointed: and for that he was raw as yet in his reuenues, he tooke it to stand best with their ease and quietnes, and his com­moditie, that ech of them should shew their euiden­ces, whereby he might learne, by what tenure they held of him. His tenants mistrusting no s [...]uttish dealing, but construing all to be meant for the best, deliuered their euidences to their landlord, who did scantlie well peruse them when he floong them all in the fire. The poore tenants espieng this subtill pranke 50 to be verie vnfitting for a bishop, could not bridle their toongs, but brake out on a sudden: Thou an archbishop? Naie, thou art a scorchvillein. But it could not be gessed to what end this fact of his ten­ded; Scorch­villein. for notwithstanding this, the tenants inioied their lands, vnlesse he did it because they should be te­nants at will, and so to stand to his deuotion. This prelat doubtlesse was politike, and well lettered, and for his wisedome and learning he was elected lord iustice of Ireland. He was the founder of the castell 60 of Dublin, as is before mentioned. He deceassed in the yeare one thousand two hundred twentie & fiue, and lieth buried in Christs church. Wherby appéereth Matth Paris. in vita Ioan, pag. 316. that Matthaeus Parisiensis did ouershoot himselfe, in writing one Hu or Hugo to be archbishop of Du­blin in the yeare one thousand two hundred and thir­téene, whereas Londres at that time was in the sée, as from his consecration to his death may be gathe­red, being the space of thirtéene yeares.

Iohan Stamford succéeded Londres, but not immediatlie, and was consecrated in the yeare one thousand two hundred foure score and fiue. This 1 [...]85. man, vpon the death of Stephan Fulborne archbi­shop of Tune, was made lord iustice of Ireland in the yeare one th [...] [...] 1294. seauen. And s [...]ne after being in England he was sent from Edward the first as ambassador to the French king, and vpon his returne he deceassed in England, & soone after was [...] s [...]nt Patrike his church at Dublin.

Willie [...] [...] is [...]lated by some antiqua­ries 1 [...]. [...] de [...] to be archbishop of Dublin much about this time, but whether the m [...] [...] beene installed in this see at all or no, I am not [...] to affirme, nor to denie: but certeine it is [...]t [...] date is mistaken, for vpon Iohan Stamford [...] death, Richard Flerings was consecrated archbishop of Dublin, betwéene whome and the lord Edmund Butler there arose a Edmund Butler. 1032, Holli [...]d in Fingall. great controuersie in law, [...]ching the manner of Holliwood with the appurtenances. Which manor the lord Butler recouered by an arbitrement or com­position taken betweene them in the king his bench at Dublin. This prelat departed this life in the yere one thousand thrée hundred and six. 1306.

Richard de Hauerings was successor vnto Fle­rings, who after that he had [...] welnéere the space of fiue yeares in the see, was sore appalled, by reason of an estrange and woo [...]rfull dreame. For on a certeine night he imagined that he had séene an vglie monster standing on his breast, who to his thinking was more weightie than the whole world, in so much as being as he thought in maner squised or prest to death with the he [...]t of this huge monster, he would haue departed with the whole substance of the world, if he were thereof possessed, to be disbur­dened of so heauie a load. Upon which wish he sud­denlie awooke. And as he beat his braines in di­uining what this dreame should import, he bethought Hauering [...] dreame. himselfe of the flocke committed to his charge, how that he gathered their fléeces yearelie, by receiuing the reuenues and perquisits of the bishoprike, and yet suffered his flocke to starue for lacke of preaching and teaching. Wherefore being for his former slack­nesse sore wounded in conscience, he trauelled with all spéed to Rome, where he resigned vp his bishop­rike, a burthen too heauie for his weake shoulders, and being vpon his resignation competentlie bene­ficed, he bestowed the remnant of his life wholie in deuotion.

Iohan Lech nephue to Hauerings, vpon the re­signation 1311. was consecrated archbishop. This prelat was at contention with the primat of Armagh, for their iurisdictions: insomuch as he did imbarre the primat from hauing his crosse borne before him within the prouince of Leinster, which was contra­rie De priui. & excest pri. c. Archiep. to the canon law, that admitteth the crosier to beare the crosse before his archbishop in an other pro­uince. This man deceassed in the yeare one thousand three hundred and thirtéene.

Alexander Bigenor was next Lech consecrated 1313. archbishop with the whole consent aswell of the chap­ter of Christs church as of S. Patriks. Howbeit vp­on the death of Lech there arose a schisme & diuision betwéene Walter Thorneburie lord chancellour of Ireland and Bigenor then treasuror of the same countrie. The cancellor to further his election deter­mined to haue posted to Rome, but in the waie he was drowned with the number of 156 passengers. Bigenor staieng in Ireland, with lesse aduenture and better spéed, with the consent of both the chapters was elected archbishop. And in the yeare 1317 there cam [...]buls from Rome to confirme the former elec­tion. At which time the archbishop and the earle of Ulster were in England. This prelat soone after re­turned 131 [...]. lord iustice of Ireland, and soone after he had landed at Yoghill, he went to Dublin, where as well for his spirituall iurisdiction, as his temporall pro­motion he was receiued with procession and great [Page 33] solemnitie. In this man his time was there an vni­uersitie [...]20. founded in Dublin, whereof maister Wil­liam Rodiard was chancellor, a well learned man and one that procéeded doctor of the canon law in this vniuersitie. Bigenor deceased in the yéere 1349.

Iohn de saint Paule was consecrated archbishop vpon Bigenor his death. He deceassed in the yeare [...]349 one thousand thrée hundred sixtie and two. Thomas 1363 Minot succéeded Iohn, and died in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred seuentie & six. Robert Wike­ford 10 succéeded Thomas, and died in the yeare one 1375 thousand thrée hundred and nintie. Robert Walde­bie 1390 succéeded Wikeford, this prelat was first an Au­gustine frier, and a great preacher, and accounted a vertuous and sincere liuer. He deceassed in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and seauen. Ri­chard 1397 Northalis was remooued from an other sée and chosen archbishop of Dublin, who likewise deceas­sed the same yeare he was elected. Thomas Crau­lie an Englishman succéeded him the same yeare, 20 and came into Ireland in the companie of the duke of Surreie. This archbishop was chosen lord iustice of Ireland in the yeare one thousand foure hundred and thirtéene. In whose gouernement the English 1413 The skirmish of Kilka. did skirmish with the Irish in the countie of Kildare néere Kilka, where the English vanquished the eni­mie, slue an hundred of the Irish. During which time the archbishop being lord iustice, went in procession with the whole clergie in Tristeldermot, or Castle­dermot, a towne adioining to Kilka, praieng for the 30 prosperous successe of the subiects that went to skir­mish with the enimie. This prelat was of stature tall, well featured, and of a sanguine complexion, decking his outward comelinesse with inward qua­lities. For he was so liberall to the rich, so charitable to the poore, so déepe a clerke, so profound a doctor, so sound a preacher, so vertuous a liuer, and so great a builder, as he was not without good cause accounted the phenix of his time. In dailie talke as he was short, so he was swéet. Hard in promising, bountifull 40 in performing. In the yeare one thousand foure hun­dred and seuenteene, he sailed into England, and en­ded his life at Faringdon, and was buried in New college at Oxford. In the yeare one thousand foure hundred thirtie & nine, there hath béene one Richard [...]439 archbishop of Dublin, and lord iustice of Ireland, be­fore whome a parlement was holden at Dublin, in the eightéenth yéere of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt. In the yeare one thousand foure hundred and sixtie, Walter was archbishop of Dublin, & deputie 50 [...]460 to Iasper duke of Bedford, lieutenant of Ireland. I found in an ancient register the names of certeine The bishops of Kildare. bishops of Kildare, that were in that sée since the time of saint Brigid; the names of whome I thought here to insert. Lonie was bishop in saint Bridgids time, which was about the yeare of our Lord foure hundred fortie and eight; the rest doo haere follow: [...]448

  • 2 Inor.
  • 3 Conlie.
  • 4 Donatus.
  • 5 Dauid.
  • 6 Magnus.
  • 7 Richard.
  • 8 Iohn.
  • 9 Simon.
  • 10 Nicholas.
  • 11 Walter.
  • 12 Richard.
  • 13 Thomas.
  • 14 Robert.
  • 15 Bonifacius.
  • 16 Madogge. 60
  • 17 William.
  • 18 Galfride.
  • 19 Richard.
  • 20 Iames.
  • 21 Wale.
  • 22 Baret.
  • 23 Edmund Lane, who florished in the yeare 1518.

There hath béene a worthie prelat, canon in the Maurice Iake. 1319 The bridge of Kil [...]llen, and Leighlin. cathedrall church of Kildare, named Maurice Iake, who among the rest of his charitable déeds, builded the bridge of Kilcoollen, and the next yeare fellowing he builded in like maner the bridge of Leighlin, to the great and dailie commoditie of all such as are occasioned to trauell in those quarters.

The lords temporall, as well English as Irish, which inhabit the countrie of Ireland. The sixt chapter.

GErald Fitzgerald, earle of Kildare. This house was of the nobilitie of Florence, came from thense into Nor­mandie, and so with the an­cient earle Strangbow his kinsman, whose armes he gi­ueth, into Wales, néere of bloud to Rice ap Griffin, prince of Wales by Nesta the moother of Maurice Fitzgerald & Robert Fitz­stephans, with the said earle Maurice Fitzgerald re­mooued into Ireland, in the yeare one thousand one hundred sixtie and nine. The familie is verie proper­lie 116 [...] toucht in a sonnet of Surreies, made vpon the earle of Kldares sister, now countesse of Lincolne.

From Tuscane came my ladies worthie race,
Faire Florence was sometime hir ancient seat:
The westerne Ile whose pleasant shore doth face
Wild Cambers cliffes, did giue hir liuelie heat,
Fostred she was with milke of Irish brest,
Hir fire an earle, hir dame of princes bloud,
From tender yeares in Britaine she dooth rest
With kings child, where she tasts costlie food.
Hunsdon did first present hir to mine eine,
Bright is hir hew, and Geraldine she hight,
Hampton me taught to wish hir first for mine:
And Windsor, alas, dooth chase me from hir sight,
Hir beautie of kind, hir vertues from aboue,
Happie is he, that can obteine hir loue.

The corrupt orthographie that diuerse vse in wri­ting this name, dooth incorporat it to houses there­to linked in no kinred, and consequentlie blemisheth diuerse worthie exploits atchiued as well in Eng­land and Ireland, as in forren countries and domi­nions. Some write Gerold, sundrie Gerald, diuerse verie corruptlie Gerrot, others Gerard. But the true orthographie is Girald, as maie appeare both by Giraldus Cambrensis, and the Italian authors that make mention of the familie. As for Gerrot it diffe­reth flat from Girald: yet there be some in Ireland, that name and write themselues Gerrots, notwith­standing they be Giraldins, whereof diuerse gentle­men are in Meeth. But there is a sept of the Gerrots in Ireland, and they séeme forsooth by threatning kindnesse and kindred of the true Giraldins, to fetch their petit degrees from their ancestors, but they are so néere of bloud one to the other, that two bushels of beanes would scantlie count their degrées. An other reason why diuerse estrange houses haue béene shuf­fled in among this familie, was, for that sundrie gen­tlemen at the christening of their children, would haue them named Giralds, and yet their surnames were of other houses, and if after it happened that Girald had issue Thomas, Iohn, Robert, or such like, then would they beare the surname of Girald, as Thomas Fitzgirald: and thus taking the name of their ancestors for their surname, within two or thrée descents they shooue themselues among the kindred of the Giraldins. This is a generall fault in Ireland and Wales, and a great confusion and extinguish­ment of houses.

This noble and ancient familie of the Giraldins, haue in sundrie ages florished in the most renowmed countries of Europe. Warring Fitzgirald was one Matth. Paris. in vita Ioh. pag. 316. vers. 4 [...]. in great credit with king Iohn. I find an other Gi­raldine [Page 34] Archiepiscopus Burdegalensis, who flourished in 1234 king Henrie the third his time. There was an other Giraldine patriarch of Ierusalem, in the yéere one thousand two hundred twentie and nine, as witnes­seth Pag. 480. Matthaeus Parisiensis. There was one Girald of Berneill an excellent poet in the Italian toong: an other named Baptist Girald, was a famous citi­zen of Ferrara, an expert physician, and an exquisit philosopher, being publike professor of philosophie in the said citie, during the space of ten yeares. I haue 10 seene a worke of one Gregorius Giraldus Ferrariensis de dijs gentium, dedicated to Hercules duke of Ferra­ra, a pithie booke and verie well penned. Also Sylue­ster Giraldus Cambrensis. Giraldus Cambrensis hath béene one of this fa­milie, néere of kin to sir Maurice Fitzgirald. This gentleman was borne in Wales, and thereof he is named Cambrensis, of the word Cambria, that in old time was adapted to that part of Britannia. He was verie inward with Henrie the second, conqueror of Ireland, being at that time the kings secretarie. 20 And for that speciall affiance king Henrie reposed in him, he was appointed to accompanie prince Iohn the kings sonne into Ireland, as one of his chiefest and discréetest councellors.

This gentleman was verie well learned, a tol­lerable diuine, a commendable philosopher, not rude in physike, skilfull in cosmographie, a singular good antiquarie, an orator, in indeuor comparable to the best, in his stile not in those daies taken for the woorst, rather eschewing the name of a rude writer, 30 than purchasing the fame of an eloquent chronicler. Among other his works, he wrote one booke of the description of Ireland, other two of the conquest Ioannes de lo­co [...]umenti part prima granarij. thereof. Iohn the abbat of saint Albons saith, that this clerke was somewhat spare in words, and libe­rall in sentences. What he meaneth by this verdict I know not, vnlesse he taketh the man to be ouerlauish of his pen in frumping of his aduersaries with quip­ping tawnts, which (as I gesse) flowed rather from a flanting ostentation of a roisting kind of rhetorike, 40 than from anie great malice he bare anie one. How­beit, I maie not gaine saie, but as he was kind where he tooke, so he was somewhat biting where he disli­ked. But what his iudgement is of the Giraldins maie plainlie appeare in his chronicle, out of which I haue culled this praise worthie sentence insuing.

Hoc est huius generis omen & haec conditio. Semper in ar­mata militia chari, semper primi, semper rebus in Martijs ausu Cambrensis lib. 2 conqu. Hib. rub. 17. nobili praestantissimi. Cessante verò necessitatis articulo, statim exosi, statim vltimi, statim ad ima liuore depressi. Ver­untamen 50 tantae generositatis syluam liuor ad plenum extir­pare non potuit. Vnde & vsque in hodiernum gens haec nouis plantularum succrementis vires in insula non modi­eas habet. Qui sunt, qui penetrant hostium penitralia? Giraldidae. Qui sunt, qui patriam conseruant? Giral­didae. Qui sunt, quos hostes formidant? Giraldidae. Qui sunt, quos liuor detractat? Giraldidae. Si principem tantae strenuita­tis merita dignè pensantem reperissent, quàm tranquillum, quàm pacificum olim Hiberniae statum reddidissent? Sed ho­rum sine causa semper est suspecta strenuitas. This hath béen 60 continuallie, saith Cambrensis, a destinie or fatall propertie annexed to this house. In warre and mar­tiall broiles they are dandaled, they are colled, they are lulled, who but they? They rule the rost. But when these martiall garboiles are appeased, they are either through false informations wrongfullie behated, or else by enuious carpers sinisterlie suspec­ted. Howbeit, enuie with all hir malicious drifts, could neuer wholie supplant the fertill groue of this couragious & noble progenie. And maugre the heads of all malicious promoters, this sept, yea euen at this daie beareth, with the few slips there ingraffed, no small stroke in Ireland. Who are they that scale the enimies fort? The Giraldines; Who are they that defend their countrie? the Giraldines. Who are they that make the enimie quake in his skin? The Giraldines. And who are they whome enuie backbi­teth? The Giraldines. If it had stood with the good fortune of the Giraldines, that the king with equall balance would poise their valure, long yet this had all Ireland beene put in quiet and peaceable staie. But their valiantnesse and power hath beene from time to time without sufficient cause suspected. Hi­therto Cambrensis.

And soothlie, as often as I call to mind the saieng of this historiographer, I may not but muse how iumpe he hitteth the naile on the head. And who so will conferre their continuall successe from the pen­ning of this sentence (which was written aboue 400 yeares and vpward) with this age of ours, shall soone perceiue, that these words were rather prophesies of future mishap, than complaints of former iniuries. At this daie let them behaue themselues valiantlie in warre, and loiallie in peace; yet notwithstanding, such slanders are raised, such rumors noised, such tales bruted, such fables twitled, such vntrue reports twatled, such malicious inuentions forged, that such as are in authoritie cannot but of force suspect them, vnlesse they were able, like gods, to prie in the bot­tome of each mans conscience. But who so wisheth anie goodnesse to that miserable countrie, and noble progenie, let him with all the veines of his heart be­séech God, first that the higher powers be slowe in beléeuing the despitefull reports of enuious back­biters. Secondlie, that the Giraldines beare them­selues in all their affaires so dutifullie, that these curious inserchers be not able to depaint their feig­ned gloses with anie probable colours. So shall suspicion be abandoned, so shall malicious slanders be squatted, so shall that noble house be trusted, and consequentlie the battered weale-publike of Ireland reedified. The familie is English, and it is well knowne that the Irish rather feare their force, than loue their persons. And reason good pardie. For the Irish bearing in mind, that the Gi­raldine being thereto deputed by the prince, hath in all ages conquered their lands, abated their coura­ges, discomfited their men, vanquished their armies, daunted their power, suppressed their force, and made them become true and tributarie subiects to the crowne of England: they haue good cause to beare that sept but holow hearts, what shew so euer they make in outward apperance. Thus much generallie of the Giraldines, now I purpose particularlie to treat of the house of Kildare.

Maurice Fitzgirald, one of the earles progeni­tors, was lord iustice of Ireland in the yeare 1242, at which time he builded the castell of Sligagh. This The castell of Sligagh. Tireconille. Maurice was lord of Tireconille, and being entire­lie seized of the whole countrie, he gaue the one moie­tie thereof to Cormocke mac Dermot, mac Ro­rie. I read the Giraldine baron of Ophalie, in the yeare 1270. I haue séene it registred, that there died Baron of Ophalie. a Giraldine the fourth earle of Kildare, in the yeare 1287. But I take that kalendar to beare a false date. Wherefore the truth & certeintie is, that Iohn Fitz­girald, The first erle of Kildare. sonne to Thomas Fitzgirald, was the first earle of Kildare, and was created earle vpon this occasion.

In the yeare 1290, and in the eighteenth yeare of 1290 Uescie lord iustice. Edward the first, William Uescie was made lord iustice of Ireland. This man being either negligent or raw in the gouernment of the countrie, embolde­ned the Irish enimie to indamage the kings subiects more estsoones than they were accustomed to doo. These enormities being for the space of foure years tolerated, the subiects misliking of the flacknesse of their gouernour, gaue out such sinister spéeches of the [Page 35] lord iustice, as he was glad to the hart root. Soone af­ter, as the nobles in open assemblie were ripping vp by péecemele the seuerall harms their tenants suffe­red, the lord iustice willing to disburden himselfe of the crime, began with mistie kind of speaches to laie the whole fault on the lord Iohn Fitzgiralds shoul­ders, saieng in parable wise, that he was a great oc­casion Uescie accu­seth the lord Fitzgirald. of these disorders, in that he bare himselfe in priuat quarrels as fierce as a lion, but in these pub­like iniuries he was as méeke as a lambe. The ba­ron 10 of Ophalie spelling and putting these syllables together, spake in this wise.

‘My lord, I am hartilie sorie that among all this The lord Gi­ralds answer. noble assemblie, you make me your onelie marke whereat to shoot your bolt. And trulie were my de­serts so heinous as I suppose you would wish them to be, you would not labour to cloud your talke with such darke ridles, as at this present you haue doone; but with plaine & flat English, your lordship would not sticke to impeach of fellonie or treason. For as 20 mine ancestors with spending of their bloud in their souereignes quarell aspired to this type of honour, in which at this daie (God and my king be thanked) I stand: so your lordship taking the nigher waie to the wood, by charging me with treason, would gladlie trip so roundlie on my top, that by shedding of my bloud, and by catching my lands into your clouches, that butt so néere vpon your manors of Kildare and Rathimgan, as I dare saie they are an eie-sore vnto you, you might make my maister your sonne a pro­per gentleman. 30

A gentleman? quoth the lord iustice: Thou bald baron, I tell thee the Uescies were gentlemen before The lord iu­stice replieth. ‘the Giraldines were barons of Ophalie, yea and be­fore that Welsh bankrupt thine ancestour (he meant sir Maurice Fitzgirald) fethered his nest in Lein­ster. And whereas thou takest the matter so farre in snuffe, I will teach thée thy lyrripups after an other fashion than to be thus malepertlie cocking and bil­ling with me that am thy gouernour. Wherefore, 40 albeit thy taunts are such as they might force the pa­tientest philosopher that is, to be chokt with choler: yet I would haue thée ponder my spéeches, as though I deliuered th [...]m in my most sober and quiet mood. I saie to the face of thée, and I will anow what I say vnto thée, that thou art a supporter of theeues, a bolste­rer of the kings enimies, an vpholder of traitors, a murtherer of subiects, a firebrand of dissention, a ranke théefe, an arrant traitor: and before I eate these words, I will make thée eate a péece of my 50 blade.’

The baron brideling with might and maine his choler, bare himselfe as cold in countenance, as the lord iustice was hot in words, and replied in this wise. ‘My lord I am verie glad, that at length you vnwrapped your selfe out of that net, wherein all this while you masked. As for mine ancestor, whome you terme a bankerupt, how rich or how poore he was vpon his repaire to Ireland, I purpose not at this time to debate. Yet thus much I may boldlie saie, 60 that he came hither as a bier, not as a begger. He bought the enimies land by spending his bloud: but you lurking like a spider in his copweb to intrap flies, endeuor to beg subiects liuings wrongfullie, by despoiling them of their innocent liues. And wheras you charge me with malepertnes, in that I presume to chop logike with you being gouernour, by answe­ring your snappish Quid, with a knappish Quo, I wold wish you to vnderstand, now, that you put me in mind of the distinction, that I as a subiect honour your roiall authoritie, but as a noble man I despise your dunghill gentilitie. Lastlie, whereas you charge me with the odious termes of traitor, murtherer, and the like, and there withall you wish me to resolue my selfe, that you rest vpon reason, not vpon rage: if these words procéed from your lordship, as from a magistrate, I am a subiect, to be tried by order of law, and am sorrie that the gouernour, who ought by vertue of his publike authoritie to be my iudge, is by reason of priuat malice become mine accuser.’

‘But if you vtter these spéeches as a priuat per­son, then I Iohn Fitzgirald, baron of Ophalie, doo tell thée William Uescie, a single sole gentleman, that I am no traitor, no felon; and that thou art the onelie buttresse, by which the kings enimies are sup­ported, the meane and instrument by which his maie­sties subiects are dailie spoiled. Therefore I as a loi­all subiect saie traitor to thy téeth, and that shalt thou well vnderstand when we both shall be brought to the rehersall of these matters before our betters. How­beit, during the time you beare office, I am resolued to giue you the mastrie in words, and to suffer you like a bralling cur to barke, but when I sée my time I will be sure to bite.’

These biting spéeches passing to and fro, great factions on both sides were raised, with high and The lord Gi­rald posteth into England mightie words, and deepe othes; till time either part appeased his owne. The baron of Ophalie not sleep­ing nor slacking his matter, squdded with all hast in­to England, where he was no sooner inshored, than Uescie, after he had substituted William Haie in Uescie fol­loweth. his roome, was imbarked, making as hot foot after the baron as he could. The king and his councell vn­derstanding the occasion of their sudden arriuals, to the end the truth should be brought to light, appoin­ted a set daie for the deciding of their controuersie, and that each of them should speake for himselfe what he could. Wherevpon Uescie being commanded to begin, spake to this effect.

‘My dread souereigne, as I must acknowledge Uescies oration. my selfe somewhat agréeued, to be intangled in so in­tricate a matter, so I am as glad as hart can thinke that so weightie a controuersie is brought to the deci­ding of so vpright an vmpire. And whereas it stood with your maiesties pleasure, with the aduise of this your honourable councell, that I, as vnwoorthie, should haue the gouernment of your realme of Ire­land; and during my time, your maiesties subiects, haue béene, I may not denie it, diuerslie annoied, for my discharge, as I said in Ireland: so I auow héere in England, that he kneeleth héere before your high­nesse (pointing to the baron of Ophalie) that is the root and crop of all these enormities. For it is well knowne, that he beareth that stroke with the Irish, as if he once but frowne at them, they dare not be so hardie as once to peake out of their cabbins. And whereas his force dooth greatlie amaze them, thinke you but his countenance dooth woonderfullie incou­rage them? To the furtherance of which, it is appa­rantlie knowne, and it shall be prooued, that he hath not onelie in hucker mucker, by sundrie messages imboldened your maiesties enimies, to spoile your subiects, but also by his personall presence, in secret méetings, he gaue them such courage, as neither the roialtie of your highnesse, nor the authoritie of your deputie, neither the force of your lawes, nor the strength of your puissant armie, was able to quench the flame of these hurlie burlies, that through his traitorous drifts were inkindled. These and the like enormities through his priuie packing with rebels being dailie committed, to bring me your maiesties gouernour in the hatred of the people, his adherents both secretlie muttered, and openlie exclamed a­gainst me and my gouernment, as though the re­dresse of all these harmes had wholie lien in mine hands.’

‘Wherevpon being in conference with such as were the chiefteins of your realme of Ireland, al­beit [Page 36] I tooke it to be expedient, to point with my fin­ger to the verie sinke or headspring of all the trea­sons, that by secret conspiracies were pretended and practised against your maiestie and your subiects, yet notwithstanding hauing more regard to mode­stie, than to the deserts of the baron of Ophalie, I did but glanse at his packing in such secret sort, as none or a verie few of the companie could gesse, whome with my mistre speaches I did touch. And as commonlie the gald horsse dooth soonest kicke, so this 10 gentelman being prickt, as it should seeme with the sting of his giltie conscience, brake out on a sudden, and forgetting his allegiance to your highnesse, and his dutie to me your deputie, he tooke me vp so roughlie, as though I had béene rather his vnder­ling than his gouernour. The summe of which des­pitefull speaches I refer to the testimonie of the ho­norable audience where they were deliuered. As for his manifold treasons, I am ashamed to rehearse such things as he did not sticke to commit. And if it 20 shall stand with your maiesties pleasure, to adiourne the triall for a few daies, I will charge him with such apparent Items, as were his face made of brasse, he shall not be able to denie anie one article that shall be booked against him. When Uescie had ended, the baron of Ophalie prest himselfe somewhat forward, and in this wise spake.’

‘Most puissant prince and my dread souereigne, The lord Gi­ralds oration. were maister Uescie his mouth so iust a measure, as what he spake, should be holden for gospell, this had 30 béene no sit place for so arrant a traitor, as he with his feigned glosing would gladlie prooue me to be. But sith it pleased your maiestie, with so indifferent balance to ponder both our tales, I am throughlie persuaded, that my loiall innocencie shall be able, to ouerpoise his forged treacherie. Your maiestie hath heard manie words to small purpose. And as his complaint hitherto hath beene generallie hudled vp, so mine answer thereto may not particularlie be framed. Whereas therefore he termeth me a suppor­ter 40 of théeues, a packer with rebels, a conspirator with traitors, if I should but with a bare word denie the premisses, all his gaie glose of glitring speaches would suddenlie fade awaie. Yea, but he craueth res­pit for the booking of his articles. Trulie so he hath need. For loitering and lingring is the onlie waie he may deuise to cloke his feigning and forging. Wher­in he sheweth himselfe as craftie, as the philosopher was accounted wise that promised a tyrant vpon menacing wordes, to schoole his asse in philosophie, 50 so he had seuen yeares respit; bicause that in that space he was persuaded, that either the tyrant, the asse, or he would die. In likewise master Uescie, vp­on respit granted him, would hang in hope, that ei­ther the life of your maiestie (which God forbid) should be shortened; or that I, in tract of time, would be disfauoured; or that he by one subtill pranke or o­ther should be of this heauie load disburdened.’

‘But if I haue béene as manie yeares a malefac­tor as he aduoucheth, how happeneth it, that his toong 60 was tied before this late dissention begun? Whie did he not from time to time aduertise the councell of my treasons? Whereas now it may be probablie coniectured, that he was egd to this seruice rather for the hatred he beareth me, than for anie loue h [...] oweth your roiall maiestie. Touching the words I spake in Ireland, I purpose not, for ought I heard as yet, to eat them in England. And when I shall be cald to testifie such speaches as I deliuered there, I will not be found so raw in my matter. as to lose my errant in the carriage, as master Uescie hath doone, or to craue further respit for the registring of his manifold treasons. As for my secret méetings with Irish rebels, where I persuaded master Uescie, that you were able to prooue them, I would be found willing to acknowledge them. For if my conscience were so deepelie stoong, as you pretend, I would take it for better policie, by acknowledging my trespasse, to appeale to my king his mercie, than by denieng my faults, to stand to the rigor of his iustice.’

‘And as for méetings, I had neuer so manie in woods with rebels, as you master Uescie, haue had in your chamber with cowes. For it hath beene ma­nifestlie apparented, that when the baron of Ophalie, and the best of the nobilitie of Ireland haue béene imbard from entring your chamber, an Irish cow should haue at all times accesse vnto you. No, ma­ster Uescie: a cow, an horsse, an hauke, and a siluer cup haue beene the occasion of your slacknesse. When the subiects were preided, you would be content to winke at their miserie, so that your mouth were stopt with briberie. And when you had gathered your crums sufficientlie togither, you held it for a pretie policie (and yet it was but a bare shift) to charge the nobilitie with such packing, as you dailie did prac­tise. But you must not thinke that we are babes, or that with anie such stale deuise, or grosse iuggling tricke, you may so easilie duske or dazell our eies. Can anie man that is but slenderlie witted, so far be caried, as to beleeue, that master Uescie, being the kings deputie in Ireland, hauing his maiesties trea­sure, hauing the nobilitie at his becke, the kings ar­mie at his commandement; but that, if he were dis­posed to besturre himselfe, he were able to ferret out such barebréech brats as swarme in the English pale? If he said he could not, we must smile at his simplicitie; if he could and would not, how may he colour his disloialtie?’

‘Yea, but I beare such stroke with the Irish, as that vpon anie priuat quarrell I am able to annoie them. What then? Bicause the baron of Ophalie can reuenge his priuat iniuries without the assi­stance of the deputie; therefore the deputie may not vanquish weake and naked rebels without the fur­therance of the baron of Ophalie: whereas the con­trarie ought to be inferd, that if a priuat person can tame the Irish, what may then the publike magi­strat doo, that hath the princes paie? But in déed it is hard to take hares with foxes. You must not thinke, master Uescie, that you were sent gouernour into Ireland to dandle your truls, to pen your selfe vp within a towne or citie to giue rebels the gaze, to pill the subiects, to animat tratiors, to fill your coffers, to make your selfe by marring true men, to gather the birds whilest other beat the bushes, and after to impeach the nobilitie of such treasons, as you onelie haue committed.’

‘But for so much as our mutuall complaints stand vpon the one his yea, and the other his naie, and that you would be taken for a champion, & I am knowne to be no coward: let vs, in Gods name, leaue lieng for varlets, berding for ruffians, facing for crakers, chatting for twatlers, scolding for callets, booking for scriueners, pleading for lawyers; and let vs trie with the dint of sword, as become martiall men to doo, our mutuall quarels. Wherefore to iustifie that I am a true subiect, and that thou Uescie art an arch­traitor to God & to my king, here in the presence of his highnesse, and in the hearing of this honorable The combat chalenged. assemblie, I chalenge the combat.’ Whereat all the auditorie shouted.

Now in good faith, quoth Uescie, with a right good will. Wherevpon both the parties being dismist vn­till the kings pleasure were further knowne, it was agréed at length by the councell, that the fittest triall should haue béene by battell. Wherefore the parties being as well thereof aduertised, as the daie by the king appointed, no small prouision was made for so [Page 37] eager a combat, as that was presupposed to haue beene. But when the prefixed daie approched néere, Uescie turning his great boast to small rost, began to crie creake, and secretlie sailed into France. King Uescie fled in­to France. Kildare be­stowed on the lard Girald. Edward thereof aduertised, bestowed Uescies lord­ships of Kildare and Rathingan on the baron of O­phalie, saieng that albeit Uescie conueied his person into France, yet he left his lands behind him in I­reland.

The baron returned to Ireland with the gratula­tion 10 of all his friends, and was created earle of Kil­dare, The first erle [...] Kildare [...]reated. in the ninth yeare of Edward the second his reigne, the foureteenth of Maie. He deceassed at La­raghbrine 1315 (a village néere to Mainooth) in the yeare 1316, and was buried at Kildare, so that he was earle but one yeare. The house of Kildare among diuerse gifts, wherewith God hath abundantlie in­dued The num­bers of the earles of Kildare. it, is for one singular point greatlie to be admi­red, that notwithstanding the seuerall assaults of di­uerse enimies in sundrie ages, yet this earle that 20 now liueth is the tenth earle of Kildare, to whome from Iohn the first earle, there hath alwaies conti­nued a lineall descent from father to son: which tru­lie in mine opinion is a great blessing of God. And for as much as this earle now liuing as his ance­stors before him, haue beene shrewdlie shooued at by his euill willers, saieng that he is able, but not wil­ling to profit his countrie: the posie that is framed for him, signifieng his mind, runneth in this wise:

Quid possim, iactant: quid vellem, scire recusant: 30
Vtraque Reginae sint, rogo; nota meae.

His eldest sonne is lord Girald, baron of Opha­lie, for whom these two verses following are made: Lord Girald.

Te pulchrum natura fecit, fortuna pote [...],
Tefaciat Christi [...]ma, Giralde, bo [...].

Sir Thomas Butler earle of Ormond and Os­serie. The Butlers were ancient English gentle­men, Earle of Or­mond. 1247 The But­lers (as I am informed) are found by an­cient records to haue béene earles of the Carrike. and worthie seruitors in all ages. Theobald Butler lord of Carrike and Iohn Cogan were lord iustices of Ireland. This Butler died in the castell 40 of Ar [...]kelow, in the yeare 1285. This lord Theo­bald Butler the yoonger, and son to the elder Theo­bald, was sent for by Edward the first, to serue a­gainst the Scots. This noble man deceased at Tur­uie, and his bodie was conueighed to Weneie, a towne in the countie of Limerike. Sir Edmund 1299 Butler a wise and valiant noble man was dubbed knight at London by Edward the second. 1309

This man being appointed lieutenant of Ire­land, vpon the repaire of Iohn Wogan (who before 50 was lord iustice) to England, besieged the Obrenies 131 [...] in Glindalorie: and were it not that they submitted themselues to the king and the lieutenants mercie, they had not béene onelie for a season vanquished, but also vtterlie by him extirped. This noble man was in his gouernement such an incourager and furtherer of seruitors, as that he dubd on saint Mi­chaell the archangels daie thirtie knights in the ca­stell 1313 of Dublin. He was a scourge vnto the Scots that inuaded Ireland, when he was lieutenant. He 60 discomfited Omo [...]rgh [...] rebell, neare a 1315 towne named Balie [...]an [...]ter diuerse victorious exploits by him atchiued, he sailed into England, and so to Hispaine in pilgrimage to saint Iames. 1316 Upon his returne to England, he deceased at Lon­don, and his bodie being conueied into Ireland was 1321 intoomed at Ba [...].

Iames Butler earle of Ormond was lord iu­stice of Ireland, in the yeare 1359. The lord Butler 1359 and vicount Thurles was dubd knight by Henrie the [...]rt in England, in the yeare 1425, at which tune 1425 sir Iames Butler, sir Iohn Butler, sir Rafe Butler, were in like maner knighted. Iames Butler, who [...] [...]rle of Ormond. maried the earle of Herefords daughter, was prefer­red to the earledome of Ormond in the first yeare of Edward the third, which fell vpon the heirs generall, lastlie vpon sir Thomas Butler earle of Wilshire, after whome it reuersed to Pierce Butler, whome a little before king Henrie the eight had created erle of Ossorie. I read Butler earle of Tipperarie in the yeare 1300. The Latine historie calleth him Domi­num Tipperarie. de pincerna, the English le Butler. Whereby it appeareth, he had some such honour about the prince. His verie name is Becket, who was aduanced by Henrie the seconds eldest sonne, lord Butler, in re­compense of the death of Thomas of Canturburie their kinsman. His eldest sonne is the lord Butler and vicount Thurles. For the earle now liuing these two verses (in the remembrance of him) are made:

Magnus auus, maiór (que) pater, sed natus vtró (que)
Corporis aut animi non bonitate minor.

Gerald fitz Gerald earle of Desmond. Maurice Desmond. fitz Thomas a Geraldine, was created earle of Des­mond the same yeare, soone after that Butler became earle of Ormond. His eldest sonne is lord fitz Ge­rald of Desmond. The erle now liuing, thus speaketh:

[...]tandem, iactatus fluctibus alti,
Et precor in portu sit mea tuta ratis.

Sir Richard Bourke earle of Clenrickard, a branch of the English familie de Burgo. The Clenrickard. Bourkes haue beene ancient noble men before their comming to Ireland: and in old time they haue beene earles of Ulster. His eldest sonne is lord Bourke baron of En [...]kelline. His verse is this:

Quam mihi maiorum fama bona gesta dederunt,
Hanc mihi natorum barbara facta negant.

Connogher Obren earle of Tomond: the name Tomond. of earle giuen to Murragh Obren for tearme of life, and after to Donogh Obren, in the fift yeare of the 1550 reigne of Edward the sixt, now confirmed to the heires males, his eldest sonne is baron of Ibracan. Upon the erle now liuing this fantasie was deuised:

Non decet externos, sine causa, quaerere reges,
Cum licet in tuta viuere pace domi.

Mac Cartie More earle of Clencare, created in the Clencare. Barrie. Roch. Gormans­towne. yeare 1565. Uicount Barrie. Uicount Roch. Pre­ston Uicount of Gormanstowne: whervnto is late­lie annexed the baronie of Lawnedresse. One of their ancestors sir Robert Preston, then chiefe ba­ron of the excheker, was dubbed knight in the field, by Lionell duke of Clarence. This gentleman mat­ched in wedlocke with Margaret Birmingham la­die 1361 of Carbrie, who deceassed in the yeare 1361. After whose death sir Robert Preston was seized of 136 [...] the said lordship in the right of his wife, and being molested by rebels, placed a garison in the castell, whereby the subiects were greatlie eased, and she re­bels greatlie annoied.

There hath béene another sir Robert Preston of this house, great grandfather to the vicount now 1476 liuing. This gentleman was deputie to Richard, se­cond son to Edward the fourth, in the sixtéenth yeare of the reigne of his father: and after likewise in the reigne of Henrie the seuenth, he was deputie to Ias­per 1492 duke of Bedford, erle of Penbroke, & lieutenant of Ireland: and at the same time was he appointed by the king generall receiuer of his reuenue in Ire­land. How wiselie this noble man behaued himselfe in peace, and how valiantlie he bequit himselfe in warre, sundrie of king Henrie the seuenth his let­ters to him being deputie, addressed, doo manifestlie witnesse. There was a parlement holden before him at Drogheda, which was repealed in the tenth yeare 1494 of Henrie the seuenth. Sir Christopher Preston was dubbed knight in the field by Edmund earle of March, lord deputie of Ireland. William Preston was lord [...]ce of Ireland in Henrie the eight his 1397 reigne. The house is ancient, planted in Lancashire, [Page 38] and from thense departed into Ireland, being to this Preston came [...] Lan­cashire. daie seized of a manour in Lancashire, named of the house Preston. The vicount now liuing speaketh in this wise, as it were present in person, and saith:

Si quantum vellem, tantum me posse putarem,
Nota esset patriae mens meafirma meae.

Eustace aliâs Powar, vicount of Baltinglasse, lord of Kilcullen to him and his heires males, the Baltinglasse. foure and thirtith yeare of Henrie the eight. Their ancestor Robert de Powar was sent into Ireland 10 with commission, and his of spring hath rested there 1542 since the yeare 1175. Powar aliâs Eustace is writ­ten baron of Do [...]uile in the yeare 1317. The vi­counts 1175 poesie now liuing is this that followeth:

Cùm bonus ipse manes, an non laus magna putatur,
Prudenter cuiuis posseplacere viro?

Sir Richard Butler vicount Mountgaret to him and his heires males in the fift yeare of Edward the Mountgaret. 1550 Déece. [...]enrie. sixt. Uicount Déece. Lord Bermingham baron of Athenrie, now degenerate and become méere Irish, 20 against whome his ancestors serued valiantlie in the yeare 1300. Iohn Bermingham was lord of Athen­rie Anno 1316. Iohn Bermingham baron of Ar­digh, called in Latine de alrio Dei, in the yere 1318. [...]rdigh. kerie. Courcie. Mac Maurice, aliâs Fitzgerald, baron of Kerie. L. Courcie, not verie Irish; the ancient descent of the Courcies planted in Ireland with the conquest. Fle­ming baron of Slane. Simon Fleming was baron Slaine. of Slane, 1370. The L. now liuing thus speaketh:

Slanius inuictus princeps mihi nomen adaptat, 30
In bello clarum nomen & omen habens.

Plunket baron of Killine, his familie came in Killine. with the Danes, whereof they haue as yet speciall monuments. Sir Christopher Plunket lord of Kil­line, was lord lieutenant of Ireland, which title is to be seene at this day in Killine, grauen on his toome. The baron that now liueth, thus frameth his poesie:

Ornant viuentem maiorum gesta meorum,
Talia me nequeunt viua cadentemori.

Nugent baron of Deluen, an ancient house. Sir Gilbert de Nogent, or Nugent, cante into Ireland, 40 Delui [...]. with sir Hugh de Lacie, one of the first and valiant conquerors of the countrie. This Gilbert matched with Rosa de Lacie, sister to Hugh de Lacie. He had giuen him vpon the conquest the baronies of foure, and of Deluine by the said sir Hugh, of whose brother Richard de Nogent, otherwise called Richardus de Capella, the house of Deluin is descended. In a con­ueiance past from sir Gilbert to his brother Richard, these words are inferted: Dedi & concessi fratri meo Ri­chardo 50 de Capella totum conquestum melum in Hibernia, & terram quam dedit mihi dominus meus Hugo de Luci, qui vo­catur Deluin, & totam terram meam in Anglia. The ba­ron now liuing & louing his countrie thus speaketh:

In patria natus, patria prodesse laboro,
Viribus in castris, consilijs (que) domi.

S. Laurence, baron of Howth, signifieng the disposition of his mind, he speaketh in this wise: Howth.

Si redamas, redamo, si spernis, sperno. Duid ergo?
Non licet abs (que) tuis viuere posse bo [...]? 60

Plunket baron of Dunsanie. Upon the baron now liuing, this deuise was framed as you sée [...] Dunsanie.

Gratia quod dederat, si non fortuna negabit,
Dux tam praeclaro stemmate dignus eris.

Barnewall baron of Trimlestowne. They came from litle Britain, where they are at this day a great Trimle­stowne. surname. Upon their first arriuall, they wan great possessions at Beithauen, where at length by conspi­racie of the Irish they were all slaine, except one yoong man, who then studied the common lawes in England, who returning, dwelt at Drunnagh be­sides Drunnagh. Dublin, where his heires to this daie are setled. This house as well for antiquitie, as for the number of worshipfull gentlemen that be of the surname, beareth no small stroke in the English pale of Ire­land: howbeit of late it hath béene greatlie maimed thorough the decease of thrée woorthie and famous Barnewals. The first was Robert Barnewall L. of Robert Barnewall. Trimlestowne that last was, a rare noble man, and indued with sundrie good gifts, who hauing wholie wedded himselfe to the reformation of his miserable countrie, was resolued for the whetting of his wit, which nathelesse was pregnant and quicke, by a short trade and method he tooke in his studie, to haue sipt vp the verie sap of the common law, and vpon this determination sailing into England, sickened short­lie after at a worshipfull matrones house at Corn [...] ­berie, named Margaret Tiler, where he was to the 157 [...] great gréefe of all his countrie pearsed with death, when the weale publike had most néed of his life. The second Barnewall that deceased was M. Mar­cus 1574 Marcus Barnewall. Barnewall of Donbroa, whose credit and au­thoritie had it béene correspondent to his valure and abilitie, he would (I doubt not) haue béene accoun­ted and knowne for as od a gentleman (none disprai­sed) as anie in the English pale of Ireland.

The third of the surname that departed this life, Sir Christo­pher Barn­wall a night. was sir Christopher Barnwall knight, the lanterne and light as well of his house, as of that part of Ire­land where he dwelt: who being sufficientlie furnisht as well with the knowlege of the Latine toong, as of the common lawes of England, was zealous [...]ie bent to the reformation of his countrie. A déepe and a wise gentleman, spare of spéech, and therewithall pithie, wholie addicted to grauitie, being in anie plea­sant conceipt rather giuen to simper than smile, ve­rie vpright in dealing, measuring all his affaires with the safetie of conscience, as true as stéele, close and secret, fast to his friend, stout in a good quarell, a great housholder, sparing without pinching, spen­ding without wasting, of nature mild, rather choosing to pleasure where he might harme, than willing to harme where he might pleasure. He sickened the thrée and twentith of Iulie of an hot burning ague, and ended his life at his house of Tur [...]ie the fift of 117 [...] August, to the great losse as well of his friends as of his countrie, vpon whose death a sonne in law of his framed this epitaph consisting of sixtéene verses.

Laeta tibi, sed moesta tuis mors accidit ista,
Regna dat alta tibt, damna dat ampla tuis.
Lae [...]s es in coelis vllo sine fine triumphans,
M [...]stus at in terris diues inópsque iacet.
Nam sapiente caret diues, qui parta gubernet,
Nec, qui det misero munera, pauper habet.
Te gener ipse caret, viduae, te rustica turba,
Atque vrbana cohors, te (sacer alme) caret.
Non est digna viro talis respublica tanto,
Nam sanctos sedes non nisi sancta decet.
Miraloquor, sed vera loquot, non ficta reuolua.
Si maiora loquar, nil nisi vera loquar.
M [...]es? Nobis hoc crimina nostra dede [...]nt.
Mortuus es? Virtus hoc tibi sacra dedit.
Viuus in coelo, dedit hoc tibi gratia Christi,
[...] vt in mundo sis, tibi fama dabit.

For the lord of Trimlestownell now liuing, desi­ring a name of fame after death, this was deuised.

Quod mihi vita dedit, fratri Morssaeua nega [...]t,
Quod dedeat fratri, dei mihi fama precor.

Edward Butler baron of Donboin, giuen to Dunbo [...]. Edmund Butler esquier, and his heires males, in the thrée and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight. 1541 For the baron now liuing, these verses are made.

Dum sequitur natus summi vestigia patris,
Filius optato tramite cuncta geret.

Sir Barnabie Fitzpatrike baron of Upper Os­serie, Upper O [...] ­rie. giuen to Barnabie Mac Gullopatrike and his heires males, in the thrée and thirtith yeare of Henrie the eight. Donat Clo [...]nagh Machgilpa­trike 1541 [Page 39] was a péerelesse warriour in the yeare 1219. Sir Barnabie Fitzpatrike, now lord of vpper Os­serie, was knighted by the duke of Norffolke at the 1558 siege of Leith in Scotland: in the begining of Q. Elizabeths reigne, for whom these verses are made:

Principis in gremio summi nutritus & altus,
Hausit ab illustri regia dona schola.

Plunket, baron of Louth, to sir Christopher Louth. 1541 Plunket and his heires males, in the 33 yeare of K. Henrie the eight. This baronie was an erldome 10 perteining to the Berminghams, in the yeare 1316, & sooner. For the baron now liuing, this was deuised:

Nobilis, ingenuus, firmis quoque firmus amicis,
Nubila seu coelum lúxue serena regat.

Oneile, baron of Dungauon, to whom the earle­dome of Tiron was intailed by gift of king Henrie the eight. Powar, baron of Curraghmore. Mac Dungauon. Surtan, lord Desert, his ancestors were lords in the Curragh­more. Desert. time of Lionell duke of Clarence, earle of Ulster, in the yeare 1360: now verie wild Irish. Mur­ragh 20 Obrene, baron of Insirkoine, to him and his heires males, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight. There are besides these noble Insirkoin. 1543 men, certeine gentlemen of woorship, commonlie called baronets, whom the ruder sort dooth register a­mong the nobilitie, by terming them corruptlie ba­rons; Baronets. whereas in verie déed they are to be named neither barons, nor baronets, but banrets. He is properlie called a banret, whose father was no car­pet knight, but dubbed in the field vnder the banner 30 Banret what it signifieth. or ensigne. And because it is not vsuall for anie to be a knight by birth, the eldest sonne of such a knight with his heires, is named a bannerret, or a banret. Such are they that here insue. Sentleger, ban­ret of Flemarge, méere Irish. Den, banret of Pormanstowne, waxing Irish. Fitzgirald, ban­ret of Burnechurch. Welleslie, banret of Nor­ragh, Huseie, banret of Galtrim. Saint Mig­hell, banret of Scrine. And Nangle, banret of the Nauan. English gentlemen of longest continu­ance 40 in Ireland are those, which at this day either in great pouertie or perill doo keepe their properties of their ancestors lands in Ulster, being then compa­nions to Courcie, the conqueror and earle of that part. These are the Sauages, Iordans, Fitz Si­mons, Chamberleins, Russels, Bensons, Audleies, Whites, Fitz Ursulies, now degenerat and called in Irish Mac Mahon, the Beares sonne.

The names or surnames of the lear­ned 50 men and authors of Ireland, and what bookes they wrote. The seuenth chapter.

ARdericus, whome Marianus Scotus termeth Barbosus, because of his long beard, a Ardericus. learned man, greatlie in old time renowmed in Ireland. But for as much as in his 60 age the countrie was not sto­red with such as imploied their labors in gathering together the saiengs and dooings of sage persons, the discontinuance of his fame is rather to be imputed to the ignorance of the time, than to the want of his deserts. He flouri­shed in the yeare 1053. Alen, a learned physician. Iames Archer a student of diuinitie. Argobastus, Alen. Archer. Argobastus. the second bishop of Argentine, successor to the ho­lie prelat saint Amand, borne in Ireland, a learned and deuout clerke: who leauing his countrie and li­uing in heremit wise, in certeine solitarie places of France, instructed the people of that realme in the feare of God, and the knowlege of the scriptures. In his preaching he was noted to haue so singular a grace, and so prosperous successe, that such as were by anie worldlie misaduenture afflicted, vpon the hearing of his godlie sermons would suddenlie be comforted. The French king Dagobertus, aduer­tised of his lerning and vertue, caused him to be sent for, vsing him as his chiefe councellor in all his weightie affaires; and after aduanced him to be bi­shop of Argentine: he wrote a booke of homilies. He deceassed in the yeare 658: & was buried hard by a gibbet néere the citie, pitcht on the top of an hill called saint Michaels hill, which was doone by 64 [...] his owne appointment, in that he would follow the example of his maister Christ, who did vouchsafe to suffer without the citie of Ierusalem, where offen­dors and malefactors were executed. Barnwall. Bradie a preacher. Brendan an abbat borne in Con­nagh, Barnwall. Bradie. Brendan. in his youth trained vp vnder Hercus a bi­shop: and being further stept in yeares, he trauelled into England, where he became a profest moonke, vnder an abbat named Congellus, he flourished in the yeare 560: and wrote these bookes insuing. Confessio christiana lib. 1. Charta coelestis haere­ditatis lib. 1. Monachorum regula lib. 1.

Edmund Bernerden a frier, he procéeded doctor Bernerden. Brigide. of diuinitie in Dublin, in the yeare 1320. Brigide the virgine, borne in Leinster, she flourished in the yeare 510: she wrote a booke of hir reuelations. Browne a ciuilian. Burnell. Butler a Water­fordian, sometime scholer to maister Peter White; Browne. Burnell. Butler. he translated Maturinus Corderius his booke of phrases into English, in the yeare 1562. Iames Caddell, he wrote Diuersa epigrammata. Carberie Caddell. Carberie. Celsus. a profound ciuilian. Celsus archbishop of Armagh, borne in Ireland, and schooled in the vniuersitie of Oxford, he flourished in the yeare 1128: he wrote these bookes following. Testamentum ad ecclesias lib. 1. Constitutiones quaedam lib. 1. Ad Mala­chiam epistolae complures. Cléere, borne in Kilken­nie, and procéeded maister of art in Oxford. Iohn Cléere. Clin borne in Leinster, being profest a greie fri­er, he bestowed his time in preaching, chieflie in the Clin. towne of Kilkennie. This man was a good anti­quarie, as appeared by a chronicle he wrote, begin­ning at the natiuitie of Christ, and stretching to the yeare 1350: in which yeare he flourished. He wrote these bookes following. Annalium chronicon lib. 1. De regibus Anglorum lib. 1. De custodijs prouin­ciarum lib. 1. De Franciscanorum coenobijs & e­orum distinctionibus lib. 1.

Henrie Cogie doctor of diuinitie, procéeded in the vniuersitie of Dublin, in the yeare 1320. Colme, a learned and an holie monke, he flourished in the Cogie. Colme. yeare 670: he wrote a booke intituled Pro socijs Quartadecimanis. Columbanus, borne in Ulster, and trained in learning and knowledge as well in Columbanus. England as in France, for his learning and ver­tue, was elected to be abbat. Hauing trauelled di­uerse countries, at length he repaired to Italie, and there in an abbeie by him founded, called Mo­nasterium Bobiense, he ended his life the twentith of 59 [...] Nouember. He left to his posteritie these bookes: In psalterium commentarios lib. 1. Collationes ad monachos librum 1. De moribus monachorum metrice lib. 1. Monasteriorum methodos lib. 1. Epistolas ad commilitones lib. 1. Aduersus re­gem adulterum lib. 1. Conganus an Irish ab­bat, of whom saint Barnard maketh great ac­count, Conganus. he flourished in the yeare 1150: and wrote to saint Bernard Gesta Malachiae archiepiscopi Barnardus in vita Malachiae in praefat. Connour. Conton. Coniell. Cornelius. lib. 1. Ad Bernardum Clareuallensem epist. plures. Connour. Walter Conton: he wrote in the La­tine toong diuerse epigrams and epitaphs. Simon Coniell a diuine. Cornelius Hibernus, otherwise [Page 40] named H [...]oricus, by reason that he was taken in his time for an exquisit antiquarie, as may appeare by the Scotish historian Hector Boctius, by whom he Hector Boet. in prae [...]ul. Scot. [...]. acknowledgeth himselfe to be greatlie furthered. He flourished in the yeare 1230: and wrote Multa­rum rerum Chronicon. lib. 1. Richard Creagh borne in Limerike, a diuine, he wrote Epistolas Creagh. complures, Responsiones ad casus conscientiae. De vitis sanctorum Hiberniae. Topographiam Hiber­niae, with diuerse other bookes. 10

Henrie Crumpe borne in Ireland, and brought Crumpe. vp in the vniuersitie of Oxford,, where he grew by reason of his profound knowledge in diuinitie to no small credit. Hauing repaired to his natiue coun­trie, minding there to defraie the talent wherewith God had indued him, he was suddenlie apprehended by Simon bishop of Meth, and kept in duresse, by re­son that he was suspected to be of no sound religion. He florished in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and two, and wrote these bookes: Determi­nationes 20 scholast. lib. 1. Contra religiosos mendican­tes lib. 1. Responsiones ad obiecta lib. 1. Edmund Curren archdeacon of old Laghlin, there hath béene an Irish bishop of the name. Patrike Cusacke a Curren. Cusacke. gentleman borne, and a scholer of Oxford, sometime schoolemaister in Dublin, and one that with [...]he learning that God did impart him, gaue great light to his countrie; he imploied his studies rather in the instructing of scholers, than in penning of books, he florished in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred 30 three score and six, and wrote in Latine Diuersa epi­grammata.

Dalie schooled in the vniuersitie of Paris, ha­uing Dalie. a pretie insight in scholasticall diuinitie, he made Diuersas conciones. Sir Willielme Dar­cie Darcie. knight, a wise gentleman, he wrote a booke inti­tuled, The decaie of Ireland. Dauid Delahide, an Delahide. exquisite and a profound clerke, sometime fellow of Merton college in Oxford, verie well séene in the Latine and Gréeke toongs, expert in the mathema­ticals, 40 a proper antiquarie, and an exact diuine. Whereby I gather that his pen hath not béene lazie, but is dailie bréeding of such learned bookes as shall be auailable to his posteritie. I haue séene a proper oration of his in the praise of master Heiwood being Christmasse lord in Merton college intituled, Delig­no & foeno, also Schemata rhetorica in tabulam con­tracta. Deurox, there are two brethren of the name learned, the elder was sometimes schoolemaister in Deurox. Weiseford. 50

Peter Dillon a diuine, and Iohn Dillon like­wise Dillon. Doudall. a student in diuinitie. Doudall, sometime pri­mat of Armagh, a graue, a learned, and a politike prelat, verie zealouslie affected to the reformation of his countrie, he made Diuersas conciones. Dor­mer a lawyer, borne in Rosse, scholer of Oxford, he wrote in ballat roiall, The decaie of Rosse. Iohannes Dormer. Duns Scotus an Irishman borne, as in the forefront Duns Iohan­nes maior lib. 4. cap. 10. of this treatise I haue declared. Howbeit Iohannes Maior a Scotish chronicler would faine prooue him 60 to be a Scot. Leland on the other side saith he was borne in England. So that there shall as great con­tention rise of him, as in old time there rose of Ho­mers countrie. For the Colophonians said that Ho­mer Cic. i [...] orat. pro Arch. poeta. was borne in their citie; the Chtians claimed him to be theirs, the Salaminians aduouched that he was their countriman: but the Smirnians were so stiffelie bent in proouing him to be borne in their territorie, as they would at no hand take no naie in the matter, & thervpon they did consecrat a church to the name of Homer. But what countriman soeuer this Scotus were, he was doubtlesse a subtill and pro­found clerke. The onelie fault wherewith he was dusked, was a litle spice of vaineglorie, being giuen to carpe and taunt his predecessor diuines, rather for blemishing the fame of his aduersaries than for ad­uancing the truth of the controuersies. Wherevpon great factions are growen in the schooles betwéene the Thomists and Scotists; Thomas being the ring­leader Thomistae. Scotistae, of the one sect, and Scotus the belweadder of the other. He was fellow of Merton college in Ox­ford, and from thense he was sent for to Paris to be a professor of diuinitie. Finallie, he repaired vnto Cullen, where in an abbeie of greie friers (of which 1308, profession he was one) he ended his life. The books he wrote are these: Commentarij Oxonienses lib. 4. Reportationes Parisienses lib. 4. Quodlibeta scho­lastica lib. 1. In Analytica posteriora lib. 2. In me­taphysicam quaestiones lib. 12. De cognitione Dei lib. 1. De perfectione statuum lib. 1. Sermones de tempore lib. 1. Sermones de Sanctis lib. 1. Colla­tiones Parisienses lib. 1. Lectura in Genesim lib. 1. De rerum principio lib. 1. Commentarij in euan­gelia lib. 4. In epistolas Pauli lib. plures. Quaestio­nes vniuersalium lib. 1. Quaestiones praedicamento­rum lib. 1. In Aristotelis physica lib. 8. In categori­as Aristotelis lib. 1. Tetragrammata quaedam lib. 1. Commentariorum imperfectorum lib. 1.

Eustace a doctor of diuinitie, a verie good schoole­man, Eustace. he florished in the yeare one thousand fiue hun­dred thirtie and six. Olifer or Oliuer Eustace a stu­dent of the ciuill and canon law, a good humanician, and a proper philosopher. Nicholas Eustace a gen­tleman borne, surpassing birth by learning, and lear­ning by vertue. Maurice Eustace a student of di­uinitie, one that notwithstanding he were borne to a faire liuing, yet did wholie sequester himselfe from the world.

Fagan a batchellor of art in Oxford, and a Fagan. Ferraile. schoolemaister in Waterford. Daniell Ferraile, a diuine and a schoolemaister. Fergutius son to Fer­quhardus Fergutius, king of Ireland, the first king of Scots, whome some affirme to be borne in Denmarke, the more part suppose him to haue béene an Irish man. He florished in the yeare of the world three thousand six hundred seuentie and eight, and before the incarnation two hundred ninetie and two, in the fiue and twentith yeare of his reigne. He was by by misaduenture drowned néere a rocke in the north of Ireland that of him is called to this daie Carreg­fergus; Carreg­fergus. vpon whose mishap these verses were made:

Icarus Icareis vt nomina fecerat vndis,
Fergusius petraesic dedit apta suae.

This Fergusius wrote a booke intituled, Leges politicae lib. 1. Finnanus scholer to one Nennius Finnanus. and Segenius, taken for a deepe diuine in his age; he florished in the yeare six hundred sixtie and one; he wrote Pro veteri paschatis ritu lib. 1. Field a physici­an. Field. Thomas Field a master of art. Iohn Fitzgi­rald, commonlie named Iohn Fitzedmund, a verie well lettered ciuilian, a wise gentleman, and a good housholder.

Robert Fitzgirald aliàs Robert Fitzmaurice Fitzgirald. borne in the countie of Kildare. Dauid Fitzgirald, vsuallie called Dauid Duffe, borne in Kerie, a ciuilian, a maker in Irish, not ignorant of musike, skilfull in physike, a good & generall craftsman much Hippias. like to Hippias, surpassing all men in the multitude of crafts, who comming on a time to Pisa to the great triumph called Olympicum, ware nothing but such as was of his owne making; his shooes, his pattens, his cloke, his cote, the ring that he did weare, with a signet therin verie perfectlie wrought, were all made by him. He plaied excellentlie on all kind of instruments, and soong therto his owne ver­ses, which no man could amend. In all parts of lo­gike, rhetorike, and philosophie he vanquished all men, and was vanquished of none.

[Page 41] Richard Fitzrafe, primat of Armagh, scholer in the vniuersitie of Oxford to Baconthorpe a good phi­losopher, Fitzrafe. & no ignorant diuine: an enimie to friers, namelie such as went begging from doore to doore, whereby he purchased the hatred of all religious per­sons. He was by Edward the third his means made archdeacon of Lichfield, after created primat of Ar­magh, being cited before pope Clement the sixt, for reproouing the begging friers. In the heat of the said contention he deceassed in Italie, whose bones 10 1360 were caried into Ireland, and buried at Dondalke, where he was borne. He wrote these bookes insuing: De paupertate seruatoris lib. 7. Contra fratres men­dicantes lib. 16. In extrauagantem Ioannis 23 lib. 1. Determinationes ad eundem lib. 1. Contra suum archidiaconum lib. 1. Propositiones ad papam lib. 1. Contra fratrum appellationem lib. 1. Sermones ad crucem Pauli lib. 1. Sermones coram pontifice lib. 1. De statu vniuersalis ecclesiae lib. 1. Lectura sententia­rum lib. 4. Quaestiones earundem lib. 1. Lectura the­ologica 20 lib. 1. Sermones ad clerum lib. 1. Sermones de tempore lib. 1. Sermones de sanctis lib. 1. Mariae laudes Auenioni lib. 1. Illustrationes euangeliorum lib. 4. De passione dominica lib. 1. De peccato ig­norantiae lib. 1. De Iure spirituali lib. 1. De vafricijs Iudaeorum lib. 1. Propositionum suarum lib. 1. Epistolarum ad diuersos lib. 1. Dialogorum plurium librum vnum.

Walter Fitzsimons, archbishop of Dublin, lord iustice and lord chancellor of Ireland at one time, a Fitzsimons. famous clerke, and exquisitelie learned both in philo­sophie 30 and diuinitie: being in companie with king Henrie the seuenth, and hearing an oration that was made in his praise, the king demanded him, what fault he found most in the oration? Trulie (quoth he) if it like your highnesse, no fault, sauing onelie that the orator flattered your maiestie ouermuch. Now in good faith, our father of Dublin (quoth the king) we minded to find the same fault our selues. Tho­mas Fitzsimons, a verie proper diuine: he wrote 40 in English a treatise of the church. Leonard Fitzsi­mons, a deepe and pithie clerke, well séene in the Gréeke and Latine toong, sometime fellow of Trini­tie college in Oxford, perfect in the mathematicals, and a painefull student in diuinitie: he hath a bro­ther that was trained vp in learning in Cambridge now beneficed in Trim. Michaell Fitzsimons, schoolemaster in Dublin, a proper student, and a dili­gent man in his profession, he wrote Orationem in aduentum comitis Essexiae Dublinium, Epitaphion in mortem Iacobi Stanihursti, Diuersa epigram­mata. 50

Philip Flattisburie, a worthie gentleman, and a diligent antiquarie, he wrote in the Latine toong, at Flattisburie. the request of the right honourable Girald Fitzgi­rald erle of Kildare, Diuersas chronicas: he florished in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and seauen­teene, & deceassed at his towne named Iohnstowne néere the Naas. Thomas Fleming: there is a Fleming. Fleming now liuing, of whome I heare great re­port to be an absolute diuine, and a professor thereof. 60 Foillanus a learned moonke, he trauelled into France, where thorough the liberalitie of an holie Foillanus. virgine, named Gertrude, he founded an abbeie cal­led Monasterium Fossense, where at length he suffe­red 654 martyrdome. Fursaeus peregrinus, so called, bi­cause he was borne in Ireland, and did bestow his Furseus. yeares as an estranger in France, where he foun­ded an abbeie named Coenobium Latiniacense: he wrote certeine pamphlets, that by tract of time are perished, he flourished in the yeare six hundred and [...]47 sixtie, and was buried in his owne monasterie.

Robert Garuie, fellow of Oriall college in Ox­ford, Garuie. a student of both the lawes, a man well spoken as well in the English as in the Latine. Robert Gogan. Hardit. Gogan a preacher. William Hardit a doctor of di­uinitie, proceeded in the vniuersitie of Dublin, in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred and twentie. Hic­kie, Hickie. Hugo. physicians, the father and his sonne. Hugo de Hibernia, so called, bicause his surname is not knowne, he was a greie frier, and a great traueller, he flourished in the yeare one thousand thrée hun­dred and sixtie, he wrote Itinerarium quoddam lib. 1. Oliuer Huseie, a professor of the arts in Dowaie. Huseie. Hurlie. Ioise. Kellie. Derbie Hurlie, a ciuilian, and a commendable phi­losopher: he wrote In Aristotelis physica. Robert Ioise, borne in Kilkennie, a good humanician. Ra­duiphus Kellie a moonke, brought vp in the know­ledge of the Latine toong in Kildare, in which he pro­fited so well, that for his eloquence and wisedome he was sent to Clement the sixt, as the speaker or pro­locutor of all his order, and also was appointed the generall aduocat or deputie vnder Petrus de Casa, master generall of the order. After he was aduanced to be archbishop of Cashill, in which honour he de­ceassed, 1342 hauing at vacant houres written In iure ca­nonico lib. 1. Epistolarum familiarium lib. 1. Tho­mas Kenedie, a ciuilian.

Kernie, he wrote in Irish Catechismum, Trans­lationem Kenedie. Kernie. Keuannagh. bibliae. Cagher, a nobleman borne, in his time called Mac Murrough, he descended of that Mac Murrough that was sometime king of Lein­ster, he was a surpassing diuine, and for his learning and vertue was created bishop of Leighlin and ab­bat of Grage: he flourished in the yeare one thou­sand fiue hundred and fiftie, and was an hundred yeares old when he deceassed. Iames King, borne in King. Dublin, and scholer to M. Patrike Cusacke, vnder whome being commendablie trained, he repaired to the vniuersitie of Cambridge, where he deceassed be­fore he could atteine to that ripenesse of learning, 1569 whereto one of so pregnant a wit was like in time to aspire, he wrote Carmina in laudem Henrici Sidnaei, Leie. Leurouse. 155 [...] Diuersa epigrammata. Leie, a learned and an expert physician. Leurouse a learned diuine, sometime bi­shop of Kildare, and deane of saint Patriks in Du­blin. Loghlen. Aeneas Loghlen, or Mackleighlen, master of art, and a preacher. Thomas Long doctor of both the Long. lawes, he procéeded at Paris, in the yeare one thou­sand fiue hundred seuentie and six in August, he is a proper philosopher, no stranger in scholasticall diuini­tie, a pretie Latinist: he wrote De speciebus contra mendacem monachum, In Aristotelis physica, The­ses ex praecipuis iuris vtriusque partibus selectas Ca­rolo Borbonio cardinali consecratas.

Peter Lombard borne in Waterford, scholer to Lombard. master Peter White, hauing imploied two yeares and a halfe in the studie of philosophie at Louaine, he was chosen when he procéeded master of art, Primus vniuersitatis, by the vniforme consent of the foure principals, which preferment did happen to none in such consenting wise, in manie yeares before: he wrote Carmen heroicum in doctoratum Nicholai Quemerfordi. Dorbie Macchragh, a student in di­uinitie. Macchragh. Macgrane. Malachias. Macgrane, a schoolemaster in Dublin, he wrote carols and sundrie ballads. Malachias borne in Ulster, his life is exactlie written by saint Bar­nard, in whose abbeie he died in the yeare one thou­sand one hundred fortie and eight, he wrote Consti­tutorum communium lib. 1. Legum coelibatus lib. 1. Nouarum traditionum lib. 1. Ad D. Barnardum epist. plures. Malachias, the minorit or greie frier, a student in the vniuersitie of Oxford, where he attei­ned Malachias minorit. to that knowledge in diuinitie, as he was the onelie man in his time that was appointed to preach before the king and the nobilitie, a sharpe reproouer of vice, a zelous imbracer of vertue, enimie to flat­terie, friend to simplicitie; he flourished in the yeare [Page 42] one thousand thrée hundred and ten; he wrote De peccatis & remedijs, lib. 1. Conciones plures, lib. 1.

Mauricius Hybernus, of him Iohannes Camertes, thus writeth. Annis ab his proximis excelluit, ex ea insula Mauricius. Iohannes Ca­ [...] cap. 35. [...]l. oriundus Mauricius, D. Francisci ordinis professus, in diale­cticis, vtraque philosophia, metaphysicis, ac sacra theologia plu­rimùm eruditus. Vix insuper dici potest, qua humanitate, quáue morum sanctimonia praeditus fuerit. Is cùm annis plu­rimis in Patauino gymnasio bonas artes docuisset, cum summa omnium gratia, ob eius singularem eruditionem, ac candidissi­mos mores, à Iulio secundo pontifice maximo in Tuanensem ar­chiepiscopum 10 creatus est. Quò cùm relicta Italia bellis in ea sae­uientibus proficisceretur, non multùm post, magna studiorum iactura, cùm nondum quinquagesimum atatis suae attigisset annum, mortem obijt. Erant plurima suae doctrinae in mani­bus monumenta, sed ea ob immaturam eius mortem edere non licuit. Quantum fuerit inter eum, dum viueret, & me ne­cessitudinis vinculum, testantur sexcentae epistolae, quas plenas charitatis indicijs, varijs temporibus ad me dedit. Eis (quanta verae amicitiae vis) post amici obitum, relegens soleo assiduè 20 recreari.

There did (saith Ioannes Camertes) of late yeares one Mauricius borne in Ireland excell, a grete frier profest, verie well séene in logike, deepelie grounded in philosophie, both morall & naturall, learned in the metaphysiks, in diuinitie péerelesse. Scantlie maie I tell with how great courtesie & vertue he was in­dued. When he had professed at Padua the liberall arts manie yeares with no small renowme; he was created by Iulius the second, not onelie for his pro­found 30 knowledge, but also for the sinceritie of his life, archbishop of Tuen. When he was trauelling thitherward, being departed frō Italie, by reason of the vprores that were there daily incresing, he ended his life to the great losse of learning, before he was full fiftie yeares old. He had sundrie works in hand, which he could not haue finished by reason of his vn­timelie death. How déere and entier friends he and I were one to the other during his life, the letters he addressed me from time to time, to the number of six 40 hundred, thwackt with loue and kindnesse, doo mani­festlie declare. And by perusing of them after his death (such is the force of friendship) I am greatlie comforted. Thus farre Camertes. This Mauricius wrote Commentarios super Scotum in praedicabilia, In magistrum sententiarum lib. 4. Mauricius arch­bishop of Cashill, he florished in king Iohns reigne. Giraldus Cambrensis, vpon his comming into Ire­land, Mauricius Cassiliensis. and debasing the countrie in the hearing of this prelat, saieng that albeit the inhabitants were 50 woont to brag of the number of their saints, yet they had no martyrs: You saie verie well sir (quoth the archbishop) indéed as rude as this countrie is or hath béene, yet the dwellers had the saints in some reue­rence. But now that the gouernement of the coun­trie is come to your kings hands, we shall (I trust) shortlie be stored with martyrs.

Iohn Miagh a diuine, he wrote a treatise, De pos­sessione Miagh. monasteriorum. Mooneie a ciuilian and a good Latinist. Neilan, sometime fellow of Alsoules 60 Mooneie. Neilan. college in Oxford, a learned physician. Patrike Nigran a diuine. Philip Norris a scholer of Oxford and after deane of S. Patriks in Dublin, he flouri­shed Nigran. Norris. in the yeare 1446, and wrote these workes. Declamationes quasdam lib. 1. Lecturas scriptura­rum lib. 1. Sermones ad populum, lib. 1. Contra mendicitatem validam lib. 1. Nugent, baron of Deluin, schooled in the vniuersitie of Cambridge. Nugent. William Nugent a proper gentleman, and of a sin­gular good wit, he wrote in the English toong diuerse sonets.

Dauid Obuge, borne in the towne of Kildare; for Obuge. his learned lectures, and subtile disputations openlie published in Oxford and Treuers in Germanie, he was taken for the gem and lanterne of his countrie. In his time Giraldus Bononiensis, being maister generall of the Carmelits, was at iar with Willi­am Lidlington, the prouinciall of all the English Carmelites. Wherevpon tenne of the wisest and learnedest Carmelits that then were resiant in England, being fullie elected to resist their generall, Obuge was chosen to be the forman of all the said crew. Giraldus Bononiensis vnderstanding that Giraldus Bononiensis. he being an Irishman, was so hot in the controuer­sie, was egerly bent against Obuge, because he assu­red himselfe to haue had fauour at his hands, by rea­son Obuge was borne in that countrie where the Giraldines his kinsmen were planted, and there vp­on he was banished Italie. This storme in processe of time being appeased, the outcast Carmelite was made the generall gardian of all his fraternitie in Ireland: which countrie by his continuall teaching and preaching was greatlie edified. Ouer this he was so politike a councellor, that the nobilitie and e­states in causes of weight, would haue recourse to him as to an oracle. He was in philosophie an Aristo­tle, in eloquence a Tullie, in diuinitie an Augustine, in the ciuill law a Iustinian, in the canon a Panor­mitane, he flourished in the yeare 1320, he deceased at Kildare, leauing these learned workes insuing to posteritie. Sermones ad Clerum lib 1. Epistolae 32 ad diuersos lib. 1. Propositiones disputatas lib. 1. Lectiones Treuerenses lib. 1. Regulae Iuris lib. 1. Contra Giraldum Bononiensem.

Owen Odewhee, a preacher, and a maker in I­rish. Odewhée. Oheirnain. Thomas Oheirnaine, deane of Corke, a lear­ned diuine, he wrote in Latine Ad Iacobum Stani­hurstum epist. plures. Thomas Oheirligh, bishop of Oheirligh. Rosse, an exquisite diuine, brought vp in Italie. Pander, a man zelouslie addicted to the reformation Pander. Patricius of his countrie, whereof he wrote a politike booke in Latine, intituled Salus populi. Patricius, who not­withstanding he be no Irishman borne, yet I may not ouerslip him in the catalog of Irish authors, for as much as his whole works tended to the conuersi­on 432 and reformation of that countrie: he was surna­med Succetus or Magonius, an absolute diuine, a­dorning his déepe knowledge therein with sinceri­tie of life. Being sent into Ireland by the appoint­ment of Celestinus the first, accompanied with Se­getius a priest, he conuerted the Iland from idola­trie and paganisme to christianitie. He wrote these bookes following. De antiquitate Aualonica lib. 1. Itinerarium confessionis lib. 1. Odorporicon Hyber­niae lib. 1. Historia Hyberniae ex Ruano lib. 1. De tribus habitaculis lib. 1. De futura electorum vita lib. 1. Abiectoria quaedam 366. lib. 1. Ad Cereticum tyrannum epist. 1. Sermones lib. 1. Ad Aualoni­cos incolas epist. 1. Ad Hybernicas ecclesias epist. plures. Ad Britannos epist. plures. He deceased, being one hundred, twentie, and two yeares old, in the yeare 458, or as some suppose 491, and lieth buri­ed in an ancient citie, in the north of Ireland, na­med Downe, according to the old verse, which saith:

Hi tres in Duno tumulo tumulantur in vno,
Brigida, Patricius, átque Columba pius.

Patricius Abbas a learned man, and much giuen Patricius abbas. to the edifieng of his countriemen: he florished in the yeare 850, and deceased at Glasconburie. Some ascribe the finding of saint. Patrikes purgatorie to this abbat, not to Patrike that conuerted the coun­trie; but that errour hath béene before sufficientlie re­prooued. This abbat wrote Homilias lib. 1. Ad Hy­bernos epist. plures. Petrus Hybernicus, professor of philosophie in Naples, at which time Thomas. Aqui­nas Petrus Hy­bernicus. that after became the lanterne of scholemen, both in philosophie and diuinitie, was his scholer; be­ing therefore as highlie renowmed as Socrates is [Page 43] for being maister to Plato; or Plato is, for hauing Aristotle to his scholer. This Petrus flourished in the yeare 1230, he wrote Quodlibeta theologica lib. 1. Plunket, baron of Dunsanie, scholer in Ratough, Plunket. to M. Staghens, after sent by sir Christopher Barne­wall knight, his freendlie father in law, to the vni­uersitie of Oxford. Where, how well he profited in knowledge, as such as are of his acquaintance pre­sentlie perceiue, so hereafter when his workes shall take the aire, that now by reason of bashfull mode­stie, or modest bashfulnesse are wrongfullie impriso­ned, 10 and in manner stiefled in shadowed couches, I doubt not, but by his fame and renowme in lear­ning, shall be answerable to his desert and valure in writing.

Poomrell, a batchelor of diuinitie, sometime chap­leine in New college in Oxford, after returning to Poomrell. his countrie, he was beneficed in Drogheda, from thense flitted to Louaine, where through continuall hearing of lectures and disputations, more than by 20 his priuat studie, he purchased a laudable know­ledge in diuinitie. Whereby he gaue manifest shew of the profit that riseth of exercise and conference. Upon this occasion, one of his acquaintance was The force of exercise. accustomed to tell him that he had all his diuinitie by hearesaie. He deceased at Louaine in the yere 1573. Nicholas Quemeford, doctor of diuinitie, proceeded the thrée and twentith of October, he wrote in Eng­lish a verie pithie and learned treatise, and there­withall Quemerford, 1575 exquisitelie pend, intituled; Answers to 30 certeine questions propounded by the citizens of Waterford; Diuerse sermons. There liued latelie of the surname a graue prelat in Waterford, and properlie learned.

Rian, there liued two brethren of the surname, both scholers of Oxford, the one a good ciuilian, the Rian. other verie well séene in the mathematicals. Richard archdeacon of saint Patriks, chancellor in the vni­uersitie Richard, of Dublin, procéeded doctor of the canon law, in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred and twentie. Robert Rochford borne in the countrie of 40 Rochford. Weiseford, a proper diuine, an exact philosopher, and a verie good antiquarie. There is another Rochford that is a student of philosophie. Rooth, batchelor of Rooth. law, procéeded in the vniuersitie of Oxford. There hath béene another Rooth vicar of S. Iohns in Kil­kennie pretilie learned. Iohannes de sacro bosco, De sacro bosco. borne in Holiwood, and thereof surnamed De sacro bosco; he wrote an excellent introduction, De Sphaera. Sedgraue, two brethren of the name, both Sedgraue. Shaghens. students in diuinitie. Shaghens fellow of Balioll 50 college in Oxford, after schoolemaister in Ireland, a learned and a vertuous man. Sheine, scholer in Ox­ford Sheine. and Paris; he wrote, De Repub. Elias Sheth borne in Kilkennie, sometime scholer of Oxford, a Sheth. gentleman of a passing good wit, a plesant conceited companion, full of mirth without gall; he wrote in English diuerse sonets. Michaell Sheth borne in Kilkennie, master of art. Skidmor borne in Corke, and gardian of Yoghill. 60 Skidmor.

Richard Smith borne in a towne named Rack­mackneie, Smith. thrée miles distant from Weiseford, sur­named Smith; of his father, who was by occupation a smith, being foureteene yéeres of age he stole into England, and repaired to Oxford, where in tract of time he procéeded doctor of diuinitie, was elected do­ctor of the chaire, taken in those daies for a peerelesse pearle of all the diuines in Oxford, as well in scho­lasticall as in positiue [...]uinitie. Upon the death of queene Marie he went to Louaine, where he read o­penlie the apocalypse of saint Iohn, with little admi­ra [...] and lesse reprehension; he wrote in English against licentious fasting, or the libertie of fasting; The assertion of the sacrament of altar; A defense of the sacrifice of the masse one booke; Of vnwritten verities one booke; Retractations one booke. In the Latin toong he wrote De coelibatu sacerdotum lib. 1. De votis monasticis lib. 1. De iustificatione hominis librum vnum.

Nicholas Stanihurst, he wrote in Latine Die­tam Stanihurst. medicorum lib. 1: he died in the yeare one thou­sand fiue hundred fiftie and foure. Iames Stani­hurst, late recorder of Dublin, ouer his exact know­lege in the common lawes, he was a good orator, and a proper diuine. He wrote in English, being spea­ker in the parlements; An oration made in the be­ginning of a parlement holden at Dublin before the right honorable Thomas earle of Sussex, &c: in 1557. the third and fourth yeares of Philip and Marie; An oration made in the beginning of the parlement hol­den at Dublin before the right honorable Thomas 1560 earle of Sussex, in the second yeare of the reigne of our souereigne ladie quéene Elisabeth; An oration made in the beginning of a parlement holden at Dublin before the right honorable sir Henrie Sid­neie 1568 knight, &c: in the eleuenth yeere of the reigne of our souereigne ladie quéene Elisabeth. He wrote in Latine, Pias orationes. Ad Corcaciensem deca­num epistolas plures: he deceassed at Dublin the seuen and twentith of December, being one and fif­tie 1573 yeares old. Upon whose death, I, as nature and dutie bound me, haue made this epitaph following:

Vita breuis, mors sancta fuit (pater optime) visa,
Vita timenda malis, mors redamanda bonis,
Vrbs est orba sopho, legum rectore tribunal,
Causidicóque cliens, atque parentepuer.
Plurima proferrem, sed me prohibere videtur,
Pingere vera dolor, fingere falsa pudor.
Non opus est falsis, sed quae sunt vera loquenda,
Non mea penna notet, buccina fama sonet.
Hoc scripsisse satis, talem quandóque parentem
Est habuisse decus, sed caruisse dolor.
Filius haec dubitans, talem vix comperit vsquam,
Vllus in orbe patrem, nullus in vrbe parem.
Mortuus ergo, pater, poteris bene viuus haberi,
Viuis enim mundo nomine, mente Deo.

Walter Stanihurst, sonne to Iames Stanihurst, he translated into English Innocent de contemptu mundi. There flourished before anie of these a Sta­nihurst, Circaa nnu [...] Dom. 1506. that was a scholer of Oxford, brother to Gennet Stanihurst, a famous and an ancient ma­trone of Dublin, she lieth buried in saint Michaels church. Sutton, one of that name, is a verie good Sutton. Talbot. maker in English. Matthew Talbot schoolemaster, a student in Cambridge. William Talbot. Iohn Talbot sonne to William, a master of art, he wrote in Latine, Orationem in laudem comitis Essexiae, Diuersa epigrammata. Edmund Tanner a pro­found Tanner. diuine, he wrote Lectiones in summam D. Thomae. Tailer batchelor of art, procéeded in the v­niuersitie Tailer. of Oxford, he wrote in Latine Epigram­mata diuersa.

Thomas Hybernus borne in Palmerstowne néere Thomas Hy­bernus. the Naas, he procéeded doctor of diuinitie in Paris, a deepe clerke and one that read much, as may easilie be gathered by his learned workes: he flourished in the yeare 1290, and wrote with diuerse other workes, these bookes insuing: Flores bibliae, Flores doctorum lib. 2. De christiana religione lib. 1. De il­lusionibus daemonum lib. 1. De tentatione diaboli lib. 1. De remedijs vitiorum lib. 1. Laurentius Toole archbishop of Dublin. Trauerse doctor of diuinitie, Toole. Trauerse. he florished in the reigne of Henrie the eight. There hath beene after him a schoole maister in Dublin of that name. Tundalus Magus a knight, after he be­came Tundalus. a Charterh [...]se m [...]ke, much giuen to con­templ [...]n, wherein he is reported to haue seene di­uerse visions of heauen and hell, and therevpon he [Page 44] wrote Apparitionum suarum lib. 1. he florished in the yeare 1149.

Virgilius Soliuagus a noble man borne, being slept Virgilius So­liuagus. in yeares, he trauelled into Germanie, where being knowen for a vertuous and learned prelat, he was chosen by [...]lon duke of Bauaria, to be their rec­tor [...]4 or gardian of an ancient abbeie, named S. Pe­ters abbeie, placed in the citie of Salisburgh, after he was created Episcopus Iuuaniensis, and founded in the said towne of Salisburgh a church. In his 10 time one Bonifacius an Englishman, being gene­rall visitour in Banaria, debaptized certeine, whome he suspected not to haue beene orderlie baptized. Uir­gilius detesting the fact, hauing consulted with Si­donius archbishop of Bauaria, withstood Bonifacius in his fond attempt. The controuersie being brought before pope Zacharias, he decréed that Bonifacius held an error, and that Uirgilius and Sidonius pub­lished in that point sound doctrine, as who so will read Zacharias his epistle vnto Bonifacius shall 20 Tomo primo conciliorum. plainelie sée. Uirgilins deceassed 784, and lieth buri­ed in his church at Salisburgh: he wrote Ad Zacha­riam Rom. pont. epist. 1.

Owen Ultagh a physician, his father procéeded Ultagh. Vltanus. doctor of physike in Paris. Vltanus a lerned moonke fellow to Foillanus, with whome he trauelled into France, and with continuall preaching edified the inhabitants of that realme; he florished in the yeare 640. Gilbertus Vrgalius a profest Carmelite, and a Vrgalius. student in Orford, he florished in the yeare 1330, 30 he wrote in two great tomes, Summam quarundam legum, De rebus theologicis lib. 1. Usher, or Uscher Usher. wadding. a student in Cambridge, and a preacher. Wadding, a proper versifier, he wrote in Latine vpon the bur­ning of Paules stéeple, Carmen heroicum, Diuersa epigrammata. Edward Walsh, he florished in the [...]. yeare 1550, and wrote in English, The dutie of such as fight for their countrie, The reformation of Ire­land by the word of God. Iames Walsh, master of art, and student in diuinitie, he translated into Eng­lish, 40 Giraldum Cambrensem, he wrote in Latine Epigrammata diuersa.

Richard Walsh master of art and student in diui­nitie. There is a learned man of the name beneficed in S. Patrikes church in Dublin, student in Cam­bridge, and now a preacher. Peter Walsh a proper youth, and one that would haue beene an ornament to his countrie, if God had spared him life, he died of a surfet at London, about the yeare 1571. There dwelleth in Waterford a lawyer of the surname, 50 who writeth a verie proper Latine verse. Wellesteie deane of [...]ildare, there liueth an other learned man wellesteie. of the name, who is archdeacon of saint Patrikes. Peter White borne in Waterford, fellow of Duall college in Orford, the luckie schoolemaster of Moun­ster; white [...]Punc [...] he bestowed his time rather in the making of scholers, than in the penning of bookes, and to the in­struction of youth, be wrote Epitom. in copiam E­rasmi, Epitom. figurarum rhetoricar. Annotationes in orat. pro Archia poeta. Annotat. in orationem pro 60 T. A. Milone. Epigrammata diuersa. Iohn White batchelor of diuinitie borne in Clo [...]ll, he wrote in Latine Diuersa pia epigrammata. Andrew White a good humanician, a pretie philosopher. Wise, of this surname there florished sundrie learned gentlemen. wise. There liueth one Wise in Waterford, that maketh verie well in the English. Andrew Wise a toward youth, and a good versifier. William an abbat, and (as it is thought) a soothsaier, he florished in the yeare william. 1298, and wrote Prophetias rerum futurarum lib. 1. Dauid Woolfe, a diuine.

Thus far (gentle reader) haue I indeuoured to woolfe. heape vp togither a catalog of such learned Irish­men, as by diligent insearch could haue bin found. Howbeit, I am to request shée not to [...] the ample number of the learned of that countrie by this briefe abstract: considering, that diuerse haue beene, yea and are yet liuing, of profound knowledge that to me are vnknowne, and therefore in this regi­ster not recorded.

The disposition and maners of the meere Irish, commonlie called the wild Irish. The eight chapter.

BEfore I attempt the vn­folding of the maners of the meere Irish, I thinke it ex­pedient, to forewarne thée reader, not to impute anie barbarous custome that shall be here laid downe, to the ci­tizens, townesmen, and in­habitants of the English pale, in that they differ litle or nothing from the ancient customes and dispositi­ons of their progenitors, the English and Welsh men, being therefore as mortallie behated of the I­rish, as those that are borne in England. For the Irish gen­t [...]. Irish man standeth so much vpon his gentilitie, that he termeth anie one of the English sept, and planted in Ireland, Bobdeagh Galteagh, that is, English churle: but if he be an Englishman borne, then he nameth him, Bobdeagh Saxonnegh, that is, a Sax­on churle: so that both are churles, and he the onelie gentleman. And there vpon if the basest pezzant of them name himselfe with his superior, he will be sure to place himselfe first, as I and Oneile, I and you, I and he, I and my master, whereas the cour­tesie of the English language is cleane contrarie.

The people are thus inclined, religious, franke, a­morous, The inclina­tion of the people. [...]refull, sufferable of infinit paines, verie glorious, manie sorcerers, excellent horssemen, de­lighted with wars, great almesgiuers, passing in hospitalitie. The lewder sort, both clearkes and laie men are sensuall and ouer loose in liuing. The same being vertuouslie bred vp or reformed, are such mir­rors of holinesse and austeritie, that other nations reteine but a shadow of deuotion in comparison of them. As for abstinence and fasting, it is to them a familiar kind of chastisement. They follow the dead corpse to the graue with bowling and barbarous outeries, pitifull in apparance: whereof grew, as I To wéepe Irish. suppose, the prouerbe; To wéepe Irish.

Gréedie of praise they be, & fearefull of dishonor, and to this end they estéeme their poets, who write Poets est [...]med. Irish learnedlie, and pen their sonets he [...]call. for the which they are bountifullie rewarded; if not, they send out libels in dispraise, whereof the lords and gentlemen stand in great awe. They loue tenderlie their foster children, and bequeath to them a childes Foster children. portion, whereby they nourish sure friendship: so be­neficiall euerie waie, that commonlie fiue hundred cowes and better, are giuen in reward to win a no­ble mans child to foster, they loue & trust their foster brethren more than their owne. The men are cleane The stature of the people. of [...] and hew, of stature tall. The women are well fauoured, cleane coloured, faire hearted, big & large, suffered from their infancie to grew at will, no­thing curious of their feature and proportion of bodie.

Their infants, they of meaner sort, are neither Infants. swadled nor lawed in linnen, but folded vp starke naked in a blanket till they can go. Proud they are of long crisped bushes of heare which they terme g [...]bs, and the same they nourish with all their cunning, to [...]. crop the front thereof they take it for a notable péece [Page 45] of villanie. Water cresses, which they tearme sham­rocks, roots and other herbs they féed vpon, otemeale [...] [...]t. and butter they cram togither, they drinke wheie, milke, and beefe-broth. Flesh they deuoure without bread, and that halfe raw: the rest boileth in their sto­machs with Aqua vitae, which they swill in after such a surfet by quarts and pottels: they let their cowes bloud, which growne to a gellie, they bake and ouer­spread with butter, and so eate it in lumps. No meat they fansie so much as porke, and the fatter the bet­ter. 10 Portie. One of Iohn Onels houshold demanded of his fellow whether béefe we re better than porke? That (quoth the other) is as intricat a question, as to aske whether thou art better than Onele.

Their noble men, and noble mens tenants, now and then make a set feast, which they call coshering, wher­to Coshering. followers. flocke all their reteiners, whom they name follo­wers, their rithmours, their bards, their harpers that féed them with musike: and when the harper twangeth or singeth a song, all the companie must 20 be whist, or else he chafeth like a cutpursse, by reason his harmonie is not had in better price. In their coshering they sit on straw, they are serued on straw, and lie vpon mattresses and pallets of straw. The antiquitie of this kind of feasting is set foorth by Lib. pri. Aen. circa finem. Virgil, where Dido interteineth the Troian prince and his companie. They obserue diuerse degrées, ac­cording to which each man is regarded. The basest sort among them are little yoong wags, called Dal­tins, these are lackies, and are seruiceable to the 30 Daltin. Groome. groomes or horsseboies, who are a degrée aboue the Daltins. Of the third degrée is the Kerne, who is an ordinarie souldior, vsing for weapon his sword and target, and sometimes his péece, being commonlie Kerne. so good markemen as they will come within a score of a great castell. Kerne signifieth (as noble men of Kigheiren. deepe iudgement informed me) a shower of hell, be­cause they are taken for no better than for rakehels, or the diuels blacke gard, by reason of the stinking sturre they kéepe, wheresoeuer they be. 40

The fourth degrée is a galloglasse, vsing a kind of pollar for his weapon. These men are commonlie Galloglasse. weieward rather by profession than by nature, grim of countenance, tall of stature, big of lim, burlie of bodie, well and stronglie timbered, chieflie féeding on béefe, porke & butter. The fift degrée is to be an horsse­man, which is the chiefest next the lord and capteine. Horsseman. These horssemen, when they haue no staie of their owne, gad & range from house to house like arrant knights of the round table, and they neuer dismount vntill they ride into the hall, and as farre as the table. 50 There is among them a brotherhood of karrowes, Karrow. that proffer to plaie at cards all the yéare long, and make it their onelie occupation. They plaie awaie mantle and all to the bare skin, and then trusse them­selues in straw or leaues, they wait for passengers in the high waie, inuite them to game vpon the gréene, and aske no more but companions to make them sport. For default of other stuffe, they pawne their glibs, the nailes of their fingers and toes, their dimissaries, which they léese or redéeme at the courte­sie 60 of the winner.

One office in the house of noble men is a tale­teller, who bringeth his lord asléepe with tales vaine A taleteller. and friuolous, wherevnto the number giue sooth and credit. Without either precepts or obseruations of congruitie, they speake Latine like a vulgar lan­guage, Latin spoken as a vulgar language. learned in their common schooles of leach­craft and law, whereat they begin children, and hold on sixtéene or twentie yeares, conning by rote the aphorismes of Hippocrates, and the ciuill institutes, with a few other parings of those faculties. In their schooles they groouell vpon couches of straw, their bookes at their noses, themselues lie flat prostrate, and so they chant out with a lowd voice their lessons by péecemeale, repeating two or three words thirtie or fortie times togither. Other lawyers they haue lia­ble to certeine families, which after the custome of the countrie determine and iudge causes. These con­sider of wrongs offered and receiued among their neighbors: be it murther, felonie, or trespasse, all is remedied by composition (except the grudge of par­ties séeke reuenge) and the time they haue to spare from spoiling and preiding, they lightlie bestow in parling about such matters. The Breighon (so they Breighon. call this kind of lawyers) sitteth on a banke, the lords and gentlemen at variance round about him, and then they procéed. To rob and spoile their enimies they déeme it none offense, nor seeke anie meanes to recouer their losse, but euen to watch them the like turne. But if neighbors & friends send their puruei­ors to purloine one another, such actions are iudged by the Breighons aforesaid. They honour and reue­rence Religious fauoured. friers and pilgrims, by suffering them to passe quietlie, and by sparing their mansions, whatsoeuer outrage they shew to the countrie besides them. The like fauor doo they extend to their poets & rithmours.

In old time they much abused the honorable state Matrimonie abused. of mariage, either in contracts vnlawfull, méeting the degrées of prohibition, or in diuorsements at pleasure, or in reteining concubines or harlots for wiues: yea euen at this daie, where the clergie is faint, they can be content to marrie for a yeare and a daie of probation; and at the years end, or anie time after, to returne hir home with hir mariage goods, or as much in valure, vpon light quarels, if the gentlewomans friends be vnable to reuenge the in­iurie. In like maner maie she for sake hir husband. In some corner of the land they vsed a damnable su­perstition, Superstition in baptisme. leauing the right armes of their infants vnchristened (as they tearme it) to the intent it might giue a more vngratious and deadlie blow. Others write that gentlemens children were baptised in Iohn Cai. li. 2. Cant. ant. milke, and the infants of poore folke in water, who had the better or rather the onelie choise. Diuerse o­ther vaine and execrable superstitions they obserue, that for a complet rec [...]all would require a seuerall volume. Whereto they are the more stiffelie wedded, Ireland who superstitious. bicause such single preachers as they haue, reprooue not in their sermons the péeuishnesse and fondnesse of these friuolous dreamers. But these and the like enormities haue taken so déepe root in that people, as commonlie a preacher is sooner by their naughtie liues corrupted, than their naughtie liues by his preaching amended.

Againe, the verie English of birth, conuersant with the sauage sort of that people become degenerat, and as though they had tasted of Circes poisoned cup, are quite altered. Such force hath education to make or mar. God with the beams of his grace clarifie the eies of that rude people, that at length they maie see their miserable estate: and also that such as are depu­ted to the gouernement thereof, bend their industrie with conscionable policie to reduce them from rude­nes to knowledge, from rebellion to obedience, from trecherie to honestie, from sauagenesse to ciuilitie, from idlenesse to labour, from wickednesse to godli­nesse, whereby they maie the sooner espie their blind­nesse, acknowledge their loosenes, amend their liues, frame themselues pliable to the lawes and ordinan­ces of hir maiestie, whome God with his gratious assistance preserue, aswell to the prosperous gouern­ment of hir realme of England, as to the happie re­formation of hir realme of Ireland.

FINIS.

The first inhabitation of Ireland, by whome it vvas instructed in the faith, with the seuerall inuasions of the same, &c.
The authors preface or introduction to the sequele of the historie.

ALthough (vndoutedlie) the originall of all nations for the more part is so vncerteine, that who soeuer shall enter into the search thereof, fur­ther than he findeth in the holie scriptures, may seeme as it were rather to talke with men that dreame, than to gather authorities sufficient where­vpon to ground anie warranted opinion: yet for as much as the authors (whom in this Irish historie we chieflie follow) haue set downe what they haue found in the Irish antiquities, concerning the first inhabitation of this countrie of Ireland, and be­cause the reader also may be peraduenture desirous to vnderstand the same, we haue thought good to recite what they haue written thereof, leauing the credit vn­to the due consideration of the circumspect reader; and where the errors are too grosse, giuing by the way some cautions, in like sort as our authors themselues haue doone. According therefore to the order of all other nations and people that seeke to aduance the glorie of their countries, in fetching their begin­ning with the furthest from some one of ancient antiquitie: so like­wise the Irishmen haue registred in their chronicles, that their countrie was first inhabited by one of Noahs neeces, after the man­ner following.

THE FIRST INHABI­tation of Ireland, &c.

IN the yeare of the world, 1525: the patriarch Noah began to admonish the people of ven­geance to fol­lowe for their wickednesse and detestable sins, 10 to build his arke to foreshew his kinstolkes and friends of that vniuersall floud which was to come, wherewith the whole face of the earth should be couered with wa­ter; & that within few yeares, except they amended in time. This did he before the generall floud, one hundred & fiue and twentie yeares. But when euerie Cesara néece to Noah. man séemed to neglect this wholesome admonition, 20 one Cesara that was néece to Noah, hearing hir vn­cles prophesie, doubted least the same should come to passe; and therefore determined with certeine hir ad­herents to séeke aduentures in some forren region, persuading hir selfe, that if she might find a countrie neuer yet inhabited, and so with sin vnspotted, the generall sentence of Gods wrath should not there take effect. Wherevpon rigging a nauie, she com­mitted hir selfe to the seas, sailing foorth, till at length she arriued in Ireland onelie with three men, & fif­tie 30 women, hauing lost the residue of hir companie by misfortune of sundrie shipwracks made in that hir long & troublesome iourneie. The names of the men were these, Bithi, Laigria, and Fintan. The coast where she first set foot on land, and where also she lieth buried, is called Nauiculare littus, that is, the ship­ping riuage or shore. The stones wherein the me­morie here of was preserued from violence of wa­ters, haue béene seene of some (as they themselues 40 An. mundi. 1556 haue reported) but how trulie I haue not to say: within fortie daies after hir comming on land there, the vniuersall floud came & ouerflowed all that coast as well as all other parts of the world. But where as this tale be wraieth it selfe too manifestlie to be a meere vntruth, if the time and other circumstances be throughlie examined, I will not stand longer a­bout the proofe or disproofe thereof; sauing that it is sufficient (as I thin [...]e) to bring it out of credit, to 50 consider, how that the art of sailing was vnknowne to the world before the vniuersall floud; and no part inhabited except the continent of Syria, and there­abouts. But to [...] such a forged fable, with the Reb. Isaac in Gene. 5. record thereof grauen in a stone (a deuise borowed from Iosephus, as some thinke) it shall be sufficient for the glorie of the Irish antiquitie to grant that Ireland was discouered and peopled by some of No­ahs kinred, euen with the first Ilands of the world (if they will needs haue it so, as the likelihood is great) according to that which is set foorth in their An. mundi. 1557 After the best authors make 300 yeares, and not 100 betwéene Noahs floud and Babell. histories, when about thrée hundred yeares after the generall floud immediatlie vpon the confusion of toongs, Iaphet & his posteritie imboldened by Noahs example, aduentured to commit themselues by ship to passe the seas, & to search out the vnknowne cor­ners of the world, and so finding out diuerse Iles in these west parts of the world.

There was (saie they) in that retinue one of Bartolenus, or Bastole­nus. Clem. lib. 4. Cambreid. lib. 3. the same progenie named Bartolenus or Bastole­nus, who incouraged with the late attempt and suc­cesse of Nimrod kinsman to Ninus (then newlie in­truded vpon the monarchie of Assyria) searched so far west, intending to atteine to some gouernement, where he might rule without anie partner in authori­tie, till at length fortune brought him and his people vpon the coast of Ireland. Here he settled himselfe with his three sonnes Languina, Salamis, and Ru­thurgus, right actiue and stout gentlemen, who sear­ching the land from side to side, and from end to end, left remembrances of their names in certeine nota­ble places named after them; as Languinie, Stra­gruus, and mount Salanga, since named saint Do­miniks hill, and Ruthurgus his poole. Little is re­membred Ruthurgi stag­num. of Bartolenus, sauing that in short space with manie hands working at once, he rid and made plaine a great part of the countrie ouergrowen with woods and thickets.

Thus was Ireland inhabited by this people vn­der Ireland first inhabited. the gouernment of those thrée sons of Bartole­nus and their ofspring, about the space of thrée hun­dred yeares. Togither with Bartolenus arriued Ireland certeine godles people of Nimrods stocke, woorthilie termed giants, as those that in botille Giants. shape excéeded the common proportion of others, and vsed their strength to gaine souereigntie, and to op­presse Bergon the sonne of Nep­tune and bro­ther to Albion (as Iohn Bale hath) conque­red Ireland and the Ork­neis. Euill exam­ples soone fol­lowed. the weake with rapine and violence. That li­nage (Chams brood) did grow in short while to great numbers, and alwaie indeuored themselues where soeuer they came to beare the rule ouer others. One cause hereof was their bodilie strength, answerable to their hugenesse of stature; another, the examples of Cham or Zoroastres the magician, and Nimrod grandfather to Ninus. Which two persons in them­selues and their progenies were renowmed through the world as victorious princes, ruling ouer two mightie kingdoms Egypt and Assyria. A third cause there was, as this: they repined at the blessings be­stowed vpon Sem and Iaphet, thinking it necessarie to withstand and preuent all lawfull rule and domi­nion, least the cursse of slauerie prophesied by Noah should light vpon them, as at length it did. Here­vpon [Page 48] rebelliouslie withdrawing their due obedience from their lawfull gouernors here in Ireland, and taking head, set vp a king of their owne faction, and mainteining his estate to the oppression of the Rebe [...]ion a­gainst gouer­nors. subiects, by bringing them into continuall bondage. The successe was variable on both sides betwixt the lawfull gouernors & these vsurpers, with dailie rai­ses and skirmishes, so much to the griefe of them that couered to liue in quiet vnder their rightfull princes, that they determined with the chance of one gene­rall 10 A woorthie resolution. battell, either wholie to subdue those proud rebel­lious tyrants, or else to end their liues in fréedome, and so [...] be rid of further miserie. But first, where there had growen certeine debates and enimitie a­mong themselues, whereby they had infeebled their owne forces, they thought good to make peace togi­ther, before they put their whole state in hazard of one battell against the giants, concluding therefore an agréement, and ioining in league with promise to as­sis [...] ech other to subdue their common eni [...]ies, they 20 Assemble their power foorth of all parts of the land, and comming to ioine battell with the giants, after th [...] had fought right fiercelie togither for the space [...] certeine houres, the victorie inclined to the right­ [...] part; so that the lawfull kings preuailing against Uictorie [...] cruellie vsed. the wicked tyrants, great slaughter was made on the whole brood of that mischeefous generation. For the kings meaning to deliuer themselues of all dan­ger in time to come, vsed their happie victorie with great crueltie, which turned to their owne confusion: 30 for where they neither spared man, woman, nor child that came in the waie for more despite, & fuller satisfi­eng of their whole reuenge, they did not vouchsafe to burie the carcasses of their slaine enimies; but cast Anno mundi. 2257 them out like a sort of dead dogs: whereof through [...]ench of the same, such an infectiue pestilence insu­ed in all places through corruption of aire, that few escaped with life, beside those that got them awaie by sea.

And hereby lieth a vaine tale among the Irish­men, that one of the giants named Ruanus, chan­cing 40 Ruanus how long he liued. to be preserued from this mortalitie, liued for­sooth two thousand and one and fortie yeares, which is more than twise the age of Methusalem. By this man (saie they) saint Patrike was informed of all the estate of the countrie: and after that vpon request he had receiued baptisme of the said Patrike, he de­ceassed in the yeare after the birth of our sauior foure hundred and thirtie, as in the Irish histories hath bin vnaduisedlie registred. But such foolish tales and vaine narrations may warne the aduised reader 50 how to beware of yéelding credit vnto the like idle fantasies and forged tales, when they hap to light vp­on such blind legends. For where some of the poets Forged tales and tables wi [...] credit in time, to passe among the vn­skilfull people for [...] hi­stories. vsed for inuention sake to faine such dreaming ta­bles for exercise of their stiles and wits: afterwards through error and lacke of knowledge, they haue béene taken with the ignorant for verie true and most assured histories. But now to the matter, as we find it recorded of an infinit number of giants slaine and made awaie in manner afore rehearsed, 60 certeine there were that got them into some lurking dens or caues, and there kept them till lacke of vit­tels inforced them to come foorth, and make shift for sustenance; and perceiuing no resistance because the land was in manner left desolat, they waxed bolder; and when they vnderstood how things had passed, they settled themselues in the best part of the countrie, ea­silie subduing the poore séelie soules that remained, and so reuiuing their linage, they became lords of the whole Iland, kéeping the same in subiection for the space of three score yeares togither.

Among Iaphets sons we read in Genesis that Ma­gog was one, who planted his people in Seythia nere Gen. 20. Tanais, from whense about the yeare of the world two thousand thrée hundred & seuenteene. Nemodus Anno [...]. 2317 Nemodus with his foure sonnes. with his foure sonnes, Starius, Garbaeles, A [...]i­nus, Fergu [...]us, capteins ouer a faire companie of people, were sent into Ireland, who passing by Gre­cia, and taking there such as were desirous to seeke aduentures with them, at length they landed in Ire­land, inhabited the countrie, and multiplied therein, Ireland [...] ­soones inhabi­ted by the of­spring of Ia­phet. The giants preuaile. 2533 although not without continuall warre, which they held wih the giants for the space of two hundred and sixteene yeares, in the end of which terme the giants preuailing chased them thense againe, so that they re­tired into Syria. This was about the yeare after the creation (as by their account it should séeme) two thousand fiue hundred thirtie and thrée, from which time the giants kept possession of the land without forren inuasion, till the yeare two thousand seauen hundred and fouretéene; but yet in all that space they were not able to frame a common-welth: for falling at variance among themselues, and measuring all things by might, seditiouslie they vexed ech other. Which thing comming to the knowledge of the Gre­cians The sonnes of Dela a Grecian skil­full in the art of sailing. mooued fiue brethren, sonnes to one Dela, be­ing notable seamen and skilfull pilots to rig a nauie, and to attempt the conquest of this Iland. These were of the posteritie of Nemodus, and named Gandius, Genandius, Sagandus, Rutheranius, & Slanius. When all things were readie, and their They passe into Ireland, and destroied the giants. companies assembled, they tooke the sea, and finallie arriuing here in Ireland, found the puissance of the giants sore weakened through their owne ciuill dis­sention: so that with more ease they atchiued their purpose, and wan the whole countrie, vtterlie destroi­eng and rooting out that wicked generation enimies to mankind; and after diuided the Iland into fiue parts, and in each of them they seuerallie reigned. They diuide the countrie into foure parts. Furthermore, to satisfie all sides, and auoid con­tention, they concluded to fix a mere-stone in the middle poi [...]t of Ireland, to the which ech of their kingdoms should reach, so as they might be equallie partakers of the commodities found within that countrie soile.

These are also supposed to haue inuented the dis­tribution A cantred. of shires into cantreds, euerie cantred or baronie conteining one hundred towneships. At Desire of so­uereingtie cause of vari­ance. length desire of souereigntie set the fiue brethren at variance, & greatlie hindred their growing wealths. But Slanius getting the vpper hand, and bringing his foure brethren to a [...]owed, tooke on him as [...]heefs aboue his other brethren, incroching roun [...] about the midle stone for the space of certeine miles, which plot in time obteined the priuilege & name of one en­tier part, & now maketh vp the number of fiue parts (into the which Ireland is said to be diuided) and is called Meth, and in Latine Media, taking that [...] (as some haue gessed) for that in respect of the other, it conteined but the moitie of cantreds, that is, six­téene (where ech of the other comprehended two and thirtie a péece) or else for that it [...]th in the middest of the land. This part Slanius ioined as a surplusage ouer and aboue his inheritance, [...] the monarchie: which part notwithstanding grew in a seuerall king­dome. Thirtie yeares the monarchie yet continued in this order, but finallie Slanius departed this life, Slanius de­parted this life. and was buried in a mounteine of Meth, that bea­reth hitherto (as they saie) the name after him. Then the princes subiect to him, beg [...] stomach the matter, and denied their obeisance [...]o his successor: wherevpon insued continuall war [...] betwixt [...], falling still at debat for the land of Meth, which [...]ife A new [...] of Scythia [...] land in Ire­land. Parta­kings. of long time might: [...] appeased. In the necke of these troubles also there arriued in Ireland a new armie of Scythia [...]s, who made cla [...]e to the land by a title of right which they pretended from [Page 49] their forefather Nemodus: and so taking & making parts, they set all in an vprore, that hauocke was made on each side with fire and sword in most mise­rable maner.

To be short, they spent themselues in pursuing one an other with such outrage, that now they cared not what nation or what souldier they receiued to their aid, to kéepe vp or beat downe a side. By which Brennus cal­led into Ire­land [...]o aid one [...]act of the fa­ctious people. occasion the Britons also put in a foot among them, who procured Brennus the brother of Belinus to direct his course thither, with the same nauie which he 10 had made readie to passe ouer into Gallia, now cal­led France, to the aid of Segwin then king of the Segwin. Allobroges. Allobroges that inhabited the countries called Sa­uoie and the Delphinat. But his enterprise into Ireland tooke small effect, though there were other kings of the Britons that gat dominion there, in so much that Gurguntius, or Gurgwintius, the sonne of Belinus, accompted Ireland among other his dominions to belong to him by lineall descent: not­withstanding the British princes neuer inioied the 20 quiet possession thereof, longer than they held it by maine force, but were often repelled and put to the worsse with séeking after it, finding there small gaine other than stripes, whereof they bare awaie great plentie. But now to come to the Spaniards, that lastlie (vnder the conduct of foure capteins) pas­sed into Ireland from Biscaie, and inhabited that Iland, it shall not be impertinent in following the order which our author kéepeth, to speake some what of their originall, that it may appéere from whense 30 the Irish nation had their first beginning.

In the yeare of the world 2436, after the vniuer­sall floud 780, whilest the Israelits serued in Egypt, 2436 Gathelus the sonne of one Neale, a great lord in Grecia, was vpon disfauor exiled his countrie with a number of his factious adherents and friends. This noble gentleman being right wise, valiant, Sée more of this matter in the beginning of the Scotish historie. and well spoken, comming into Egypt, got honora­ble interteinment of Pharao surnamed Orus, as in the Scotish historie more plainelie appeereth. And af­terwards 40 departing that countrie, trauersed the seas, and landing first in Portingall, after some bic­kering with the inhabitants; at length yet he got by their consent a portion of the countrie, lieng by the banks of the riuer ancientlie called Munda, & now The riuer of Munda, now Mondego. Brachara now Braga. Mondego, where shortlie after he began to build a citie first named Brachara, but now Barsalo, as Hector Boetius hath. After this, when Gathelus his people began to increase in power, through persua­sion of the Spaniards their neighbors, they remoo­ued 50 into Galicia, where they also builded a citie na­med Brigantium, which is now called Coruna. Fi­nallie, Brigantium. Sée more her [...]ol in Scotland. Gathelus [...] into Ireland. when they grew into such an huge multitude, that Galicia was not able to susteine them, Gathe­lus with a certeine number of them passed ouer into Ireland, and there grew into such estimation with the barbarous people, that for his knowledge speci­allie in all languages, he was highlie honored: for he not onelie inriched and beautified the Irish toong, 60 but also taught them letters, sought vp their anti­quities, practised their youth in warlike feats after the maner of the Greekes and Egyptians, from whense he descended.

To conclude, he was so acceptable to them, that The n [...]mes of Ireland, & whereof the same were de­riued, as they hold opinion. to gratifie such a benefactor, they agreed to name the Iland after him Gathelia, and after his wife Scotia. This is one opinion but yet incredible, not onelie to Humfreie Lhuid, but also to other learned men, and diligent searchers of antiquities, by reason of the sundrie arguments of improbabilitie, aswell in the miscount of yeares as other vnlikelihoods found therein, when the circumstances come to be dulie ex­amined, throughlie weied, and well considered. Yet certeine it is, that Ireland was ancientlie named Sc [...]tia, and the people Scots, as by diuerse old wri­ters it may be sufficientlie prooued: albeit by what occasion it first tooke that name, or from whense they came, it is as yet doubted. But to proceed with the historie as we find it. The residue of Gathelus his people, which remained in Spaine, founded the citie of Baion in the con [...]ines of Gascoigne, and repleni­shed the seacoa [...]s of Spaine with store of inhabi­tants, and welnéere about two hundred yeares af­ter their first arriuall there (when they were e [...]tsoones pestered with multitude of people) they began to fansi [...] a new voiage, but whether at that time they passed ouer into Ireland, or some whither else, it is vncerteine.

Notwithstanding sure it is, that in the daies of Gurguntius king of the Britons, the chiefe gouer­nour of Baion with foure brethren Spaniards, of the which two are said to be Hiberus and Hermion, not the sonnes (some thinke) of Gathelus (as Hector Boetius affirmeth) but some other perhaps that were descended from him, who vnderstanding that diuerse of the westerne Iles were emptie of inhabitants, as­sembling a great number of men, women, and chil­dren, imbarked with the same in thrée score great vessels, and directing their course westward, houe­red a long time in the sea about the Iles of Orke­ncie, vntill by good hap they met with Gurguntius Gurguntius. then returning from the conquest of Denmarke (as in the British historie it appéereth) whom they be­sought in consideration of their want of vittels and other necessaries, being such as they were not able longer to abide the seas, incumbred with a sort of women and children, to direct and appoint them to some place where to inhabit; promising to hold the same of him, and to become liege people to him and his heires for euer.

Gurguntius aduising himselfe hereof, remem­bred Gurguntius appointeth the Spani­ards fears in Ireland to liue vnder his subiection. with what trouble he held the Irish in subiecti­on, and conceiuing hope that those strangers should either subdue or wholie destroie that vnrulie genera­tion, tooke the othes of those Spaniards with hosta­ges; and furnishing them and their ships with all things néedfull, set them ouer into Ireland, where as­sisted with such Britons as Gurguntius had appoin­ted The arriuall of the Spa­niards in I­reland, Geffreic Mon. to go with them for their guids, they made a con­quest of the whole conntrie, & setled themselues in the same. Some write, that Ireland was before that pre­sent void of all inhabitants: but yet they agrée that these Spaniards were guided thither by the Bri­tons, & that vnder such conditions as before is reci­ted. So that it appéereth the kings of this our Britain had an elder right to the realme of Ireland, than by the conquest of Henrie the second, which title they e­uer mainteined, and sometimes preuailed in pursu­ing thereof, as in the daies of king Arthur, to whom the Irish (as in some histories is remembred) ac­knowledged The Irish were subiect to K. Arthur. Westchester. their due subiection with paiement of their tribute, and making their appéerance at the ci­tie called in the British toong Caer Lheon. Where­vnto▪ when their [...]rée assent, the submission of their princes with lawfull conquest and prescription are adioined, an inuincible title must néeds be inforced.

But now to our purpose. The Spaniards sub­stantiallie aided by the Britons, setled themselues, and diuided their seats in quarters, the foure bre­thren reigning seuerallie apart in foure sundrie por­tions in good quiet and increase of welth, vntill their Disse [...]tion betwixt the brethren. pride and ambition armed two of them against the other two: as Hiberus and one of his brethren a­gainst Such are the fruits o [...] [...]. Hermion and the other brother. In this dis­sention Hermion slue his brother Hiberus. Of whom at the same time the countrie (as some hold) Sée more hereof in the description. was named Hibernia, as in the description further [Page 50] appeareth: although some rather hold, that it tooke the nam [...] of iron, of the plentifull mines of that kind of mettall wherewith that land aboundeth: and so those ancient writers which name it Ierna, named it more aptlie after the spéech of the inhabitants than others, which name it Hibernia. But to procéed. Her­mion herevpon to auoid the ill opinion of men, for that he had thus atteined to the souereignetie by the [...] [...]ime so [...] or detestable that wanteth a colourable pretense to ex­cuse it. vnnaturall slaughter of his brother, in that vnhap­pie ciuill warre, purged himselfe to his subiects, that 10 neither maliciouslie nor contentiouslie, but for his necessarie defense and safetie he had borne armes a­gainst his brethren: and to witnesse how farre he was from all desire to rule alone, he appointed cer­teine capteins as kings, to rule vnder him seuerall countries, reseruing to himselfe but one fourth part, and the portion of Meth allotted to the monarchie for the better maintenance of his estate.

These parts appointed foorth in this wise at length Ireland diui­ded into fiue kingdomes. One soue­reigne ruler ouer the rest. grew to fiue kingdomes, Leinster, Connagh, Ul­ster, 20 and Mounster diuided into two parts, and some­time to more, by vsurping or compounding among themselues: but euer one was chosen to be chiefe so­uereigne monarch ouer them all. Thus it séemeth that certeinelie the Spaniards of the north parts of Spaine, inhabiting the countries about Biscaie and Galicia, came and peopled Ireland (as both their owne histories and the British doo wholie agrée:) but from whense they came first to inhabit those coun­tries of Spaine, verelie I haue not otherwise to a­nouch▪ 30 for no other writers that I can remember, but (such as haue registred the Scotish chronicles) make mention of the comming thither of Gathelus with his wife Scota and their people, in maner as by the said chronicles is pretended. But now to our pur­pose. An hundred and thirtie chiefe kings are recko­ned of this nation from Hermion to Laogirius, the sonne of Nealus Magnus, in whose time that holie estéemed man Patrike conuerted them to christiani­tie. But now in the meane time whilest the Irishmen 40 liued in some tollerable order and rest vnder their se­uerall kings, one Rodorike a Scithian prince with a small co [...]panie of men, being weather driuen round about the coasts of Britaine, was by chance cast vpon the shore of Ireland.

These were Pi [...]s, and the first that had béen heard of in these parties (as some authors haue recorded) a [...]s arriue in Ireland. people from their verie cradle giuen to dissention, landleapers, mercilesse, fierce and hardie. They being brought and presented to the Irish king, craued in­terpretors, which granted, Rodorike their cheefeteine 50 made this request for him and his, as followeth: Not The oration of Rodorike king of the Picts king of Ireland. as denegrate from the courage of our ancestours, but fashioning our selues to fortunes course, we are become to craue of Ireland, as humble supplicants that neuer before this present haue so embased our selues to anie other nation. Behold sir king, and re­gard vs well, no light occasion causeth these lustie valiant bodies to stoope. Scithians we are, & Pi [...]s of Scithia, no small portion of glorie resteth in these 60 two names. What shall I speake of the ciuill warre that hath expelled vs from our natiue homes, or rip vp old histories to mooue strangers to bemone vs? Let our seruants and children discourse therof at lei­sure, if perhaps you will vouchsafe to grant vs some time of abode in your land, to the which effect and purpose our vrgent necessitie beséecheth your fauors, a king of a king and men of men are to craue assi­stance. Princes can well discerne and consider how néere it toucheth their honour and suertie, to vphold and releeue the state of a king, by treason decaied. And manifest it is to all men of reasonable conside­ration, that nothing more beseemeth the nature of man, than to be mooued with compassion, and as it were to féele themselues hurt, when they heare and vnderstand of other mens calamities. Admit (we be­seech you) and receiue amongst you these few scatte­red remnants of Scithia: if your roomes be nar­row, we are not manie: if the soile of your countrie be barren, we are borne and enured to hardnesse: if you liue in peace, we are at commandement as sub­iects: if you warre, we are readie to serue you as souldiours: we demand no kingdome, no state, no pompous triumph in Ireland: we are héere alone, and haue left such things behind vs with our eni­mies: howsoeuer you estéeme of vs, we shall con­tent our selues therewith, and learne to frame our liking to yours, calling to mind not what we haue beene, but what we are.

Great consultation was had about this request Doub [...]ull consultation. of these strangers, and manie things debated to and fro. In conclusion, the Irish laid foorth for answer the opinions of their antiquaries; that is, such as were The answ [...] of the Irish to the request of the Pi [...]s. skilfull in old histories and saiengs of their elders, wherevnto they gaue credit, and therefore they gathe­red it could not be expedient to accept the Scithians into the land, for that mingling of nations in one realme bréedeth quarels: moreouer, that the multi­tude of the inhabitants was such, as roome in the whole Ile was vneth able to receiue them, and there­fore those few new commers, being placed among so manie old inhabitants, might bréed quicklie some disturbance to bring all out of ioint. But (said they) though we may not conuenientlie receiue you a­mong vs, yet shall you find vs readie to further you to be our neighbours.

Not far hense there lieth the great Ile of Bri­taine, The Irish persuadeth the Pi [...]s to place them­selues in Britains. in the north part whereof, being void of inha­bitants, your manhoods and policies may purchase for you roomes to place your selues at ease: we shall appoint you capteins to guide you thither, we shall assist to settle you with our forces in that coun­trie, make readie your ships that yée may passe thi­ther with all conuenient spéed. Incouraged with this persuasion, they tooke their course towards the north parts of Britaine now called Scotland, where contrarie to their expectation Marius king of Bri­taine was readie to await their comming, and with Marius o­therwise c [...] ­led [...]ruira­gus king o [...] Briton [...]. sharpe battell vanquishing them in field, slue Rodo­rike with a great number of his retinues. Those that escaped with life, and sought to him for grace, he li­cenced to inhabit the vttermost end of Scotland. This Marius Humfrie Lhuid taketh to be the same, whome the Romane writers name Aruiragus, who reigned about the yere of our Lord seuentie, a prince of a noble courage and of no small estimation in his daies (as should séeme by that which is written of him.) His right name (as the said Humfreie Lhuid anoucheth) was Meurig.

But now concerning the Picts▪ whether that those that escaped with life, got seats by king Meu­rigs grant (as aboue is specified) or that getting to their ships, they withdrew into the Iles of Orkeneie, and there remained. Wiues they wanted also to in­crease their issue: and bicause the Britons thought scorne to match their daughters with such an vn­knowne and new come nation, the Pi [...]s continu­ed their first acquaintance with the Irish, and by in­treatie obteined wiues from them, with condition, that if the crowne should hap to fall in contention, Pi [...]s ma [...] ­eng with the Irish d [...] co­uenant the succession of their kings. they should yéeld thus much to the prerogatiue of the woman, that the prince should be elected rather of the bloud roiall of the female kind than of the male. Which order (saith Beda) the Pi [...]s were well known to kéepe vnto his time.

But howsoeuer we shall giue credit to this histo­rie of the first comming of Pi [...]s into this land, if we grant that to be true which Geffreie of Monmouth [Page 51] reporteth of this victorie obteined by Marius against the Picts: yet haue I thought good to aduertise the reader, that the Britons of this Ile were disquieted by that nation long before the supposed time of the said king Marius. For Mamertinus in his oration intituled Panegyricus, Max. Dictus hath these words (speaking of the conquest which Iultus Cesar had héere against the Britons.) But in that age (saith he) Britaine was neither furnished with anie ships of warre for battell on the sea, and the Romans after the warres of Affrike and Asia, were well practised 10 with the late warres against pirats, and after that against Mithridates, in which they were exercised as well by sea as land. Moreouer, the British nation was then vnskilfull, and not trained to feats of war, for the Britons then being onelie vsed to the Picts and Irish enimies, people halfe naked through lacke of skill, easilie gaue place to the Romans force, so that Cesar might onelie as it were glorie in this, to haue passed in that iourneie ouer the ocean sea.

Héereby it should séeme that the Picts and Irish 20 did disquiet the Britons, before the comming of Iu­lius Cesar into this Ile of Britaine. But whether [...]ée Diodorus Siculus lib. 6. cap. 9 who [...] they should inhabit a portion of Britaine. they inhabited at that time in some part of Ireland, or in some of the out Iles by Scotland, either in anie part of Germanie, or Scandinauia; or else whether they were alreadie setteled in the furthest parts of Scotland, as in Cathnesse, towards Dungesbie head: we haue not to affirme, other than that which in Scotland we haue written, in following Hector Bo­etius, whose opinion how farre it is to be suspected in 30 matters of antiquitie, I leaue to the consideration Hect. Boctius. of others. But for the first comming as well of the Picts as Scots (whom he maketh inhabitants with­in this Ile so long before) either the name of the one nation or the other is remembred to haue had anie gouernement heere, by anie ancient or approoued writer. I cannot persuade my selfe, that either Scots or Picts had anie setteled seats within the bounds of this Ile of Britaine, till after the birth of our sauiour: but that rather the Scots, as yet inha­biting 40 in Ireland, and in the westerne Iles called by the Romane writers Hebrides, and the Picts, in the Iles of Orkneie called in Latine Orchades, did vse to make often inuasions vpon the Britons, dwelling vpon the coasts that lie néere to the sea side ouer a­gainst those Iles.

From whense they comming ouer in such vessels or boats, as the fishermen doo yet vse, at length the Picts first about the yere of our Lord 290, as Hum­freie Lhuid hath noted, entred generallie into Cath­nesse, 50 and other the north parts of Britaine, where See more heerco [...] in England. they setteled themselues, and remooued the Britons that there inhabited before that time: and shortlie the Scots likewise came ouer and got seats in the [...]he Picts when they first inhabited Britaine. west parts ouer against the north of Ireland, and in those westerne Iles, which Iles they first got into their possession. And in this sort those nations Picts and Scots came first to inhabit héere in this our Ile The Scots in Britaine of Britaine, as the said Humfreie Lhuid, not without 60 aduised coniectures grounded vpon good reason and sufficient authoritie to lead him so to estéeme, hath Hum. Lhuid. written in his short commentaries of the descripti­on of Britaine.

And verelie I thinke we may more safelie beléeue that which he auoucheth in this behalfe, than that which Hector Boetius setteth downe, sith for anie thing I can perceiue, his authorities bring no such warrant with them, but we may with good reason suspect them. But for the man himselfe, euen as he hath verie orderlie, and with no lesse cunning than eloquence set downe diuerse things incredible, and reported some other contrarie to the truth of the hi­storie for the glorie of his nation, as we may take it; so in his excuse it may be alledged, that he was not the author of those matters, but wrote what he found in Cambell, Veremound, Cornelius Hibernensis, Gefferie Mon­mouth the translator not the author of the British historie. and such other, in like case as Gefferie of Monmouth wrote what he found in old ancient British monu­ments, & was not the deuiser himselfe (as some haue suspected) of such things as in his booke are by him ex­pressed. But now to returne to the Picts. It may be that they came at seuerall times in like manner as The doubt of the time of the comming of Picts and Scots into Britaine. Ferguse king of Scots. The marble stone. the Scots did out of Ireland, of whome the first is remembred to be Ferguse, the son of Ferqubard, a man right skilfull in blasoning of armorie, himselfe bare a lion gules in a field of gold. The marble stone wherof in the Scotish historie is mentioned, brought into Ireland by Simon Brechus, and kept till those daies as a pretious iewell, this Ferguse obteined towards the prospering of his iourneie: for that it was thought, who so had the same in possession, could not but obteine souereigntie and rule ouer others as a king, namelie those of the Scotish nation. This stone Ferguse bringing into Scotland, left it there. But although that Ferguse be put in ranke among those Scotish kings that should reigne in Britaine, yet he bare small rule there, & was diuers times bea­ten backe into Ireland, where finallie he was drow­ned by misfortune in the créeke of Knockfergus.

That he incountred with Coilus king of the Bri­tons Knockfergus as the Scots write) is not possible, as our au­thor hath verie well noted; except they mistake the name of Coilus for Cailus, with whome the age of Ferguse might well méet: the rather, for that in the first yeare of Cailus reigne the Picts entered, Fer­guse immediatlie after them, 330 yeares yer Christ was borne; where Coilus reigned in the yeare after the incarnation 124, about which time befell the se­cond arriuall of the Picts in Britaine. And thus it 124 may be they mistake, by errour of the name, Coilus for Cailus, and the second arriuall of the Picts for the first. But now to the course of the historie. Whi­lest the Picts were seated in the north of Britaine, and grew to a great multitude; the Irish made sun­drie errands ouer to visit their daughters, nephues, and kinsfolks, and by their often comming and go­ing they were aware of certeine wasie corners, and small Ilands void of inhabitants, as that which see­med rather neglected and suffered to lie waste.

Hereof they aduertised their princes, namelie Reuther or Reuda, who being descended of Fer­guse, Reuther or Reuda. determined to inuest himselfe in certeine por­tions of land beside the Picts. He therefore well ap­pointed passed ouer, and partlie by composition, and partlie by force, got possession of those quarters which were desolate, & began to erect a kingdome there, by little and little increasing his limits: and finallie got betwixt the Picts and Britons, possessing that countrie which tooke the name of him called Reu­dersdahall, and now Riddesdale (as you would saie) Rheudas part; for Dahall in the Scotish toong signi­fieth a part. In these quarters he could not setle him­selfe, but that he was oftentimes assailed by the Bri­tons that bordered next vnto him, and at length his chance was to be slaine, but the kingdome continu­ed still in the hands of his successors: and the Picts The amitie betwixt Scots and Picts. and Scots grew in friendship togither, permitting ech other to liue in quiet.

The Scots nestled themselues in the Iles and coasts alongst the sea side. The Picts held the middle part. But shortlie after, the peace began to hang doubtfull betwixt them: for the diuersitie of people, place, custome and language, togither with the me­morie of old grudges, mooued such gelousie and in­ward hate betwixt those nations, that it séemed they were readie to breake out into open dissention vpon Their f [...]ing out. the first occasion. And as in such cases there neuer [Page 52] wanteth one deuise or other to raise tumults: it chanced that certeine of the Scotish nobilitie had got out of Greece (as some write) a Molossian hound, which both in swiftnesse of foot, and pleasantnesse of mouth, was accounted peerlesse. This hound being stollen by a Pict, was cause of the breach of peace; so Str [...] about a dog. that cruell wars thereof insued, as in the Scotish historie more at large appéereth. But where some write, that Eugenius should reigne ouer the Scots when this quarell [...]ell out for stealing of this hound, 10 Hector Boetius saith, it was in king Crathlinths daies. Morouer it shuld séeme by that which the same Boetius writeth, that the hound or grethound for the which this trouble rose, was not fetched so far as out of Grecia, but rather bred in Scotland: notwith­standing bicause the Latinists call such kind of dogs Molossi, for that the first generation of them, or the like, came from a citie of Grecia called Molosse; it may be, that some haue thought that this gre [...]hound came from thense, for that he was so called after the 20 name of that place from whense the bréed of him first came. But to returne to the historie.

After the Scots and Picts had tugged togither a while, at length one Carausius a Briton laboured a Carausius agreeth them. Anno Christi. 288 friendship betwixt them, and bringing his purpose to passe, persuaded them to lend him their helpe to expell the Romans out of Britaine: but his hap was shortlie after to be slaine by the Romane cap­teine Alectus. And so new sturs were in hand be­twixt the Britons and Romans, the Scots & Picts for the most part taking part with the Britons, till 30 at length Maximus the Romane lieutenant found means to set the Scots and Picts at variance, and ioining with the Picts in league, vsed their aid against the Scots, whome he so earnestlie pursued with all the power he might make, that in the end they were vtterlie expelled out of all the coasts of The Scots expelled. See more of this matter in Scotland. 326 Britaine, so that they fled some into one part, some into another, but the most number got them ouer in­to Ireland, and the Iles, where they remained for the space of fourtie thrée yeares, and then at length re­turned 40 thither, vnder the leading of their prince Fer­guse, being the second of that name, as they account him. From thensefoorth the Scots kept such foot in Britaine, that they incroched vpon their neighbors, in such wise as they waxed stronger than the Picts, whome in the end they quite rooted forth, and nestled themselues in their seats, although now at their first The Picts [...] foorth by the Scots. returne they concluded a firme amitie with the same Picts, that ioining their forces togither, they 50 might the better make head against both Romans and Britons, whome they reputed as common eni­mies to them both.

Thus the Scots a liuelie, cruell, vnquiet, ancient and victorious people, got place within this Ile of Britaine, mixed first with Britons, secondlie with Picts, thirdlie and chieflie with the Irish, which after this time left their name of Scots vnto those in Bri­taine, and chose rather to be called Irish: and then came vp the distinction of the name, as Scotia maior 60 for Ireland, Scotia minor for the countrie inhabited by the Scots within Britaine. But Cambrensis saith, that the Scots chieflie preuailed vnder the leading Giraldus Cambrensis. of six valiant gentlemen, sons to Muridus king of Ulster, who in the time of N [...]ale, surnamed the great that inioied the monarchie of Ireland, passing ouer into Scotland to succour their countriemen there, at length tooke vp for themselues certeine parcels of ground, which their posteritie were owners of in the time that Cambrensis liued, to wit, about the yeare of our Lord 1200, who treateth hereof more largelie in his booke intituled Topographia Britanniae. Since which time they haue béene euer taken, reputed and named Scots, the Pictish nation being driuen into corners, albeit the mounteine parts and out Iles e­uen vnto this daie are inhabited with a wild kind of people called Red [...]hanks, estéemed by some to be mingled of Scots and Picts.

The Scots write, that their king Eregorie the Gregorie king of Scots subdueth I­reland. [...]75 sonne of Dongall, who began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 875, pretending a title to Ireland, as be­longing to him by right of lawfull succession, made a iourneie thither, and within a small time made a conquest of the countrie. This Gregorie lieth bu­ried in one of the out Iles called Iona, or Colme­kill, where they speake naturallie Irish: and there­fore some of the Scots would séeme to make the con­quest of Henrie the second in Ireland, a reuolting from the right inheritors: although they doo con­fesse they can not tell how they came from the posses­sion of it, otherwise than by forging a tale that they willinglie forewent it, as reaping lesse by reteining it, than they laid foorth, and so not able to discharge that which was to be defraied about the kéeping of it they gaue it ouer, persuading themselues that the kings of England haue gained little or nothing by the hauing of Ireland. And yet in the time whilest sir Henrie Sidneie was gouernour there, when the Sir [...] Sid [...]. countie of Ulster was auouched to belong vnto the crowne: it was prooued in open parlement, that the reuenues of that earldome, in the daies of Edward the third were reckoned, and found to amount vnto the summe of one and thirtie thousand marks yeare­lie, the same being but a fift part of Ireland: so that if things were well looked vnto, and such improue­ment made as might be, Ireland would suffice to beare the necessarie charges, and yéeld no small s [...] ­plusage vnto the princes coffers.

But now as it falleth foorth in the historie. We haue thought good here to shew in what sort Ireland came to receiue the christian faith. We find in deed that immediatlie after Christes time, saint Iames Ireland in­stru [...]ed in the faith by saint Iames t [...] [...] ­postle. the apostle, & other trauelling into these west parts, did first instruct the Irish people, and teach them the glad tidings of the gospell, so that diuerse amongst them euen then were christened, and beléeued, but not in such numbers (as may be thought) whereby it should be said, that the countrie was generallie conuerted. Notwithstanding, the Scotish chroni­cles a [...]ouch, that in the daies of their king Finc [...] ­marke, who departed this life in the yeare of our re­demption thrée hundred fiftie and eight, Ireland was conuerted to the faith by this meanes.

A woman of the Pictish bloud chanced (saie they) to serue in those daies the queene of Ireland, which woman being a christian hir selfe, first instructed hir mistresse in the faith and true points of christianitie; and the quéene hir husband, who conuerted the whole Irish nation. Howbeit, by the report of the Irish writers themselues, this should not seeme altogither true: for they affirme, that their countrie was rather still estéemed as one of the vnchristened Iles, till a­bout the yeare foure hundred twentie and six, whilest Celestine the first of that name gouerned the sée of Rome, who vpon conference had with his cleargie, touching the restoring of the christian faith in the west parts of the world, greatlie decaied there by the heresie of Pelagius, vnderstood that Ireland also by reason of distance from the hart of christendome, and rudenesse of the nation, had receiued little fruit at all of true religion, a thing much to be lamented.

Among other that then were assembled to treat of those matters was one Paladius archdeacon of [...] of­fereth to go into Ireland. Rome, who offered his charitable trauell towards the conuersion of anie of those lands whither it shuld please them to appoint him to go. Celestine know­ing He is conse­crated bisho [...] the sufficiencie of the man consecrated him bi­shop, authorised his iourneie by letters vnder his [Page 53] seale, furnished his wants, and associating to him such religious persons and others as were thought necessarie to assist him, deliuered to him the bible with great solemnitie, & other monuments in fur­therance of his good spéed. At length he landed in Paladius landed in Ireland. the north of Ireland, from whense he escaped right hardlie with his life into the Iles adioining, where he preached the gospell, and conuerted no small number of Scots to the christian beliefe, and purged that part that was christened from the infection of the Pelagians, as in the Scotish historie more at 10 large appéereth. He was required by the Scots that inhabited here in Britaine, to leaue the Iles and come ouer vnto them, there to instruct the people in the waie of true saluation, to the which with the popes licence he séemed willing enough: and the bi­shop of Rome the more readilie condescended there­to for that in the instant time, when Paladius was to depart, one Patrike attended at Rome, suing for licence to be sent into Ireland.

The pope therefore granted that Paladius might 20 passe ouer to the Scots in Britaine, and appointed Patrike sent into Ireland. Patrike to go with authoritie from him into Ire­land; where, vpon his arriuall he found the people so Paladius ap­pointed to go into Scotlād. well bent to heare his admonitions, contrarie to their accustomed frowardnesse, that a man would haue thought that had seene their readines, how that the land had beene reserued for him to conuert. And The toward­nesse of the I­rishmen to heare Pa­triks prea­ching. bicause it pleased God to bestow such an vniuersall benefit to this land by his meanes, we haue thought good in following our author herein, to touch some 30 part of the course of his life. This Patrike in Latine called Patricius, was borne in the marches betwixt where saint Patrike was borne. England and Scotland, in a towne by the sea side called Eiburne, whose father hight Calphurnius, a deacon and sonne to a priest: his mother named Conches, was sister to saint Martine that famous bishop of Towers in France.

Patrike of a child was brought vp in learning, and well instructed in the faith, and much giuen to The life of saint Patrike in briefe. deuotion. The Irishmen in those daies assisted with 40 Scots and Picts were become archpirats, sore dis­quieting the seas about the coasts of Britaine, and vsed to sacke litle small villages that laie scattered along the shore, and would often lead awaie captiue the inhabitants home into their countrie. And as it chanced, Patrike being a lad of sixtéene yeares old, S. Patrike was takē pri­soner when he was yoong. and a scholer then in secular learning, was taken a­mong other, and became slaue to an Irish lord called Machuaine, from whome after six yeares terme he redéemed himself with a peece of gold which he found 50 in a clod of earth, that the swine had newlie turned vp as he followed them in that time of his captiuitie, being appointed by his maister to kéepe them. And as affliction commonlie maketh men religious, the Affliction ma­keth men re­ligious regard of his former education printed in him such remorse and humilitie, that being thensefoorth wea­ned from the world, he betooke himselfe to contem­plation, euer lamenting the lacke of grace and truth in that land: and herewith not despairing, but that 60 in continuance some good might be wrought vpon them, he learned their toong perfectlie. And alluring one of that nation to beare him companie for exer­cise sake, he departed from thense, and got him into France, euer hauing in his mind a desire to sée the conuersion of the Irish people, whose babes yet vn­borne séemed to him in his dreames (from out of their mothers wombs) to call for christendome.

In this purpose he sought out his vncle Martine, by whose means he was placed with Germanus the bishop of Aurerre, continuing with him as scholer or disciple for the space of fortie yeares: all which time He passeth in­to France. he bestowed in like studie of the holie scriptures, praiers, and such godlie exercises. Then at the age of threescore and two yeares, being renowmed through the Latine church for his wisedome, vertue and skill, he came to Rome, bringing letters with him in his commendation from the French bishops vnto pope Celestine, to whom he vttered his full mind and se­cret vow, which long since he had conceiued touching Ireland. Celestine inuested him archbishop and pri­mat Patrike to in­uested archbi­shop of Ire­land. of the whole Iland, set him forward with all fa­uour he could deuise, and brought him and his disci­ples onward to their countrie.

In the thrée and twentith yeare therefore of the emperor Theodosius the yoonger, being the yeare of our Lord 430, Patrike landed in Ireland, & bicause he spake the toong perfectlie, and withall being a re­uerend 430 personage in the eies of all men, manie liste­ned and gaue good care to his preaching, the rather for that (as writers haue recorded) he confirmed his doctrine with diuerse miracles: but speciallie those regarded his words before all others, that had some tast of the christian faith aforehand, either by the com­ming into those parties of Paladius, and his disciple Albius an I­rish bishop, disciple to Paladius. one Albius an Irish bishop, or otherwise by some o­ther: for it is to be thought, that continuallie there remained some sparke of knowledge of christiani­tie euer since the first preaching of the gospell (which was shortlie after the ascension of our sauiour) by saint Iames (as before is mentioned.) In continu­ance of time Patrike wan the better part of that kingdome to the faith.

Laigerius sonne of Neale the great monarch, al­though Laigerius son to Neale the great monarch of Ireland, permitteth the Irishmen to become chri­stians. he receiued not the gospell himselfe, yet per­mitted all that would to imbrace it. But sith he refu­sed to be baptised, & applie to his doctrine; the bishop denounced against him a curse from God according­lie, but tempered yet with mercie and iudgement, as thus: That during his life he should be victorious, but after him neither the kingdome should stand, nor his linage inherit. From thense he tooke his waie vnto Conill lord of Connagh, who honourablie receiued him, and was conuerted with all his people; and af­ter Conill lord of Connagh. Logan king of Leinster. sent him vnto his brother Logan king of Lein­ster, whome he likewise conuerted. In Mounster he found great friendship and fauour by means of an earle there, called the earle of Daris, who honoured The earle of Daris. him highlie, and gaue him a dwelling place in the east angle of Armagh called Sorta, where he erec­ted manie celles and monasteries, both for religious men and women. He trauelled thirtie yeares in prea­ching through the land, planting in places conueni­ent bishops and priests, whose learning and vertuous conuersation by the speciall grace and fauor of God, established the faith in that rude nation. Other thir­tie years he spent in his prouince of Armagh among his brethren, placed in those houses of religion, which by his meanes were founded, and so he liued in the whole about one hundred twentie two yeares, and lieth buried in Downe.

Of saint Patrikes purgatorie ye shall find in the S. Patrikes purgatorie. description of the countrie, and therefore we doo here omit it. But yet bicause we are entered to speake of the first foundation of churches and religious houses Religious houses & chur­ches founded. here in Ireland, in following our author in that be­halfe: we will speake somewhat of such other holie men and women as are renowmed to haue liued in Ireland, as ornaments to that Ile, more glorious than all the triumphs & victories of the world, if their zeale had béene seasoned with true knowledge of the scriptures: as it maie well be that in some of them it Mens doings mistaken. was, howsoeuer mistaken by the iudgement and re­port of the simple, which hath raised not onlie of these persons, but also of the verie apostles themselues, certeine fantasticall tales, which with the learned are out of all credit. But this matter I will leaue to di­uines to discusse, trusting that the reader will con­tent [Page 54] himselfe to heare what we find recorded by old writers, which we shall set downe, and offer to their considerations to thinke thereof as reason maie best mooue them.

Giraldus Cambrensis telleth, that in saint Pa­triks Giral. Camb. time florished saint Bride the virgine, and saint Colme, which two, with the same Patrike, were buried in Downe (as in the Scotish historie ye maie find) and (as the same Giraldus saith) their three bo­dies were found there shortlie after the conquest. 10 Sir Iohn Conweie being president of Ulster, in viewing the sepulture, testified to haue séene thrée Sir Iohn Conweie pre­sident of [...]lster. S. Colme. principall iewels, which were then translated, as ho­nourable monuments woorthie to be preserued. Of saint Colme it is doubted in what age he liued. Bri­get, otherwise called Bride, was base daughter to one Dubtactius, a capteine in Leinster, who percei­uing the mother with child, sold hir secretlie (fearing the gealousie of his wife) to an Irish Peet, reseruing to himselfe the fruit of hir wombe. She was there de­liuered 20 Péet, that is, Magus in Latine, or (as we may say) a magician or soothsaier in English. A [...] [...]om. 439 of this Briget, whome the Péet trained vp in learning, and vertuous education, and at length brought hir home to hir father.

The damsell also was instructed in the faith by saint Patrike, that preached then in those quarters, whervpon she became so religious and ripe in iudge­ment, that not onlie the multitude of people, but also a whole synod of bishops assembled néere to Dub­lin The estimatiō wherein she was had. to heare hir aduise in weightie causes, such esti­mation they had of hir. One fact of hir being yet a 30 child, made hir famous. The king of Leinster had giuen to hir father Dubtactius as a token of his good The king of Leinster. liking towards him for his valiant seruice, a rich sword, the furniture whereof was garnished with manie costlie iewels. And as it chanced, the damsell visiting the sicke neighbours diuerslie distressed for want of necessarie reliefe (hir father being a sterne man, and his ladie a cruell shrew) she could deuise no other shift to helpe to reléeue the want of those poore and needie people, but to impart the same iewels of 40 that idle swoord among them. This matter was hei­noussie taken, and being brought to the kings eares, it chanced that shortlie after he came to a banket in hir fathers house, and calling the maid afore him that was not yet past nine yeres of age, he asked hir how she durst presume to deface the gift of a king in such wise as she had doon his? She answered that the same was bestowed vpon a better king than he was, whom (quoth she) finding in such extremitie, I would haue giuen all that my father hath, and all that you 50 haue, ye a your selues too & all, were yée in my power to giue, rather than Christ should starue. She professed virginitie, and allured other noble yoong damsels vnto hir fellowship, with whome she continued in She profes­sed virginitie. hir owne monasterie, where she was first professed, vntill the yeare of our Lord 500, and then departing this life, shee was buried in Downe in saint Pa­triks An. Dom. 500. Briget depar­ted this life. toome.

Giraldus Cambrensis reporteth of his owne know­ledge, that among other monuments of hirs, there 60 was found a concordance of the foure euangelsts, A cōcordance of the foure euangelists. séeming to be written with no mortall hand, beauti­fied with mysticall pictures in the margent, the co­lours and cunning workemanship whereof at the first blush appeared darke and nothing delectable, but in the héedfull view of the diligent beholder verie liuelie and woonderfull artificiall. Cenanus that was first a souldier, succéeded saint Patrike in the see of C [...]nanus first a man of war, and after a bishop. [...]bbat Bren­dan. Armagh, after he had certeine yeares followed the warres. Brendan abbat at the age of ten yeares was of such incomparable holinesse (as they saie) and therwith so wise and learned, that his father and mo­ther, thinking themselues to haue gained the most worthie fruit that might insue of their mariage, by mutuall consent professed continencie, and abando­ned matrimoniall companie. He flourished in the daies of saint Briget, and liued in fanuliar societie with saint Arons the bishop, and Fintan the abbat.

Madoc aliâs Edan of noble parentage taken pri­soner by the king of Temore, and kept in his court Madoc. with diuerse yoong men his schoolefellowes, openlie adiured the king to licence him and them to depart, that they might serue God as they were accusto­med, the which being now kept in sunder and restrei­ned of libertie, they were forced to discontinue. He [...] ­vpon immediatlie they were dismissed. He died bi­shop of Fernes, and laid the foundation of that bur­row. His successor Melingus, although he was bi­shop, gaue himselfe yet to voluntarie labour, and Melingus. with his owne hands deriued and brought a run­ning spring to his monasterie, induring that tra­uell daily after praier and studie for the space of eight yeares togither.

Fintan abbat was had in such reuerence, that whereas Colme king of Leinster kept Cormake the Colme king of Leinster. kings son of Tensill prisoner, he went boldlie with twelue of his disciples through the prease of all the souldiors, and in sight of the king was suffered to borow the yoong prince. For the Irish are not sterne against those of whom they haue conceiued an opi­nion of holinesse. I remember (saith our author) that Cambrensis writeth himselfe merilie to haue obiected to Morice then archbishop of Cashill, that Ireland in so manie hundred years had not brought foorth one martyr. The bishop answered pleasantlie The answer of the archbi­shop of Cashill to Giraldus Cambrensis. (alluding so the late dispatching of Thomas archbi­shop of Canturburie) Our people (quoth he) notwith­standing their other enormities, yet haue spared euer the bloud of vertuous men. Marie now we are de­liuered to such a nation that is well acquainted with making martyrs, so that from hensefoorth I trust no complaint shall néed for want of martyrs. Mala­chias was borne in Armagh of a noble progenie, Malachias. brought vp in vertue by the example of his mother, and trained foorth in learning, profited greatlie in deuotion: so that being yet but a verie babe, he was espied diuerse times to steale awaie from his com­panions to praie in secret. He was so graue and modest, that of himselfe he chose the most graue and seuere schoolemaister, refusing an excelient clearke, because he saw him somewhat lightlie demeaning himselfe at game. In the beginning of his youth­full yeares, he became the disciple of Imarius an old recluse, whose austeritie of conuersation the whole towne had in great reuerence. There he be­came a deacon, and at fiue and twentie yeares a priest.

The archbishop, for the fame and the opinion of his woorthinesse, receiued him to be assistant to him in office, in the which he so behaued himselfe, that he reformed superstitions, and reuiued the force of re­ligion, namelie in the vniformitie of their church seruice, wherin before time they iarred. The famous The mona­sterie of Ban­chor repared. monasterie of Banchor he reedified of the patrimo­nie and legacies by his vncle lest him. The same monasterie was of old time gouerned by Congel­lus, and after him by Columbanus the father of ma­nie religious houses in France. This abbeie being spoiled and nintie of his brethren murdered in oue day by the prior, the possessions whereof being come to the hands of Malachias by his vncles assigne­ment, he restored foorthwith, and aduanced the foun­dation. At the age of thirtie yeares he was by ca­nonicall election forced to accept the bishoprike of Conereth, a people of all the Irish then most sauage and wild, whome with inestimable trauell he recla­med from their beastlie maners. In the meane while died Celsus bishop of Armagh, after whome succée­ded [Page 55] Malachias, at the age of eight and thirtie yeares. But before this, neere hand the space of two hundred yeares togither, a custome had crept into the coun­trie, that the metropolitane sée was conferred vpon [...]d bi­shops held the [...] successiue­ [...] [...]d of one [...], nei­ther would the Irish haue had anie other than of the h [...]se. [...] saint Barnard In vita Malachiae. Bale, &c. The bible and [...]. such bishops as were maried, and were of the bloud roiall, in maner by way of inheritance. Wherefore Nigellus or Neale the next of kinred, animated by the parcialitie of some princes, and getting into his custodie the bible and staffe, and other monuments of saint Patrike, wherevnto opinion of the com­mon 10 people tied the prelacie, came to his palace with a band of souldiors to haue slaine the bishop. When all the people wept and houled for his perill, he alone stepped into the bosome of his enimies, demanding what was their purpose? The bloudie souldiors let­ting fall their weapons, in stead of executing the pretensed murtherer, fell to reuerence him, and at length departed from him as friends.

Thrée yeares he sat in the primasie rather to dis­continue the horrible corruption before vsed, than 20 For lineall descent of bi­shops. with intent to settle himselfe there. After he had re­moued the abuse, he procured Orlasius to succéed him in the archbishops sée, and he returned to his for­mer see of Downe, to the which as then was annexed the bishoprike of Coner. But Malachias vnderstan­ding that in times past they were six seuerall sées, he diuided them againe, and ordeined an other to the bi­shoprike of Coner, desirous rather to lessen his cure than to inlarge the fruits by taking more charge vp­pon him. Malachias being demanded of his bre­thren the monkes of Benchor, where and when he 30 would wish to die and to be buried, if it laie in his choise? He answered: If in Ireland, beside the bodie of saint Patrike: if beyond the seas, at Clareuale where saint Barnard was then resiant, and in the feast of Alsoules. He purposed within few daies to sue to pope Eugenius for increase of the number of metropolitans, which request was shortlie after ac­complished. And in this viage which he thus made, he staied at Clareuale, and there diuerse times o­penlie 40 foreshewed, that the yeare of his departure foorth of this world was come; and accordinglie when he had taken leaue of saint Barnard and the bre­thren, he went downe from his chamber to the church and there did communicat. Which doone, he retur­ned to his lodging, and there on Alsouls daie in the yeare of his age 54 he gaue vp the ghost, so mild­lie and quietlie, that it séemed rather a sléepe than a death.

Malchus, though borne in Ireland, yet he spent 50 the most part of his time in the monasterie of Win­chester Malchus. in England, and from thense was taken and admitted bishop of Lismore. Saint Barnard re­membreth of him, by occasion he cured a lunatike child in confirming, else (as they termed it) in bishop­ping him. This miracle seene and confessed by ma­nie hundreds of people, was blowen through the world. The same time happened discord betwixt the Discord be­tweene the king of Mounster and his brother. king of Mounster and his brother, and as the mat­ter was handled, the king was ouermatched and fled into England, where he visited Malchus in his ab­beie, 60 and would by no meanes depart from him; but remaine there vnder his rule and gouernment, so long as it pleased God to denie him quiet returne into his countrie: he contented himselfe with a poore cell, vsed dailie to bath himselfe in cold wa­ter, to asswage the wanton motions of his flesh, and for his diet receiued none other delicats than bread, water, and salt, day and night, sobbing and bewai­ling with great remorse of conscience his former misdemened life. At length the other kings and peo­ple of Ireland began to repine at the vsurper, set vp­on him with open war, vanquished him in a pitcht field, and called home the rightfull prince his brother againe, to resume his kingdome, who with manie earnest persuasions of Malchus and of Malachias could vneth be brought to forsake that trade of life and companie, the which he had with such delecta­tion inured himselfe vnto.

Thus far of the Irish saints. Of the which, as some of them are to be estéemed right vertuous and god­lie men, so other of them are to be suspected as per­sons rather holie by the superstitious opinion of the people, than indued with anie such knowledge of true godlinesse and sincere religion, as are woorthie to be registred in the number of those that of right ought to passe for saints, as by certeine late writers may appeare. But this we leaue to the iudgement of the aduised reader, for that in such matters we Fox. Bale. mind not to preiudice anie mans opinion, but one­lie wish the reader to take héed how he giueth credit to that which oftentimes is found written by authors touching feigned miracles, and other vaine super­stitious dealings, wherethrough manie zealous per­sons haue often beene deceiued. Now therefore to leaue saints, and returne to other matters touching 586 The Norwe­gians scowre the seas, and inuade the Iles of Orke­neie. the Irish historie. In the yeare 586: the Norwegi­ans had got dominion ouer the Ilands in the north­west ocean called the Iles of Orkeneie, and scow­red the seas, that none other nation durst v [...]neth ap­peare in sight for dread of them. A people giuen greatlie to séeke the conquests of other realmes, as they that could not faile to find more warme and fruitfull places for to inhabit than their owne. These They inuade Ireland. hot fellowes chanced to light into Ireland by this meanes. Careticus the king of Britaine ran into such hatred of his people, that they raised warres a­gainst him. The Saxons that possessed now six seue­rall kingdomes in the Ile of Britaine, reioised not a litle at this ciuill discord betwixt the Britaine king and his subiects.

Wherevpon meaning to make a full conquest of the Britains, & vtterlie to expell them foorth of all the Ile, he assembled their powers, & ioined to the same Gurmundus, a notable rouer of the Norwegians, Gurmundus an archpirat of the nation of Norwaie. who hauing at all times a nauie in a readinesse, and men to furnish it, holpe the Saxons to chase the Bri­tains into the marches of Wales. For from thense (being retired into the mounteins and woods) they could not driue them. This Gurmound (as some thinke) builded at the same time the towne of Gur­mondchester, and after being assisted by the Saxons, made a viage into Ireland, where he sped not great­lie to his desire, and therefore the Irish account not this for anie of their conquests, as some of their an­tiquaries informed our author. Gurmound there­fore Campion. finding but sorrie successe, built a few slight ca­stels and forts in the frontiers, and so left the land, and sailed from thence into France, where at length he was slaine. Our chronicles in déed name him king of Ireland; but the Irish affirme that before Turgesius, there was none of the easterne people Turgesius. that obteined dominion in their countrie.

Giraldus Cambrensis to make the matter whole (a Gods name) thinketh Turgesius to haue conque­red the land, as lieutenant or deputie vnder Gur­mundus. But this being granted, there ariseth a more manifest contradiction than the former: for he himselfe numbreth betwixt Laogirius king of Ire­land Laogirius. 430 that liued in the yéere foure hundred and thirtie, and Edlumding, whome Turgesius vanquished, 33 monarchs, whose reigns comprehended foure hun­dred yeares, so that Turgesius liued in the yeare af­ter the incarnation eight hundred and thirtie. Then it is too plaine that he could not haue anie dooings with Gurmundus, who ioined with the Saxons a­gainst Careticus, in the yeare fiue hundred foure score and six. This knot (saith our author) might be The doubt resolued. [Page 56] vntwined with more facilitie thus. Gurmundus made much of that little he got, and wrote himselfe king, which title our histories doo allow him, because he made the waie plaine, inioied it a while, and set open the gate vnto his countrimen. Turgesius at­chiued the whole exploit, and brought it to perfection, and in these respects either of them may be called king and conqueror of Ireland.

Turgesius therefore with his Norwegians the second time inuaded Ireland, susteined diuerse los­ses 10 Turgesius what he did. and ouerthrowes: but in the end fortifieng him­selfe by the sea coasts, & receiuing thereby his fréends at his pleasure, waxed so strong that he subdued the whole Ile, still erecting castels and fortresses as he He buildeth fortresses. wan ground, so to maister the Irish that with such manner of strengths of wals and rampires had not as yet béene acquainted: for till those daies they knew no defense but woods, bogs, or strokes. Tur­gesius so brideled the Irish kings, and kept them in Turgesius reigned in Ireland thir­tie yeares. awe, that without interruption he reigned like a 20 conqueror thirtie yeares. He cried hauocke & spoile where anie rich preie was to be had, sparing neither those of the laitie nor of the clergie, neither church nor chappell, abu [...]ing his victorie verie insolentlie. Oma­laghlilen king of Meth was in some trust with the Omalaghli­len king of Meth. tyrant. His onelie daughter Turgesius craued for his concubine. The father hauing a readie wit, and watching his time, began to breake with Turgesius in this wise: Sauing your fansie my lord (quoth he) there are diuerse ladies of bloud in this countrie mée­ter 30 bedfellows for a king than that browne gristie: and therewith he began to reckon vp a number of his néeces and cousines, indowed (as he set them foorth) with such singular beautie, as they séemed ra­ther angels than mortall creatures. The tyrant as it were rauished, and doting in loue of those peereles péeces before he saw them, by reason of such excée­ding praises as he thus heard of them, doubted yet least Omalaghlilen extolled them to preserue his The policie of Omalaghli­len. daughter out of his hands: and the subtill father clo­ked 40 his drift with modest behauior, lingering time to inflame the leachers follie, as he that wished anie thing more to be suspected, than that which he meant most earnestlie to bring to passe.

At length, when Turgesius séemed to take his de­laieng thus of time somewhat displeasantlie, he vsed this or the like speech: ‘If I should saie (quoth he) that I gaue you my sole daughter with goodwill to be de­floured, your high wisdome would soone ghesse that I did but flatter you; and yet if ten daughters were 50 déerer to me than your good pleasure and contentati­on, by whose bountifull goodnes both she, & I, and we all are supported, I were vnwoorthie that secret and nere fréendship wherin it liketh you to vse me. As for the wench, it will be in part honorable for hir to be re­quired to the bed of such a prince, sith quéenes haue not sticked to come from farre, and yeeld the vse of their bodies to noble conquerors, in hope by them to haue issue. And howsoeuer it be taken, time will weare it out, and redéeme it; but such a fréend as 60 you are to me and mine, neither I nor mine shall liue to see. And verelie I meane not to hazard your displeasure, if it were for a greater matter than the value of twentie maidenheads; séeing fathers haue not sticked to giue vp their owne wiues to quench the lusts of their sons. Therefore am I thus agréed, name the daie and place, separat your selfe from the view of your court, conferre with those that haue a deintie insight, & skilfull eies in discerning beuties; I will send you my daughter, & with hir the choise of twelue or sixteene gentlewomen, the meanest of the which may be an empresse in comparison. When they are before you, make your game as you like, and then if my child please your fantasie best, she is not too good to be at your commandement: onelie my request is, that if anie other shall presume vpon your leauings, your maiestie will remember whose child she is.’

This liberall proffer was of Turgesius accepted (whose desire was most insatiable) with manie good words, thanks, & faire promises. To be short, the same daie Omalaghlilen put his daughter in prince­like apparell, attired after the trimmest wise, and with hir sixteene proper yoong men beautifull and a­miable to behold: and so being sent to the king were The like was practised by Alexander son to Amyn­tas king of Macedon a­gainst the Persian ara­bassadors. Carion lib. 3. fol. 109. presented vnto him in his priuie chamber, hauing none about him but a few dissolute youthfull per­sons; whervpon those disguised yoong striplings drew foorth from vnder their long womanish garments their skeins, and valiantlie bestirring themselues, first stabbed their weapons points through the bodie of the tyrant, and then serued all those youths that were about him with the like sawce, they making small or no resistance at all. The brute of this mur­ther was quicklie blowne abrode through all Ire­land: and the princes readie to catch hold on such ad­uantage, rose in armes with one assent, in purpose to deliuer themselues from bondage, and recouer li­bertie.

All Meth and Leinster were speedilie got togi­ther, The persuasi­on of Oma­laghlilen. resorting vnto Omalaghlilen the author of this practise, who lightlie leapt to horsse, and commending their forward redinesse in so naturall a quarell, said: ‘My lords and fréends, this case neither admitteth de­laie, nor requireth policie; hart and hast is all in all. Whilest the matter is fresh and greene, and that some of our enimies lie still and sléepe, some lament, some cursse, some are togither in councell, and all the whole number dismaied: let vs preuent their furie, dis­member their force, cut off their flight, seize vpon their places of refuge and succour. It is no victorie to plucke their feathers, but to breake their necks; not to chase them in, but to rowse them out; to weed them, not to rake them; not to tread them downe, but to root them vp. This lesson the tyrant himselfe did teach me. I once demanded of him as it were in a parable, by what good husbandrie the land might be rid of certeine rauening foules that annoied it. He aduised vs to watch where they bred, and to fire their nests about their eares. Go we then vpon these cor­uorants which shrowd themselues in our possessions, and let vs so destroie them, that neither nest nor root, neither séed nor stalke, neither branch nor stumpe shall remaine of this vngratious generation.’ Scarse had he ended his tale, but that with great showts and clamors they extolled the king, as defendor of their liues and liberties; assuring them both of their bold and hardie stomachs and speedfull expedition ioi­ned with their confederats, and with a running campe swept euerie corner of the land, rased the ca­stels to the ground, chased awaie the strangers, slue all that abode battell, ech man recouering his owne, with the state of gouernment.

Thus in effect haue the Irish writers reported of Turgesius a Norwegian, whether he did reigne be­fore the supposed time of Gurmond, or whether that he came thither as lieutenant to him: which if it shuld be true, no doubt the same Gurmond was some king of the Danes, or Norwegians, and not of the Affricans (as some of our countrimen name him.) Which error is soone committed, in taking one hea­thenish Gurmond. nation for another, as those men haue doone that haue named the Hungarians (when they did inuade Gallia before they were christians) Sara­cens. And so likewise might that author (whosoeuer he was) whome Geffreie of Monmouth followeth, finding Gurmond written to be a king of the mis­creants, mistake the Norwegians for Affricans, be­cause [Page 57] both those nations were infidels: and therfore sith happilie the Affricans in the daies when that au­thor liued, bare all the brute aboue other heathenish nations then, as the Turks doo now, he named them Affricans. Howsoeuer it was, certeine it is that the Danes or Norwegians made sundrie inuasions into Ireland, and that at seuerall times. But for Turgesius, whether he were an absolute king, or but a lieutenant of some armie, vnder some other king named Gurmound, or peraduenture Gormo, 10 (as such names are soon corrupted) I cannot affirme, bicause that no certeine time is set downe in the chronicles which are written of those nations, where­by they may be so reconciled togither, as sufficeth to warrant anie likelie coniecture in this behalfe.

But if I should saie (with the readers licence) what I thinke, this Gurmound whatsoeuer he was, made no such conquest of Ireland, nor of this our Ile of Britaine (as by some writers is supposed) but yet might he peraduenture land in Wales, and either in 20 fauor of the Saxons then enimies to the Britons, or in hatred of the christian name persecute by cruell wars the British nation, and vse such crueltie as the heathenish nations then were accustomed to practise against the christians in all places where they came, and chanced to haue the vpper hand. The chiefest cause that mooueth me to doubt thereof, is for that I find not in anie of our approoued ancient English writers, as Beda, Malmesburie, Huntington, Houe­den, or such like, anie plaine mention made of him; 30 whereby I may be throughlie induced to credit that which I find in Geffrie Monmouth and others recor­ded of him, except his name be mistaken, and so thereby some error crept in, which I am not able to resolue.

But sith we are entred to speake thus farre of the Norwegians, here by the waie I haue thought it not impertinent to the purpose of this Irish histo­rie, to write what we find recorded in the chronicles of those northernlie regions, Denmarke, Norweie, 40 and Sweden, written by Saxo Grammaticus, Al­bertus Saxo Gram. Alber. Crantz. Crantz, and others, concerning the sundrie in­uasions made by the Danes, Norwegians, or Nor­mans (whether we list to call them) into Ireland. Fridleie or Fridlenus king of Denmarke that suc­ceeded Fridlenus. Dan the third of that name, surnamed the Swift, arriuing in Ireland, besieged the citie of Dublin, & perceiuing by the strength of the walles, Dublin be­sieged. that it would be an hard matter to win it by plaine force of hand without some cunning policie, he deui­sed 50 to catch a sort of swallowes that had made their nests in the houses within the towne, tied wild fier to their wings, and therewith cast them vp, and suf­fered them to flie their waies, wherevpon they com­ming to their nests, set the houses on fier, which whiles Dublin set an fire, and won by the Danes. the citizens went about to quench, the Danes entred the citie and wan it.

Secondlie, Frotho king of Denmarke, the third of that name, after he had subdued the Britons here Frotho the third. in this Ile, made a voiage into Ireland also, where 60 he landed with some danger: for the Irishmen had strawed all alongest the shore a great number of cal­trops Caltrops strawed by the Irish to annoie the Danes. of iron, with sharpe pricks standing vp, to wound the Danes in the féet, as they should come foorth of their ships to follow them, for they meant to flee of a pretensed policie for that purpose. But Fro­tho perceiuing their deceitfull craft, followed them more aduisedlie than rashlie, and so put their cap­teine named Keruill to fight, and siue him in the field; whose brother remaining in life, & mistrusting Keruill go­uernour of Irishmen slaine. his owne puissance, yéelded himselfe to Frotho, who diuiding the preie amongst his souldiers and men of warre, shewed thereby that he onelie sought for glo­rie and not for gaine, reseruing not a pennie of all the spoile to his owne vse. After this, in the daies of Frotho the fourth. king Frotho the fourth of that name, which reigned ouer the Danes, one Starcater a giant, in compa­nie Starcater [...] giant. of Haco a Danish capteine, made a iournie like­wise into Ireland, where in the same season, one Huglet reigned as monarch ouer that Ile: who ha­uing plentie of treasure, was yet so giuen to coue­tousnesse, Huglet king of Ireland. that by such vnprincelie parts as he plaid, to satisfie his graedie desire to fill his coffers, he be­came right odious, and farre out of all fauor with his subiects. Yet there were of his nobles, verie valiant and worthie men, namelie two, Gegathus, & Suib­danus: wherevpon, when it came to passe that he Gegathus & Suibdanus. should ioine in battell with his enimies the Danes, the most part of all his people fled out of the field, so that Gegath and Suibdaue were in maner left a­lone. For they regarding their honors and dutie that apperteined to men of their calling, would not flie, but manfullie did what laie in their powers to beat backe the enimies, insomuch that Gegathus raught Haco such a wound, that the vpper part of his liuer Haco woun­ded. Starcat [...] wounded. appeared bare. He also wounded Starcater in the head right sore, so that in all his life daies, he had not before that time receiued the like hurt: in the end yet Huglet the monarch of Ireland was slaine, and Huglet slaine. Starcater obteining the victorie, did make great slaughter of the Irish subiects, the which had followed their king to this battell, being men (thorough his corrupt example and slouthfull trade of life) degene­rat from all warlike order and vse of manlike exer­cise.

After this, the Danes went vnto Dublin, which towne they easilie tooke, and found such store of ri­ches Dublin w [...]. and treasure therein, that euerie man had so much as he could wish or desire; so as they needed not to fall out among themselues for the partition, sith there was so much for each mans share as he could conuenientlie carrie awaie. Thus hath Saxo Gram­maticus written in effect of Starcaters comming into Ireland: of whome the Danish writers make such mention, both for his huge stature and great manhood. Some haue thought, that Starcater was the verie same man which the Scots name Finmac­cole, of whome in the Scotish historie we haue made mention: but whereas the Scotish writers affirme that he was a Scotish man borne, the Danish wri­ters report that he was borne in Eastland, among the people called Estones. Reignirus the sonne of Reignirus. Siwardus the second king of Denmarke, hauing atchiued sundrie victories in England and Scotland, and subdued the Iles of Orkneie, he passed likewise into Ireland, siue Melbricke king of that land, and tooke the citie of Dublin by siege, where he remained Melbricke king of Ire­land slaine. the whole tearme of twelue moneths before he de­parted from thense.

After this, Gurmo the third of that name king of Denmarke, although an infidell himselfe, and a Gurmo the third of that name king of Denmarke. He marrieth Thira daugh­ter to Ethel­dred king of England. Canute and Harold. cruell persecutor of the christian religion, yet tooke to wife a christian ladie named Thira, daughter to E­theldred king of England, who had issue by him two sonnes Knaught, or Canute, and Harold, proouing men of high valiancie and notable prowesse, inso­much that after the atchiuing of diuerse worthie vic­tories against the enimies néere home, they made a voiage into England, not sparing to inuade the do­minions of their grandfather king Etheldred: who rather reioising, than séeming to be offended with those manlike enterprises of his cousins, proclamed them his heires to sucéed after him in all his lands and dominions, although of right the same were to descend first vnto their moother Thira. The yoong men being incouraged with their grandfather his They inuade Ireland. Canute is slaine. bountifull magnificence, attempted the inuasion of Ireland, where at the siege of Dublin, Canute or [Page 58] Knaught the elder brother was shot into the bodie with an arrow, and died of the wound: howbeit his death was kept close by his owne commandement giuen before he died, till his people had got the citie into their possession. But the gaine was small in re­spect of the losse, which was thought to redound vnto the whole Danish nation by the death of that noble yoong gentleman Canute, who for his high prowesse and valiancie was most tenderlie beloued of all men; but namelie of his father king Gormo, inso­much 10 that he sware to kill him with his owne hands, whosoeuer should first tell him newes of his death.

This Gormo was now a man far striken in age, and blind, hauing small ioie of anie worldlie plea­sures, otherwise than to heare of the welfare and pro­sperous proceedings of his sonnes. When therefore his wife quéene Thira had perfect aduertisement of hir sonnes death, and that neither she nor anie other durst breake the matter vnto hir husband, she deui­sed a shift how to signifie that vnto him by outward 20 signes, which by word of mouth she was afraid to ex­presse, as thus. She caused moorning apparell to be made for hir husband, & putting off his roiall robes, The policie of Thira to sig­nifie to hir husband the death of their sonne Ca­nute. clad him therewith, and other things apperteining to moorners she also put about him, and prepared all such furniture and necessaries as were vsed for fune­rall exequies, witnessing the lamentable griefe con­ceiued for the losse of some friend, with that kind of moorning wéed and funerall ceremonies. Which when Gormo perceiued: Wo is me (saith he) you 30 then signifie the death of my sonne Canute. Where­to she made answer, that he and not she did discouer the truth of that which was meant by those moorning garments; and with that spéech ministred cause of hir husbands death, whereby she became presentlie a widow, not openlie moorning for hir sonne, before she moorned likewise for hir husband: for he tooke such griefe for Canutes death, that immediatlie he died thorough sorow and dolor: so as Thira was thus driuen to lament, as well the death of hir sonne, as 40 Gormo dieth of sorrow. of hir husband both at once. But now to the purpose of the Irish historie.

Ye haue thus partlie heard what the Danish wri­ters doo record in their histories, touching the con­quests which their people made in Ireland; but whe­ther the same be meant of that which goeth before, or rather of that which followeth, touching the trade which the Norwegian merchants vsed thither; or whe­ther the Irish writers haue passed these iournies o­uer with silence, which the Danish writers in forme 50 (as before is touched) doo make mention of, I cannot affirme. But like it is that as the Danes, or Nor­mans, whether you will call them, did inuade Ire­land as well as England, France, and Scotland, in those daies according to the report of their writers, and that by waie of open warre as well to conquer the countrie, as to take preies, prisoners, and booties, and not for trade of merchandize onelie: albeit that they might peraduenture so get entrie at the first, as by the Irish histories it should seeme they did shortlie 60 after the slaughter of Turgesius. And afterwards when they saw themselues setled, and perceiued that they began to grow to be enuied of their Irish neighbours, who therevpon would not sticke to mo­lest them as occasions serued, they saw no better meane to assure themselues against their aduersa­ries, than to send vnto their countriemen, which in those daies roued abroad (as before I haue said) in euerie quarter of this our west ocean, waiting for oportunitie to aduance their conquests in each coun­trie where anie thing might be gotten. And so this maie agrée verie well with the Irish writers, whom as I doo not take vpon me to controll, but rather to report the storie as I find it by them written, I will procéed with the order which they follow. After the countrie was deliuered of the tyrannie wherewith it was oppressed by the same Turgesius & his people, Danes or Norwegians whether they were (for so Cambrensis estéemeth them) the Irish-deliuered of seruile bondage, fell to their old woonted vomit, in persecuting each other: and hauing latelie defaced their fortified townes and castels, as receptacles and couerts for the enimie, all sides laie more open to receiue harme.

This being perceiued and thoroughlie considered, the princes that in the late rule of Turgesius had espied some towardnesse to wealth & ease, fell in hand to discourse the madnesse & follie of their ancestors, which saw not the vse of that which their enimies ab­used: they begun to loth their vnquiet trade of life, to wish either lesse discord, or more strength in each mans dominion; to cast the danger of naked coun­tries, readie to call in the enimies, as the strength of forts & castels was a meane to preserue them from losse. Faine would they haue prouided remedie in this case, if they had knowne how. The former sub­iection, though it seemed intollerable, yet they felt therein procéeding steps towards peace. The gaine that rose of merchandize, rest and suertie to the whole estate of the countrie. For the difference was great betwixt the indeuours of the two nations, Norwe­gians and Irish. The first knew the waie to thriue, might they get some commodious seats and soile. The other had commodities plentie, and cared not for them.

While the princes and potentats stated vpon such Easterlings began to trade into Ireland. a good consideration, certeine merchants of Nor­wais, Denmarke, and of other those parties, called Ostomanni, or (as in our vulgar language we tearme them) Easterlings, bicause they lie East in respect of vs, although indéed they are by other named proper­lie Normans, and partlie Saxons, obteined licence safelie to arriue here in Ireland with their wares, and to vtter the same. Herevpon the Irish, thorough traffike & bartering with these Normans or Danes (for so they are called also in our English chronicle) by exchanging of wares and monie, finding them ciuill and tractable, and deliting also with gaie conceipts, brought into them by those merchants (such as till they saw them they neuer estéemed néedfull) they be­gan to enter into a desire that a trade might be open betwixt them & the other nations, wherevpon to al­lure other, they licenced these merchant strangers to They built townes on the sea coasts. build (if they thought good) hauen townes in places most commodious. This was no sooner granted, than begun, and with spéed finished.

Amilanus founded Waterford; Sutaricus, Li­merike; Waterford, Limerike, Dublin. Iuorus, Dublin; and so by others diuerse o­ther townes were built as leisure serued. Then by the helpe and counsell of these men, manie castles, forts, steeples, and churches, euerie where were repa­red. And thus are the Irish mingled also with the bloud of the Danes, Norwegians, or Normans, who from thense foorth continuallie flocked into Ireland, to the great commoditie of the inhabitants, liuing amongst them obedientlie, till wealth pricked and mooued them to raise rebellion: but they could not haue holden out, had not the conquest insuing deter­mined both their quarrels. In the meane while they became lords of the hauens and burrow townes, The mer­chant stran­gers mooue rebellion. planted men of warre in the same, and oftentimes skirmished with their aduersaries; but yet measured their fortune with indifferent gaines, and crept no higher than the same would giue them leaue. Onelie a memorie is left of their field in Clontars, where di­uerse of the Irish nobilitie were slaine, that lie buri­ed before the crosse of Kilmainam. These are by our The field of Clontars. author, not without good iudgement, reported to be [Page 59] Danes, which people then being pagans, sore afflic­ted England, and after that France, from whense The seuerall names of the strangers which in these daies afflicted France, England, Scotland and Ireland. 1095 they came againe into England with William Conqueror. So that those people called Ostomanni, E­sterlings, Normans, Danes, Norwegians, & Sue­deners, are in effect all one nation, borne in that huge region called Scandinauia; and as it appeareth by conference of times and chronicles, muchwhat a­bout one season, vexed the Frenchmen, afflicted Scotland, subdued England, and multiplied in Ire­land. 10 But in the yeare of Christ 1095, perceiuing great enuie to remaine and lurke in the distinction of the names Easterlings and Irish, that were al­togither westerne; and the Easterlings not easterne indéed, but rather simplie northerne: in consideration whereof, and bicause they magnified themselues in the late conquest of their countriemen, who from Normandie comming ouer into England ruled The Easter­lings will be called Nor­mans. there at their pleasure, these strangers in Ireland would algate now be also called and accompted 20 Normans.

Long before this time (as yée haue heard) Ireland was bestowed into two principall kingdomes, and sometime into more, whereof one was euer elected and reputed to be cheefe, and as it were a monarch, whome in their histories they name Maximum regem, that is, the greatest king, or else without addition, Maximus Rex the great king or mo­narch of Ireland. Regem Hiberniae, the king of Ireland: the other they name Reguli or Reges, that is to wit, small kings or else kings, by limiting the places whereof they were 30 to be reputed kings, as of Leinster, Connagh, Ul­ster, Mounster, or Meth. To the monarch, besides his allowance of dominion, titles of honor, and other pri­uileges in iurisdiction, there was granted to him a negatiue in nomination of bishops, when they were vacant: for the cleargie and laietie of the diocesse The power of the monarch in election of bishops. commended one, whom they thought conuenient vn­to their king, the king to the monarch, the monarch to the archbishop of Canturburie: for that as yet the metropolitans of Ireland had not receiued their palles.

In this sort was nominated to the bishoprike of Dubline then void, in the yeare of Christ 1074, at Goderius king of Lein­ster. the petition of Goderius king of Leinster, by suffe­rance of the cleargie and people there, with the as­sent of Terdienatus the monarch, a learned prelat Terdienatus the monarch Patricius consecrated bishop of Du­blin by Lan­franke. 1152 Christian bi­shop of Lis­more. Foure metro­politan sées in Ireland. The bishop of Armagh. called Patricius, whome Lanfranke of Canturbu­rie consecrated in Paules church at London, and sware him to obedience after the manner of his an­cestors. Christian bishop of Lismore, legat to Eu­genius the third, summoned a prouinciall councell in Ireland, wherein were authorised foure metropo­litan seas, Armagh, Dublin, Cashill, and Tuen; of the which places were bishops at that present, Ge­lasius, Gregorius, Donatus, Edonius. For hitherto though they yéelded a primasie to the bishop of Ar­magh in reuerence of saint Patrike the first bishop there: yet the same was but of good will, and confir­med rather by custome than by sufficient decree; nei­ther did that archbishop take vpon him to inuest o­ther bishops, but sent them to Canturburie (as be­fore is mentioned) which from hensefoorth they vsed not to doo, insomuch that the next bishop named Lau­rence, Laurence archbishop of S. Keuins. 1162 sometime archbishop of saint Keuins in Go­landilagh, was ordered and installed at home by Ge­lasius primat of Armagh.

FINIS.

Not well vnderstanding what the writer of this part of the Irish historie ment to fall vpon so blunt a conclusion; but supposing it was vpon some reasonable induce­ment: we thought it conuenient to leaue it as we found it: intending (without anie addition herevnto) to set downe the conquest of Ire­land, as the same was left recorded by Girald of Cambria: whose prefaces and historie, right worthie the reading, doo immediatlie follow.

The names of the gouernors, lieu­tenants, lord iustices, and deputies of Ireland, since the conquest thereof by king Henrie the second.

  • RIchard Strangbow earle
    The yeare of our Lord.
    1174
    of Penbroke gouernor, hauing Reimond le Grace ioined in com­mission with him.
  • Reimond le Grace lieute­nant by himselfe.
    1177
  • William Fitz Aldelme lieutenant, hauing Iohn de Curcie, Robert Fitz Stephans, and Miles Cogan ioined in commission with him.
  • Hugh Lacie lieutenant.
  • gouernors
    • Iohn Lacie constable of Chester
    • and Richard de Peche
  • Hugh Lacie againe lieutenant.
  • Hugh Lacie the yoonger, lord iustice.
  • Henrie Loandoris archbishop of Dublin, lord
    1227
    iustice.
  • Maurice Fitzgirald lord iustice.
    1228
  • Iohn Fitzgeffreie knight, lord iustice.
    1253
  • Alain de la Zouch lord iustice.
  • Stephan de Long Espe lord iustice.
    1258
  • William Deane lord iustice.
  • Sir Richard Rochell or Capell lord iustice.
    1261
  • Dauid Barrie lord iustice.
    1267
  • Robert Vfford lord iustice.
    1268
  • Richard de Excester lord iustice.
    1269
  • Iames lord Audleie lord iustice.
    1270
  • Maurice Fitzmaurice lord iustice.
    1272
  • Walter lord Genuille lord iustice.
  • Robert Vfford againe lord iustice.
  • Fulborne bishop of Waterford lord iustice.
    1281
  • Iohn Samford the archbishop of Dublin, lord iustice.
  • William Vescie lord iustice.
  • William Dodingsels lord iustice.
    1295
  • Thomas Fitzmaurice lord iustice.
  • Iohn Wogan lord iustice.
    1298
  • Theobald Verdon lord iustice.
    1314
  • Edmund Butler lord iustice.
    1315
  • Roger lord Mortimer lord iustice.
    1317
  • Alexander Bignor archbishop of Dublin lord iustice.
  • Roger lord Mortimer second time lord iustice.
    1319
  • Thomas Fitziohn earle of Kildare lord iustice.
    1320
  • Iohn Birmingham earle of Louth lord iustice.
    1321
  • Iohn lord Darcie lord iustice.
    1323
  • Roger Outlaw prior of Kilmainan lord iustice.
    1327
  • Anthonie lord Lucie lord iustice.
  • Iohn lord Darcie second time lord iustice.
    1332
  • Iohn lord Charleton lord iustice.
    1337
  • Thomas bishop of Hereford lord iustice.
    1338
  • Iohn lord Darcie ordeined lord iustice by pa­tent
    1339
    during his life, by Edward the third.
  • Rafe Vfford lord iustice.
  • Robert Darcie lord iustice.
    1346
  • Iohn Fitzmaurice lord iustice.
  • Walter lord Bermingham lord iustice, his de­puties were Iohn Archer prior of Kilmainan & Baron Carew, with sir Thomas Rokesbie.
  • Maurice Fitzthomas earle of Desmond had the office of lord iustice for terme of his life, of king Edward the third his grant.
  • Thomas Rokesbie knight lord iustice.
  • appointed L. I. by turnes.
    • Almericke de saint Amand
      1355
    • 1357
      Iohn Butler earle of Ormond
    • Maurice Fitzth. earle of Kild.
  • Lionell duke of Clarence lord iustice.
    1361
  • Gerald Fitzmaurice earle of Desmond L. I.
    1367
  • William lord Windsor the first lieutenant in
    1369
    Ireland.
  • Richard Ashton lord iustice.
    1372
  • Iustices and lieutenants
    1381
    speciallie recorded in Ri­chard the seconds daies.
    • Roger Mortimer
    • Philip Courtneie
    • Iames erle of Orm.
  • Robert Vere earle of Oxford marques of Du­blin created duke of Ireland.
  • Roger Mortimer earle of March lieutenant.
    1394
  • Roger Mortimer earle of March and Vlster lieutenant.
  • Roger Greie lord iustice.
  • Iohn Stanleie knight lord lieutenant.
  • Thomas of Lancaster brother to king Henrie
    1401
    the fourth lord lieutenant, whose deputies at sundrie times were Alexander bishop of Meth, Stephan Scrope knight, and the pri­or of Kilmainan.
  • Iames Butler earle of Ormond lord iustice.
    1403
  • Girald earle of Kildare lord iustice.
  • Iames Butler earle of Ormond, sonne to the
    1407
    foresaid Iames, lord iustice.
  • Iohn Stanleie againe lord lieutenant.
    1413
  • Thomas Crauleie archbishop of Dublin lord iustice.
  • Iohn lord Talbot of Shefield lieutenant.
    1414
  • Iames Butler erle of Ormond the second time
    1420
    lieutenant.
  • Lieutenants to king Hen­rie the sixt.
    • Edmund earle of March, Iames earle of Ormond his deputie.
    • Iohn Sutton lord Dudleie, sir Thomas Strange knight his deputie.
    • Sir Thomas Stanleie, sir Chri­stopher Plunket his deputie.
    • Lion lord Welles, the earle of Ormond his deputie.
    • Iames erle of Ormond by him­selfe.
    • Iohn earle of Shrewesburie, the archbishop of Dublin in his absence lord iustice.
  • Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke, father to [Page 61] king Edward the fourth, had the office of lieutenant by king Henrie the sixt his letters patents for ten yeares. His deputies at sun­drie times were, the baron of Deluin, Ri­chard Fitzeustace knight, Iames earle of Or­mond, and Thomas Fitzmoris earle of Kil­dare.
  • Thomas Fitzmoris earle of Kildare, lord iustice in king Edward the fourth his daies, vntill the third yeare of his reigne. After which George duke of Clarence brother to the K. had the office of lieutenant during his life, & made his deputies by sundrie times these:
  • Deputies to the duke of Cla­rence.
    1470
    • Thomas earle of Desmond,
    • Iohn Tiptoft erle of Worcester,
    • Thomas earle of Kildare,
  • Henrie lord Graie of Ruthine.
  • Sir Rouland Eustace lord deputie.
  • Richard duke of Yorke, yoonger sonne to king Edward the fourth, lieutenant.
  • Edward sonne to Richard the third lieutenant, his deputie was Girald earle of Kildare.
  • Iasper duke of Bedford and earle of Penbroke, lieutenant, his deputie was Walter archbi­shop of Dublin.
  • Edward Poinings knight, lord deputie.
    1494
  • Henrie duke of Yorke, after king by the name
    1501
    of Henrie the eight, lieutenant, his deputie Girald earle of Kildare.
  • Girald Fitzgirald earle of Kildare, lord depu­tie.
  • Thomas Howard earle of Surreie, after duke
    1520
    of Norfolke, lieutenant.
  • Piers Butler earle of Ossorie, lord deputie.
  • Girald Fitzgirald earle of Kildare againe lord
    1523
    deputie.
  • The baron of Deluin lord deputie.
  • Piers Butler earle of Ossorie againe lord depu­tie.
    1529
  • William Skeffington knight, lord deputie.
  • Girald Fitzgirald earle of Kildare, againe lord deputie.
  • William Skeffington againe lord deputie.
  • Leonard lord Graie, lord deputie.
    1534
  • Sir William Brereton knight, lord iustice.
    1540
  • Sir Anthonie Sentleger knight, lord deputie.
    1541

The names of all the lords deputies and iustices in Ireland, since the death of king Henrie the eight 1546, who died in Ianuarie.

  • SIr Anthonie Sentleger knight by patent, da­ted
    1546
    24 Martij, Anno primo Edw. 6.
  • Sir Edward Bellingham lord deputie, 22 Apri­lis,
    1546, 1547
    Anno eodem.
  • Sir Francis Brian lord iustice.
    1548
  • Sir William Brabeston lord iustice.
    1549
  • Sir Anthonie Sentleger lord deputie, 3. 4 Au­gusti.
    1550
  • Sir Iames Crofts lord deputie, 29 Aprilis.
    1551
  • Sir Anthonie Sentleger lord deputie, 1 Sept. 4.
    1553
  • Thomas lord Fitzwalter lord deputie, 27 April.
    1555
  • Lords iustices.
    1556
    • Sir Henrie Sidneie
    • Doctor Coren
  • Sir Henrie Sidneie lord iustice alone, 18 Ianu­arij.
    1556
  • Thomas erle of Sussex L. lieutenant, 19 Martij.
    1557
  • Sir William Fitzwilliams lord iustice.
    1558
  • Thomas earle of Sussex lord deputie, 6 Maij.
    1559
  • Sir Nicholas Arnold lord iustice.
    1564
  • Sir Henrie Sidneie lord deputie.
    1565
  • Doctor Weston lord chancellor
  • Sir William Fitzwilliams
    1567
  • Sid Henrie Sidneie lord deputie.
    1568
  • Sir William Fitzwilliams lord iustice.
    1570
  • Sir William Fitzwilliams lord deputie, 11,
    1571
    Decemb. Anno 14 Elisab.
  • Sir Henrie Sidneie lord deputie 3. 5 Augusti 3.
    1572
  • Sir William Drurie lord iustice, 14 Septemb.
    1579
    by patent, 18 Maij.
  • Sir William Pelham lord iustice.
    1580
  • The lord Arthur Graie.
    1580
  • Lord iustices.
    1582
    • Adam archbishop of Dublin
    • Sir Henrie Wallop
  • Sir Iohn Perot lord deputie.
    1584

TO THE RIGHT WOR­thie and honorable gentleman sir Walter Raleigh knight, seneschall of the duchies of Cornewall and Excester, and lord warden of the stannaries in Deuon and Cornewall: Iohn Hooker wisheth a long, a happie, and a prosperous life, with the increase of honour.

AMong all the infinit good blessings, right honorable, which the Lord God hath bestowed vpon vs, I thinke none more expedient and necessarie, than the vse and knowledge of histories and chronicles: which are the most assured registers of the innumerable benefits and commodities, which haue and dailie doo grow to the church of God, and to the ciuill gouernment through out all nations. The vse of them began and was receiued euen from the first begin­ning, The first vse of histories. and immediatlie vpon the dispersing of the sonnes of Adam through out the world: for they were no sooner diuided into seuerall nations, but they did (as Cicero saith) make choise of some one man among themselues, who surpassed the rest in wisedome, know­ledge and vnderstanding, Ad quem confugiebant. These kind of men The first chro­nographers. for the most part in those daies were preests and philosophers, and for their great knowledge, wisedome and credit, had the charge to commend to their posteritie such notable and good acts as were woor­thie the memorie. And as all other nations had such men, so the re­mote Ilands in the great Ocean had the like. For Britaine, now conteining England, Scotland and Wales, had The first chro­nographers in England and Ireland. their Druides and Bardos, and Ireland had their Odalies or Rimers, who being verie wise men & of great credit, did deliuer all their saiengs in meeter, and were therefore called Poets. And these for the better alluring of the people to attention, and to frame them to the knowledge of vertue, did vse to sing with an instrument such les­sons and instructions as they were woont to giue, whether it were concerning manners and common conuer­sation, Poets were the first chro­nographers in Britaine. or matters of policie and gouernment, or of prowesse and martiall affaires, or of the gests of their ance­stors, or of anie other thing thought meet to be learned and woorthie the knowledge, by which meanes they made men the more apt, readie, and willing to applie themselues to vertue and to a commendable course of life, both concerning God how he was to be honored, the magistrate how he was to be obeied, & the common soci­etie how it was to be conserued; and finallie how the whole course of mans life was to be ordered and directed. The definition of an historie. Cicero de oratore. These and manie other like commodities when Cicero had considered, did grow by these means, which is the verie substance of an historie: he described the same to be the witnesse of time, the light of truth, the life of memorie, and the mistresse of life: willing and aduising euerie man at all times and in all matters to haue their recourse to the same, and to be well exercised in the knowledge thereof, bicause the things past are set downe therin, and by them a man may learne what to doo in the life to come. For as the wise man saith, There is nothing Ecclesiast. 1. 3. new vnder the sunne: for the thing which is now hath beene, and by the things past we are taught the things to come. And so saith Augustine: Historia magis vel certè non minùs praenunciandis futuris, quàm enunciandis August. de ciuit. Dei. Chronica Ca­rionis. Thucidides. praeteritis inuenitur intenta: Histories doo teach and aduertise vs as well of the things to come, as of the things past: and the knowledge thereof is so no necessarie that Melancthon would haue no man to be vnlearned in hi­stories, bicause Sine qua nulla in re quispiam lucem habet. And Thucidides the old ancient historiographer of Grecia would that euerie man should haue about him a booke of histories, as a thing most necessarie for him in all matters whatsoeuer: and this did he draw and learne (as it should seeme) from Moses, who when he had faithfullie and diligentlie written and set downe the whole course of the world, the woonderfull works of God, and all the most necessarie precepts and rules for mans life, either concerning matters of religion or causes of ci­uill policies, or of common societie: then he and Iosua assembling all the people togither, did deliuer vnto them the whole Pentatychon of Moses to be dailie read & taught, with a commandement that they should neuer haue Deutero. 5. Iosue. 1. that booke out of their hands, but to haue alwaies their continuall recourse to them, as well for their life, as also for their direction in all their causes. Which thing they did most diligentlie obserue and keepe, and not onelie in matters of religion, but in all doubtfull matters, as to the most true oracles, they would make their recourse for their full resolutions. As the enimies of Iehuda, when they saw the prosperous successe of the building of the temple in the times of Ezras and Nehemias, and they much maligning the same, made sute to king Artaxerxes 1. Esdras. 4. Nehemias. that he would reuoke the decree which king Cyrus had made vnto the Iewes, licencing them to build the tem­ple, alledging manie great and sundrie matters against them. Wherevpon the king commanded the chronicles to be searched, whether it were true that had beene informed against them. Likewise when Hamon had gree­uouslie Esther. 6. complained vnto king Ahasuerus against Mardocheus and the Iewes, charging them with sundrie hai­nous offenses worthie death, the king commanded the chronicles to be searched. Also when Paule and Sylas Acts. 17. first preached the gospell at Thessalonica and Baerea, a doctrine then accompted strange and new, they searched and examined the books Num haec ita se haberent. For as they found things there recorded, so gaue they credit, and by the same they did proceed in the like. For it was a common thing among the Romans, that not onelie [Page] they would make recourse in all doubtfull matters to their owne annales: but what so euer they sound in the like in anie other nation or commonwealth, which might further them in anie thing touching their owne affaires, they would draw the same into an example for themselues to follow, which was no small benefit to their com­monwealth.

Likewise Alexander the great, notwithstanding he were brought vp in all good letters vnder Aristotle, yet Alexander. when he was to inlarge his empire, he gaue himselfe to the diligent reading of Homer, the most exact chrono­grapher of the Troian wars: and so he esteemed that booke, that in the daie time he caried it about him, and in the night time he laid it vnder his beds head; and at all times conuenient he would be reading of it, and in the end was so perfect therein, that he could verbatim repeat the whole without booke; the stratagems, the policies, and the manie deuises vsed in those warres he practised in his owne warres, which stood him in great steed. Iulius Caesar also in his wars searched the ancient bookes and histories of the citie of Rome: and did not onelie thereby Iulius Caesar. draw a paterne for his owne direction, both for his ciuill and his martiall affaires: but also, he being then the greatest monarch of all the world, thought it not preiudiciall to his imperiall estate and maiestie, to commend vnder his owne hand writing vnto his posteritie, the historie of his owne age and dooings. Manie like princes hath England bred, who haue bin verie carefull, that the memoriall of the good things doone in their times should Mat. Parisiens [...]s in prefa [...]. be commended to their posteritie, to follow in the like. And therefore euerie king for the course of sundrie hun­dreds of yeares, was woont to reteine and keepe some wise, learned, and faithfull scribes, who should collect and record the things doone in euerie their seuerall times, and all which as time and course of yeares did serue, were published; and what great good benefits haue growne thereby to this present age, and like to serue to the future time, all the world maie easilie see and iudge. For this I dare boldlie saie and affirme: No realme, no nation, no state, nor commonwealth throughout all Europa, can yeeld more nor so manie profitable lawes, directions, rules, examples & discourses, either in matters of religion, or of ciuill gouernment, or of martiall affairs, than doo the histories of this little Isle of Britaine or England. I would to God I might or were able to saie the like, or the halfe like of Ireland, a countrie, the more barren of good things, the more replenished with actions of bloud, mur­ther, and lothsome outrages; which to anie good reader are greeuous & irkesome to be read & considered, much Ireland yeel­dech small matter for an historie. more for anie man to pen and set downe in writing, and to reduce into an historie. Which hath beene some cause whie I was alienated and vtterlie discouraged to intermedle therein: for being earnestlie requested, by reason of my some acquaintance with the maners and conditions of that nation during my short abode therein, to con­tinue the historie of that land, from the death of king Henrie the eight vnto these presents, which hitherto hath not beene touched; I found no matter of an historie woorthie to be recorded: but rather a tragedie of cruelties to be abhorred, and no historie of good things to be followed: and therefore I gaue the matter ouer, and was fullie resolued not at all to haue intermedled therewith. Neuerthelesse, being againe verie earnestlie requested, and no excuse neither of my age, nor of my often sicknesse, nor of my calling in the seruice of the commonwelth, nor of my small learning and skill, sufficient to compas such a matter, could be accepted: then (but with an euill will) I entred into it, and the more I bethought my selfe of the matter, the more I began to consider, and at length to behold the great and woonderous workes of God, both of his seuere iudgement against traitors, rebels, and disobedient; and of his mercie and louing kindnesse vpon the obedient and dutifull. Whereof, though there be The iustice of God against rebels. infinite examples both in the sacred histories and humane chronicles: yet I find none more apparant and effectu­all, nor more fit for vs, and for this our time and age, than the histories of our owne nation, which yeeld vnto vs most infinite examples, how yoong princes rebelling against the kings their fathers, noble men against their so­uereignes, and the commons against the kings and rulers, some by the mightie hand of God swallowed vp in the Grafton, Holinshed, Polydore, in Hen. 2. Edw. 2. seas, some deuoured with the swoord, some by martiall and some by ciuill lawes executed to death: and few or none haue escaped vnpunished. But of all others, none to be compared to this tragicall discourse of Ireland, and to the most vnnaturall wars of the Desmonds against hir sacred maiestie. Whose disobedience the Lord hath in iustice so seuerelie punished and reuenged, as the like hath not in our age beene seene nor knowne; which albeit somewhat at large it be set downe in the historie, yet breefelie and in effect is as followeth.

The earle of Desmond, named Girald Fitzgirald, was descended of a yoonger house of the Giraldines of Kil­dare, and both of them descended from one and the same ancestor Girald of Windsor, a noble gentleman of Normandie; who after his arriuall into England, trauelled into Wales, and there maried the ladie Nesta daughter to the great Roesius prince of south Wales, and by hir among others had issue Moris Fitzgirald, ancestor to these the foresaid Giraldines; and he being assistant to Dermon mac Morogh king of Leinster in Ireland, was one of the cheefest and most principall seruitors in the conquest, or rather one of the conquerors of that land vnder king Henrie the second. The issue and ofspring of this Moris as they were honourable in blood, so they were no lesse honorable in all their actions: they being verie famous for their good gifts of the mind, in wisedome and policie in their ciuill gouernment, and renowmed for their valiantnesse and prowesse in martiall affaires, in both which they had well tried themselues, and therefore manie times they had the cheefe gouernment of the whole realme, being sometime lord iustices, somtime lord lieutenants, and sometime lord deputies of the whole land: and for their truth and fidelitie were aduanced to honor. For Thomas Fitzgirald being the elder house, was cre­ated earle of Kildare in the ninth yeare of king Edward the second, in the yeare one thousand three hundred and fifteene. And in the beginning of king Edward the third his reigne, in the yeare one thousand three hundred twentie and seuen, Moris Fitzthomas a yoonger brother of that house was created earle of Desmond. And from thense as before, they continued verie honourable, dutifull & faithfull subiects, for the course of sundrie hundreds of yeares: vntill that this brainesicke and breakedanse Girald of Desmond, and his brethren, alies, and complic [...]s, forgetting the honour of his house, and forsaking their faith, dutie and alegiance, did breake into treasons, and shewed themselues open enimies, traitors and rebels, vsing all maner of hostilities and outrages, to the impeach of hir most sacred maiestie, and the destruction of the commonwelth: the price whereof in the end he paied with his and their own bloods, to the vtter destruction of themselues and that whole familie, there be­ing Sir Iames of Desmond ta­ken & hanged. Sir Iohn of Desmond kil­led & hanged. The earles sonne a priso­ner in the To­wer of Londō. The countesse of Desmond I [...]eth a wofull life. D. Allen slaine D. Sanders di­eth miserablie. The land left altogither baren. verie few Giraldines in the prouince of Mounster left to bemone or bewaile their deaths. For first the earle himselfe, the cheefe of his familie, after his long repast in his traitorous follies, was driuen in the end to all extre­mities and penuries, and at the last taken in an old cotage, and his head was cut off and sent to London, and there set vpon London bridge, and his lands and inheritance confiscated and discontinued from his house and name for euer. Sir Iames one of his yoonger brethren, in taking of a preie, was taken and made a preie; he was han­ged as a theefe, quartered as a traitor, and his head and quarters dispersed and set vpon the gates and wals of the citie of Corke. Sir Iohn of Desmond, an other of his yoonger brethren, and next to himselfe the cheefe ringlea­der of this rebellion, was taken, his head cut off and set vpon the castell of Dublin, and his bodie hanged by the heeles at Corke. His onelie sonne and heire being wholie disinherited, is prisoner in the Tower of London. His ladie and wife destituted of all honour and liuings, leadeth a dolefull & a miserable life. His capteins, soldiers, and men of warre, put all for the most part to the swoord. The popes two prelats and nuncios, the one slaine in the field, and the other died most miserablie in the woods. The Italians and strangers few or none left aliue to returne to aduertise of their successe vnto their holie father. The common people such as escaped the swoord, all for the most part are perished with famine, or fled the countrie. The land it selfe being verie fertile, is waxed baren, yeel­ding nor corne nor fruits; the pastures without cattell, and the aire without fowles, and the whole prouince for the most part desolate and vnhabited, sauing townes and cities: and finallie, nothing there to be seene but mise­rie and desolation.

[Page] A notable and a rare example of Gods iust iudgement and seuere punishment, vpon all such as doo resist and rebell against the higher powers and his annointed: which is so greeuous an offense in his sight, that next to the capitall offenses against the first table, this is accounted the greatest and in the highest degree. For as it is written, Who resisteth against the higher power, resisteth against Gods ordinances, and he shall receiue iudgement. And the Lord shall root him from out of the face of the earth that shall blaspheme his gods, and curseth the prince of Rom. 13. the people. Euen as of the contrarie, when the people liue in all subiection, humblenesse, and obedience, the Lord defendeth and keepeth them, and with his manifold blessings prospereth them; as hir maiesties good subiects The prosperi­tie and quiet­nes in the English pale. dwelling within the English pale, and inhabiting within hir cities and townes can witnesse. They sow and till the land, and doo reape the fruits. Their fields are full of sheepe, and they are clothed with the wooll. Their pa­stures are full of cattell, and they inioie them. Their cities and townes are well inhabited, and they liue in safetie. All things go well with them, and peace and plentie resteth in their houses. Two notable examples (I saie) and woorthie to be throughlie obserued; the one of Gods iust iudgement against the rebels and traitors, and the o­ther of mercie and loue towards the obedient and dutifull subiect. Which examples the later they are, the more should they imprint in vs an inward affection and an vndoubted resolution, to yeeld to the superiours all dutie and obedience: and by the examples of the rebels, to shun as a pestilence all disobedience and rebellion; least in dooing the like, we doo receiue the like iust iudgements with them. Let therefore the examples of the elders be sufficient persuasions and instructions to the posteritie, to follow that which is good, and to eschew that which is euill. For albeit good counsell of our friends, and conferences with the good men, maie much preuaile with vs, yet none can so much preuaile nor be of such vertue and effect, as the examples of our ancestors, and the actions of our forefathers when they be laid before vs: Magis enim exemplis potest persuaderi, quàm argumentis extorqueri. Patric. de in [...] reip. And therfore in times past, the surest course which our forefathers tooke, either in ciuill gouernment or in marti­all affaires, was that which they drew from the examples of their ancestors before them. And for as much as such is the value and vertue of the footsteps of our forefathers, I trust it shall not be offensiue vnto you, that I doo a little digresse and speake somewhat of your selfe and of your ancestors; who the more honourable they were in their times, the greater cause haue you to looke into the same: that what in some of your later forefathers was con­sopited, maie not in you be consepulted, but rouzed and raised vnto his former and pristinat state. And for as much as I am somewhat acquainted in their descents, let me make bold with you to laie the same downe be­fore you.

There were sundrie of your ancestors by the name of Raleigh, who were of great account & nobilitie, and alied as well to the Courtneis earls of Deuon, as to other houses of great honour & nobilitie, & in sundrie succeeding The descent of the lord warden. descents were honoured with the degree of knighthood. One of them being your ancestor in the directest line, was named sir Iohn de Raleigh, who then dwelled in the house of Furdell in Deuon, an ancient house of your ancestors, and of their ancient inheritance: and which at these presents is in the possession of your eldest brother. This knight maried the daughter and heire to sir Roger D'amerei, or de Amerei, whome our English chronicles doo name lord de Amereie, who was a noble man and of great linage, and descended of the earls de Amereie in Britaine, and alied to the earls of Montfort in the same duchie and prouince. This man being come ouer into England, did serue in the court, and by the good pleasure of God and the good liking of the king he maried the ladie Elisabeth, the third sister and coheire to the noble Gilbert earle of Clare and of Glocester, who was slaine in the battell of Banokesborough in Scotland, in the time of king Edward the second. This earle died sans issue, he being the sonne and the said ladie Elisabeth the daughter to Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, by his wife the ladie Iane de Acres or Acon, daughter to king Edward the first. This Gilbert descended of Robert earle of Glocester, sonne to king Henrie the first, and of his wife the ladie Mawd, daughter and heire to Robert Fitzha­mon, lord of Astrouill in Normandie, coosen to the Conqueror, knight of the priuie chamber to king William Rufus, and lord of the lordship of Glamorgan in Wales. So that your ancestor sir Iohn de Raleigh married the daughter of de Amerie, Damereie of Clare, Clare of Edward the first, and which Clare by his father descended of king Henrie the first. And in like maner by your mother you maie be deriued out of the same house. These all were men of great honour and nobilitie, and whose vertues are highlie recorded sparsim in the chronicles of England; some greatlie commended for their wisedomes and deepe iudgements in matters of counsell, some likewise much praised for their prowesse & valiantnesse in martiall affaires, and manie of them honored for both.

But yet as nothing is permanent in this life, and all things variable vnder the sunne, and time hath deuoured and consumed the greatest men and the mightiest monarchs, and most noble commonwealths in the world, ac­cording to the old countrie saieng; Be the daie neuer so long, yet at length it will ring to euensong: so this hono­rable All things haue an end. race, though for so manie descents, and for the course of so manie yeares it continued in great honor, nobi­litie, and reputation, yet in processe of time the honour became to be of worship (neuerthelesse alied alwaies and matched in houses of great honour and nobilitie) and so euer since possessed by knights of your owne name, vntill by little and little the honour and estimation of your noble and worthie ancestors seemed at length to be buried in obliuion, and as it were extinguished and to be vtterlie forgotten as though it had neuer beene. And now when all was past anie hope and vnremembred to the world, it hath pleased God to raise the same euen as it were from the dead, and to looke vpon you the yoongest sonne of manie, as he did vpon Ioseph, one of the yoongest sonnes of Iacob; and in you hath left a hope to restore the decaied house of your sept and familie. He hath brought you into the good fauour of your prince, who hath pleased to reward and honour in you the approoued faithfull seruice of your late ancestors and kindered deceassed, and inclined hir princelie hart, conceiuing a great hope of your owne sufficiencie and abilitie to restore you againe, being the last branch remaining of so manie noble and famous houses descended. And whereof commeth this, that the Lord hath thus blessed you, and so bountifullie hath dealt with you? but onelie (as the wise man saith) Vt noscas in omni virtute omnibus prodesse, and that you should be beneficiall and profitable to all men. And therefore in all our actions, Semper aliquid ad communem v­tilitatem Cicero de offic. est afferendum: for we are not borne to our selues alone, but the prince, the countrie, the parents, freends, wiues, children and familie, euerie of them doo claime an interest in vs, and to euerie of them we must be benefi­ciall: otherwise we doo degenerate from that communitie and societie, which by such offices by vs is to be conser­ued, & doo become most vnprofitable: Nam inutilis prorsus est, qui nullam vtilitatem reipublicae ac communi socie­tati possit afferre, and euerie such man, as a member vnprofitable is to be cut off. And as the bee is no longer suf­fered Cicero. to haue a place in the hiue, than whiles he worketh; no more is that man to haue place in the publike weale than whiles he dooth some good therein, bicause through idlenesse they doo not onelie no good, but as Cato saith, Cato. Idlers ought not to haue place in the common­wealth. they doo euill: Nihil agendo homines male agere discunt. Idlenesse therefore the mother of all wickednesse, and idlers the sonnes of so bad a mother, are vtterlie to be exiled and expelled out of all well gouerned common­weales; and they onelie to be fostered, nourished and cherished, who as they are borne to the countrie, so if they doo good and be beneficiall to the same.

And how great your care hath beene heerein, the course of your life hitherto dooth manifest it. For after that you had seasoned your primer yeares at Oxford in knowledge and learning, a good ground and a sure foundation to build therevpon all your good actions, you trauelled into France, and spent there a good part of your youth in the warres and martiall seruices. And hauing some sufficient knowledge and experience therein, then after your returne from thense, to the end you might euerie waie be able to serue your prince and commonweale, you were desirous to be acquainted in maritimall affaires. Then you, togither with your brother sir Humfreie Gilbert, tra­uelled the seas, for the search of such countries, as which if they had beene then discouered, infinit commodities in [Page] sundrie respects would haue insued, and whereof there was no doubt, if the fleet then accompanieng you, had according to appointment followed you, or your selfe had escaped the dangerous sea fight, when manie of your companie were slaine, and your ships therewith also sore battered and disabled. And albeit this hard begin­ning (after which followed the death of the said woorthie knight your brother) was a matter sufficient to haue dis­couraged a man of a right good stomach and value from anie like seas attempts; yet you, more respecting the good ends, wherevnto you leuelled your line for the good of your countrie, did not giue ouer, vntill you had re­couered a land, and had made a plantation of the people of your owne English nation in Virginia, the first Eng­lish colonie that euer was there planted, to the no little derogation of the glorie of the Spaniards, & an impeach to their vaunts; who bicause with all cruell immanitie, contrarie to all naturall humanitie, they subdued a naked and a yeelding people, whom they sought for gaine and not for anie religion or plantation of a commonwelth, ouer whome to satisfie their most greedie and insatiable couetousnesse, did most cruellie tyrannize, and most tyrannicallie and against the course of all humane nature did scorch and rost them to death, as by their owne hi­stories dooth appeare. These (I saie) doo brag and vaunt, that they onelie haue drawne strange nations and vn­knowne people to the obedience of their kings, to the knowledge of christianitie, and to the inriching of their countrie, and thereby doo claime the honor to be due to themselues onelie and alone. But if these your actions were well looked into, with such due consideration as apperteineth, it shall be found much more honorable in sun­drie respects, for the aduancement of the name of God, the honour of the prince, and the benefit of the common wealth. For what can be more pleasant to God, than to gaine and reduce in all christianlike manner, a lost people to the knowledge of the gospell, and a true christian religion, than which cannot be a more pleasant and a sweet sacrifice, and a more acceptable seruice before God? And what can be more honorable to princes, than to inlarge the bounds of their kingdoms without iniurie, wrong, & bloudshed; and to frame them from a sauage life to a ci­uill gouernment, neither of which the Spaniards in their conquests haue performed? And what can be more bene­ficiall to a common weale, than to haue a nation and a kingdome to transferre vnto the superfluous multitude of frutelesse and idle people (heere at home dailie increasing) to trauell, conquer, and manure another land, which by the due intercourses to be deuised, may and will yeeld infinit commodities? And how well you doo deserue euerie waie in following so honourable a course, not we our selues onelie can witnesse, but strange nations also doo ho­nour you for the same: as dooth appeare by the epistle of Bassimerus of France, to the historie of Florida: and by Iulius Caesar a citizen of Rome in his epistle to his booke intituled Cullombeados. It is well knowne, that it had beene no lesse easie for you, than for such as haue beene aduanced by kings, to haue builded great houses, purcha­sed large circuits, and to haue vsed the fruits of princes fauours, as most men in all former and present ages haue doone; had you not preferred the generall honour and commoditie of your prince and countrie before all priuat gaine and commoditie: wherby you haue beene rather a seruant than a commander to your owne fortune. And no doubt the cause being so good, and the attempt so honorable, but that God will increase your talent, and blesse your dooings, and euerie good man will commend and further the same. And albeit the more noble en­terprises a man shall take in hand, the more aduersaries he shall haue to depraue and hinder the same: yet I am persuaded, as no good man shall haue iust cause, so there is none so much carried with a corrupt mind, nor so enuious of his countries honour, nor so bent against you, that he will derogate the praise and honour due to so worthie an enterprise; and that so much the sooner, bicause you haue indured so manie crosses, and haue through so much enuiengs and misfortunes perseuered in your attempts, which no doubt shall at last by you be performed when it shall please him, who hath made you an instrument of so worthie a worke. And by how much the more God hath pleased thus to blesse you, so much the more are you bound to be thankefull vnto him, and to acknow­ledge the same to proceed from his grace and mercie towards you. Giue me leaue therefore (I praie you) to be bold with you, not onelie to put you in mind hereof, but also to remember you, how it hath pleased God to bring you into the fauour of your prince and souereigne: who besides hir great fauour towards you manie waies, she hath also laid vpon you the charge of a gouernement in your owne countrie, where you are to command ma­nie people by your honourable office of the stannarie, and where you are both a iudge and chancellor, to rule in iustice and to iudge in equitie. Wherin you are so much the more to be circumspect and wise, bicause vpon your iudgement (and such as you shall appoint to be vnder you) the determinations of all their causes dooth rest and depend, knowing that a hard iudgement abideth for such as be in authoritie, if they iudge not vprightlie, and doo not yeeld iustice to euerie man indifferentlie. Be you therefore carefull in this respect, that you be well reported for your vpright dealings, both herein, & in euerie of all your other actions to all men. Be you a patterne of vertue, & an example of true nobilitie, which is grounded & hath hir foundation vpon vertue, for as the poet saith, Ex vir­tute nobilitas nascitur, non ex nobilitate virtus: virtus sola nobilitat, nō caro nec sanguis. And therfore saith Demost­henes; Palingenius. Demosthenes. If thou draw thy descent & pedegree euen from Iupiter himselfe, yet if thou be not vertuous, iust & good, Ignobilis mihi videris; In my opinion thou art no gentleman. It is a noble thing to be borne of noble ancestors (as Aristotle saith) but his nobilitie faileth, when his ancestors vertues in him faileth, Hic enim verè nobilis est cēsendus, cui non aliena sed sua virtus ad gloriam opitulatur. Your ancestors were verie ancient, and men of great nobilitie, beneficiall to their princes and countrie manie & sundrie waies. And as in nature you are descended from them, so it hath pleased God to blesse you with knowledge in learning, with skill of warlike seruice, and in experience in maritimall causes, and besides hath placed you among the nobles, and in the good grace and fauour of your prince. Wherefore you are so much the more to be carefull to restore the house of your decaied forefathers to their ancient honor and nobilitie, which in this later age hath beene obscured, abiding the time by you to be re­stored to their first and primer state: which you are not onelie taught by their old and good examples, but also by the ensignes of their and your nobilitie. For the fusils, being an instrument of trauell and labour, doo aduertise Fusils, instru­ments of la­bours. you, that yo [...] are one of the sonnes of Adam, borne to walke in a vocation, and therein to be a profitable mem­ber in the church of God, and in maintenance of the common societie: which when you behold and looke vpon, you must so endeuour your selfe, euen as Agathocles king of Syracusa, whose cupbords, though they were well furnished with great store and varietie of rich plate, yet he thought not the same sufficientlie fraughted, vnlesse Agathocles. he had also his earthen pitchers and stone cups, in which he vsed to drinke, to teach & remember him in the mid­dle of his roialtie, to be mindfull of his origin estate and dutie.

The white colour or siluer mettall dooth teach vnto you vertue, sinceritie & godlinesse. For as siluer is a most ex­cellent mettall, and next vnto gold excelling all others, and with which for the excellencie thereof, the Lord God White colour. would haue his tabernacle and his temple to be adorned and beautified with vessels and ornaments thereof; and as the white colour, if it be spotted and foule, dooth lose his grace: euen so it teacheth you to be a man of an honest and of a godlie conuersation, to lead a life in all vprightnesse, without reproch and disgrace: and that you should be seruiceable to God and your countrie in all good actions; and therewith also (which by the gulie co­lour is meant) you be bold and valiant for the defense of your countrie, and for the safetie thereof to spend both Gules. life and goods, that you should be beneficiall to all men, hurtfull and iniurious to no man. And such kind of men were your ancestors, who for the same were beloued and honoured, and their names for euer registred in immor­tall fame and memorie. And so shall it be with you, if you doo the like, and follow their steps and examples, God shall blesse you, & you shall prosper & florish as did Ioseph; you shall be honored, as was Daniell; and you shall be in fauor before God & man, as were your ancestors; the whole people shall speake good of you, the honour of your house shall be restored, & your talent shall be augmented & increased, & all things shall go well with you. But to returne where we left. When I had waded as far as I could in the discourse of this historie, according to [Page] such instructions as partlie by my selfe, but more by other mens helps, I had collected and gathered; and thought to haue continued the same from the death of King Henrie the eight, vnto these presents: it came vnto my mind, and I thought it verie expedient, to make a new review of that, which by others had beene doone in the in­teruall betweene Cambrensis and my dooings, wherein I found great paines had beene taken, and that the authors had well deserued great praises and commendations. And yet in this they were much to be blamed, that all of them were beholding vnto Giraldus, and not one of them would yeeld that curtesie either to publish his historie, The ingrate­fulnesse vnto Cambraensis. or vsing the same to acknowledge it. For some misliking both method and phrase, framed it into another forme, and penned it in a more loftie stile; and vnder that colour haue attributed vnto themselues the honour and fruits of another mans doings. In which, their discourtesie was the more, because they iniured so noble and woorthie a personage. For Giraldus was a noble man by birth, he being the sonne vnto Mauricius, the sonne vnto The genealo­gie of Giraldus. Giraldus de Windsor, and to his wife the ladie Nesta, daughter to the great Roesius prince of south Wales. He was from his youth brought vp in learning, and prooued verie well learned in all good letters both di­uine and likewise humane: and by profession he was a man of the clergie, and liued by the patrimonie of the church. He was chapleine to king Henrie the second, and to king Iohn his sonne, and both of them he atten­ded in their iorneis into Ireland, and at the request and commandement of the king the father, he wrot the histo­rie of this land according as what he saw and knew to be true. The more noble then that this man was by birth, the more reuerend in calling, the more painfull in trauels, and the better learned he was: euen so much the more is their fault, that will borrow of him and not acknowledge it, nor thinke themselues beholding vnto him. For as Plinie saith, Ingenui pudoris est, fateri per quos profecerimus; It is the part of a good nature not to be ashamed to ac­knowledge and confesse by whom he is the better, and benefited. I know it hath beene an old vsage in all ages, and among all the ancient writers, both Graecians & Latinists, that they would borrow of other mens writings, and inlarge their owne therewith: as Plato did of Socrates and Pythagoras, Aristotle out of Plato, Cicero of them both; and so likewise others: and these men would not onelie confesse the same, which was accounted to be some part of recompense, but also they accounted their owne dooings to be so much the better, as that they were confirmed by the authoritie of such wise, graue, and well learned men. The like reason might suffice to per­suade such in this later age, as which be so curious that they will not haue anie father, doctor, or anie other writer to be named nor alleaged in sermons, readings, prechings, or writings; and yet they will not sticke to vse & recite verbatim, whole sentences, yea & whole pages out of other mens writings, and attribute the same to themselues, as of their owne inuention. A great fault and a point of ingratitude, not allowed among the gentiles: much lesse should it be so among christians, especiallie among them of the highest profession, Non profiteri per quos profece­rint.

But leauing euerie man to himselfe, for as much as all histories are to be doone with all sinceritie & truth, which in this cannot be so well doone, vnlesse the first writer and author of this historie of Ireland haue his place: I haue thought good to publish and set foorth Giraldus his owne workes as they are, which, leauing all other translations, I haue as faithfullie translated as the historie requireth, and in as fit an English phrase as is most meete and con­uenient for the reader. And because the same so long hense written, hath sundrie obscure things, which doo re­quire some further opening, for the better vnderstanding of the reader; I haue subnected and added to euerie chapter (so requiring) such notes and obseruations, as he shall be therewith the better instructed and satisfied. This thing thus by me doone, together with so much as I my selfe haue penned from the death of king Henrie the eight vnto these presents: which although it maie seeme to be verie imperfect, and to want that fulnesse as the course of so manie yeares might affoord; or that some things maie be misreported and set downe, otherwise than the truth is, or that some things maie be mistaken, &c: let this be imputed vnto them, through whose default the same is so befallen; for manie things were promised and little performed; and some, who had and haue an inte­rest in the matter, haue refused and would doo nothing. But for my selfe, according to such instructions and col­lections as are come to my hands, I haue after the method and nature of an historie, most sincerelie and faithful­lie set downe what is materiall and woorthie the writing. And for as much as your selfe was a partie and a dooer in some part of the Desmonds wars, in which you were a painfull and a faithfull seruitor, and therefore can giue some report and testimonie to this discourse, and also for the loue and honour which I doo owe and beare vnto you, I thought it my part and dutie to offer and present, and presentlie in most humble maner I doo offer and pre­sent the same vnto your good fauour and protection. And albeit the thing it selfe be verie slender, and too farre an inferior present to be offred to one of your estate and calling; yet let your courtesie couer that, and accept my good will, which as time and occasion hereafter shall serue, I shall & will be most willing (as your lordships most deuout and assured) to supplie in all the good seruices I maie or shall be able to doo at your commandement. The Lord blesse you and multiplie your daies, to the honor of God, the good seruice of hir maiestie, the benefit of the commonwelth, the comfort of your friends, and to your owne increase in all honour.

Your L. verie good friend and alie at commandement, IOHN HOOKER.

The first preface of Giraldus Cam­brensis vnto his historie of the conquest of Ireland.

FOrsomuch as in our Topographie we haue at large set foorth and described the site of the land of Ireland, the natures of sundrie things therein conteined, the woonderous & strange prodigies which are in the same, and of the first origin of that nation, euen from the first beginning vntill this our time: it resteth, that at the request of sundrie men, and of some of great estate, we do now in a particular volume declare & set forth the conquest of the same land in these our daies, togither with the noble acts & gests therein doone. For if we haue well discouered the old & ancient times long before vs, how much more should we doo that which we haue seene, and for the most part are witnesses thereof, & which are yet in our fresh & perfect memorie? Our Topographie discouereth the things done in times past and long ago; but this present historie intreateth of the things presentlie doone, and in our daies. But me thinketh I see some man to shrinke vp the nose, and as it were to snuffe, because I haue written all things so plainelie and euidentlie; and therfore in great scorne he reacheth the booke to one, & with as great disdaine casteth it to another. But let him know this, that I haue now written this chieflie for the laie people, and for such princes as be not of greatest learning, and are therefore desirous to haue things to be vttered in such a plaine and sensible speech as they may best vnderstand the same. For whie, most plaine terms are most meet to be vsed, when the noble acts of noble men & worthie seruitors are to be published and set foorth to the notice and knowledge of all men. For this cause therefore haue I written this historie in as plaine & sensible maner as I can (leauing as much as may be) the darke & obscure maner of writing vsed in times past. And forsomuch as euerie age hath his peculiar manner, I haue according to the mind of the philosopher (whose aduise is, that the liues of the old men, and the pleasant speeches of yoong men should be receiued and followed) I haue (I saie) of purpose written in that order and phrase of speech as now is most in vre. For sith that words are but messengers of a mans mind, and giuen onelie to that end he should without close couering and couching plainelie disclose his mind and meaning: I haue purposelie indeuored my selfe, that seeing what others doo not see, and knowing what others doo not vnderstand, I might so write as I might of all men be vnderstood. For whie, Seneca saith: It is better to be dumbe and not to speake at all, than so to speake as not to be vnderstood, so that the speech be framed in such phrases & order as are most meet to be vsed, & with the wise and learned do most af­fect. But forsomuch as some men haue maliciouslie and slanderouslie depraued my Topogra­phie, I haue thought good by the waie here to interlace a few words in defense therof. All men generallie concerning the beginning of a good or a learned matter, doo consider and haue re­spect speciallie to three things; the first is, the author of the thing, then the matter it selfe, and lastlie, the ordering and well handling of the thing so begun. Concerning the first and last of these three, the enuious man being afraid to vtter his malice, euen against his will giues praise & commendation to both. But yet as a staged man can not alwaies dissemble and cloke him­selfe, so this man, who to haue his will ouer me & to depraue me, inueigheth against the second point, thinking and meaning by reproouing me to be a lier therein, to condemne all the rest; he obiecteth therefore and laieth to my charge the strange prodigies which I wrote, namelie how the woolfe spake and talked with a priest; of the man that in the hinder parts was like to an ox; of a woman that had a beard like a man; and a man like an horse; of a gote & a lion, which resorted and accompanied with a woman. But who so misliketh hereof, let him read in the booke of Numbers, & he shall find that Balaams asse spake and reprooued his maister. Let him examine the liues of the fathers, and he shall learne how that a satyre in the wildernesse did talke with Anthonie the heremite; and how Paule the heremite was fed in the de­sert by a rauen. Let him read also the workes of Ierome, the Exameron of Am­brose, and the dialog of Gregorie. Let him likewise read saint Augustine his booke of the [Page] citie of God, especiallie the xv. and xxi. bookes, which are full of strange prodigies and woon­ders: let him read Isodorus in the xi. booke of his Etymologies, concerning woonders, his xij. booke of beasts, & his xvi. booke of pretious stones, and of their vertues; let him also read Vale­rius Maximus, Trogus Pompeius, Plinius, and Solinus, & in euerie of these he shall find ma­nie things which he may mislike and thinke to be vntruths, & so condemne the residue of all the writings of so noble and woorthie men. But let him be better aduised, & consider well, how that as S. Ierome saith, there are manie things conteined in the scriptures which seeme to be incredible, and to carie no truth in them, and yet neuerthelesse are most true. For whie, nature dooth not, nor can preuaile against the Lord of nature: and therfore euerie creature ought not to loth, but to reuerence, & haue in great admiration the works of God: & as S. August. saith, How can that be against nature which is doone by the will of God? Bicause the will of so great a creator is the nature and beginning of euerie thing created. A portent then or a monster is not against nature, but against it which proceedeth from nature. And therfore as it is not im­possible to God to ordeine and creat what natures or things he listeth; no more is it impossi­ble to him to alter and change into what forms he listeth the things alreadie created. And yet I would not that euerie thing by me written, should foorthwith be credited and receiued as an vndouted truth: for whie, I my selfe do not so firmlie beleeue of them, as of things most certeine and true, sauing of such things which by experience I know to be true, and which also euerie other man may by proofe so find it to be. For as for all other things, I so account of them, that I neither do nor will stand either in the deniall or affirmation of them. The iewellers & such as haue, & be acquainted with the pretious stones come out of India, do not so strangelie think or haue admiration of them, as they who neuer saw them afore: & yet they hauing had once experience of them, do the lesse muse & wonder at the strangenes of them. For whie, the dailie vse taketh awaie all strangenes & admiration; and euerie thing be it neuer so strange & mar­uellous at the first, yet by dailie viewing of them they wax to be contemned and the lesse estee­med: euen as the Indians themselues do litle value or esteeme their commodities, which we do so much maruell & wonder at. S. Augustine therfore vpon the gospell, how the water was turned into wine hath these words: Maruellous great is the power of God in the creation of the heauen & earth, & of the gouerning of the same; & as great it is to see how the raine wa­ter, by the nature of the vine is turned into wine, and how of litle and small seeds great trees and fruits do spring and grow; and yet because we do see it this daie as it were by a naturall course, we do lesse esteeme & consider of them. But yet God aboue the common course hath re­serued to himselfe some small things, & which seeme to be of no value, to the end that his power might appeare in greater things, and driue vs the more to consider of them. Wherefore let the malicious & enuious be contented, & not to enuie against the Lord of nature, who of purpose in the sight of man hath doone manie things against the common course of nature: because it should be apparant, & euerie man should well see, that Gods power far exceedeth mans reach & knowledge, & his diuinitie surpasseth mans vnderstanding. Cassiodorus therfore saith: It is a great point of knowledge in man to vnderstand & haue the knowledge, that God can and dooth such great and woonderfull things as do far exceed and passe the capacitie & vnder­standing of man. For God alwaies of purpose dooth transpose and alter his great things into strange forms, that albeit men may in some respect discerne the same: yet fullie they can not comprehend the same. If then the old and ancient writers haue diligentlie and with good al­lowance noted & registred in their writings the strange prodigies in their times; whie be we doing the like (vnlesse the whole world be set in wickednesse) maligned and backbitten? For if there be anie new and strange thing in our worke, and which heretofore hath not beene heard of: yet let not the malicious & spitefull man forthwith, without further allowance condemne & depraue it, but rather suffer it to remaine as it is. For as the poet saith: If our forefathers had reiected (as we do) all new things, what shuld now be old? Let him therfore cease to blame or carpe at new things, because in course of time they ceasse to be new, and wax to be old. He may therfore take his pleasure, and depraue the same, & yet no doubt our posteritie will allow thereof. He may do what he can to hurt it, yet they will accept and read it. He may do what he can to disprooue and blame it, yet will they loue it. He may do what he can to reiect it, yet will they receiue and allow of it.

The second preface of Giraldus Cambrensis vnto the noble Earle of Poitiers.

HAuing beene eftsoones, and by manie requested, to register and write the historie of such noble acts doone in our times, which I haue either seene my selfe, or haue heard it crediblie reported; I was for my excuse woont to alleage the wickednesse of the time, wherein, by reason of the excessiue rio­tousnesse which so aboundeth, all things are so farre out of order, and men so carefull to pamper vp the bodie, that the mind, which of his nature is free, is now in captiuitie, and cannot haue his libertie. Neuerthelesse, considering, and diligentlie aduising with my selfe, how necessarie the knowledge of those things will be to our posteritie, and how nothing is more pernicious and hurtfull to a good wit, and an honest disposi­tion, than to lie wallowing in idlenesse and sloth; I did at length with much adoo yeeld my selfe to those requests, and resolued my selfe to satisfie the same. But yet what can be more presumptuous than to write when time serueth not, & leisure wanteth? Or to desire our owne bookes to be com­monlie read, and yet at no leisure to read our selues? Or that we should be subiect to the examina­tion and sifting of a malicious reader, and an enuious iudge, and yet we not at leisure to examine our selues? Tullius, the founteine and welspring of all eloquence, being on a time requested to make an oration, is said he did excuse himselfe, because he had not studied nor read the daie be­fore. If so famous a man, and the father of all eloquence, did so esteeme the benefit of studieng, what shall others of a farre meaner estate and learning thinke of themselues? For true it is, the wit of man if it be not reuiued with continuall and dailie reading waxeth faint and dull, and with read­ing it is increased and nourished as it were with a naturall food and sustenance. For as the full barns are soone spent, if they be not new stored; and the stocke of great wealth and treasure soone wasted & consumed, if it be not repared; euen so the knowledge of man being not dailie renewed by read­ing and perusing of other mens works dooth soone perish and decaie. We are compact and doo consist of two natures, the one temporall, the other eternall; and hauing respect to both, are to no­rish both, the earthie part with things transitorie and earthie according to the time, the heauenlie part with things perpetuall and euerlasting. The bodie for the time hath his cares; but the mind, which of his nature is free, and which cannot be shut vp, and as it were imprisoned, is neither vn­der the power of vs, nor of anie others; let it therefore inioie his owne and proper libertie which to it apperteineth, and inioie the freedome to it belonging. As for the outward man, let him wander and straie, and be troubled about manie things, let him follow vaine and trifling toies, and doo all things as will lusteth, & let him be subiect to the miserable condition of the flesh: but the inward man, which as the kernell is inclosed in the shell, let him inioie that right and priuilege which God hath giuen vnto it; let it be so warded and defended, that being in troubles, it be not troubled; and being solitarie, it be not destituted. God and the king haue ech of them their seuerall power and empire ouer vs: the king hath power onelie ouer the bodie, but the secret and incomprehensible part within vs, namelie the soule, God onelie possesseth, and he alone knoweth and searcheth the same. For it is a most noble and excellent thing, passing all other the gifts of God vnder heauen, being incomprehensible, and yet comprehending all things, and most euidentlie declaring the di­uine power which is in it. For by a certeine naturall agilitie which is in him he comprehendeth all the foure corners of the world, and in a maruellous secret celeritie dooth discerne the whole world and all that therein is: it hath the knowledge and vnderstanding of all arts, sciences & knowledges: he is onlie knowen to him that is vnknowen, seene of him that is not seene, & cōprehended of him which is incomprehensible. God forbid therefore, that the continuall exercises of this soule should be hindered with vaine and worldlie cares, whereby things for a time omitted or set aside should perish or be forgotten: for what is the bodie to the soule but a heauie burthen, a paine, & as it were a prison, which though not holding him, yet hindering him? For what the shell is to the kernell, the same is the flesh to the spirit, both of them carrieng his owne impediment and burthen. Where­fore right noble now earle of Poitiers, but shortlie which shall be king of England, & duke of Nor­mandie, hauing the force and helpe of this, I haue yeelded my selfe, and haue now written and dra­wen out the historie of the conquest of Ireland, and the subduing of the barbarous nation of the same in these our daies, and haue dedicated the same vnto your highnesse: that by recording the gifts thereof, and seeing how your father did grow in renowme and honor, so the same also may increase in you: and as you are knowen to be the right heire of your fathers inheritance, so you may succeed him also in his vertues and victories to your great honor. I haue hitherto trauel­led in this rude and rough matter after a grosse manner, but hereafter more fullie, and in better order to be expressed and set foorth, as time and yeares shall increase, and as I shall be more at full instructed.

To his most reuerend lord and belo­ued in Christ, Iohn the noble and worthie king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandie and of Aquitaine, and earle of Aniou: Giraldus offereth this his simple worke, and wisheth all health both of bodie and of soule, and a prosperous successe in all things according to his hearts desire.

IT pleased your noble and excellent father king Henrie, to send me being then attendant vpon him, ouer with you into Ireland, where when I had noted sundrie notable things, and which were strange and vnknowne to other nations: then at my returne, I made a collection and choise of the chiefest matters therein: and within three yeares, I made my booke of Topographie, of the woonders of Ireland, and of the description of that land, doone in and for the honor of your father; who hauing good liking, and being well pleased with those my trauels (for why, he was a prince (a thing rare in our times) verie well learned) his desire and pleasure was, I should also write out the historie of the last conquest of the same land, made by him and his. Which renewing my former trauels I did: but neither it, nor these my paines were considered. For vertue commonlie is more commended than rewarded. But because by negligence, or rather by reason of the great businesse, where­with I was incumbred: I had almost forgotten the site, nature, and maner of the west parts of the said land, which I had not seene a long time. I thought it good to ouerrun, and peruse againe my said worke, and being better corrected, to dedicat the same vnto your highnesse. Wherein our historie taketh his be­ginning from the time that Dermon mac Morogh prince of Leinster was driuen out of his countrie by his owne men, and fled to your father then being in Aquitane: most humblie crauing, and at length obteining aid and succor, vntill your first comming into that land, when I was with you: and haue faith­fullie declared in order, what things were there doone by euerie of these noble men and capteins, which then passed thither; euen from the first to the last; and what good or euill was doone by them.

In which historie as in a glasse, a man may most apparantlie and euidentlie see and discerne truth; who, and what they were which deserued the most honor in this conquest; whether the first aduenturers out of the diocesse of saint Dauids my cousins and kinsmen; or they of the diocesse of Landaff, who came next, and who in verie deed are gentlemen, but more in name than valiant in act; and who vpon the good successe of the first, hoping to haue the like themselues, went ouer: or else they which passed ouer the third time, who were well and fullie furnished at all points with good store of armor, vittell, and o­ther necessaries. Surelie they deserued well, who gaue the first aduenture: and they also are much to be commended, which continued the same: but they deserued best, who went ouer last. For they not onelie did establish and confirme the authoritie and dooings of the first and second, but also made a finall end, and brought the whole countrie into subiection. But alas, by reason of their too hastie returning from thense, and of the vnnaturall warres and rebellion of the sonnes against their father, the land could not be brought to a perfect order, nor the things begun could haue his full perfection. Wherefore, ô no­ble king, despise not the great trauels and labors of your father, nor yet my poore paines herein. Doo not impart your honor and glorie to the vnworthie and vnthankefull: neither for the coueting of an Iland of siluer to hazard the losse of one of gold: the one far passing and exceeding the other in value. For the gold of Arabia and the siluer of Achaia doo both fill a mans cofer alike: but the one more in price and value than the other. Besides this, there is another thing which might persuade you to be mindfull, and haue some regard of the land of Ireland. It hath pleased God and good fortune to send you manie children, both naturall, and also legitimat; and more hereafter you may haue. It were therefore verie good as you may, to appoint and place in those two kingdomes, two of your sonnes to be gouernors and rulers of them: and vnder them to appoint a great number of your men, and endow them liberallie with great liuings and liuelehoods; and especiallie in Ireland, which as yet is rude, vnnurtured, and nothing to the purpose by our men inhabited. But if so be that neither for the increasing of your owne honor, the inriching of your treasurie, nor for the aduancing of your children, you will haue respect to your realme of Ireland; yet haue some consideration of your poore veterans and old seruitors, who haue most faithfullie and trusti­lie serued both you and your father, and by whose seruice that realme of Ireland was first conquered; and is yet kept and reteined; and yet are supplanted by such yoong nouices and yoonkers as are of late gone [Page] thither, to inioy and to succeed into the fruits of other mens trauels, fortune better fauoring them, than vertue commending. And the follie of these men is growne to such a pride and arrogancie, that as it is said, they are greatlie to be suspected to aspire and to vsurpe the whole seigniorie and dominion to them­selues, which it lieth you vpon to see to be quailed and abated.

And in following these your Irish affaires, you are to haue great care and regard, that when so euer you doo march and take anie iourneie, either for the vanquishing of the enimie, or for the reuenging of anie wrongs and iniuries; that you haue alwaies an eie backeward, and leaue all things behind you in such safe and sure order, that no danger thereof doo insue vnto you. For why, the houshold enimies be alwaies wor­king of wiles, and waiting for an aduantage; and doo but looke when time and place may serue for them to rebell: and therefore you are to haue great care and good regard, that you doo leaue all things behind you in safetie, and out of danger: and that you doo not suffer the serpent to lurke and hide himselfe, as it were in your bosome: nor to nourish and rake vp the fire as it were in your lap, the same being readie to breake out into great flames: for this shall not onelie be counted a great retchlesnesse, but also a great fol­lie in you, and to your great reproch. It is verie expedient therefore to euerie prince, that in his land he doo not foster and mainteine anie such Hydras and venemous serpents. And for princes of Ilands, it should be good for them, that they in their dominions and realmes haue in no side anie other marches than the seas it selfe. But if it be so, that you will not be persuaded for anie of the foresaid reasons, to haue re­gard or remorse to your said land, being so oftentimes desolated, and almost vtterlie destroied; that it may be reduced to some better order and state, whereby it may be more profitable to your selfe and vnto yours: then I praie you to pardon vs Welshmen, notwithstanding we be of nature somewhat rash; and giue vs leaue to put you in remembrance touching which your father, for the aduancement of himselfe and of his posteritie, did promise to pope Adrian, when he first procured licence and libertie to inuade and to conquer the realme of Ireland. The first is, that you would set vp the true religion, and reforme the church of God in that realme: and then, as you doo now in England, so also in Ireland, you doo cause to be paied out of euerie house the Peterpence, according to the tenure of the said priuilege by your father obteined, and which remaineth in the treasurie of Winchester; that you maie so deliuer your fathers soule, and satisfie his promise. For why, as Salomon saith: A lieng toong beseemeth not a king, especiallie when he shall liue to God, and being a creature, wittinglie to offend his creator; for that is an offense verie heinous and dangerous.

And forsomuch as you are to answer before the high and strict iudge, hauing nothing for your ex­cuse and defense than as before is said, for the so much innocent bloud by your father and your selfe al­redie shed, and which hereafter maie be shed: you ought to be verie carefull and diligent, that Gods an­ger maie be appeased, and your fathers promise be performed: that God being thus honored for this con­quest, you maie haue a prosperous successe, and all yours in this world: and also after this life inioie that perpetuall felicitie, which surpasseth all ioie and felicitie. And because you haue not kept nor performed these promises, these two defects by Gods iust iudgement are befallen vnto you. The one is, that this con­quest could neuer be brought to his full effect and perfection. The other is, that they which were the chee­fest and most principall seruitors in this conquest, namelie Robert Fitzstephans, who first entered in­to the land, and made waie vnto others, Henrie of monte Moris, Reimond, Iohn de Courcie, and Mei­lerius, neuer had anie lawfull issue of their bodies begotten. And no maruell: for notwithstanding the happie and fortunat successe of the conquest, the poore cleargie was neuer considered, but were driuen to beg; and the cathedrall churches which were richlie indued with great liuelehoods, possessions, and territories, were altogither wasted and spoiled. These things a good prince of his honor ought to see to be redressed, and to prouide that the cleargie, who are and ought faithfullie to assist and serue him in all weightie causes of councell and importance, should be releeued, and inioie the honor vnto them belon­ging, and that small portion which was promised vnto them; that God in some things maie be appea­sed and satisfied for these cruell and bloudie conquests. And moreouer, vnder your patience we saie also, that for the perpetuall memorie of this conquest made by Englishmen, and because in processe of time, and course of yeares, there happeneth great change of lords, and manie times the inheritance commeth to such as are furthest remoued in kinred, that therefore there be a yearelie tribute rated and yeelded vn­to the king, to be paied in gold or such commodities as that land best yeeldeth: and that this be comprised in a publike instrument, that the whole world maie know how the realme and land of Ireland is subiect to the crowne of England. And forsomuch as things doone, being put and registred in writing, and to be read by an interpretor, are not sensible, nor so well vnderstanded of the hearer, as when he maie or dooth read the same in his owne speech and language; it were verie good (in my opinion) that some learned man, and skilfull in the French toong, should translate the same into French.

SYLVESTER GIRAL­dus Cambrensis, his vaticinall historie of the Conquest of Ireland.
The figures of (1) (2) (3) &c: set before certeine words of the chapters, are to be conferred with the like in the scholies or interpre­tations following euerie chapter, whereby the authors meaning is opened: this by the waie of a necessarie caueat to the reader in breuitie.

How Dermon Mac Morogh king of Leinster fled out of his countrie vnto Henrie the second king of England for aid and succour. Chap. 1.

DErmon (1) Mac Morogh prince of (2) Leinster & go­uernour 10 of the fift part or portion of Ireland, did in our time possesse & in­ioie the east part of the land, which bor­dereth and lieth to wards England: being disseuered from the same by 20 the maine seas. This man from his verie youth, and first entrie into his kingdome, was a great oppressor of his gentlmen, and a cruell tyrant ouer his nobles: which bred vnto him great hatred and malice. Be­sides this, there befell to him an other mischéefe: for Ororike prince of (3) Meth was gone in a iornie, lea­uing his wife the daughter of Omolaghlin behind, in a certeine Iland in Meth: there to remaine and tarie vntill his returne. She (I saie) and this Der­mon had béene long inamoured and in loue the one 30 with the other: and she watching a time how to haue loue and lust satisfied, taketh the aduantage of hir husbands absence, and yéeldeth hir selfe to be raui­shed, bicause she would be rauished: for by hir owne procurement and intisings, she became and would needs be a preie vnto the preier. Such is the variable & fickle nature of a woman, by whome all mischiefes in the world (for the most part) doo happen and come, as maie appeare by (4) Marcus Antonius, and by the destruction of (5) Troie. King Ororike being ad­uertised 40 hereof, was foorthwith maruellouslie trou­bled & in a great choler, but more grieued for shame of the fact than for sorrow or hurt; and therefore is ful­lie determined to be auenged: and foorthwith assem­bleth all his people and neighbors, as also procu­red into his aid and for his helpe Rothorike king of (6) Connagh and then monarch of all Ireland. The people of Leinster considering in what distresse their prince was, and how on euerie side he was be­set of his enimies, they also call to mind the old sores and griefes, which they of long time had dissembled: & to be auenged & awrecked thereof, they make league and become friends with their enimies, and vtterlie leaue and forsake their king. Dermon séeing him­selfe thus forsaken and left destitute, and that for­tune frowned vpon him (for he had oftentimes in­countered with his enimies and euer had the woorst) determined at length, as to his last refuge to flie o­uer the seas, and to séeke for some better chance. By this euent and sequele of this man, as also by manie other like examples it appeareth, that it is better for a prince to rule ouer a people, which of a good will and loue doo obeie him, than ouer such as be froward and stubborne. This (6) Nero well felt and (7) Domitia­nus well knew (8) and Henrie duke of Saxonie and Bauire well tried. It is more necessarie and expedi­ent for a prince to be rather beloued than feared. In deed it is good to be feared; so that the feare doo pro­céed rather from a good will than of compulsion. For whatsoeuer is outwardlie onelie and to the shew lo­ued and receiued, the same of consequence must be feared: but whatsoeuer is feared, that is not forthwith loued. Wherefore feare must be so tempered with loue, that neither a remisse good will doo wax into a coldnesse, neither feare grounded vpon a rash inso­lencie be turned and become tyrannie. Loue did in­large the empire of (9) Augustus, but feare shorte­ned the life of (10) Iulius Cesar. Well, Mac Morogh following fortune, and yet in hope that once againe she will turne hir whéele, hauing wind and wether at will, taketh ship, passeth ouer the seas, and went vnto Henrie the second king of England, and most humblie and earnestlie praieth his helpe and succor. Who being then in the remote places in France and Aquitaine, and busied in great and weightie affaires; yet most courteouslie he receiued him and liberallie rewarded him. And the king hauing at large and or­derlie heard the causes of his exile and of his repaire vnto him, he tooke his oth of allegiance and swore him to be his true vassall and subiect: and therevpon granted and gaue him his letters patents in maner and forme as followeth. Henrie king of England, Henrie the 2. king of Eng­lands stile and letter. duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, and earle of An­iou, vnto all his subiects, Englishmen, Normans, Scots, and all other nations and people being his subiects sendeth greeting. Whensoeuer these our let­ters will come vnto you, know ye that we haue re­ceiued Dermon prince of Leinster into our protec­tion, [Page 2] grace, and fauour: wherefore whosoeuer within our i [...]diction will aid and helpe him, our trustie subiect, for the recouerie of his land, let him be assu­red of our fauour and licence in that behalfe.

(1) Dermon is in Latine Dermitius, and Morogh is in Latine Murchardes, and are méere Irish names: and for a difference giuen commonlie to a child at his birth or christening: Mac Morogh is a word compounded of Mac which is a sonne and of Morogh 10 the proper name of a man, and so Mac Morogh is the sonne of Morogh: the Latine name is Murchardides, which is to saie De Murcharde, or of Morogh: accor­ding to the Welsh phrase in which the word ap is vsed in the same sense. And this is common to the Irish & Welsh, for they call not anie man by the name of his familie or nation as is vsed in England: but by the name of difference giuen to his father, as in this example: Dermon being Moroghs sonne is called Dermon Mac Morogh. But this name of Mac Mo­rogh 20 is since turned and become the name of a fami­lie or nation: for by reason that this Mac Morogh was a noble and valiant man aboue all the rest of his nation in his daies: therefore his sequele and po­steritie haue euer since and doo yet kéepe that name. Some are of the mind that Morogh and Maurice are one name: but the Latine differences impor­teth the contrarie, and the one is a meere Irish name, and the other a Welsh, and borowed out of Wales.

(2) Leinster in Latine Lagenia, is one of the fiue 30 parts or portions of Ireland (for into so manie is the whole land diuided.) It lieth vpon the east seas, and extendeth in length from the further point of the territorie of Dublin, which is at the riuer of the Boine by Drogheda in the north, vnto the riuer of the Surie which fléeteth by the citie of Waterford in the south. In it are one and thirtie cantreds other­wise named baronies or hundreds. It was some­times diuided into fiue, but now into seauen coun­ties, that is, Dublin, Kildare, Catherlogh, Kilken­nie, 40 Werford, Lear, now called the queenes countie, and Offalie called the kings countie. There are also in it one archbishop; namelie Dublin, and foure bishopriks; that is, Kildare, Fernes, Leighlin, and Ossorie.

(3) Meth in Latine Media is one of the fiue por­tions of Ireland according to the first diuision. It is the least portion being but of eightéene cantreds, but yet the best and most fertile, and lieth for the most 50 part all within the English pale: and euer since the conquest of king Henrie the second, hath béene sub­iect and obedient to the English lawes and gouerne­ment: and bicause it lieth as it were in the nauill or bowels of the land, it taketh the name accordinglie, being called Media, which is the middle. In it is but one bishop and the suffragan, and vnder the primat or archbishop of Ardmach. His see is at Trim and his house at Arbraghin. There was no prince sole gouernour of this as was of the other portions: bi­cause 60 it was alwaies allowed & allotted to the mo­narch, whome they called Maximum regem, or Regem Hiberniae, as a surplus towards his diet.

(4) Marcus Antonius was a famous and a no­ble Romane, excelling in wisdome, knowledge and learning all the Romane princes in his daies; as al­so a verie noble and a valiant man in the fields, ha­uing atteined to great victories and atchiued to sun­drie conquests. And yet notwithstanding being ma­ried to Cleopatra queene of Egypt, he so doted vpon hir, and was so bewitched in loue of hir: that leauing all his woonted manners, he consumed his whole time in hir companie, and in the end was more infamous for his vitious, disordered, and loose life, than before commended for his prowesse and vertue.

(5) Troia called also Ilion, was an ancient and a famous citie in Asia the lesse, and situated in the prouince of Dardania, builded by Tros the sonne of king Ericthonius, who called it after his owne name. It was a citie verie large, strong, and rich, and in those daies thought impregnable; & yet by means that Helena was rauished, the same was in the end vtterlie subuerted and destroied: the historie is this. Priamus the king of Troie had by his wife Hecu­ba a sonne named Paris or Alexander: he dreamed on a time that Mercurius should bring vnto him the thrée ladies, Uenus, Iuno, & Minerua, that he should giue his iudgement which was the fairest and most beautifull of them. Then Uenus, to haue the iudge­ment for hir and in hir behalfe, did promise him that he should haue for the same the fairest woman in all Gréece. Not long after, Paris being in his fa­thers court in Troie, there were great spéeches made of Helena and of hir passing beautie. She was wife to Menelaus king of Sparta in Gréece. Wher­vpon Paris calling to memorie his former dreame, and also inflamed with a feruent desire to see so faire a ladie, maketh preparation both of ships and of men to saile into Greece. Howbeit, some write that he was sent by the king his father in an ambassage to king Menelaus: but whether it was so or not, certeine it is he went thither, and was receiued with all courtesie, and had his interteinement in king Menelaus house. Paris hauing viewed and be­holden quéene Helena, he was not so much war­med before vpon the onelie report of hir, as now inflamed with hir passing forme and beautie; and taking the aduantage of king Menelans absence, perforce taketh Helena, spoileth the kings house, and carieth all awaie with him. Menelans at his returne home, being dismaied at so sudden a change and chance, and gréeued with such an iniurie, sen­deth his messenger first to Paris, and then his ambassadours to king Priamus for restitution and amends. But when no intreatie could take place nor requests be heard, the Grecians not minding to beare with such an iniurie, doo all consent to be auenged thereof: and therefore with all their force and power doo prepare to giue warres vnto Troie, and make choise of Agamemnon the kings brother to be their capteine. The warres were cruell and long, and endured for the space of ten yeares, but in the end Troie was taken, spoiled, and also de­stroied.

6 Nero, whose name at the first was Claudius Domitius, was in his youthfull yeares well dispo­sed to good letters, & giuen to honest exercises. And Claudius the emperor hauing good liking of him, adopted him to be emperour, and married him vn­to his daughter. After the death of Claudius, he be­ing emperour, did gouerne well enough the first fiue yeares: but thensefoorth he waxed so vicious, and became so horrible in all dissolute wanton­nesse, prodigalitie, monstruous lecherie, couetous­nesse, and all other most wicked vices: that he sée­med to be borne to the destruction of the whole world. And in the end he was and became so odi­ous to the whole world, that it was decréed by the senat, and sentence giuen, that he should be bea­ten and whipped to death. Which thing he perceiuing, fled out of Rome, and finding none that would kill him, did runne himselfe thorough with his owne sword, saieng; Most wickedlie haue I liued, and most shamfullie shall I die.

7 Domitianus, the brother of Titus, and sonne of Uespasian the emperors, was nothing like vnto them, but altogither resembled & was of the nature [Page 3] and disposition of Nero: for at the first entrie into the empire, he did to his commendation sundrie good acts; but in the end he became so wicked a man and so cruell a tyrant, that he generallie was hated of all men, and abhorred of his owne familie, of whom some of them, to rid the common wealth from so wic­ked a member, did murther and kill him in his owne chamber.

(8) This Henrie was the sonne of Henrie the third of that name, and emperor of Rome, he was king of the Romans in his fathers time, and empe­ror 10 next after him. His father died, he being verie yoong, and left him to the gouernement of the em­presse his mother; who during his minoritie did rule and gouerne the empire in verie good order: but when he himselfe came to the sole gouernment, great dis­sentions fell betwéene him and his nobles, bicause he contemned, despised, & oppressed them. He gaue him­selfe to wantonnesse and pleasure, and little estée­med the execution of iustice; by means whereof he had manie enimies, who sought what they might to 20 depose him both of empire and of his life. The pope also and he were for the most part in continuall de­bates and strifes, and who was the cheefe cause whie he was so ouerset and hated of his nobles. And be­ing thus ouermatched and in the hatred both of the temporall and ecclesiasticall estates, he for verie sor­row languished and pined awaie, and so died.

(9) Augustus was the sonne of Octauianus a se­nator in Rome, who married Accia the daughter of Iulius Cesar, and was first named Octauianus Iu­lius 30 Cesar. His vncle hauing no son, adopted him, made him his heire, and appointed him to be his suc­cessor in the empire. After the death of the said Iuli­us, the state by reason he was so cruellie murthered, was maruelouslie troubled and in great perils. But this Octauianus hauing atteined to si [...] in Iulius Cesars seat, did so prudentlie order and direct his go­uernement, that he did not onelie reduce and restore the citie and empire of Rome to a quietnesse; but also 40 increased the same with the conquests of sundrie na­tions. Such also were his excellent vertues in wise­dome, magnanimitie, courtesie, affabilitie, & liberali­tie, and such others; that all people were not onelie rauished in loue with him, but also came and resorted of all nations vnto Rome, to visit, see, and heare him. And hauing stablished the empire in quietnesse, in­larged it with manie nations, & increased vnto him­selfe the vniuersall loue of all people, the senat gaue him not onelie the name of Augustus, but gaue vn­to him also the titles of the highest and greatest ho­nors, 50 and was called Summus pontifix perpetuus dictator & pater patriae, and yéelded vnto him the whole power and empire of the sole monarch of the world, now re­posing that in him alone, which rested before in the se­nat and people of Rome. These be the fruites when a prudent magistrat and a wise gouernour ruleth in loue and gouerneth in wisedome.

(10) Iulius Cesar was the sonne of Lucius Iu­lino a noble Romane, and came and descended of the ancient house of the Iulies, who were of the race of 60 Aeneas: he was as noble a man as euer Rome brought fourth, and excellent in all respects: most va­liant and fortunate in the warres, and verie prudent in the ciuill gouernement, verie well learned, and a notable orator: he deserued well of his common wealth, for he inriched the same with the conquests which he made ouer sundrie nations. But his ambi­tious mind and immoderate desire to reigne alone, and to be the sole monarch of the world, drowned all the good vertues which were in him, and for which all the nations feared him, the citizens of Rome hated him, and the senators enuied him: and in the end a conspiracie was made for the murthering of him, and by the senators executed. For he on a certeine daie, vpon occasion being come into the senat house, and mistrusting nothing, although he wanted not sufficient warnings before giuen him, was there wounded in two and thirtie places to death, and so murthered.

The returne of Dermon Mac Morogh from king Henrie through England, and of his abode at Bristow and other places in Wales. Chap. 2.

DErmon Mac Morogh, hauing recei­ued great comfort and courtesie of the king, taketh his leaue, and returneth home­ward through England. And albeit he had béene verie honourablie and liberallie rewarded of the king: yet he comforted himselfe more with the hope of good successe to come, than with liberalitie re­ceiued. And by his dailie iornieng he came at length vnto the noble towne of (1) Bristow, where bicause ships and botes did dailie repaire and come from out of Ireland, and he verie desirous to heare of the state of his people and countrie, did for a time soiorne and make his abode: and whilest he was there he would oftentimes cause the kings letters to be openlie red, and did then offer great interteinment, and promi­sed liberall wages to all such as would helpe or serue him; but it serued not. At length Gilbert the sonne of Gilbert, earle of Chepstone (2) came to sée him and to talke with him: and they so long had conferred to­gither, that it was agréed and concluded betwéene them, that the erle in the next spring then following, should aid and helpe him: and in consideration there­of, the said Dermon should giue him his onelie daughter and heire to wife, togither with his whole inheritance, and the succession into his kingdome. These things orderlie concluded, Dermon Mac Mo­rogh being desirous (as all others are) to sée his natu­rall countrie, departed and tooke his iourneie to­wards S. Dauids head or stone (3) in south Wales: for from thence is the shortest cut ouer into Ireland, the same being not a daies falling, and which in a faire daie a man may ken and discerne. At this same time Rice Fitzgriffith was cheefe ruler vnder the king in those parties; and Dauid the second, then bi­shop of S. Dauids, had great pitie and compassion vpon his distresse, miserie, and calamitie.

Dermon thus languishing and lieng for passage, comforted himselfe as well as he might, sometime drawing and as it were breathing the aire of his countrie, which he séemed to breath and smell, some­times viewing and beholding his countrie, which in a faire daie a man may ken and descrie. At this time Robert Fitzstephans vnder Rice had the gouerne­ment, & was constable of Abertefie the cheefe towne in Caretica (4) and by the treacherie and treason of his owne men was apprehended, taken and deliue­red vnto Rice, and by him was kept in prison thrée yeares, but now deliuered, vpon condition he should take part and ioine with Griffith against the king. But Robert Fitzstephans, considering with him­selfe that on his fathers side (who was a Norman) he was the kings naturall subiect, although by his mo­ther the ladie N [...]sta, daughter to the great Rice Fitz­griffith, he were coosen germane to the said Fitzgrif­fith, chose rather to aduenture his life, and to séeke fortune abrode and in sorren countries, than to ha­zard his faith, credit, and same, to the slander, reproch, and infamie of himselfe, and of his posteritie. At length by the earnest mediation and intercession of Dauid then bishop of S. Dauids, and of Paurice [Page 4] Fitzgerald, which were his halfe brothers by the mo­thers side, he was set frée and at libertie: and then it was agréed and concluded betwéene them and Mac Morogh, that he the said Mac Morogh should giue and grant vnto the said Robert Fitzstephans, and Maurice Fitzgerald, the towne of (5) Wexford, with two (6) cantreds of land adioining, & to their heires in fée for euer: and they in consideration thereof, pro­mised to aid and helpe him to recouer his lands the next spring then following: and to be then with him 10 without all faile if wind and weather so serued. Der­mon being wearie of his exiled life and distressed estate, and therfore the more desirous to draw home­wards for the recouerie of his owne, and for which he had so long trauelled and sought abroad: he first went to the church of S. Dauids to make his ori­sons and praiers, and then the wether being faire, and wind good, he aduentureth the seas about the middle of August; and hauing a merrie passage, he shortlie landed in his ingratefull (7) countrie: and with a verie impatient mind, hazarded himselfe among 20 and through the middle of his enimies; and com­ming safelie to (8) Fernes, he was verie honorablie receiued of the cleargie there: who after their abili­tie did refresh and succour him: but he for a time dis­sembling his princelie estate, continued as a priuat man all that winter following among them.

(1) Bristow in the old time was named Odera, afterwards Uenta, and now Bristolium, and standeth vpon the riuer Hauinum which is nauigable, & flée­teth 30 into Seuerne or the Seuerne seas: in it there are two rodes, the one named Kingrode, fiue miles distant from Bristow, in which the ships doo ride. The other is named Hongrode, a place where the ships lie bedded, and this is thrée miles from Bristow. It standeth vpon the borders or confines of the pro­uince of Glocestershire and Summersetshire: some would haue it to be in the marches and vnder the principalitie, but in the old times it was parcell of the valleie of Bath, which was the metropole of 40 Summersetshire. It is verie old, ancient and hono­rable, and sometimes named but a towne: but since for desert and other good considerations, honoured with the name and title of a citie, as also is made a seuerall prouince or countie of it selfe, being distinct from all others; hauing a maior and aldermen accor­ding to the ancient times, as also two shiriffes ac­cording to the latter grants, by whome the same is directed and gouerned. It is the chéefest emporium in that part of England, the inhabitants being for 50 the most part merchants of great wealth, aduen­tures, and traffikes with all nations: great delings they haue with the Camber people and the Irish na­tion, the one of them fast bordering vpon them, and the other by reason of the néerenesse of the seas, and pleasantnesse of the riuer, dailie resorting by water to and from them.

(2) Chepstone is a market towne in Wales, in that prouince named in old time Uenta, being now 60 vnder the principalitie of Wales. In times past it was named Strigulia, whereof Richard Strang­bow being earle he tooke his name, being called Co­mes Strigulensis.

(3) S. Dauids head or stone is the promontorie in west Wales, which lieth and reacheth furthest into the seas towards Ireland: and the same being a ve­rie high hill, a man shall the more easilie discerne in a faire daie the countrie of Wexford: for that is the neerest part of Ireland vnto that part of Wales. Not farre from this promontorie or point is the ca­thedrall church of saint Dauids, which is the sée of the bishop there: it was and is called Meneuia, and was in times past an archbishoprike. But as it is written in the annales of the said church, that in the time of Richard Carew and two of his predecessors bishops there, they were by the kings commandement made to yeeld, and submit themselues vnto the metropoli­tane sée of Canturburie.

(4) Aberteife is an old ancient towne standing vpon the mouth of the riuer of Teife, and thereof it taketh his name, that is to saie the mouth of Teife, but now it is called Cardigan. The countrie about it was in times past named Caretica, but now Cardi­ganshire, so Aberteife is Cardigan towne, and Ca­retica Cardiganshire.

(5) Wexford in Latine named Guesfordia, is next after Dublin the chiefest towne in Leinster, it lieth full vpon the seas, but the hauen is a barred hauen and dangerous: from it is the shortest cut out of I­reland into England, if you doo touch and take land either at saint Dauids or at Milford.

(6) A cantred (as Giraldus saith) is a word com­pounded of the British and of the Irish toongs, and conteineth so much ground as wherein are one hun­dred villages: which in England is termed a hun­dred. Men of later time to declare the same more plainelie, doo saie that it conteined thirtie villages, & euerie village conteined eight plough lands. O­ther saie that a cantred conteineth twentie townes, and euerie towne hath eight plough lands arable, be­sides sufficient pasture in euerie for thrée hundred kine, and none to annoie another; and euerie plough land conteineth six score acres of land Irish, and eue­rie Irish acre farre exceedeth the content of the com­mon acre.

(7) The place where Dermon landed is named Glasse caerge, it is a creeke or a baie lieng vpon the open seas, and in the countie of Wexford, sithence there was builded a monasterie which was and is dissolued.

(8) Fernes is the sée and cathedrall church of the bishop, whose diocesse is the countie of Wexford, it lieth néere in the midle of the prouince of Leinster, and was somtimes a church well adorned and main­teined, but now in great ruine and decaie, the bishop & chapiter not remaining there at all. There is also a strong fort of the princes, wherein sometimes was kept a garrison at the princes charges, but now one­lie a constable is placed therein, and he hath the sole charge thereof.

The going ouer and landing of Ro­bert Fitzstephans and of his companie in Ireland, and of the winning of the towne of Wexford, Cap. 3.

IN the meane time Robert Fitzste­phans, not vnmindfull nor carelesse of his word and promise, prepareth and prouideth all things in a readinesse, and being accom­panied with thirtie gentlmen of seruice of his owne kinsfolks & Thrée sco [...] other in [...]. certeine armed men, and about thrée hundred of archers and footmen, which were all of the best chosen and piked men in Wales, they all ship and imbarke themselues in thrée sundrie barkes, and sailing towards Ireland, they land about the ca­lends of Maie at the (1) Banne. Then was the old prophesie of Merlin fulfilled, which was, that A (2) knight biparted should first enter with force in arms & breake the bounds of Ireland. If you will vn­derstand the mysterie herof, you must haue respect to his parents, for his father was a Norman and an Englishman, his mother the noble ladie Nesta was a Camber or a Britaine, in his companie also was Herueie of Mont Maurice, a man infortunat, vn­armed, [Page 5] and without all furniture: but he trauelling in the behalfe of the earle Richard, to whome he was vncle, was rathe [...]a (3) spie than a souldier. On the next daie following: Maurice of Prendelgast a (4) lustie and a hardie man, and borne about Milford in west Wales, he with ten gentlemen of seruice, and a good number of archers imbarke themselues in two ships, and arriue also at the Banne. These men thus landed at the Banne, and not standing well assured of their safetie, by reason their comming 10 was blowen abroad through the whole countrie, they with all hast sent messengers to Dermon, aduerti­sing him of their comming. Wherevpon diuerse of that countrie, who dwelling vpon the sea coasts, and who when fortune frowned had and did shrinke a­waie from Dermon, now perceuing that she fauo­red him againe, returned and fawned vpon him; ac­cording to the saieng of the poet in these words:

As fortune so the faith of man doth stand or fall.

Mac Morogh, assoone as he heard of their landing 20 and comming, sent his base son Donold, a valiant gentleman vnto them with fiue hundred men: and verie shortlie after he himselfe also followed with great ioie and gladnesse. And then when they had re­newed their former couenants and leagues, and had sworne each one to the other, to obserue the same and to kéepe faith: then, though they were people of contrarie dispositions, yet now being good fréends and all of one mind, they ioine their forces togither, and with one consent doo march towards the towne 30 of Wexford, which is about twelue miles distant from the Banne. When they of the towne heard ther­of, they being a fierce and vnrulie people, but yet much trusting to their woonted fortune, came foorth about two thousand of them, and were determined to wage and giue battell. But when they saw their aduersaries armie to be better set in order than in times past, and that the horsiemen were well armed with armour and shield shining bright: then vpon new chances & changes taking new counsels, they 40 set on fire and burned their suburbs, and retired into the towne.

Fitzstephans minding and preparing to giue the assault, filleth the ditches with armed men, and setteth his archers to marke and watch well the turrets of the wals: which things doone, he with great showtes and force giueth the assault. The townesmen within being readie to stand at defense, cast ouer the wals great peeces of timber & stones, and by that meanes hurting manie, made the rest to giue ouer and retire. 50 Among whom a lustie yoong gentleman named Ro­bert Barrie, being hot and of a lustie courage, and nothing afraid of death, so he might atchiue vn­to honour, giueth the first aduenture to scale the wals: but he was striken with a great stone vpon the headpeece, wherwith he fell he adiong downe into the ditch and escaped verie hardlie, for with much a­doo did his fellowes draw & pull him out of the place. About sixtéene yeares after, all his great teeth with the force and violence of this stroke fell out; and that which is verie strange, new téeth grew vp in their 60 places. Upon this repulse they all retired and with­drew themselues from the wals, & assembled them­selues vpon the sea strands, where foorthwith they set on fire all such ships and vessels as they could there find. Among whome was one merchant ship latelie come out of England laden with wines and come, which there laie then at anchor, and a compa­nie of these lustie youths hauing gotten botes for the purpose, would haue taken hir: which the mari­ners perceiuing, suddenlie cut their cabels and hoi­sed vp their sailes, & the wind being westerlie and blowing a good gale, they recouered the seas. These youths still follownig them, had almost lost all and marred the market: for if others their fellowes had not made good shift and rowed a good pace after them they would scarselie haue recouered the land againe. Thus fortune, which is onlie constant in inconstan­cie, séemed to haue forsaken Morogh and Fitzste­phans, and to haue left them destitute of all hope and comfort: neuerthelesse, on the next morow hauing heard diuine seruice through the whole campe, they determine with better aduise and circumspection to giue a new assault, & with lustie courages drew to the wals. The townesmen within séeing this, began to distrust themselues, & to consider how most vnnatu­rallie and vniustlie they had rebelled against their prince & souereigne: whervpon being better aduised, they send messengers to him to intreat for peace. At length by the earnest intercession and mediation of two bishops, and certeine good and peaceable men which were within the towne, peace was granted; and foure of the best & chiefest men within the towne were deliuered and giuen for pledges and hostages, for the true kéeping of the peace and their fidelitie. Mac Morogh, to gratifie his men in these his first successes, and to acquit the first aduenturors, did (ac­cording to his former promise and couenant) giue vnto Robert Fitzstephans and Maurice Fitzgerald the towne of Wexford, and the territories therevn­to adioining and apperteining, and vnto Herucie of Mont Morice he gaue in fee two cantreds, lieng on the sea side betwéene Wexford and Waterford.

(1) The Banne is a little créeke lieng in the coun­tie of Wexford, neere to Fither a fisher towne, which is belonging to the bishop of that diocesse, the open seas being on the east and not farre from the hauen mouth of Waterford on the south: and as it should séeme, Fitzstephans and his companie mistooke the place or were driuen in there, the same being verie vnapt for a harborow: but the same being the place of the first receipt of Englishmen, there were cer­teine monuments made in memorie thereof, and were named the Banna & the Boenne, which were the names (as the common fame is) of the two grea­test ships in which the Englishmen there arriued.

(2) A knight biparted. The prophesie was not one­lie verified in respect of the parents of Robert Fitz­stephans, the one being a Norman Saxon, and the o­ther a Camber: but also in respect of his armes and ensigne which were biparted being of two sundrie changes, namelie partie per pale gules, and ermine a saltier counterchanged. For commonlie all pro­phesies haue their allusions vnto armes, and by them they are discouered, though at the first not so appea­ring before the euent thereof.

(3) Gentlemen. The Latine word is Milites, which in the now common spéeches is termed knights, a name of worship and honour: but the word it selfe importeth and meaneth men expert and skilfull to serue in the wars, whether it be on foot or horssebacke. In times past when men ruled by the sword, then such as were valiant and of good experience grew in­to credit and estimation; and the people did make choise of such to gouerne, rule, and defend them, and who for their excellent vertues were called Nobiles, which in English is gentlemen. And then men being ambitious of honour, did contend who might best ex­cell in feats of prowesse and chiualrie: some deliting to excell in the seruice on foot: and bicause they vsed chieflie the target and shield, they tooke their name thereof, & were called Scutiferi. Some practised chief­lie the seruice on horssebacke, and they (according to the manner of their seruice) were named Equites: but both the one and the other were in processe of time called Armigeri, in English esquiers: and this is ta­ken for a degrée somewhat aboue the estate of a one­lie [Page 6] gentleman. And for somuch as seruice in the fields did carie awaie with it the greatest honor and credit, and princes willing & desirous to incourage gentlemen to excell that waie and in that kind of seruice, they deuised a third degree of honour named knighthood. And this, as it excelleth the others before and not to be giuen but for great desert: so to in­crease the credit and estimation thereof, it was not to be giuen but with great solemnities and ceremo­nies; and the person so to be honored, was to be ador­ned 10 with such ornaments as doo speciallie apperteine to the furniture of such seruice, as namelie a sword, a target, a heime, a paire of spurres, and such like: and they which were thus aduanced were named Mi­lites or knights, and thus the name of seruice was turned to the name of worship: yea this degree did grow and wax to be of such credit, honor and estima­tion, that kings and princes were and would be ve­rie circumspect and aduised, before they would dub or promote anie man to this estate. Wherefore consi­dering 20 the estate, nature & worship of a knight, and weieng also the course of this historie, it cannot be intended that all they which went ouer and serued in this conquest, though they were named Milites, that therfore they should be compted & taken for knights of worship and high calling: but that they were such as were expert and skilfull to serue in warres accor­ding to the nature of the word Miles. Wherefore I haue and doo English the word Miles in this historie a gentleman of seruice. 30

(4) A spie, not to watch the dooings of his coun­trimen, whereby to take them in a trip, but to note, marke and consider the nature, maner, and disposi­tion of the countrie and people: whereby to aduer­tise the earle how he should prouide and order his doo­ings against his comming ouer into the land.

(5) Maurice of Prendalgast was doubtlesse a vali­ant gentleman, and borne and bred in west Wales, in or about the prouince of Penbroke. He is not named nor mentioned in some books of this historie; 40 but I finding in such exemplars as I haue of best credit, doo thinke I should haue doone wrong to haue omitted him. There are yet of his race, posteritie and name, remaining at these daies in the countie of Wexford, and elsewhere.

Of the ouerthrow giuen in Ossorie, and of the submission of the king thereof. Chap. 4. 50

THese things thus doone and ended as they would themselues, they increase their ar­mie with the townesmen of Wexford, and being then about thrée thousand men, they march towards (1) Ossorie, whereof Donald was then the prince, & who of all the rebels was the most mortall enimie which Mac Morogh had. For on a time he hauing the said Dermons eldest son in his ward and hand fast, was in gealousie of him, and mis­trusted 60 him with his wife: wherevpon he did not on­lie shut him vp in a closer prison; but also to be auen­ged thereof, and of other supposed iniuries, putteth out both of his (2) eies. First then Dermon and his companie enter into Ossorie, but they durst not march or aduenture anie further than to the midst of the countrie, because the whole countrie else was full of woods, streicts, passes, and bogs, and no waie at all for men to trauell. But when they met and in­countered with the Ossorians, they found nor co­wards nor dastards, but valiant men, and who stood well to the defense of their countrie, and manfullie resisted their enimies. For they trusted so much to their woonted good fortune and successe in such like af­faires, that they shroonke not a whit from them, but braue them perforce out of the bogs and woods, and followed them into the champaine countrie.

Robert Fitzstephans being in the plaine and o­pen fields with his horsemen, and seeing that the Os­sorians being there he had the aduantage of them, gi­ueth most fiercelie the onset vpon them, and flue a great number of them; and such as straied and were scattered abrode, they either slue them or ouerthrew them: and such as were ouerthrowne, the footmen with their Galloglasses axes did cut off their heads. And thus hauing gotten the victorie, they gathered vp and brought before Dermon Mac Morogh three hundred of their enimies heads, which they laid & put at his féet; who turning euerie of them one by one to know them, did then for ioy hold vp both his hands, and with a lowd voice thanked God most highlie. Among these there was the head of one, whom espe­ciallie and aboue all the rest he mortallie hated. And he taking vp that by the heare and eares, with his téeth most horriblie and cruellie bit awaie his nos [...] and lips.

After this, they made a rode through the whole countrie, & marched almost to the vttermost parts, and still as they passed they murthered the people, spoiled, burned, and wasted the whole countrie. And therevpon the prince of Ossorie by the aduise of his friends, maketh sute and intreateth for peace: which obteined (although in verie déed it was but a colou­red and a dissembled peace on both sides) they put in their hostages, made fealtie, and were sworne to bee faithfull and true to Mac Morogh, as vnto their law­full and true lord. In these seruices, as in all other, Robert of Barrie, and Meilerius had the pricke and praise, and shewed themselues of all others the most valiant. Both these yoong gentlemen were ne­phues to Fitzstephans (4) the one being his brothers sonne, and the other his sisters sonne. They both were of like valiantnesse, but of sundrie dispositions and natures. For Meilerius being ambitious and dest­rous of honour, referred all his dooings to that end; and whatsoeuer he attempted, was to aduance his fame and credit, making more account to be repor­ted and haue the name of a valiant man, than to be so in déed. The other being of a certeine naturall dis­position both noble and valiant, was neither a grée­die séeker of land and praise, nor an ambitious cra­uer of fame and honour; but being alwaies among the best, did rather séeke and trauell to the best, than to be onelie counted the best.

Besides, he was naturallie indued with such a maidenlie shamefastnesse, and no bragger nor boa­ster, would neither glorifie his dooings, nor yet like well of anie others which would so doo of him. By means whereof it came to passe, that the lesse ambi­tious and desirous he was of honour, the more the same followed him: for glorie and honour follow al­waies vertue, as the shadow the bodie, shunning them who doo most séeke for hir, & following them who do lest regard hir. And manie men are the more liked of manie, bicause they séeme not to like of anis: and praise, fame, and honour most commonlie, the lesse it is estéemed, the more sooner it is had & gotten. It for­tuned on a time that the armie thus being in Osso­rie, they did on a night incampe themselues about an old castell. These two gentlemen as they were e­uer woont, laie togither, and suddenlie there was a great noise, as it were of an infinit number of men, which séemed to breake in and rush in among them, with great force and a rage, destroieng all that euer was, and making a great noise with clashing of their harnesse, and striking of their bils togither, and therewithall such a noise and a showt, as though hea­uen [Page 7] and earth would haue come togither.

These kind of phantasmes and illusions doo often­times happen in Ireland, especiallie when there be a­nie hostings. With this noise the more part of the ar­mie was so afraid and dismaid, that for the most part they all fled, some into the woods, and some into the bogs, euerie one séeking a place where to hide and succour himselfe. But these two onelie tarieng be­hind, raught to their weapons, and foorthwith full boldlie ran to Fitzstephans tents, and called againe 10 togither all such as were thus scattered, and incoura­ged them to take their weapons, and to stand to de­fense. Robert of Barrie in all his hurlie burlie, stan­ding alone by himselfe musing, except a man or two of his owne men about him, did aboue all others not without anie great admiration of manie, and to the great gréefe of such as enuied him, best acquit him­selfe. For among other good gifts which were in him, this was speciallie reported of him; that no feare, or force, no sudden mishap or misaduenture whatsoeuer, 20 could at anie time make him afraid or discomforted, and to flie awaie. For howsoeuer things fell out and happened, he was alwaies at hand, and in a readines with his weapons to the fight. And such a one as is alwaies readie to abide whatsoeuer shall happen, and to preuent what mischeefs maie insue, is by all mens iudgements counted the best and valiantest man. This man was he, who in this Irish warres was the first who either was striken or hurt. As concerning the foresaid phantasine, this one thing is much noted of it; that in the morning following, when all things 30 were pacified and quieted, the grasse and weeds which the night before stood there vpright and of a great height, did now in the morrow lie downe flat vpon the ground, as though the same had bin troden with great multitude of people, and yet was it most cer­teine that none had béene there at all.

(1) There be two Ossories, the one named the vp­per Ossorie, which is of the ancient inheritance of the 40 Macguilfathrikes, and who are the barons therof; and this lieth in the diocesse of Leighling: the other lieth on the north of Ormond, and is vnder the iurisdiction of the earle of Ormond, who is also the earle thereof, being named earle of Ormond and Ossorie. It is a diocesse of it selfe, and the bishop thereof is na­med the bishop of Ossorie, whose sée and house is at Kilkennie. It is parcell of the prouince of Leinster and vnder the obeisance then of Dermon Mac Mo­rogh. 50

(2) This was a courteous kind of punishing, for cōmonlie such is the reuenging nature of the méere Irishman, that albeit he can or doo laie neuer so ma­nie plagues and punishments vpon his enimie: yet is he neuer satisfied, vnlesse he haue also his life, yea and manie not therewith contented, but will vtter their wicked nature euen vpon the dead carcase, as dooth appeare in this chapter of the same Mac Mo­rogh, who finding one of his enimies heads, was not satisfied, vntill in most cruell maner he did with his téeth bite awaie his nose and his lips. 60

(3) There are in Ireland thrée sorts or degrées of soldiers: the first is the horsseman, who commonlie is a gentleman borne, and he is armed with such armor as the seruice of that countrie requireth: the second degree is the Kernaugh, & he also is a gentleman or a fréeholder borne, but not of that abilitie to main­teine a horsse with his furniture, and therefore he is a light souldier on foot; his armor is both light and slender, being a skull, a left gantlet or [...] target, a sword and skeine, and thrée or foure daris: the third degree is the Galloglasse, who was first brought in to this land by the Englishmen, and thereof taketh his name. For Galloglas is to saie, an English year man or seruant; his armor is a skull, a iacke, an ha­bergeon or shirt of male, a sword and a sparre, other­wise named a Galloglasse ax or halbert, & this man is counted the best souldier on foot, and the strength of the battell. These in all hostings haue attending vp­on them a number of boies and Kernes, and who doo spoile and kill all such as be ouerthrowne and hurt in the fields.

The conspiracie of Rothorike mo­narch of Ireland, and of the residue of the princes against Mac Mo­rogh and Fitzstephans. Chap. 5.

IN the meane time the wheele of fortune is turned vpside downe, and they which before séemed to stand aloft, are now afraid of sli­ding: and they which were on high, in perill now to fall. For assoone as it was noised through the whole land of the good successe of Dermon, and of the comming in of strangers into the land, and whereof they were much afraid: Rothorike prince of (1) Co­nagh, and (2) monarch of the whole land, coniectu­ring how of small things great doo grow; and consi­dering that by the comming in of strangers, the whole land was in some perill; sendeth abrode his messengers, and summoneth a parlement of the whole land: who being assembled, and the matter at full debated, they doo with one voice and consent con­clude and determine to make open warres, and to giue the battell vnto Mac Morogh. And foorthwith e­uerie man hauing made readie both men and armor to his vtter most power, doo ioine all their forces and strengths togither, and with maine and strength doo inuade the countrie of Okensile in Leinster.

Dermon Mac Morogh in this distresse was som­what disquieted, and in a great perplexitie; partlie bicause some of his (but glosing) fréends distrusting the sequele, did shrinke from him, & hid themselues: some of them most traitorouslie, contrarie to their oth and promise, were fled to his enimies: and so in this his distresse he had verie few fréends, sauing on­lie Robert Fitzstephans and the Englishmen with him. He therefore with such companie as he had, went vnto a certeine place not farre from Fernes, which was compassed and inuironed round about with great thicke woods, high stikle hilles, and with bogs and waters; a place so strong of it selfe, as it was in a maner inaccessible, and not to be entred int [...]. And as soone as they were entred into the same, they foorthwith by the aduise of Fitzstephans (3) did fell downe trées, plashed the wood, cast great tren­ches and ditches round about, and made it so strict, narrow, crooked, and strong, that there was no pas­sage nor entrie for the enimie: and yet by their art and industrie it was made much more strong.

(1) Conagh, in Latine Conacia, is one of the fiue portions of the land, according to the ancient diuisi­on. In it are thirtie cantreds or baronies; and before and vntill the conquest they were vnder the gouern­ment of the sept of the O Conners, the eldest man of which sept by the Irish law was ouer the prince: but at the conquest it was giuen to certeine noble men of England, & by certeine descents it came to sir Walter de Burgo, who was lord of that whole prouince and earle of Wolster. From these Burghs descend the Burghs now being in Conagh, they being of a base line, and first were put onlie in trust to kéepe that countrie to the vse of their lords, who then dwelled and remained in England. This coun­trie lieth betwéene Ulster in the north, Mounster in [Page 8] the south, and the seas in the west. The cheefest and onelie merchant towne or emporium thereof is Gallowaie.

(2) There was alwaies one principall gouernor among the Irish, whom they named a monarch; and he was commonlie either of the Mac Carthies in Mounster, or of the Moreghs in Leinster, or of the O Connors in Connagh, as this Rothorike was. He was elected & chosen by the common consent of all the nobilitie of the land: & being once chosen, all 10 they did homage and fealtie vnto him. The pro­uince of Meth, which was the least of the fiue seue­rall portions, was reserued alwais vnto him for his diet. For though the Omolaghlins did dwell in M [...]th, and were great inheritors or possessioners there, yet they were not counted for princes as the o­ther were. This monarch did gouerne the whole land vniuersallie, & all the princes were directed by him: in him it laie whether it should be peace or warre; and what he commanded was alwaies doone. 20

(3) The maner of the Irishrie is to kéepe them selues from force of the enimies, or in the bogs, or in the woods: the one of his nature is so strong as no horsseman is to aduenture into the same; the other with industrie they make strong, by felling of trées & plashing of the woods; and by these means the horsse­man (in whom is all the strength of their warres) can haue no passage nor entrie to the enimie, but must either retire, or go on foot, or séeke some other wa [...]e. If they will and must néeds passe that waie, 30 they must of necessitie go on foot, and then they are too weake, and easilie to be ouercome by the Kernes, whose seruice is onelie on foot: therefore they doo chéefelie kéepe themselues in such places, as where they can take the aduantage of others, and not o­thers of them.

The description of Dermon Mac Mo­rogh, and of the message of Rothorike O Connor sent vnto him for peace. 40 Cap. 6.

DErmon Mac Morogh was a tall man of stature, and of a large and great bodie, a valiant and a bold warrior in his nation: and by reason of his continuall ha­lowing and crieng his voice was hoarse: he rather chose and desired to be feared than to be loued: a great oppressor of his nobilitie, but a great aduancer 50 of the p [...]re and weake. To his owne people he was rough and greeuous, and hatefull vnto strangers; he would be against all men, and all men against him. Rothorike minding to attempt anie waie what soe­uer, rather than to aduenture and wage the battell, sendeth first his messengers with great presents vn­to Fitzstephans, to persuade and intreat him: that for so much as he made no chalenge nor title to the land, that he would quietlie, and in peace returne home againe into his owne countrie, but it auailed 60 not. Then they went vnto Mac Morogh himselfe, & persuaded him to take part with Rothorike, and to [...]oine doth their forces and armies [...] one, and then [...] might and maine to giue the on set vpon the strangers, and so vtter [...]e to [...] them. And in this dooing he should [...] Rothorike to his good [...]nd, and all [...] restand quietnesse: manie rea­sons also they alled [...] [...] cerning their [...] and nation; but all [...] to [...] pur­pose.

The speeches and oration which Rothorike O Connor made vnto his soldiors. Chap. 7.

ROthorike O Connor, seeing that by those his deuises and practises he could doo no good at all, and thinking that for somuch as he could not auaile with words, he with force and armes, as his last remedie and helpe, pre­pareth his armor, and maketh for the battell: and as­sembling his people togither, maketh vnto them these speeches. Ye right noble and valiant defendors of your countrie and libertie, let vs consider with what people, and for what causes we are now to fight and wage the battell. That enimie of his owne countrie, that tyrant ouer his owne people, and an open enimie vnto all men, and who sometimes was an exiled man: sée how he being inuironed with the force of strangers, is now returned, & mindeth the vtter destruction of vs all, and of this his nation. He enuieng the safetie of his countrie and countrimen, hath procured and brought in a strange nation vpon vs, that by the helpe of a hatefull people he might sa­tisfie and more effectuallie accomplish his malice, which otherwise by no means be could haue brought to passe. He then being an enimie, hath brought in that enimie which hath béene euer hatefull both vnto him, and vnto vs; and who are most gréedie to haue the sauereigntie & dominion ouer vs all, protesting and openlie affirming, that by a certeine fatall desti­nie they are to be rulers ouer this land: yea, & so far hath he shed out his venome, and almost euerie man is so inuenomed therewith, that now no fauor nor mercie is so be shewed. O cruell beast, yea more cru­ell than euer was beast! f [...] to satisfie his insatiable malice, and to be auenged with the bloudsheding of his owne people, be spareth neither himselfe, nor his countrie, [...]. This is he who is a most cruell ty­rant ouer his owne people: this is he who with the force and helpe of strangers useth all force and cru­eltie against all men. He deserueth well therefore to be hated of all, which séeketh to be an enimie vnto all. Looke therefore (yee worthie citizens) well to your selues; I saie looke and consider well how by these meanes, I meane by ciuill discord, all realmes & nations haue for the most part béene ouer throwen & vanquished. (1) Iulius Cesar minding to inuade Britaine had the repulse twise, & was driuen out by the Britons. But when Androgeus fell at variance with the king, he then to be reuenged, sent againe for Iulius, who thervpon returned and conquered the land. (2) The same Iulius also conquerd all the west parts of the world, but when he wa [...]ed & became am­bitious, & would be a sole monarch, & haue the whole gouernement in himselfe, then discord was raised, & debate was rife, & by that me [...]es all Italie was fil­led with mur [...]hers and slaughters. (3) The Britons being at discord [...] their [...] [...]cured Eurmun­dus, who then was a te [...]ror to all the ocean I [...]es, that he with the Satons should pursue and make wars vpon their king, who so did [...] [...]ut in the end to their owne confusion and destr [...]on. Likewise not long after (4) [...] us the French king, being an e­nimie to his owne people, and at discord with them, he procured the said [...] to and and helpe him to subdue his people, who so did, but thereof to had but bad succe, Wherfore let vs with [...]ne mind like to these Frenchmen stand [...]outlie to the defense of our countrie, and couragi [...] giue the onset vpon our enimies. And whiles these strangers be but few in number, let vs lustilie [...]ue out vpon them: for [...] while [...] [...] in sparkles is s [...]ne couered, but [Page 9] when it is in great flames, it is the harder to be quenched. It is good therefore to méet with things at the beginning, and to preuent sicknesse at the first growing: for diseases by long continuance hauing taken déepe root, are hardlie to be cured. We there­fore, who are to defend our countrie and libertie, and to leaue to our posteritie an immortall fame: let vs valiantlie, and with a good courage aduenture and giue the onset, that the ouerthrow of a few may be a terror vnto manie; and that by this example all other 10 forren nations may be afraid to aduenture the like attempt.

(1) Iulius Cesar hauing receiued two repulses, retired & tooke shipping, being in an vtter despaire & not minding to returne anie more. Whervpon Cas­sibelan then king of the land called & assembled all his nobles to London, where for ioie he kept a great and a solemne feast, and at the same were vsed all such games and pastimes, as in those daies were 20 most accustomed. And at a wrestling game then it chanced two yoong gentlemen, the one being nephue to the king, and the other cousine to the erle of Lon­don (Kent) to fall at variance, & in the end the kings nephue was slaine. The king much grieued therwith sent for the earle, whose name was Androgeus: and bicause he would not come vnto him he made wars vpon him. The earle considering in what distresse he was, and how farre vnable to incounter the power and withstand the displeasure of the king, sendeth his 30 messenger with his letters vnto Iulius Cesar, and besought him most earnestlie to returne with his armie, and he would aid and helpe him against the king with all the power he had. Iulius Cesar glad of these tidings returneth with all spéed, and in the end hath the victorie: and thus by meanes of debate and diuision the relme, which otherwise was thought to be impregnable, was subuerted and made tribu­tarie.

(2) Iulius Cesar hauing happie and fortunate 40 successe in all his affaires, grew into such a liking of himselfe, that he would needs be the sole monarch and emperor ouer the whole world, taking foule euill that according to the ancient gouernement of the Romans anie one should be ioined with him: and ambitiouslie séeking the same, he became dreadfull to the people, lothsome to his friends, and in the dis­pleasure of the senat: who maligning at his aspiring and mistrusting the sequele thereof, conspired his death, and in the end he comming into the senat 50 house, and mistrusting nothing, was murthered and slaine.

(3) At this time Careticus was king and ruled ouer Britaine, now named England, who was so vitious a man in all respects, that he became hate­full both to God and man: and his subiects not abi­ding his tyrannie, nor brooking his wickednesse, fell at diuision with him. Wherevpon Gurmundus then king of Ireland was procured (some saie by the Britons and some saie by the Saxons) who being en­tered into the land, and séeking by all the meanes 60 they could to be the sole lords of the land, to inuade the land, which he did, and by the helpe of the Saxons droue the king out of his realme into Wales. And the Saxons hauing thus their wils droue also all the Britons out, who from thensefoorth hauing lost the land of Britaine, did inhabit themselues in Wales, Cornewall, and elsewhere, where they might haue re­fuge and succour. And thus though they were reuen­ged of their king, yet they themselues in the end felt the smart thereof: for they were all destroied or bani­shed: such are the fruits of dissention and debate.

(4) This Isembertus was not king of France, but as (Gaufred saith) was nephue to the king: and the land being then in great troubles, this Isembert made title vnto it, and seeking by all the meanes and waies he could how to compasse the same, procured Gurmundus to helpe and aid him, promising him great rewards. Wherevpon Gurmundus passed o­uer into France, where he had but an euill successe: for there was he slaine, Isembert ouerthrowne and the French nation preuailed. And herevpon Rotho­rike taketh an occasion to incourage his people to stand to their tackle, and valiantlie to withstand Mac Morogh, who as Isembert had procured in Gur­mundus; so had he flocked in Englishmen to ouer­run his countrie.

The oration and speeches of Mac Mo­rogh to his souldiors and people. Cap. 8.

MAc Morogh beheld his men, & perceiuing them to be somewhat dismaied and out of heart, framed his speech to recomfort them, and thus saith vnto them. Ye men of Lein­ster, truth and kindred in all aduentures hath hither­to ioined vs in one fellowship: wherefore let vs now plucke vp our hearts and like men stand to our de­fense. For why, that wicked and ambitious man Ro­thorike, the author of all wickednesse & mischiefe, who desirous to haue the sole souereignetie and dominion dooth now determine (which God forbid) either to driue vs cleane out of our countrie, or vtterlie to de­stroie vs: and marke you now how he listeth vp his head and looketh alost. He is so proud and glorieth so much in his great multitude, that by ambition and pride he measureth & valueth his force and strength: but yet (for all that) manie times a small number being valiant and well appointed are better and haue preuailed against great troops, being but sluggards and vnarmed. If he make chalenge and pretend title to Leinster, bicause the same sometimes hath beene tributarie to some one king of Conagh, then by the same reason (1) we also maie demand and chalenge all Conagh: for both thereof and of all Ireland our ancestors haue béene the sole gouernors & monarchs. But to the purpose and to speake plainelie, he séeketh not to rule and to reigne as a monarch, but to vsurpe and destroie as a tyrant, to driue vs out of our coun­trie, to succéed into euerie mans right & inheritance; and so alone to rule the rost, and to be master ouer all.

Manie there are which doo brag of their great mul­titudes, and put their trust therein: but let them be well assured that we Leinster men though we be but few in number; yet we neuer were nor yet are af­fraid to incounter euen with the best & proudest. For why, victorie is not gotten, neither dooth it stand al­waies in the great multitude of people, but in vertue and valiantnesse, in strength and courage. We on our sides against pride, haue humilitie: against wrongs, equitie: against arrogancie, modestie: and against intemperance, discretion & moderation: and these vertues are to fight for vs. Men doo not alwaie atteine vnto victorie by great troops and multitudes of people, but by vertues. The lawes of all nations doo grant and allow to resist and withstand force and iniurie with force and strength: it is a fauourable cause to fight for our countrie, and to defend our pa­trimonie. And forsomuch as they contend for the gaine, but we to eschew the losse; let vs be of a good courage: we stand vpon a good ground, and our seat is naturallie verie strong of it selfe, as also by our industrie made more strong: but by reason of the streictnesse thereof, the greater the companie is ther­in, the more comberous and troublesome it will be: [Page 10] and yet to win the victorie, a small companie being valiant, couragious, and of a good agreement shall serue and be sufficient.

(1) There be (as is said) fiue portions of Ireland, and euerie of them (except Meth which was reserued to the monarch for the time being for his diet) had their particular princes, & none of these did hold anie one of the other: but of some one of them cho [...]se was made by the whole estates of the land to be the mo­arch; and he for the time being did take and receiue 10 homage and [...]altie of all the others, not in respect that he was a particular prince, but bicause he was the monarch. And this Mac Morogh allegeth for him selfe, denieng that he held anie of his lands of the king of Connagh otherwise than in respect that he was the monarch.

The oration of Robert Fitzstephans [...] his companions and souldiers. 20 Chap. 9.

WHen Dermon Mac Morogh had en­ded his speech, Robert Fitzstephans calleth has companie togither, & thus he speaketh vnto them. Ye lustie yoong men and my companions in waares, w [...]tch haue abiden with me in manie perils; & yet still of noble minds & valiant courages: if we would now consider with our sel­ues, what we are, vnder what capteine, and where­fore 30 we doo aduenture and attempt these great en­terp [...]ses, no doubt we shall excell in our wanted va­liantnesse, and good [...]une shall be on our side. We first came and descended from the (1) Troians, and since are of the French bloud and race: of the one we haue these our noble and valiant minds, and of the other the vse and experience in fears of armes: wher­fore being thus descended of noble progenie by t [...]s maner of wares and in two respects; as we be new well armed and appointed so let vs also be of valiant 40 minds and l [...]stre courages: and then no doubt this ra [...]eall and [...] people shall neuer be able to resist nor w [...]st [...] vs.

[...].

[...] a short delaie or distance of time, & as it were a short sléepe betwéene this transitorie life and the life eter­nall to cou [...]e? What is death (I saie) but a short pas­sage from vaine and transitorie things to perpetuall and euerlasting ioies? And certeine it is we must all once die: for it is that ineuitable destinie, which is common to all men, and can be eschewed of no man: for be we idle, and doo nothing worthie of perpetuall fame and memorie; or be we well occupied, whereof insueth praise and honor: yet die shall we. Then the matter being so, let them be affraied of death, who when they die, all things die with them: but let not them shrinke nor be dismaied, whose vertue and fame shall neuer die but liue for euer. Wherefore ye worthie men, who are enoblished for your valiantnes and famous for your vertues, let vs with bold minds and good courages giue the onset vpon our enimies, that in vs our noble race & progenie be not stained, but that either by a glorious victorie, or a famous death, we doo atchiue to perpetuall fame and honor.

How Rothorike intreateth for peace and obteineth the same. Chap. 10.

[...].

Of the comming of Maurice [...] [...] [...] [...] [...]. Chap. 11.

[...] [Page 11] he was both honest and wise, and for his truth and valiantnesse verie noble and famous. He was a man of his word, and constant of mind, and there­withall adorned with a certeine kind of womanlie shamefastnesse. Mac Morogh being verie glad of this new repaire, as also much animated and incou­raged therewith, beginneth to thinke vpon old sores, and to call to remembrance the great iniuries and wrongs which the citizens of Dublin had in times past doone both vnto his father and to himselfe; and 10 minding to be reuenged thereof, bendeth his force, and marcheth with his whole armie to besiege the ci­tie, but left Fitzsterphans behind, who was then buil­ding a hold or castell vpon a certeine rockie hill cal­led the (1) Caricke, about two miles from Wexford, which place although it were verie strong of it selfe, yet by industrie and labour it was made much stron­ger. Morice Fitzgerald, with all the force and com­panie of the Englishmen, accompanied and atten­ded Mac Morogh, who was his guide, and conducted 20 him vnto Dublin. Assoone as they were entred with­in the borders and confines of the territorie of Du­blin, they foorthwith burned, spoiled, and wasted the same, and the whole countrie thereto adioining. The citizens of Dublin séeing and considering the same, began to quaile, and their hearts fainted, and doo seeke and intreat for peace; and hauing obteined the same, did sweare fealtie, and gaue in hostages for the true and firme kéeping of the same. In this meane time there fell a great enimitie and quarell betweene 30 Rothorike of Connagh and Donald prince of Lime­reke. And assoone as Rothorike was with all his force entered into the countrie of Limereke, Der­mon Mac Morogh sent foorthwith Robert Fitzste­phans with all his power, to aid and helpe the said Donald: for he was Dermons sonne in law, by whose means he gat the victorie, and Rothorike with shame was driuen to retire out of the countrie, and to returne to his owne home: and left the chefferie which he demanded. In these and all other like serui­ces, 40 Robert Barrie and Meilerius carried the best praise and commendations. At this time was séene a woman who had a great beard, and a man vpon hir backe, as a horsse; of whom I haue alreadie spo­ken in my topographie.

(1) The said Caricke (as is written) is distant from the towne of Wexford about two English miles, and standeth vpon a high rocke, and is inuiro­ned on two sides with the riuer which floweth to 50 Wexford towne, and it is verie déepe and nauiga­ble: the other two sides are vpon the maine land, which is a verie fertile soile, and in height almost equall with the castell. It was at the first made but of rods and turffes, according to the maner in those daies; but since builded with stone, and was the strongest fort then in those parts of the land: but be­ing a place not altogither sufficient for a prince, and yet it was thought too good and strong for a subiect, it was pulled downe, defaced and raced, and so dooth 60 still remaine.

Dermon Mac Morogh sendeth for the earle Richard, who foorthwith maketh great pre­paration for his comming. Chap. 12.

MAc Morogh, being by meanes of his good successe well quieted and satisfied, be­thinketh himselfe now of greater mat­ters, and deuiseth how and by what means he might recouer his old and ancient rights; as also purchase all Connagh to his subiection. And herein he vsed a secret conference with Fitzstephans and Fitzgerald, vnto whome he vttereth and discouereth all his whole mind and intent: who foorthwith gaue his answer that his deuise was verie easilie to be compassed, if he could get a greater supplie and aid of Englishmen. Wherevpon he made most earnest requests vnto them, both for the procuring of their kinsmen and countriemen, as also for the furthering to effect his purpose and deuise. And that he might the better persuade them herevnto, he offereth to ei­ther one of them his daughter and heire in mariage with the inheritance of his kingdome: but they both being alreadie married, refused the offer. And at length after much talke they thus concluded, that he should with all spéed send his messengers with his letters vnto the earle Richard, of whome we spake before, and vnto whome he the said Mac Morogh at his being at or about Bristow, had promised his daughter to wife, which letters were as followeth. Dermon Mac Morogh prince of Leinster, to Ri­chard earle of Chepstone, and sonne of Gilbert the Mac Mo­roghs letter to earle Ri­chard. earle sendeth gréeting. ‘If you doo well consider and marke the time as we doo which are in distresse, then we doo not complaine without cause nor out of time: for we haue alreadie seene the (1) storkes and swal­lows, as also the summer birds are come, and with the westerlie winds are gone againe; we haue long looked and wished for your comming, and albeit the winds haue béene at east and easterlie, yet hitherto you are not come vnto vs: wherefore now linger no longer, but hasten your selfe hither with spéed, that it may thereby appeare not want of good will, nor for­getfulnesse of promise, but the iniurie of time hath béene hitherto the cause of your long staie. All Lein­ster is alreadie wholie yéelded vnto vs: and if you will speedilie come away with some strong compa­nie and force, we doubt not but that the other foure portions will be recouered and adioined to this the fist portion. Your comming therefore the more spée­die it is, the more gratefull; the more hastie, the more ioifull; and the sooner, the better welcome: and then our mislike of your long lingering shall be recom­pensed by your soone comming, for fréendship & good will is recouered and nourished by mutuall offices, and by benefits it groweth to a more assurednesse.’ When earle Richard had read these letters, he ta­keth aduise with his fréends, and taking some com­fort and stomach of the good successe of Fitzstephans, whereof he was at the first both fearefull and doubt­full, fullie determineth to bend his whole force and power to follow this seruice and hostings. This earle was a man of a verie noble parentage, and descen­ded of verie honorable ancestors; but yet more fa­mous in name, than rich in pursse; more noble in blood, than endowed with wit; and greater in hope of succession, than rich in possessions. Well, he thought long yer he could wend himselfe ouer into Ire­land, and therefore to compasse the same to good ef­fect, maketh his repaire to king Henrie the second, and most humblie praieth and beséecheth him that he will either restore him to such possessions, as by inhe­ritance did apperteine vnto him; or else to grant him the libertie to trie and séeke fortune in some other forren countrie and nation.

(1) The storke and the swallow are named A­ues semestres, or the halfe yeares birds: for they come at the spring, and depart againe awaie at the au­tumne or fall of the leafe, for in the winter they are not séene. And by this Mac Morogh alludeth and meaneth that he hath awaited that whole halfe yeare for the earles comming: whose promise was, that in the spring of the yeare past he would haue come.

Of the arriuall of Reimond le grosse in­to Ireland, and of the fight which he had against the Waterford men at Dundorogh. Chap. 13.

THe king hauing heard the earles requests, be thought himselfe a while thereof: but in 10 the end he alowed not of the one, nor gran­ted the other, but fed him still with good spée­ches, and nourished him with faire words, commen­ding his noble mind, that he would aduenture so ho­norable an enterprise. And in words the king sée­med to giue him leaue to follow his deuise, but to saie the truth, it was rather in game than in earnest, for the king minded nothing lesse. But the earle ta­king the aduantage of the kings words, and accep­ting the same for a sufficient leaue and licence, retur­neth 20 home. And the same being the winter season & verie vnfit to trauell into forren nations in martiall affaires, dooth now make preparation of all things fit to serue when time should require. And assoone as the winter was past, he sendeth ouer before him in­to Ireland, a gentleman of his owne houshold and familie named Reimond le gross [...]: who had with him ten gentlemen of seruice, and three score and ten archers well appointed, and taking shipping about the kalends of Maie, then landed at the rocke of (1) 30 Dundonolfe, which lieth south from Wexford, and about foure miles east from Waterford: and there they cast a trench, and builded a little castell or hold, with turffes and wattell. This Reimond was ne­phue to Robert Fitzstephans and to Maurice Fitz­gerald, being the sonne vnto their elder brother named William, and was verie valiant, of great courage, and well expert in the warres and in all martiall affaires. The citizens of Waterford, and Omolaghlin Ofelin, being aduertised of this their 40 arriuall, and nothing liking the neighborhood of such strangers, take counsell togither what were best to be doone: and finding it most necessarie and néedfull to withstand at the beginning, they doo conclude and determine to giue the onset vpon them; and being about thrée thousand men, they take botes, and rowe downe the riuer of the Sure (which fléeteth fast by the wals of Waterford on the east, and diuideth Lein­ster from Mounster) and so came to the place where Reimond and his companie were, where they lan­ded 50 and set their men in order for the assaults, and marched boldlie to the ditches of Reimonds fortresse or castell: but then it appeered how valiantnes can neuer be hid, lustie courage be daunted, nor yet pro­wesse or worthines be blemished. For Reimond and his companie, although they were but few in num­ber, and too weake to incounter with so great a com­panie as their aduersaries were: yet being of cou­ragious minds & lustie stomachs, went out to méet with their enimies; but when they saw that their 60 small number was not sufficient nor able in the plaines to abide and indure the force of so great a multitude, they retired to their fort. The enimies thinking then to discomfit and cleane to ouerthrow them, followed and pursued them so shortlie, that the Englishmen were no sooner in at the gates, but the Irishmen were also at their heeles, and some of them within the gate. Which thing when Reimond saw, and considering also with himselfe what a di­stresse and perill he and all his were in, suddenlie turneth backe his face vpon his enimies; and the first of them which entred, he ranne him thorough with his sword (or as some saie claue his head asun­der) and then with a lowd voice cried out to his com­panie to be of a good comfort. Who forthwith as they turned and stood most manfullie to their defense: so their enimies also being dismaied and afraid at the death of that one man, they all fled and ranne awaie: and then they which in this doubtfull chance of fight, were thought should be vanquished and cleane ouerthrowne, suddenlie became to be the victors and conquerors. And these sharpelie then pursued their enimies, who were scattered abroad in the plaines and out of arraie; that in a verie short time and space they slue aboue fiue hundred per­sons: and being wearie with killing, they cast a great number of those whome they had taken priso­ners headlong from the rocks into the sea, and so drowned them. In this fight and seruice a gentle­man named William Ferand did most valiantlie acquit himselfe. For albeit he were but of a weake bodie, yet was he of a verie stout stomach & courage: he was diseased and sicke of the leprosie, and there­fore desirous rather to die valiantlie, than to liue in miserie: and for that cause would and did ad­uenture himselfe in places where most perill and danger was and séemed to be; thinking it good with a glorious death to preuent the gréefe and lothsom­nesse of a gréeuous disease.

Thus fell the pride of Waterford, thus decaied their strength and force, and thus began the ruine and ouerthrow of that citie, which as it bred a great hope and consolation to the Englishmen; so was it the cause of a great desperation and terror to the eni­mies. It was a strange matter and neuer heard of before in those parties, that so great a slaughter should be made by so small a number: neuerthelesse by euill counsell and too much crueltie, the En­glishmen abused their good successe and fortune. For hauing gotten the victorie, they saued seuentie of the best citizens, whom they kept prisoners; and for the ransome or redemption of these, they might haue had either the citie of Waterford yeelded & surren­dred vnto them, or such a masse of monie as they would themselues. But Herueie of Mount Moris (who came ouer with three gentlemen of seruice, and ioined with his countrimen and Reimonds) being both of contrarie minds, striued the one with the o­ther, what were best to be doone héerein.

(1) Dundonolfe is a rocke standing in the coun­tie of Waterford vpon the sea side, lieng east from the citie of Waterford about eight English miles, and is from the towne of Wexford about twelue miles, lieng southwards from the same: it is now a strong castell, and apperteining to the ancient house of the Powers of Kilmaithen, & called by the name of Dundorogh.

(2) The citie of Waterford or Guaterford, na­med sometimes (as Ptolomeus writeth) Manapia, is a faire, ancient, and honorable citie, standing vpon the south side of the riuer of Sure, which fléeteth fast by the walles thereof, and was first builded by one named Sitaratus, one of the thrée princes which came out of the east parts to inhabit that land. It was at the first but a small pile, lieng in forme of a long triangle, but since & of late times inlarged by the citizens & inhabitants of the same. It is the chée­fest emporium in a manner of all that land, and standeth chéeflie vpon the trade of merchandize, they themselues being not onelie great trauellers into forren nations, but also great resort and dailie con­courses of strangers are to it. Concerning the go­uernement, order, state and seruice of this citie, and of sundrie other things incident to the same, are at large described in the later historie of this land.

The oration of Reimond for the deliuerie of the prisoners taken. Chap. 14.

REimond being verie desirous that the captiues taken might be deliuered, laboreth by all the waies he could how to compasse the same, & in presence of Herueie maketh these spéeches, and vseth these persuasions to all his 10 companie. Yée my noble and valiant companions and souldiers, for increase of whose honour, vertue and fortune séeme to contend; let vs now consider what is best to be doone with these our prisoners and captiues. For my part I doo not thinke it good, nor yet allow that anie fauour or courtesie should be at all shewed to the enimie. But vnderstand you, these are no enimies now, but men; no rebels, but such as be banquished and cleane ouerthrowen, and in stand­ing in defense of their countrie, [...] euill fortune and 20 a worse destinie they are subdued. Their aduentures were honest and their attempts commendable, and therefore they are not to be reputed for théeues, facti­ous persons, traitors, nor yet murtherers. They are now brought to that distresse and case, that rather mercie for examples sake is to be shewed, than cruel­tie to the increasing of their miserie is to be mini­stred. Suerlie our ancestors in times past (although in déed it be verie hard to be doone) were woont in times of good successe and prosperitie, to temperat 30 their loose minds and vnrulie affections with some one incommoditie or other. Wherfore let mercie and pitie, which in a man is most commendable, worke so in vs, that we who haue ouercome others, may also now subdue our owne minds, and conquer our owne affections: for modestie, moderation, and dis­cretion are woont to staie hastie motions, and to stop rash deuises. O how commendable and honorable is it to a noble man, that in his greatest triumph and glorie, he counteth it for a sufficient reuenge, that he 40 can reuenge and be wreaked?

Iulius Cesar, whose conquests were such, his vic­tories so great, and his triumphs so manie, that the whole world was noised therewith; he had not so ma­nie fréends who reioised for the same, but he had ma­nie more enimies who maligned and enuied at him, not onelie in slanderous words and euill reports; but manie also secretlie conspired, deuised, and practised his death and destruction: and yet he was so full of pitie, mercie, and compassion, that he neuer com­manded 50 nor willed anie to be put to death for the same, sauing onelie one Domitius, whome he had of meere clemencie for his lewdnesse before pardoned, for his wickednesse released, and for his trecherie ac­quited. And thus as his pitie did much increase his honour, so did it nothing hinder his victories. O how beastlie then and impious is that crueltie, wherin vi­ctorie is not ioined with pitie? For it is the part of a right noble and a valiant man, to count them eni­mies which do [...] wage the battell, contend and fight 60 for the victorie; but such as be conquered, taken priso­ners, and kept in bonds and captiuitie, to take and repute them for men, that hereby fortitude and force may diminish the battell and end the quarrell, as also humanitie may increase loue & make peace. It is therefore a great commendation and more praise­worthie to a noble man in mercie to be bountious, than in victorie to be cruell; for the one lieth onelie in the course of fortune, but the other in vertue: and as it had béene a great increase of our victorie, and an augmentation of honour, if our enimies had béene slaine in the field and ouerthrowen in the battell: so they being now taken and saued, and as it were men returned from rebels to the common societie and fel­lowship of men; if we should now kill them, it will be to our great shame, dishonor, and reproch for euer. And for somuch as by the killing and destroieng of them we shall be neuer the néerer to haue the coun­trie, nor neuer sooner to be the lords of the land; and yet the ransoming of them verie good for the mainte­nance of the souldiers, the good fame of vs, and the aduancement of our honour: we must néeds thinke it better to ransome them than to kill them. For as it is requisit and meet, that a souldier in the field figh­ting in armes, should then thirst for the bloud of his enimies, trie the force of his sword, and valiantlie stand to his tackle for victorie: so when the fight is ended, the wars are ceassed, & the armor laid downe, and all fiercenes of hostilitie set apart; then in a no­ble man must humanitie take place, pitie must be shewed, and courtesie must be extended.

The oration or speech which Herueie made. Chap. 15.

WHen Reimond had ended his speech, & the whole companie being in a muttering, and as it were men well pleased and verie well allowing his mind and opinion: then Herueie stood vp and spake to them all in this ma­ner. Reimond hath verie exquisetlie discoursed with vs of pitie and mercie, and in set speeches vttering his eloquence, hath shewed his mind and declared his opinion; persuading and inducing vs to beléeue, that a strange land were to be conquered sooner by mercie and fond pitie than by sword and fire. But I praie you, can there be a worsse waie than so to thinke? Did Iulius Cesar or Alexander of Macedo­nie by such means or in such order conquer the whole world? Did the nations from out of all places run to submit themselues vnder their yoke and empire, in respect of their pitie & mercie, & not rather compel­led so to doo for feare & perforce? For people, whiles they are yet proud and rebellious, they are (all pitie and mercie set apart) by all manner of waies and means to be subdued: but when they are once brought into subiection and bondage, and redie to serue and obeie, then they are with all courtesie to be intreated and dealt withall: so that the state of the gouern­ment may be in safetie and out of danger. Herein and in this point must pitie be vsed, but in the other seueritie or rather crueltie is more necessarie: here clemencie is to be shewed, but in the other rigour without fauour is to be exhibited and vsed. Reimond persuadeth that mercie is to be extended, as vpon a people alreadie subdued and subiected; or as though the enimies were so few and of so small a number, as against whome no valiant seruice nor chiualrie can be exploited, and yet they redie to ioine with vs: whereby our force may be increased, and our power augmented. But alas! Doo not we sée how that the whole nation and people of Ireland are wholie bent, and not without cause altogither conspired against vs?

Suerlie me thinketh Reimond is contrarie vnto himselfe; for why, his comming hither was not to di­spute of pitie, nor to reason of mercie; but to conquer the nation and to subdue the people. O what an ex­ample of impious pitie were it then, to neglect our owne safetie, and to haue remorse and compassion vpon others distresses? Moreouer, we haue here in the fields, and in armour more enimies than friends, we are in the middle of perils and dangers, our enimies being round about vs in euerie place: and shall we thinke this to be nothing, but that we must be also in the like distresse and danger among [Page 14] our selues. Round about vs our enimies are infinit, and within our selues some there be which practise our destruction. And if it should happen that our cap­tiues and prisoners should escape and breake loose out of their bonds, which are but verie weake and slender, no doubt they will foorth with take our owne armours and weapons against vs. Well well, the mouse is in the cupbord, the fire is in the lap, and the serpent is in the bosome; the enimie is at hand rea­die to oppresse his aduersarie, and the gest is in place 10 with small courtesie to requit his host. And I praie you dooth not Reimond execute that in his facts and dooings, which he denieth in his words? Are not his spéeches contrarie to his deeds? Let him answer me to this. If our enimies when they come in good araie and well appointed to giue the onset, and to wage the battell against vs, if they should happen to haue the victorie and the ouerhand ouer vs, would they deale in pitie & mercie? Would they grant vs our liues? Would they put vs to ransome? Tush what néed ma­nie 20 words when the déeds are apparant? Our victorie is to be so vsed, that the destruction of these few may be a terror to manie; wherby all others and this wild and rebellious nation may take an example, and be­ware how they meddle and incounter with vs. Of two things we are to make choise of one; for either we must valiantlie and couragiouslie stand to per­forme what we haue taken in hand; and all fond pi­tie set aside, boldlie and stoutlie to ouerthrow and vanquish this rebellious and stubborne peop [...]e: or (if 30 we shall after the mind and opinion of Reimond al­togither be pitifull and full of mercie) we must hoise vp our sailes and returne home, leauing both the countrie and our patrimonie to this miserable and wretched people. Herueies opinion was best liked, and the whole companie allowed his iudgement, wherevpon the captiues (as men condemned) were brought to the rockes, and after their lims were bro­ben, they were cast headlong into the seas, and so drowned. 40

The comming ouer of Richard Strang­bow earle of Chepstow into Ireland, and of the taking of the citie of Waterford. Chap. 16.

IN this meane time Richard the earle, hauing prouided and made all things in rea­dinesse fit for so great an enterprise, tooke 50 his iournie, and came through Wales to S. Dauids: and still as he went he tooke vp all the best chosen and piked men that he could get. And hauing all things in place and in a readinesse méet and ne­cessarie for such a voiage, he went to Milford hauen, and hauing a good wind tooke shipping and came to Waterford, in the kalends of September on the vi­gill of saint Bartholomew, and had with him about two hundred gentlemen of good seruice, and a thou­sand others. Then was fulfilled Celidons prophesie, Prephesies of Celidon and Merlin fulfilled. which was; that A little firebrand shall go before 60 a great fire; and as the sparkels inkindle the small wood, so shall the same set the great wood a fire. Like­wise was fulfilled the saieng of Merlin; A great fore­runner of a greater follower shall come, and he shall tread downe the heads of Desmond and Leinster, and the waies before opened & made readie he shall inlarge. Reimond being aduertised of the earles ar­riuall, went the next morrow vnto him with great ioy, hauing with him in his companie fortie gentle­men of seruice. And on the morrow vpon saint Bar­tholomews daie, being tuesdaie, they displaied their banners, and in good arraie they marched to the wals of the citie, being fullie bent and determined to giue the assault: the citizens & such others as had escaped at Dundorogh manfullie defending themselues, and giuing them two repulses. Reimond who by the consent and assent of the whole armie was chosen and made generall of the field, and tribune of the host, hauing espied a little house of timber standing halfe vpon posts without the wals, called his men togither, and incouraged them to giue a new assault at that (1) place. And hauing hewed downe the posts wherevpon the house stood, the same fell downe togi­ther with a peece of the towne wall; and then a waie being thus opened, they entred into the citie, and kil­led the people in the streets without pitie or mercie, leauing them lieng in great heaps; and thus with bloodie hands they obteined a bloodie victorie. In the tower called (2) Reinolds tower they tooke two mur­therers prisoners, whom they vnarmed and killed; al­so they tooke there Reinold, and Machlathilen Ophe­lan prince of the Decies: but these were saued by meanes of the comming and suite of Mac Morogh, who was also come thither with Maurice Fitzgerald and Robert Fitzstephans. And when they had set the citie and all other their things in good order, Mac Morogh gaue his daughter Eua, whom he had then brought thither with him, to be maried to the earle according to the first pact and couenant; and then the mariage solemnized and all things set in order, they displaid their baners & marched towards Dublin.

(1) In the verie place of the assault is now builded a strong fort and blockehouse, which is verie well fur­nished and appointed with ordinance and shot. It is in the verie east angle or point of the walles of the citie: and within on the south side the walles dooth it appeere how the same was burned by the English­men at this their entrie.

(2) The Reinolds tower is a little tower in the wall of the old citie, and is next or verie neere adioi­ning to a late monasterie or friers there: it is a verie slender thing, and not worthie of any report; sauing that the author dooth alledge it as a fort in those daies vsed for a defense.

The besieging and taking of the citie of Dublin. Chap. 17.

DErmon being aduertised, and hauing perfect aduertisement that they of Dublin had procured & flocked all or the most part of the land to come to aid, helpe and to de­fend them; and that they had laied all the waies, pas­sages and streicts about the citie, whereby no man could passe that waie, he left all those waies; and pas­sing through the mounteines of Glundoloch, he brought his whole armie safe to (1) Dublin. And such was his mortall hatred towards the Dublians, that he could not forget the iniuries doon to himselfe, and the shamefull reproch doone to his father. For his father being on a time at Dublin, and there sit­ting at the doore of a certein ancient man of the citie, they did not onelie there murther him; but for a fur­ther satisfieng of their malice, they cast him and bu­ried him with a dog: and therefore aboue all others he most mortallie hated them. The citizens much mistrusting themselues, they send messengers to in­treate for peace; and in the end by the mediation and meanes of Laurence then the archbishop of Dublin, a parlée and a treatie was obteined: but whiles the old and ancient men were talking of peace, the yon­ger sort were busie in weapons. For Reimond and Miles of Cogan, two lustie yoong gentlemen, but more desirous to fight vnder Mars in the fields than [Page 15] to sit in councell vnder Iupiter; and more willing to purchase honor in the warres, than gaine in peace. They with a companie of lustie yoong gentlemen suddenlie ran to the walles, & giuing the assalt, brake in, entred the citie, and obteined the victorie, making no small slaughter of their enimies: but yet the grea­ter number of them, with Hasculphus their captein, escaped awaie with such riches & iewels as they had, and recouered themselues vnto certeine ships which laie there, & so sailed to the north Ilands. At this time 10 Two strange miracles. there happened two strange miracles in the same ci­tie, the one was of a crosse or a rood which the citizens minding to haue caried with them, was not nor would be remooued; the other was of a péece of mo­nie, which was offered to the same rood twise, & euer it returned backe againe, as you may sée more ther­of in our topographie. When the earle had spent a few daies in the citie, about setting and setling the same in good order, he left the same to the charge and gouernance of Miles Cogan: but he himselfe by the 20 persuasion of Mac Morogh (who sought by all the waies he could, how to be reuenged vpon Ororike king of Meth) inuaded the borders of Meth, and wa­sted, spoiled, and destroied the same. All Meth being in the end wasted by the sword and fire; Rothorike King of Connagh thought with himself what might hereof befall vnto him, bicause his neighbors house being set on fire, his was next to the like perill: he sent his messengers vnto Dermon Mac Morogh with this message. ‘Contrarie to the order of the 30 peace, thou hast procured, called, and flocked into this land a great multitude and number of strangers, and as long as thou didst staie and kéepe thy selfe within thy owne countrie of Leinster, we bare ther­with, and were contented. But forsomuch as now not caring for thy oth, nor regarding the safetie of thy hostages, thou hast so fondlie & lewdlie passed thy bounds: I am to require thée, that thou doo retire and withdraw these excurses of strangers; or else without faile I will cut off thy sonnes head, & send 40 it thée.’ Mac Morogh when he heard this message, full stoutlie answered, and said he would not giue ouer that which he had begun, nor desist from his enter­prise, vntill he subdued all Connagh his ancient in­heritance, as also he had recouered the monarchie of all Ireland. Rothorike being aduertised of this an­swer, was somwhat warmed and offended therwith, & forthwith in his rage commanded Mac Moroghs sonne, who was his pledge, to be beheaded.

(1) Dublin is the oldest and ancientest citie in all 50 Ireland, and was builded by one Amelaus, the eldest of three brethren named Ostimen or Easterlings: which came first out of Norwaie, or (as some write) out of Normandie, and did inhabit the land. It was first named Aghalia, that is, the towne of hurdels; for it standeth somewhat low and in a marish ground: and bicause when the same was first builded, the la­borers were woont and did go vpon hurdels, it tooke the name thereof. It was also called Doolin, which 60 is to saie blacke water, for of that name is a certeine brooke, fleeting not farre out of the towne, but now is called Dublin or Diuelin; it standeth vpon the riuer named Aneliphus or the Liffer, and it is a port towne, being the chéefest citie and emporium of all that land. It is walled with stone round about, & at the east part therof is a verie old castle, builded first by Henrie Londers archbishop of Dublin, about the yéere 1212, which is now the quéenes castell, & wher­in the lord deputie of that land most commonly lieth, as also wherin the courts for the common law at the vsuall terms are kept. The citie it selfe stands most on trade of merchandize, & is by that means of good wealth. The inhabitants are méere Englishmen, but of Ireland birth. The gouernment thereof is vnder a maior and two shiriffes. And as concerning the order, gouernement, state, policies, and good serui­ces of the same, I shall more at large declare in my particular historie of this land.

The councell or synod kept at Armagh. Chap. 18.

THese things thus ended & compleated, there was a synod or councell of all the cler­gie called and assembled at Armagh: there to intreat and examine what should be the causes and reasons, why & wherefore the realme was thus plagued by the resort and repaire of strangers in among them. At length it was fullie agreed, and euerie mans opinion was, that it was Gods iust plague for the sinnes of the people, and especiallie bi­cause they vsed to buie Englishmen of merchants and pirats, and (contrarie to all equitie or reason) did make bondslaues of them: and God now to auenge and acquit this their iniquitie, plagued them with the like, and hath set these Englishmen & strangers to reduce them now into the like slauerie and bon­dage. For the Englishmen, when their realme was at rest and peace, and their land in quiet estate, and they not in anie distresse, want, or penurie, their chil­dren and kinsmen were sold and made bondslaues in Ireland. And therefore it was most like, that God for the sin of the people would & did laie the like plague vpon the Irish people. It was therefore decréed by the said councell, and concluded by that synod, that all the Englishmen within that land, wheresoeuer they were, in bondage or captiuitie, should be manu­missed, set frée and at libertie.

The proclamation of king Henrie the second against the earle, and of the sending of Reimond to the king. Chap. 19.

WHen tidings was caried abrode of the good successe which the Englishmen had in Ireland, & the news the further it went, the more it increased; and the king being ad­uertised that the earle had not onlie recouered Lein­ster, but had also conquered sundrie other territories, wherevnto he had no title by the right of his wife, did set foorth his proclamation, forbidding and inhi­biting that from thensefoorth no ship from out of any place, vnder his dominion, should passe or traffike into Ireland: and that all maner of his subiects which were within that realme, should returne from thense into England before Easter then next following, vpon pain [...] of forfeiture of all their lands, as also to be banished men for euer. The earle when he saw him selfe in this distres, being in perill to lose his friends, and in hazard to want his necessaries, taketh aduise and counsell what were best to be doone. At length it was agreed and concluded, that Reimond should be sent ouer to the king then being in Aquitaine, with letters to this effect. My right honourable lord, I came into this land with your leaue and fauour (as I remember) for the aiding and helping of your ser­uant Dermon Mac Morogh. And whatsoeuer I haue gotten and purchased, either by him or by anie others, as I confesse and acknowledge the same from and by meanes of your gratious goodnesse: so shall the same still rest and remaine at your deuotion and commandement.

The departure of Reimond to the king, and the death of Dermon Mac Morogh. Chap. 20.

REimond (according to the order taken, and commandement giuen to him) made his repaire with all diligence to the king, & hauing deliuered his letters did await for 10 his answer. But the king being in some dislike with the earle, and not fauourablie allowing his successe, differred the time, and lingered to giue anie answer. About this time (1) Thomas the archbishop of Can­turburie was murthered or slaine; and the yeare fol­lowing about the kalends of Maie, Dermon Mac Morogh, being of a good age, and well striken in yéeres died, and was buried at Fernes.

(1) The Romish or popish church make much a doo 20 about this man, affirming him to be a man of much vertue and holinesse, and that he was martyred for the defending of the liberties of holie church, and for this cause the pope canonized him to be a saint. But who so list to peruse and examine the course of the English histories, shall find that he was a froward and obstinat traitor against his master & souereigne king and prince: as amongst other writers it appea­reth in the booke of the Acts and Monuments of Iohn Fox. And forsomuch as the course of this chap­ter 30 tendeth wholie in extolling of him, I haue omit­ted the same, and leaue to trouble the reader there­with.

The ouerthrow giuen to Hasculphus and the Easterlings or Norwaie­men at Dublin. Chap. 21.

AT this time about the feast of Pentecost 40 or Whitsuntide, Hasculphus, who was some­time the chiefe ruler of Dublin, sought by all the waies he could how he might be reuenged for the reproch and shame which he had receiued when the citie of Dublin was taken, and he then driuen to flie to his ship, and to saue himselfe. This man had beene in Norwaie, and in the north Ilands to séeke for some helpe and aid; and hauing obteined the same he came with threescore ships well appointed, and full 50 fraughted with lustie men of warre vnto the coasts of (1) Dublin, minding to assaile the citie, and hoping to recouer the same. And without anie delaiengs he landed and vnshipped his men, who were guided and conducted vnder a capteine named Iohn Wood or Iohn Mad, for so the word Wood meaneth. They were all mightie men of warre, and well appointed after the Danish maner, being harnessed with good br [...]gandines, iacks, and shirts of male; their shields, bucklers, and targets were round, and coloured red, 60 and bound about with iron: and as they were in ar­mor, so in minds also they were as iron strong and mightie.

These men being set in battell araie, and in good order, doo march onwards towards the east gate of the citie of Dublin, there minding to giue th'assault, and with force to make entrie. Miles Cogan then warden of the citie, a man verie valiant and lustie, although his men and people were verie few, and as i [...] were but a handfull in respect of the others: yet boldlie giueth the aduenture and onset vpon his eni­mies: but when he saw his owne small number not to be able to resist nor withstand so great force, and they still pressing & inforcing vpon him, he was dri­uen to retire becke with all his companie, and with the losse of manie of his men, and of them one b [...]ing verie well armed, yet was his thigh cut off cleane at a stroke with a Galloglasse axe. But Richard Cogan brother vnto Miles, vnderstanding how hardlie the matter passed and had sped with his brother, sudden­lie and secretlie with a few men issueth out at the south posterne or gate of the citie, and stealing vpon the backs of his enimies, maketh a great shout, and therewith sharpelie giueth the onset vpon them. At which sudden chance they were so dismaied, that al­beit some fighting before, and some behind, the case was doubtfull, & the euent vncerteine: yet at length they fled and ran awaie, and the most part of them were slaine, and namelie Iohn Wood, whom with o­thers Iohn of Ridensford tooke and killed. Hascul­phus fleeing to his ships was so sharpelie pursued, that vpon the sands he was taken, but saued; and for the greater honour of the victorie was caried backe aliue into the citie as a captiue, where he was some­time the chiefe ruler and gouernour: and there hée was kept till he should compound for his ransome. And then he being brought and presented to Miles Cog [...]n, in the open sight and audience of all the peo­ple, and fretting much for this euill fortune and ouer­throw, suddenlie and in great rage brake out into these speeches, saieng: We are come hither now but a small companie, and a few of vs, and these are but the beginings of our aduentures; but if God send me life, you shall sée greater matters insue and follow. Miles Cogan when he heard these words (for in the toong standeth both life and death, the lord abhorreth the proud heart, and verie badlie dooth he ease his greefe which augmenteth his sorrow) commanded him to be beheaded. And so the life to him before cour­teouslie granted, he by his fondnesse did foolishlie lose it.

(1) The port or hauen of Dublin is a barred ha­uen, and no great ships doo come to the towne it selfe but at a spring or high water, and therefore they doo lie in a certeine rode without the barre, which is a­bout foure or fiue miles from the citie, and the same is called Ringwood; and from thence to Holie hed in Wales is counted the shortest cut betwéene Eng­land and Ireland.

Rothorike prince of Connagh and Gotred king of Man do be­siege the citie of Dublin. Chap. 22.

AFter this, the Irishmen perceiuing that by reason of the kings late proclamation, the earles men and vittels did wast, decaie, and consume for want of their woonted supplies from out of England: all their princes assembled themselues, and doo agree with all their power and force to besiege the citie of Dublin, being procured therevnto by Laurence then archbishop there; who for the zeale and loue of his countrie, did verie earnest­lie trauell herein: and ioining with Rothorike king of Connagh, they sent their letters to Gotred king of the Ile of Man, and to all others the princes of the Ilands, making earnest requests, vsing their persuasions, and promising liberall rewards, if they would come to helpe and aid them to besiege Dublin; they on the water, and the other at land: who were easilie to be persuaded thervnto, and forth­with yéelded to these requests, not onelie for the de­sire of gaines offered: but especiallie, because they doubted, and were afraid of the Englishmen, who hauing dailie good successe they feared least they in [Page 17] time would giue the onset on them, and make a con­quest ouer their possessions. And therfore they foorth­with made themselues readie, and prepared their ships accordinglie. And as soone as the next good wind serued, they came in thirtie ships of warre, verie well appointed, and arriued into the hauen of Aneliffe, or port of Dublin: whose comming was verie thankfull and gratefull. For whie? Whose helps are best liked when men in their affaires haue those to ioine with them which be or feare to be in the like 10 perils and dangers? But the earle and his compa­nie, who had béene shut vp now two moneths within the citie, and whose vittels failed, and were almost consumed, by reason that vpon the kings comman­dement a restraint was made (and therefore none could be brought vnto them out of England) were in a great dumpe and perplexitie, and in a maner were at their wits end, and wist not what to doo. And in this their case see the course and nature of fortune, who when she frowneth, sendeth not one euill alone, 20 but heapeth mischéefe vpon mischéefe, and trouble vp­on trouble. For behold Donald Mac Dermon came from out of the borders of Kencile, & brought news that the men of Wexford & of Kencile to the num­ber of thrée thousand persons had beséeged Robert Fitzstephans and his few men in his castell of the Karecke, and vnlesse they did helpe and rescue him within thrée daies it would be too late; for they should and would else be taken. At this time there was with the earle within the citie Maurice Fitzgerald, 30 and his cosine Reimond, who was latelie returned from the court; and these were not onelie now trou­bled in respect of their owne cause, but for the distres of others, and speciallie Maurice Fitzgerald, who tenderlie tooke and was gréeued with the distressed state of his brother Robert Fitzstephans, and of his wife and children, that they being in the middle of their enimies, should be in so weake a hold not able to kéepe out such a companie: and so rising vp ma­keth this spéech to the earle, and to such as were about 40 him, as followeth.

The oration of Maurice Fitzgerald. Chap. 23.

YE worthie men, we came not hither, nor were we called into this countrie to be idle, nor to liue deliciouslie: but to trie fortune, and to séeke aduentures. We stood somtimes 50 vpon the top of the wheele, and the game was on our side; but now the whéele is turned, & we cast downe: and yet no doubt she will turne againe, and we shall be on the top. For such is the mutabilitie of fortune, & such is the vncerteine state & course of this world, that prosperitie and aduersitie doo interchangeablie, and by course the one follow the other. After daie commeth the night; and when the night is passed, the daie returneth againe. The sun riseth, and when he hath spred his beames all the daie time, then he com­meth 60 to his fall: and as soone as the night is past, he is againe come and returned to his rising againe. We who before this haue made great triumphs, & haue had fortune at will, are now shut vp on euerie side by our enimies. We be destitute of vittels, and can haue no reléefe neither by land nor yet by sea: our fréends cannot helpe vs, and our enimies readie to deuoure vs. Likewise Fitzstephans, whose vali­antnesse and noble enterprise hath made waie vnto vs into this Iland, he now is also shut vp in a weake hold and feeble place, too weake and slender to hold and kéepe out so great a force. Whie then doo we tarie? And wherefore doo we so linger? Is there anie hope of reléefe from home? No no, the matter is otherwise, and we in woorse case. For as we be o­dious and hatefull to the Irishmen, euen so we now are reputed: for Irishmen are become hatefull to our owne nation and countrie, and so are we odious both to the one and to the other. Wherfore for so much as fortune fauoreth the forward, and helpeth the bold; let vs not longer delaie the matter, nor like sluggards lie still: but whiles we are yet lustie, and our vittels not all spent, let vs giue the onset vpon our enimies: for though we be but few in number in respect of them, yet if we will be of valiant minds and lustie courages, as we were woont to be, we may happilie haue the victorie and conquest of these na­ked wretches and vnarmed people. These spéeches he vsed as the sicke man is woont to doo, who in hope of recouerie of his health, dooth manie times beare out a good countenance, and dissemble his inward greefe and heauinesse. When he had fullie ended his talke and spoken his mind, Reimond, who was also in the like anguish and heauinesse spake thus.

The oration of Reimond. Chap. 24.

YE renowmed, and worthie, & noble men, whose fame for valiantnesse and chiualrie is carried and spread beyond and through the o­cean seas: we are now to looke well vnto our selues, and to haue good regard to our honor and cre­dit. You haue heard how grauelie my vncle Mau­rice hath declared, how pithilie he hath aduised, and how prudentlie he hath counselled vs what we shall doo in this our distresse and present necessitie. Wher­fore we are well to consider thereof, & to determine and resolue our selues what we will doo. The time is short, the perils imminent, and the dangers great, and therefore no delaies are now to be vsed. It is no time now to sit in long councels, nor to spend much time in speeches; but in present perils we must vse present remedies. Ye sée the enimies both at sea and land round about vs, and no waie is there to escape; but we must either giue the aduenture vpon them like men, or die here like beasts: for our vit­tels faile vs, and our prouision waxeth scant & short, and we know not how to renew the same. And how little comfort we are to looke for out of England, and what small helpe we shall haue from the king, I haue alreadie at large declared vnto you. I know his excellencie dispraiseth not our actiuities, but yet he fauoreth not our successes: he discommendeth not our valiantnesse, but yet enuieth at our glorie: in words he reporteth well of our seruices, but he yet secretlie hindereth the same: he feareth that which we meane not, and doubteth of that which we thinke not. To trust therefore vnto them, who care not for vs; to looke for helpe from them, who mind not anie; and to wait for reléefe where none is meant; it were but a meere follie, and a lost labor on our parts, and in the end like to returne to our owne shame, reproch, & confusion. Wherefore being out of all hope of anie further helpe or supplie; and out of all doubt of anie further comfort or reléefe: let vs as becommeth no­ble, lustie, and valiant men, trie the course of for­tune, and prooue the force of the enimie. Let it ap­peere vnto them as it is knowen vnto vs, of what race we came, and from whom we descended. Cam­ber (as it is well knowen) the first particular king of Cambria our natiue countrie was our ancestor, and he the sonne of that noble Brutus, the first and sole monarch of all England, whose ancestor was Tros the founder of the most famous citie of Troie, and he descended from Dardanus the sonne of Iupiter, from whom is deriued vnto vs not onlie the [...]me [Page 18] of ancient nobilitie, but also a certeine naturall in­clination of valiant minds, & couragious stomachs, bent to follow all exploits in prowesse and chiualrie, and wherein all our ancestors haue béene verie skil­full and expert. And shall we now like sluggards de­generate from so noble a race, and like a sort of cow­ards be afraid of these naked and vnarmed rascalls, in whome is no valor of knowledge nor experience in armes? Shall such a rabble of sauages pinne vs vp within the walles of this little Dublin, and make 10 vs afraid of them; when in times past all the princes of Gréece kept warres for ten yeares & od moneths continuallie against our ancestors in the famous ci­tie of Troie, and could not preuaile against them, vntill they vsed treasons and practised treacheries, which bred vnto them a more infamous victorie than a glorious triumph? Shall the honor of our ancestors be withered by our sluggishnesse, and the glorie of their prowesse be buried in our cowardnesse? Shall we be afraid of a few, and vnarmed, when they with­stood 20 infinit multitudes of the most worthiest and va­liantest personages then in all the world? Let it ne­uer be said, that the bloud of the Troians shall be stained in our pusillanimitie, and receiue reproch in our follie.

And what though our enimies be neuer so manie, and we in respect of them but a handfull; shall we therefore be afraied; as though victorie stood in multi­tude, and conquest in great numbers? No no, kings be not so saued nor princes doo so conquer: for a few 30 men well disposed and a small number well incou­raged, are sufficient to incounter with a greater number, being wretches and sluggards. For fortune though she be purtraied to be blind, as one void of right iudgement; and to stand vpon a rolling stone, as being alwaies fléeting and mooueable: yet for the most part she helpeth such as be of bold minds and of valiant stomachs. If time did serue as matter is full and plentious, I could hereof recite manie yea infi­nite examples. (1) Thomiris the Scithian queene, 40 did not she with a few hundreds incounter with the great monarch Cyrus, hauing manie thousands, and tooke him and slue him. Alexander with a few Mace­donians, did not he ouercome Darius the great mo­narch of the Persians, and take him, his wife, and daughters prisoners, & made a conquest of all Per­sia? (2) Leonides the Spartan, did not he with six hundred men breake into the campes of the mightie Xerxes, and there slaie fiue thousand of them? Let vs come a little néerer euen to our selues, who haue had in our owne persons, and in this land the like succes­ses, 50 namelie you my right honourable earle at Wa­terford, and my vncle Fitzstephans at Wexford; and I my selfe at Dundorogh: small were our compa­nies, and little was our force in respect of theirs, and yet we few thorough our valiantnesse ouercame and conquered them being manie.

What shall I trouble you with the recitall of ex­amples, sith time shall sooner faile than matter want: and shall we then giue ouer and be white liue­red? 60 Shall we like cowards couer our progenie, our nation, and our selues also, with perpetuall shame and infamie? God forbid. My mind then and opinion is, that we doo issue out vpon them, as se­cretlie and as suddenlie as we maie, and boldlie giue the onset vpon them. And forsomuch as Rothorike of Connagh is the generall of the field, in whom lieth the chiefe force, and on whom all the rest doo depend, it shall be best to begin with him, and then if we can giue the ouerthrow vnto him, all the residue will flie, and we shall obteine a glorious victorie: but if we shall fall into their hands and be killed, yet shall we leaue an honourable report and an immortall fame to all our posteritie. When Reimond had ended his spéeches and finished his oration, euerie one so well liked thereof, as with one consent they gaue ouer, and yéelded to his resolution and opinion.

(1) Cyrus the sonne of Cambises the first mo­narch Sleidan. de [...] sum imper. lib. 1. of Persia, after that he had subdued all A­sia, he minding to doo the like in Scithia did inuade the same: Thomiris being then quéene thereof. And on a certeine time hauing pitched his tents in a faire and pleasant soile, suddenlie as though he had beene afraied of his enimies he fled, and left his tents full of wines and vittels. Which when the quéene heard, she sent hir onelie sonne a yoong gentleman with the third part of hir host and armie to follow and pur­sue Cyrus: who when he came to the forsaken tents, and finding there such abundance & plentie of wine and vittels, wherevnto the Scithians had not before beene accustomed, they fell so hungerlie to their vit­tels, and dranke so liberallie of the wines, that they were ouerladen and ouercommed with surfetting. Which when Cyrus heard of, he suddenlie and secret­lie in the night came vpon them, and finding them all asléepe, killed them all. Thomiris hearing of this, was not so much grieued with sorrow for the death of hir sonne, as inflamed with the desire to be reuen­ged. And she likewise faining hir selfe to flie, Cyrus by pursuing of hir was brought into certeine nar­row streicts, where she taking the aduantage of him, tooke him, killed him, and siue all his companie, to the number of two thousand: insomuch that there was not one left to returne with message to declare the same?

(2) Leonides was king of Sparta or Lacede­monia, who being aduertised that the mightie mo­narch Xerxes minding to continue the warres with his father Darius had appointed and begun against all Gréece, & that he had made preparation therefore fiue yeares togither, dooth also prepare himselfe to withstand the same. And notwithstanding that Xer­xes had in his armie thrée hundred thousand of his owne subiects, and two hundred thousand of stran­gers: yet Leonides hauing gotten Xerxes within the streicts of Thermipolis, and he hauing but foure thousand soldiers gaue the onset vpon the monarch, and fought the battels thrée daies togither with him, and at length gaue him the ouerthrow.

How Rothorike of Connagh, and all his whole armie was discomfited. Chap. 25.

IMmediatlie vpon the foresaid persuasi­ons, euerie man with all spéed had made him selfe readie and got on his armor, thinking it too long yer they did bicker with the enimie: and being all assembled and in good arraie, they diui­ded them into thrée wings or wards, though in num­ber they were verie few. In the first was Reimond with twentie gentlemen and his few soldiers. In the second Miles Cogan with thirtie gentlemen and his other few soldiers. And in the third was the earle and Maurice Fitzgerald with fortie gentlemen and all their soldiors. And in euerie ward were some of all the citizens, sauing such as were appointed for the gard and safetie of the citie. Thus all things being set in an order, they suddenlie in the morning about nine of the clocke issued out, but not without some contention and controuersie: for they striued among themselues, who should haue the fore ward, and giue the onset vpon the enimies, who were in number a­bout thirtie thousand: neuerthelesse they in the end a­gréed and appointed in order how all things should be doone: and foorthwith issued out and gaue the onset [Page 19] vpon their enimies, who then were out of araie and order, being vnwares of their comming. Reimond among the first being the first was foremost, & gaue the first aduenture, and striking two of his enimies through with his lance or staffe siue them both. Mei­lerius also and Girald and Alexander the two sonnes of Maurice, although they were in the rereward; yet they were so hot vpon the spurre, and followed in such lustie maner, that they were as forward as the fore­most, and right valiantlie did ouerthrow and kill 10 manie of the enimies.

The like valiant minds were in all the whole resi­due, who now striued & serued all for the best game: and so lustilie they acquitted themselues, that the e­nimies being afraid, were faine to take their héeles and to run awaie. But they still followed and pur­sued them euen vntill night, still murthering & spoi­ling them. Rothorike the king himselfe trusted so much in the great troops and multitudes of his peo­ple; that he thought nothing lesse, than that so small 20 a number as were within, would issue out and giue the onset vpon so manie as were without. And ther­fore taking his pleasure and pastance, he was then a bathing: but when he heard how the game went, and how his men were discomfited & the most part fled or flieng awaie, he neither tarried for his cham­berleine to apparell him, nor for his page to help him: but with all the hast and post hast he could, he turneth a faire paire of heeles and runneth awaie: and albeit he were verie sharpelie pursued, yet (though hardlie) 30 he escaped. At night all the companie being retur­ned, they recouered themselues into the citie againe: not onelie with the honor of the field, but also with great booties and preies of vittels, armor, and other trash. Immediatlie also were dispersed the other camps, namelie the archbishops, Machlaghlin, Ma­chelewn, Gillemeholocke and Okencelos, who had all the force of Leinster, sauing a few of Kencile and Wexford: and these were incamped on the south side. Likewise Ororike of Meth, Okarrell of Uriell, Mac 40 Shaghline and Ocadise which were incamped on the north side raised their campes and shifted for them­selues. On the morrow, all things being set in good order, and good watch appointed for the safe kéeping and custodie of the citie, they march towards Wex­ford, and take the higher waie by Odrone.

The guilefull and treacherous taking of Robert Fitzstephans at the K [...]ecke. Cap. 26. 50

AFter this good successe, fortune who can­not continue firme in one staie, dooth now change hir course, and interlineth aduersitie with prosperitie. For whie, there is neither faith firme, nor felicitie permanent vpon the earth. For the Wexford men and they of Kencile, forget­ting their promise, and nothing regarding their faith which they had before made and assured vnto Robert 60 Fitzstephans, doo now assemble themselues to the number of thrée thousand, and doo march toward the Karecke, there to besiege the same, where Robert Fitzstephans was then: who mistrusting & fearing nothing, had but fiue gentlemen and a few archers about him. The enimies giue the assalt, & not pre­uailing at the first, doo renew the same againe and againe: but when they saw that all their labours were lost, bicause that Fitzstephans and his compa­nie though they were but a few in number, yet they were verie nimble and verie readie to defend them­selues, and especiallie one William Nott, who in this seruice did verie well and worthilie acquit him­selfe; they now doo séeke to practise their old subtil­ties and guiles. They leauing therefore to vse force and violence, doo now vnder colour of peace come toward the Karecke and bring with them the bishop of Kildare, the bishop of Wexford, & certeine other religious persons, who brought with them a masse­booke, Corpus Domini, and certeine relikes: and after a few speeches of persuasion had with Fitzstephans, they to compasse their matter, tooke their corporall othes, and swore vpon a booke, that the citie of Du­blin was taken: and that the earle, Maurice, Rei­mond, and all the Englishmen were taken and kil­led; that Rothorike of Connagh, with all the whole power and armie of Connagh & Leinster, was com­ming towards Wexford for the apprehension of him: but for his sake, and for the good will which they bare vnto him, bicause they had alwaie found him a cour­teous and a liberall prince, they were come vnto him to conueie him awaie in safetie, and all his ouer into Wales, before the comming of that great mul­titude, which were his extreame and mortall eni­mies. Fitzstephans giuing credit to this their swea­ring and a [...]owries, did foorthwith yeeld himselfe, his people, & all that he had vnto them and their custodie: but they foorthwith most traitorouslie, of them that thus yéelded into their hands some they killed, some they beat, some they wounded, and some they cast in­to prison. But assoone as newes was brought that Dublin was false, and that the earle was marching towards them; these traitors set the towne on fire, and they themselues with bag and baggage and with their prisoners gat them into the Iland Begorie, which they call the holie Iland, and which lieth in the middle of the hauen there.

The description of Robert Fitzstephans. Chap. 27.

[...] Noble man, the onelie patterne of vertue, and the example of true industrie and la­bours: who hauing tried the variablenesse of fortune, had tasted more aduersitie than prosperitie! O worthie man, who both in Ireland and in Wales had traced the whole compasse of for­tunes wheele, and had endured whatsoeuer good for­tune or euill could giue! O Fitzstephans, the verie second an other (1) Marius, for if you doo consider his prosperitie, no man was more fortunate than he: and on the contrarie, if you marke his aduersitie, no man was or could be more miserable. He was of a large and full bodie, his countenance verie comelie: and in stature he was somewhat more meane: he was bountifull, liberall, and pleasant, but yet sometimes somewhat aboue modestie giuen to wine and women. The earle (as is aforesaid) marched with his armie towards Wexford, fast by Odrone, which was a place full of streicts, passes, and bogs, and verie hardlie to be passed through: but yet the whole power, force, and strength of all Lein­ster came thither, and met him and gaue him the battell, betwéene whom there was a great fight, and manie of the enimies slaine. But the earle with the losse of one onelie yoongman recouered himselfe in safetie to the plaines, and there amongst others, Meilerius shewed himselfe to be a right valiant man.

(1) This Marius was named Caius Marius, his father was borne in Arpinum, & from thence came to Rome, and there dwelt, being a poore artificer and handicrafts man, but much relieued by Metellus a noble Roman, in whose house, and vnder whom, both the father and the: sonne were seruants: but being [Page 20] giuen altogither to martiall affaires, he became a verie valiant man, and did as good seruice to the citie of Rome as anie before or after him. Affrica he con­quered, and in his first triumph Iugurtha and his two sonnes were bound in chaines, and caried cap­tiues to Rome before his chariot. The Cambrians, Germans, and Tigurians wanting habitations, and thinking to settle themselues in Italie, trauelled thitherwards for the same purpose; but being denied by the Romans, they made most cruell warres vpon 10 them, and slue of them at one time fourescore thou­sand souldiers, and thréescore thousand of others, wherewith the state of Rome and of all Italie was so broken, and ouerthrowne, that the Romans much bewailed themselues, & did thinke verelie that they should be vtterlie destroied. In this distresse Marius tooke the matter in hand, and méeting first with the Germans, gaue them the battell, slue their king Teutobochas, and two hundred thousand men, be­side fourescore thousand which were taken. After 20 that he met with the Cambrians, and slue their king Beleus, and an hundred and fortie thousand with him, as also tooke fortie thousand prisoners. For which victorie he triumphed the second time in Rome, and was named then the third founder of Rome. Againe in the ciuill wars which grew by the means of Dru­sius, all Italie was then in armes, and the Romans in euerie place had the worse side (for all Italie be­gan to forsake them) and in this distresse Marius ha­uing gotten but a small power in respect of the eni­mies, 30 giueth the onset vpon the Marsians, and at two times he slue fouretéene thousand of them: which so quailed the Italians, and incouraged the Romans, that the Romans recouered themselues and had the maistrie. As in the warres so otherwise was Marius verie fortunate: for being but of a base stocke, yet he maried Iulia, a noble woman of the familie of the Iulies, and aunt vnto Iulius Cesar: he passed tho­rough the most part of the offices in Rome: he was first Legatus àsenatu, then Praefectus equitum: after that 40 Tribunus plebis, Praetor, Aedilis, and seuen times was he consull. And as fortune séemed to fauour and coun­tenance him aboue all other in Rome; so did she al­so checke him with great reproches, & burdened him with great miseries. For his pride was so excessiue, and his ambition so intollerable, that the best and most part of the Romans deadlie hated and enuied him: and therefore when he laboured to be Aedilis, Praetor, & Tribune, he was reiected; he was accused for ambition, and proclamed a traitor and an enimie to 50 the common-wealth: he was inforced to forsake Rome and flie into Affrike. Also being at the seas, the mariners cast him on land among his enimies, and draue him to shift for himselfe. When he was pursued by his enimies, he was faine to hide him­selfe in a bog, and couered himselfe with dirt & mire because he would not be knowne. Neuerthelesse he was taken and deliuered to a slaue to be killed. Ma­nie other [...]ormes of aduersitie and miserie did he a­bide and indure, and therefore it was said of him, 60 that in miserie no man was more miserable, and in felicitie none more fortunate and happie than he.

The description of the earle Strangbow. Chap. 28.

THe earle was somewhat ruddie and of san­guine complexion and freckle faced, his eies greie, his face feminine, his voice small, and his necke little, but somewhat of a high stature: he was verie liberall, courteous and gen­tle: what he could not compasse and bring to passe in déed, he would win by good words and gentle spée­ches. In time of peace he was more readie to yeeld and obeie, than to rule and beare swaie. Out of the campe he was more like to a souldior companion than a capteine or ruler: but in the campe and in the warres he caried with him the state and counte­nance of a valiant capteine. Of himselfe he would not aduenture anie thing, but being aduised and set on, he refused no attempts: for of himselfe he would not rashlie aduenture, or presumptuouslie take anie thing in hand. In the fight and battell he was a most assured token and signe to the whole companie, ei­ther to stand valiantlie to the fight, or for policie to retire. In all chances of warre he was still one and the same maner of man, being neither dismaid with aduersitie, nor puffed vp with prosperitie.

The earle leauing Wexford vpon the newes that Fitzstephans was in hold, went to Waterford, and from thence sailed into England, & was reconciled to the king. Chap. 29.

AS the earle was marching towards Guefford, and was come to the borders ther­of, certeine messengers met him, and shewed to him the mischance happened vnto Robert Fitzstephans, and of the setting on fire the towne of Wexford: adding moreouer, that the traitors were fullie determined if they trauelled anie further to­wards them, they would cut off all the heads of Fitz­stephans and his companie, and send them vnto him. Wherevpon with heauie cheare & sorrowfull hearts they change their minds, and turne towards Wa­terford. Where when they were come, they found Heruie now latelie returned from the king with a message and letters from him vnto the earle, persua­ding and requiring him to come ouer into Eng­land vnto him. Wherevpon the earle prepared and made himselfe readie, and as soone as wind and wea­ther serued he tooke shipping, and caried Heruie a­long with him. And being landed he rode towards the king, and met him at a towne called Newham néere vnto Glocester, where he was in redines with a great armie to saile ouer into Irland. Where after sundrie & manie altercations passed betweene them, at length by means of Heruie the kings displeasure was appeased, and it was agreed that the erle should sweare allegeance to the king, and yéeld and sur­render vnto him the citie of Dublin, with the can­treds thervnto adioining, as also all such towns and forts as were bordering vpon the sea side. And as for the residue he should haue and reteine to him and his heirs, holding the same of the king & of his heirs. These things thus concluded, the king with his ar­mie marched along by Seuerne side, & the sea coasts of (1) Westwales, vnto the towne (2) of Pen­broke, where he taried vntill he had assembled all his armie in (3) Milford hauen there to be shipped.

(1) Westwales in Latine is named Demetia, and is that which is now called Penbrokeshire. It rea­cheth from the seas on the north vnto the seas on the south. In the west part thereof is the bishops sée of Meneue named saint Dauids: and on the east side it bordereth vpon Southwales named Dehenbaxt. In this part were the Flemmings placed first.

(2) Penbroke is the chiefest towne of all Demetia, and lieth on the east side of Milford hauen, wherein was sometimes a verie strong castell bu [...]ided (as some write) by a noble man named Arnulph Mont­gomer.

[Page 21] (3) Milford is a famous and a goodlie harborough lieng in Demetia, or Westwales, The Welshmen name it the mouth of two swords. It hath two bran­ches or armes, the one flowing hard to Hauerford west, and the other thorough the countrie named Rossia.

Ororike prince of Meth besieging Du­blin, is driuen off by Miles Cogan, and hath the woorst side. 10 Chap. 30.

IN the meane time Ororike, the one eied king of Meth, watching the absence of the earle as also of Reimond, the one being in England, and the other at Waterford, he must [...]red a great number of soldiors, and vpon a sudden about the kalends of September, laieth siege to the citie of Dublin: within the which there were then but few men, but yet they were valiant and ve­rie 20 men indeed. And as the flame can not be suppres­sed, but that it will breake out: euen so vertue and valiantnesse can not be shut vp, but that it will (when time and occasion serueth) shew it selfe. For Miles Cogan and all his companie vpon a sudden issue out vpon the enimies, and vnwares taking them nap­ping, made a great slaughter of them: among whom there was the sonne of Ororike, a lustie yoong gen­tleman, and he slaine also. And at this time the king of England, lieng at Penbroke in Wales, he fell 30 out with the noblemen and gentlemen of the coun­trie: bicause they had suffered the earle Richard to take his passage among them from thense into Ire­land. And remoouing such as had anie charge or kée­ping of any forts there, he placed others therein: but at length his heat being cooled, & his displeasure quai­led, they were reconciled againe to his good fauour and grace.

Whilest the king laie there, he had great pleasure in hawking, and as he was walking abroad with a 40 goshawke of Norwaie vpon his fist, he had espied a falcon sitting vpon a rocke; and as he went about the rocke to view and behold him, his goshawke hauing also espied the falcon, bated vnto him, and therewith the king let him flie. The falcon séeing hir selfe thus béeset, taketh also wing: and albeit hir flight was but slow at the first; yet at length she maketh wing and mounteth vp of a great height: and taking the ad­uantage of the goshawke hir aduersarie, commeth 50 downe with all hir might, and striking hir she claue hir backe asunder, and fell downe dead at the kings foot: wherat the king and all they that were then pre­sent had great maruell. And the king hauing good li­king, and being in loue with the falcon, did yearelie at the bréeding and disclosing time send thither for them: for in all his land there was not a better and a more hardie hawke.

The comming of king Henrie into 60 Ireland. Chap. 31.

THese things thus doone, and all prepa­red in a readinesse fit for such a noble en­terprise, and for which the king had staied a long time in Wales, he went to saint Da­uids church, where when he had made his praiers and doone his deuotion, the wind and the wether well seruing, he tooke shipping and arriued vnto Water­ford in the kalends of Nouember, being saint Luks daie: hauing in his retinue fiue hundred gentlemen of seruice, and of bowmen and horssemen a great number. This was in the seuentéenth yeare of his reigne, the one & fortith of his age, and in the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred seauentie & two, Alexander the third then pope, Frederike then em­peror, and Lewes then French king. And now was Prophesies of Merlin and Molin fulfil­led. fulfilled the prophesie of Merlin, that A firie globe shall come out of the east, and shall deuour and con­sume all Ireland round about: and likewise the pro­phesie of saint Molin, that Out of the east shall come a mightie hurling wind, & rush thorough to the west, and shall run thorough and ouerthrow the force and strength of Ireland.

The citizens of Wexford present vnto the king Robert Fitzstephans, and sundrie princes of Ireland come and submit themselues to the king. Chap. 32.

THe king being thus landed at Water­ford, and there resting himselfe; the citizens of Wexford, vnder colour and pretense of great humblenesse and dutie, and in hope of some thanks, they brought Robert Fitzstephans bound as a captiue and a prisoner, and presented him to the king as one who deserued small fauor or cour­tesie, that he had without his consent & leaue entered into Ireland, & giuen thereby an occasion to others to offend and to doo euill. The king not liking of him, fell out with him, and charged him verie déepelie and sharplie for his rash and hastie aduentures, and that he would take vpon him to make a conquest of Ire­land without his assent and leaue: and forthwith commanded him to be handlocked and fettered, with an other prisoner, and to be safelie kept in Renold tower. Then Dermon Mac Arth prince of (1) Corke came to the king of his owne frée will, submitted himselfe, became tributarie, and tooke his oth to be true and faithfull to the king of England. After this the king remooued his armie and marched toward (2) Lisemore, and after that he had tarried a­bout two daies, he went to (3) Cashill, and thither came vnto him at the riuer of (4) Sure, Donold prince of (5) Limerike: where when he had obtei­ned peace, he became tributarie and swore fealtie. The king then set (of his men) rulers and kéepers o­uer the cities of Corke and Limerike.

Then also came in Donold prince of Ossorie, and Macleighlin O Felin prince of the Decies, and all the best & chiefest men in all Mounster, & did submit themselues, became tributaries and swore fealtie. Whome when the king had verie liberallie rewar­ded, he sent them home againe: and he himselfe re­turned backe againe to Waterford through (6) Ti­brach. When he came to Waterford, Fitzstephans was brought before him, & when he had well beheld him, and considered with himselfe the valiantnesse of the man, the good seruice he had doone, & the perils & dangers he had beene in: he began to be mooued with some pitie and compassion vpon him, and at the in­tercession & by the mediation of certeine noblemen, he heartilie forgaue him, and released him from out of bonds, and restored him wholie to his former state and libertie, sauing that he reserued to himselfe the towne of Wexford, with the territories and lands therevnto adioining: & not long after some of those traitors, who thus had betraied him, were themsel­ues taken and put to death.

(1) Corke, in Latine named Corcagium, is an an­cient citie in the prouince of Mounster, and builded (as it should appeare) by the Easterlings or Nor­waies. It standeth now in a marish or a bog, and vn­to [Page 22] it floweth an arme of the seas, in the which are ma­nie goodlie receptacles or harboroughs for ships, & much frequented as well for the goodlie commodities of fishings therein, as also for the trade of merchan­dize, by the which the citie is chieflie mainteined: for the inhabitants are not onlie merchants & great tra­uellers themselues; but also great s [...]ore of strange merchants doo dailie resort & traffike with them. It is wailed round about, and well fortified for a suffici­ent defense against the Irishrie. In it is the bishops 10 sée of that diocesse, being called by the name of the bishop of Corke. The citie is gouerned by a maior and two bailiffes, who vsing the gouernement accor­ding to the lawes of England; doo keepe and main­teine the same in verie good order. They are verie much troubled with the enimie, and therefore they doo continuallie, as men lieng in a garison, keepe watch and ward both daie and night. The prince of that countrie did most commonlie kéepe & staie himselfe in all troubles within that citie, vntill the time the 20 same was conquered by the Englishmen, who euer since haue inhabited in the same.

(2) Lisemore in times past was as faire a towne as it is ancient, and standeth vpon a goodlie riuer, which floweth vnto Youghall, and so into the maine seas. It was sometimes a bishoprike, but of late v­nited to the bishoprike of Waterford, and so it lieth in the countie and diocesse of Waterford, but the soile it selfe was within the countie of Corke.

(3) Cashill is an old ruinous towne, but walled, 30 and standeth vpon the riuer Sure. In it is the see and cathedrall church of the bishop, bearing the name therof, who is one of the foure archbishopriks of that land, and vnder him are the bishops of Waterford, Corke, and seuen others.

(4) The Sure is a goodlie and a notable riuer, and one of the chiefest in that land. It hath his head or spring in a certeine hill called Blandina, but in Irish Sloghblome, for the pleasantnesse thereof. Manie good townes are seated and builded vpon the 40 same, & it is nauigable more than the one halfe. It fléeteth from the spring or head fast by the towne of Thorleis, whereof the earle of Ormond is baron: from thense to the holie crosse and so to Clomnell, & from thense to Carig Mac Griffith, where is an an­cient house of the earles, sometime named the earles of the Carig, but now earles of Ormond; and from thense fléeting by Tibrach, it commeth to Water­ford; and fléeting by the wals thereof, it runneth into the seas. 50

(5) Limerike is one of the first cities builded by the Norwaies or Easterlings, named sometimes Ostomen: the founder whereof was the yoongest of thrée brethren whose name was Yuorus. It standeth vpon the famous and noble riuer of Shenin, which goeth round about it, the same being as it were an Iland. The seat of it is such, as none can be more faire or more statelie. It lieth in the maine land with­in the prouince of Mounster, called the north Moun­ster, and is from the maine seas aboue fortie miles, 60 and yet at the wals euen the greatest ship at the seas maie be discharged and vnladen, and yéerelie so there are: for the citie it selfe is chieflie inhabited by mer­chants. It is gouerned by a maior and bailiffes after and according to the English lawes and orders. It was in times past vnder a particular prince of it self, but euer since the conquest it hath béene inhabited by the Englishmen, who doo so still continue therin.

(6) Tibrach is an old towne, which in times past was rich and verie well inhabited, it lieth vpon the north side of the Sure, and about two miles from Carig Mac Griffith. In it is a great stone standing, which is the bound betwéene the counties of Kilken­nie and Ormond.

Rothorike O Connor the monarch and all the princes in Vlster submit and yeeld themselues vnto the king, as he pas­seth towards Dublin. Chap. 33.

THese things thus doon at Waterford, the king left Robert Fitzbarnard there with his houshold, and marched himselfe to Dublin through the countrie of Ossorie: and staieng somewhat by the waie in his iourneie, there came and resorted vnto him out of euerie place there the great men & princes, as namelie Machelan Ophelan prince of Ossorie, Mache Talewie, [...]thwe­lie Gillemeholoch, Ochadese, O Carell of Urie [...] & Ororike of Meth: all which yeelded & submitted them selues to the king in their owne persons, & became his vassals, & swore fealtie. But Rothorike the mo­narch came no néerer than to the riuer side of the (1) Shenin, which diuideth Connagh from Meth, & there Hugh de Lacie and William Fitzaldeline by the kings commandement met him, who desiring peace submitted himselfe, swore allegiance, became tri­butarie, and did put in (as all others did) hostages and pledges for the kéeping of the same. Thus was all Ireland sauing Ulster brought in subiection, and euerie particular prince in his proper person did yéeld and submit himselfe, sauing onelie Rothorike, the then monarch of all Ireland; and yet by him and in his submission all the residue of the whole land be­came the kings subiects, and submitted themselues. For indéed there was no one nor other within that land, who was of anie name or countenance, but that he did present himselfe before the kings maies­tie, and yéelded vnto him subiection and due obedi­ence.

And then was fulfilled the old and vulgar pro­phesie Prophesies o [...] Merlin and Molin [...] filled. of S. Molin; Before him all the princes shall fall downe, and vnder a dissembled submission shall obteine fauor and grace. Likewise the prophesie of Merlin; All the birds of that Iland shall flée to his light, and the greater birds shall be taken & brought into captiuitie, and their wings shall be burned. Al­so the old prophesie of Merlin Ambrose; Fiue porti­ons shall be brought into one, & the sixt shall breake and ouerthrow the walles of Ireland. That which Ambrose nameth heere the sixt, Celidonius nameth the fift, as appeareth in his booke of prophesies. Now when the feast of Christmasse did approch and draw neere, manie and the most part of the princes of that land resorted and made repaire vnto Dublin, to sée the kings court: and when they saw the great abun­dance of vittels, and the noble seruices, as also the eating of cranes, which they much lothed, being not before accustomed therevnto, they much w [...]ndered and maruelled thereat: but in the end they being by the kings commandement set downe, did also there eat and drinke among them. At this time there were certeine soldiors, being bowmen, [...]assed at Fin­glas, and they hewed and cut downe the trees which grew about the churchyard, which had beene there planted of old time by certeine good and holie men: and all these soldiors suddenlie fell sicke of the pesti­lence and died all: as is more at large declared in our topographie.

(1) The Shenin is the cheefest and most famous riuer in that land, and dooth in a manner inuiron and inclose all Connagh, & diuideth it from the pro­uinces of Mounster and Meth: his head and spring is in the hill named Therne, which bordereth vpon O Connor Slegos countrie, not farre from the riuer [Page 23] of the Banne in Ulster, and in length is supposed to be about a hundred and twentie English nules. It is increased with sundrie brooks, and diuerse riuers run into the same; the cheefest whereof is that which riseth and commeth out of the logh or lake Foile. In it are mante loghs or lakes of great quantitie or big­nesse, which are maruelouslie replenished and stored with abundance of fish: the chéefest of which are the logh Rie, and the logh Derigid. It is nauigable a­boue thrée score miles, and vpon it standeth the most 10 famous citie of Limerike. There is onlie one bridge ouer it, builded of late yeares at Alone, by the right honorable sir Henrie Sidneie knight, then lord de­putie of the realme.

The councell or synod kept at Cashill. Chap. 34.

THe realme beeing now in good peace 20 and quietnesse, and the king now hauing a care and a zeale to set foorth Gods honor and true religion, summoned a synod of all the clergie vnto Cashill, where inquirie and examinati­on was made of the wicked and loose life of the peo­ple of the land and nation: which was registred in writing, and sealed vnder the seale of the bishop of Lisemore, who being then the popes leg at was pre­sident of that councell. And then & there were made 30 and decréed sundrie good and godlie constitutions, which are yet extant; as namelie, for contracting of marriage, for paiment of tithes, for the reuerend and cleane kéeping of the churches; and that the vni­uersall church of Ireland should be reduced in all things to the order and forme of the church of Eng­land. Which constitutions were foorthwith published throughout the realme, and doo here follow.

Constitutions made at the coun­cell 40 of Cashill. Chap. 35.

IN the yere of Christs incarnation 1172, & in the first yéere that the most noble king of England conquered Ireland, Christianus bishop of Lisemore, and legat of the aposto­like see, Donat archbishop of Cashill, Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and Catholicus archbishop of 50 Thomond with their suffragans and fellow-bishops, abbats, archdeacons, priors, deanes, & manie other prelats of the church of Ireland, by the commande­ment of the king did assemble themselues and kept a synod at Cashill: and there debating manie things concerning the wealth, estate, and reformation of the church, did prouide remedies for the same. At this councell were also for and in the behalfe of the king, whom he▪ had sent thither, Rafe abbat of Buldewais, Rafe archdeacon of (1) Landaffe, Nicholas the 60 [...]hapleine, and diuerse other good clearks. Sundrie good statutes and wholesome laws were there deui­sed, which were after subscribed and confirmed by the king himselfe, and vnder his authoritie, which were these that follow. First, it is decréed that all good Ecclesiasticall constitutions [...]or Ireland. faithfull and christian people, throughout Ireland, should forbeare and shun to marrie with their néere kinsfolke and cousins, & marrie with such as lawful­lie they should do [...]. Secondarilie, that children shall be catechised without the church doore, and baptised in the font appointed in the churches for the same. Thirdlie, that euerie christian bodie doo faithfullie and trulie paie yerelie the tiths of his cattels, corne, and all other his increase and profits to the church or parish where he is a parishioner. Fourthlie, that all the church lands and possessions, throughout all Ire­land, shall be frée from all secular exactions and im­positions: and especiallie that no lords, earles, nor noble men, nor their children, nor familie, shall ex­tort or take anie coine and liuerie▪ cosheries, nor [...]ud­dies, nor anie other like custome from thenseforth, in or vpon anie of the church lands and territories. And likewise that they nor no other person doo henseforth exact out of the said church lands, old, wicked, and de­testable customes of coine and liuerie, which they were woont to extort vpon such townes▪ and villages of the churches, as were neere and next bordering vp­on them. Fiftlie, that when earike or composition is made among the laie people for anie murther, that no person of the cleargie, though he be kin to a­nie of the parties, shall contribute anie thing there­vnto: but as they be guiltlesse from the murther, so shall they be frée from paiment of monie, for anie such earike or release for the same. Sixtlie, that all and euerie good christian being sicke & weake, shall before the préest and his neighbors make his last will and testament; and his debts and seruants wages being paid, all his moouables to be diuided (if he haue anie children) into thrée parts: whereof one part to be to the children, another to his wife, and the third part to be for the performance of his will. And if so be that he haue no children, then the goods to be diui­ded into two parts, whereof the one moitie to his wife, and the other to the performance of his will and testament. And if he haue no wife, but onelie children, then the goods to be likewise diuided into two parts, wherof the one to himselfe, and the other to his children. Seuenthlie, that euerie christian be­ing dead, and dieng in the catholike faith, shall be re­uerendlie brought to the church, and to be buried as apperteineth. Finallie, that all the diuine seruice in the church of Ireland shall be kept, vsed, & obserued in the like order and maner as it is in the church of England. For it is méet and right, that as by Gods prouidence and appointment Ireland is now be­come subiect, and vnder the king of England: so the same should take from thense the order, rule, and ma­ner how to reforme themselues, and to liue in better order. For whatsoeuer good thing is befallen to the church & realme of Ireland, either concerning religi­on, or peaceable gouernement, they owe the same to the king of England, and are to be thankefull vnto him for the same: for before his comming into the land of Ireland, manie and all sorts of wicked­nesses in times past flowed and reigned amongest them: all which now by his authoritie and goodnesse are abolished. The primat of Armagh, by reason of his weaknesse and great age, was not present at the synod: but afterwards he came to Dublin, and gaue his full consent to the same. This holie man (as the common saieng was) had a white cow, and being fed onelie by hir milke, she was alwaies carried with him wheresoeuer he went and trauelled from home.

The tempestuous and stormie winter. Chap. 36.

THeseas, which a long time had beene calme, began now to swell, and to be full of continuall storms and tempests, which were so raging, and so great, that in all that winter there ariued scarselie anie one ship or barke from anie place into that land: neither was there a­nie news heard from out of anie countrie during that winter. Whervpon men began to be afraid, and thinke verelie that God in his anger would punish [Page 24] them, and be reuenged for their wicked & sinfull life, and therefore had sent this plague vpon them. At this time in Southwales by reason of the extreme and continuall tempests, the sea sides and shores, which had manie yeares beene couered with great sand ridges, were now washed and carried awaie with the seas, and then there appeared the former fast and firme earth, and therin a great number of trees standing which did in times past grow there: and by reason they had béene so long couered, & as it were 10 buried vnder the sands, they stood as trunked and polled trées, and were as blacke as is the Ebenie. A maruelous alteration, that the place sometimes co­uered with seas, and a waie for ships to passe, is now become a soile of ground and drie land. But some suppose that this was so at the first; and that those trées were there growing before or shortlie after the floud of Noah. The king remained at Wexford, still longing to heare news from beyond the seas: and thus lieng solitarie he practised by all the means 20 and sleights he could, how he might flocke and pro­cure vnto him Reimond, Miles Cogan, William Makerell; & other of the best gentlemen; that he be­ing assured of them to be firme of his side, he might be the stronger, and the earle the weaker.

The conspiracie made against the king by his sonnes, and the ambassage of the le­gat from the pope vnto him. Chap. 37. 30

AFter Midlent the wind being easterlie, there came and arriued into Ireland certeine ships, as well from out of England, as also from out of Aquitaine in France, which brought him verie ill & bad newes. For there were come into Normandie from pope Alexander the third two cardinals in an ambassage, the one of them being named Albertus, and the other Theodinus, to make inquirie of the death of Thomas archbishop of Canturburie. They were thought and taken to be 40 iust and good men, and therefore were chosen of trust and of purpose for this matter: but yet for all that they were Romans, and who were fullie determined to haue interdicted, not onelie England, but also all the whole dominions subiect vnto the king, if he him­selfe had not the sooner come and met with them. Be­sides this, there was woorse newes told him, and a woorse mishap befell vnto him (for commonlie good lucke commeth alone, but ill haps come by heapes 50 and by huddels) which was, that his eldest sonne whom he loued so déerlie, and whom he had crowned king, as also his two yoonger sonnes, with the consent and helpe of sundrie noble men, as well in England as beyond the seas, had confederated themselues, and conspired against the king in his absence. Which newes and secret conspiracie when he heard and vn­derstood, he was in a maruellous perplexitie, and for verie anguish and greefe of mind did sweat. First it gréeued him that he should be suspected and infamed 60 of the crime whereof he was giltlesse. Also he feared of the great troubles which would grow and insue hereby to his kingdome, & all other his dominions. Yea, and it gréeued him verie much, that he being minded and determined the next summer then fol­lowing to settle Ireland in some good staie, and to fortifie the same with holds and castels, he should now be compelled and driuen to leaue the same vn­doone. Wherefore sending some before him into Eng­land, as well to aduertise his comming homewards, as also of the safetie he had taken for Ireland, he be­thought himselfe, as also tooke good aduise and coun­sell, what was best to be doone in these his weightis causes.

The king returneth homewards through Westwales, and of the speaking stone at saint Dauids. Chap. 38.

THe king being minded and determined to returne into England, set his realme of Ireland in good order, and left Hugh de Lacie (vnto whom he had giuen in f [...]e the countrie of Meth) with twentie gentlemen, & Fitz▪ stephans & Maurice Fitzgerald with twentie other gentlemen, to be wardens and conestables of Dub­lin. Likewise he left Humfreie de Bohune, Robert Fitzbarnard, and Hugh de Gundeu [...]le, with twen­tie gentlemen, to kéepe and gouerne Waterford. Al­so he left William Fitzaldelme, Philip of Hastings, and Philip de Bruse, to be gouernors and rulers of Wexford: they hauing also twentie gentlemen of seruice appointed vnto them. And on the mondaie in the Easter wéeke, earlie in the morning at the sunne rising, he tooke shipping without the barre of Wex­ford; and the wind being westerlie and blowing a good gale, he had a verie good passage, and arriued a­bout the noonetide of the same daie vnto the ba [...]e of saint Dauids: where he being set on land, he went on foot with a staffe in his hand in pilgrimage, and in great deuotion vnto the church of saint Dauids; whom the cleargie in procession met at the gate cal­led the white gate, and with great honour receiued him. And as they were going verie orderlie and so­lemnlie in procession, there came vnto him a Welsh or a Camber woman; and falling downe at his feet, she made a great complaint against the bishop of that place: which being by an interpretor declared vnto the king, albeit he vnderstood it well, yet he gaue hir no answer.

She thinking that hir sute was not regarded, did wring hir fists, and cried out with a lowd voice; Re­uenge vs this day O Lechlanar, Reuenge vs I say, our kindred, and our nation, from this man. And be­ing willed by the people of that countrie, who vnder­stood hir speach, to hold hir peace, as also did thrust hir out of the companie; she cried the more, trusting and alluding to a certeine blind prophesie of Merlin, which was; that The king of England the conqueror A prophesie of Merlin. of Ireland, should be wounded in Ireland by a man with a red hand, and in his returning homewards through Southwales should die vpon Lechlanar. This (1) Lechlanar was the name of a certeine great stone which laie ouer a brooke, which fléeteth or run­neth on the north side of the churchyard, and was a bridge ouer the same: and by reason of the often and continuall going of the people ouer it, it was verie smooth and slipperie. In length it was of ten foot, in breadth six foot, and in thicknesse one foot. And this word Lechlanar, in the Camber or Welsh [...]oong, is to saie, The speaking stone. For it was an old blind A speaking stone. saieng among the people in that countrie, that on a time there was a dead corps caried ouer that stone to be buried, and the said stone spake, and foorthwith brake and claue asunder in the middle, and which cli [...] so remaineth vnto this daie. And there vpon the peo­ple of that countrie, of a verie vaine and barbarous superstition, haue not since, nor yet will carie anie more dead bodies ouer the same.

The king being come to this stone, and hearing of this prophesie, paused and staied a little while; and then vpon a sudden, verie [...] he went ouer it: which doone, he looked backe vpon the stone, and spake somewhat sharpelie, saieng: Who is he that will be­leeue that lieng Merlin anie more? A man of that place standing thereby, and séeing what had happe­ned, he to excuse Merlin, said with a lowd voice; Thou [Page 25] art not he that shall conquer Ireland, neither dooth Merlin meane it of thée. The king then went into the cathedrall church which was dedicated to saint An­drew and to saint Dauid: and hauing made his prai­ers, and heard diuine seruice, he went to supper, and rode after to Hauerford west to bed, which is about twelue miles from thense.

(1) The writer hereof (of verie purpose) in the yeare 1575, went to the foresaid place to sée the said 10 stone, but there was no such to be found; and the place where the said stone was said to lie, is now an ar­ched bridge, vnder which fléeteth the brooke aforesaid, which brooke dooth not diuide the churchyard from the church, but the churchyard [...] church from the bishops and prebèndaries houses, which houses in times past were verie faire and good hospitalitie kept therein. But as the most part of honses are fallen down and altogither ruinons, so the hospitalitie is also there­with decaied. And for the veritie of the foresaid stone, there is no certeintie affirmed, but a report is 20 remaining amongst the common people of such a stone to haue béene there in times past.

The submission of king Henrie to the pope, and his reconciliation, as also the agreement betweene him and the French king. Chap. 39. 30

THe king then tooke his iornie from Ha­uerford homewards along by the sea side, euen the same waie as before he came thi­ther; and foorthwith in all hast he taketh shipping, and sailed into Normandie: and immediat­lie vnderstanding where the popes legats were, he repaired vnto them, and presented himselfe in most humble maner before them. Where & before whome after sundrie altercations passed to and fro betwéene 40 them, he purged himselfe by his oth, that he was gilt­lesse of the death of the archbishop Thomas: neuer­theles he was contented to doo the penance inioined him. For although he did not kill, nor yet know, nor consent to the murthering of him, yet he denied not but that the same was doone for his (1) sake. The am­bassadors & legats hauing thus ended with the king, with much honour returned backe, and homewards to Rome. And then the king trauelled and went to the marches of France, there to talke and haue con­ference with Lewes the French king, betweene 50 whome then was discord and debate. But after sun­drie speeches past betweene them, at length by the meanes and intercession of sundrie good men, and especiallie of Philip earle of Flanders (who was but then returned from Compostella, where he had bene in pilgrimage vnto saint Iames) the same was en­ded; and the displeasure which he had conceiued about and for the death of the archbishop of Canturburie was clerelie released. And by these means, the great malice and secret conspiracies of his sonnes and 60 their confederats was for this time suppressed and quailed, and so continued vntill the yeare following.

(1) They which doo write and intreat of the life and death of this archbishop, doo affirme that the king af­ter the death of this man, did send his ambassadors to pope Alexander at Rome, to purge himselfe of this fact. And notwithstanding that he tooke a corporall oth, that he neither did it nor caused it to be doone, nor yet gaue anie consent, or was priuie thereof, nor yet was giltie in anie respect, sauing that he confessed he did not so well fauour the bishop as he had doone in times past: yet could not his ambassadors be admit­ted to the presence and sight of the pope, vntill he had yéelded himselfe to his arbitrement and iudgement: which was that he should doo certeine penance, as al­so to performe certeine iniunctions which were as followeth. That the king at his proper costs and char­ges Iniunctions by the pope to the king of England. should kéepe and susteine two hundred souldiers for one whole yeare, to defend the holie land against the Turke. That he should permit, and that it should be lawfull to all his subiects as often as them listed to appeale to the sée of Rome. That none should be ac­counted thensefoorth to be lawfull king of England, vntill such time as he were confirmed by the Roman bishop. That he should restore to the church of Can­turburie all such goods and possessions as were taken and deteined from the same since the death of the archbishop. That he should suffer all such people as were fled or banished out of the realme for his sake, to returne home without delaie or let, and to inioy and haue againe all such goods and lands whatsoeuer they had before. Other things this Romish anti­christ did demand, and which the king was compelled to grant vnto before he could be released: whereby it dooth appeare how much they doo varie from the cal­ling of Christs apostles; and how that (contrarie to the rule of the gospell) their onelie indeuour was to make and haue princes and kingdoms subiect to their becke and tyrannie.

The vision which appeared vnto the king at his being at Cardiffe. Chap. 40.

BUt before we doo proceed anie further, it were not amisse to declare what happened and befell vnto the king in his returning through Wales, after his comming from Ireland. In his iourneie he came to the towne of Cardiffe on the saturdaie in the Easter wéeke, and lodged there all that night. On the morrow being sundaie, and commonlie called little Easter daie or Low sundaie, he went somewhat earlie to the cha­pell of saint Perian, and there heard diuine seruice, but he staied there in his secret praiers behind all his companie, somewhat longer than he was woont to doo: at length he came out, and leaping to his horsse, there stood before him one hauing before him a stake, or a post pitched in the ground. He was of colour somewhat yellowish, his head rounded and a leane face, of stature somewhat high, and aged about fortie yeares; his apparell was white, being close & downe to the ground, he was girded about the middle, and bare footed. This man spake to the king in Dutch, sai­eng; God saue thée O king, and then said thus vnto him: Christ and his mother Marie, Iohn baptist, and Peter the apostle doo salute thée: and doo strictlie charge and command thee, that thou doo forbid, that hensefoorth throughout all thy kingdome and domi­ons, there be no faires nor markets kept in anie place vpon the sundaies: and that vpon those daies no maner or person doo anie bodilie worke, but one­lie to serue God, sauing such as be appointed to dresse the meat. If thou wilt thus doo, all that thou shalt take in hand shall prosper, and thy selfe shalt haue a happie life. The king then spake in French to the gentleman, who held his horsse by the bridle, and whose name was Philip Mertros, a man borne in those parts, and who told me this tale: Aske him whe­ther he dreame or not. Which when he had so doone, the man looking vpon the king said: Whether I dreame or not, marke well and remember what daie this is: for if thou doo not this, and speedilie amend thy wicked life, thou shalt before the yeare come a­bout heare such euill news of those things which thou [Page 26] louest best, and thou shalt be so much vnquieted ther­with, that thou shalt not find anie ease or end vntill thy dieng daie. With this word the king put spur to the horsse and rode awaie towards the towne gate, which was at hand: but thinking vpon the words a­reigned his horsse and said; Call me yonder fellow againe. Wherevpon the foresaid gentleman as also one William, which two were onelie then atten­ding vpon him, first called and then sought him in the chappell, and finding him not there, sought him throughout the court, the towne, and in all the Ins, 10 but could not find him. The king being verie sad and sorie that he had not throughlie talked with the man, went abroad himselfe to seeke him, but finding him not, called for his horsses and rode from thence by Rempinbridge to Newberie. And as this man had before threatned and said, it so came to passe before the yeare was ended: for his eldest sonne Henrie, and his two yoonger sonnes Richard earle of Aqui­taine, and Geffreie erle of Britaine, in the Lent fol­lowing forsooke and shroonke from him, and went to 20 Lewes the French king. Whereof grew and insued vnto him such vexation and vnquietnesse, as he had neuer the like before, and which by one means and o­ther neuer left him vntill his dieng daie. And suerlie it was thought the same by Gods iust iudgement so befell vnto him: for as he had béene and was a diso­bedient sonne to his spirituall father, so his carnall sonnes should be disobedient and rebellious against their carnall father. Manie such forewarnings the king had by Gods mercie and goodnesse sent vnto 30 him before his death, to the end he should repent and be conuerted, and not be condemned: which would to God that euerie prince and other man did not fro­wardlie and obstinatlie condemne, but rather with an humble and a penitent heart they would (as they ought to doo) receiue and imbrace the same! And therefore I haue and mind to write more at large in my booke, concerning the instruction and institu­tion of a christian prince.

The treason and killing of Ororike 40 prince of Meth. Chap. 41.

IN the meane time Ireland was in good rest and peace, vnder such as vnto whom the charge thereof was committed. And now on a time it happened, that the one eied O­rorike 50 of Meth, being at Dublin, complained vnto Hugh de Lacie of certeine iniuries doone vnto him, praieng redresse: wherevpon the daie and a place of (1) parlée was betweene them appointed for the same. The night next before the daie of this parlée, a yoong gentleman named Griffith, the nephue of Ro­bert Fitzstephans, and Maurice Fitzgerald, being Griffiths dreame. the sonne to their eldest brother named William, dreamed in his sléepe that he saw a great heard of 60 wild hogs to rush and run vpon Hugh de Lacie and his vncle Maurice; and that one of them being more horrible and greater than the rest, had with his tusks rent and killed them: if he had not with all his force and strength rescued them, and killed the bore. On the morrow according to appointment, they came to the place appointed for the parlée, which was a certeine hill called Ororikes hill: but before they came to the verie hill it selfe, they sent messen­gers the one to the other, requiring assurance and safetie: and hauing sworne on each part to kéepe faith and truth, they came to the place appointed and there met, but yet a small companie on either side. For it was agréed vpon on both parties, & by coue­nant excepted, that on each part they should bring but a few and the like number, and they to be all vn­armed; the swords on one side and the spars on the other side, and for all the residue of the people and companie to stand aloofe and a farre off. But Grif­fith, who came to the said parlee with his vncle Mau­rice, was verie pensife and much troubled, concer­ning the vision which he saw in his sleepe; and doub­ting of the worst, made choise of seuen of the best gentlemen of his kindred, whome he knew to be va­liant, and in whome he had a speciall trust and con­fidence. These he draweth to the one side of the hill, but as néere to the place of parlée as he could, [...]here euerie of them hauing his sword, spar and shield; lept and mounted vp to their horsses, and ranging the fields they made sundrie carreers and lustie tur­naments, vnder the pretense and colour of plesant­nes and [...]astime; but in verie déed to be in a readi­nesse if need should so require.

Hugh de Lacie and Ororike this meane while were talking and discoursing of manie things, but con­cluded not of anie thing; neither did Ororike meane anie such thing. For hauing a traitorous mind, and watching his time when he might best powre out his venem, fained himselfe to go out and abroad to make water, and vnder that colour beckened vnto his men, with whome he had concluded and agreed before, that with all hast they should come awaie vnto him; and they foorthwith in all hast so did, and he also then with a pale, grim, and murtherous counte­nance, hauing his ax or spar vpon his shoulder, re­turned backe againe. Maurice Fitzgerald, which was before warned by his cousine Griffith and ad­uertised of his dreame, gaue good eie and watched the matter verie narowlie; and therefore all the par­lée time, he had his sword readie drawne about him: and espieng the traitor to be fullie bent and about to strike Hugh de Lacie, he cried out vnto him, wil­ling him to looke vnto himselfe, and to be at defense with himselfe; wherewith the traitor most violentlie strake vnto him, thinking verelie to haue murthered and dispatched him. But the interpretor of the par­lée stepping in betwéene, saued Hugh de Lacie; but he himselfe was wounded to death, and his arme cleane cut off.

Then Maurice Fitzgerald with a lowd voice cried out to his companie, who with all hast came awaie; and then began a hot and a sharpe bickering of the English swords against the Irish spars. In which skirmishing Hugh de Lacie was twise felled to the ground, and had suerlie béene killed, if Maurice had not valiantlie rescued him. Likewise the Irishmen who were manie in number, they hauing espied the becking of the traitor, they came running in all hast out of the vallies with their weapons, thinking verelie to haue made a cleane dispatch and a full end of Hugh de Lacie and of Maurice Fitzgerald. But Griffith and his companions, still watching for that which indéed did happen, were at the first call of Mau­rice in a readinesse, and being on horssebacke they came awaie with all speed: which thing when the trai­tor saw, he gan to distrust, and thought to shift him­selfe awaie and so to escape. But as he was leaping to his horsse, Griffith was come, and with his staffe or lance strake downe and ran through both horsse and man: who being thus striken downe and kil­led, as also thrée other of his men, who brought him his horsse and were in this bickering, they cut off his head from the bodie, and sent it ouer into Eng­land to the king. The residue of the Irishmen fled foorthwith and ranne awaie, but being hardlie pur­sued euen to the verie woods, there was a great dis­comfiture and slaughter made of them. Rafe the sonne of Fitzstephans, being a lustie and a valiant [Page 27] yoong gentleman▪ did well acquite himselfe, and deserued great commendation for his good ser­uice.

(1) The maner of the Irishrie was euer, and yet is, that when so euer there is [...]e controuersie a­mongst them, they will oftentimes appoint places where to meet and assemble themselues for confe­rence; which commonlie is vpon some hill distant and farre from anie house, and this assemblie is cal­led 10 among them a parlée or a parlement. And albeit the pretense héereof is of some quietnesse and re­dresse: yet experience teacheth that there is not a woorsse thing to be vsed among them. For lightlie and most commonlie there are most treacheries and treasons, most murthers and robberies, and all wic­kednesse imagined, deuised, and afterwards put in practise among them: and for the most part there is no parlée among them, whereof insueth not some mischéefe. 20

(2) This hill lieth in the prouince of Meth, about twentie miles from Dublin, and is now called the Taragh: some thinke this to be the middle part or nauill of that prouince; it is a verie pleasant and a fertile soile, and also for the most part cham­pion.

Sundrie examples concerning visions. Chap. 42. 30

[...]Or so much as there be sundrie opini­ons and iudgments concerning visions, it shall not be much amisse, or impertinent to our matter, to recite a few examples & true reports of the same. Ualerius Maximus in his first Prognosticall [...]. booke and seauenth chapter writeth, that two men of Arcadia, iournieng togither in companie towards a towne named Megara, when they came [...]ther, the 40 one of them lodged himselfe with his fréend, but the other at a common Inne. He who late in his fréends house being in bed and asléepe, dreamed that his com­panion came vnto him, and requested him to helpe him, bicause his hoast did oppresse him; wherewith he awooke, but verie shortlie he fell asléepe againe, and▪ dreamed that his said companion came againe vnto him being verie sore wounded, and praied him that although he would not at the first time come and helpe him, yet that he would now reuenge his death, 50 declaring that his host had taken his head and corps, and put it into a cart to be caried to the dunghill, and there to be buried. This man being awaked, and much troubled with this dreame, arose and sought for his fellow, and finding his dreame to be true, caused the hoast to be taken and apprehended, who for that his fact was executed and put to death. Aterius Ru­fus a gentleman of Rome likewise, being on a time at Siracusa, he dreamed that he was killed by a maister of fense, which came so to passe: for on the 60 morrow after he was present at the plaie or game of swordplaiers or maisters of defense, whereas a (1) netcaster was brought in to fight with a sword­plaier. Wherevpon Aterius vttering his dreame to him that sat next by him, would haue gone and de­parted awaie; but being persuaded to the contrarie, did staie to his owne destruction. For the netcaster hauing ouerthrowne the swordplaier, and thinking to haue pearsed him through with his sword, [...]ed him and stroke Aterius, who sat in place next there­vnto, and so was he slaine. Also Simonides the poet, being on a time let on land vpon the sea shore, he saw there a dead man lieng vnburied. The night follow­ing he dreamed that the said dead man did aduise and admonish him, that he should not take ship the daie following: but his felowes minding not to lose anie time, and the weather seeming then to be faire, they went all aboord, and hoised vp their sailes; which Si­monides refused to doo, and tarried at land. It was not long after but that the weather wared to be fowle, and the seas to be high, and in the end both the ship and men to be all lost: but Simonides credi­ting his dreame, was saued. Moreouer Calphurnia, the wife vnto Iulius Cesar, the night before hir hus­band was s [...]aine, dreamed that she saw him greatlie wounded to lie in hir lap: wherewith she being a­fraid did awake, and told Iulius hir dreame, reque­sting him that he would forbeare to repaire to the se­nat house that daie: but he giuing small credit to a womans dreame, followed his mind, and was [...] by the senators. But to leaue these examples fetched from out of other nations, let vs come neere home to our selues. A brother of mine named Walter Bar­rie, a lustie yoong gentleman, making himselfe rea­die on a time to serue in a certeine hosting against his enimie; the night before he should take his iour­nie, he dreamed that my mother who was dead on long before, did come vnto him, and aduise & warne him, that if he loued his life he should in anie wise refraine and forbeare that iournie. She in déed was not his naturall mother, but his mother in law, and yet loued him in hir life time as intirelie as hir owne child. When he had told this his dreame to his father and mine, for indéed we were both brothers by one father, though we had not one mother: he also gaue him the like aduise and counsell, but he of his pre­sumptuous mind, not regarding the same, followed his owne mind, and the same daie was killed by his enimie.

(2) As dreames sometimes are good forewarnings to men to eschew euils which are towards, yet they are not alwaies to be so receiued, as prognostica­tions infallible. For sometimes the same fall out to the contrarie, as dooth appeere by Augustus the empe­ror; who hauing warres against Brutus and Cassi­us, and he by reason of his sicknesse carried in a lit­ter, his physician Arterius dreamed that the goddesse Minerua did appeare vnto him, willing him to aduise and counsell the emperor, that he should not by rea­son of his sicknesse come into the field, nor be pre­sent in the battell, which he did. But the emperor not­withstanding entered into the field, being carried in his litter, and tooke maruellous great pains. And al­beit Brutus taking the emperors tents, séem [...]d to haue the victorie; yet was he for all that vanquished, and the emperor had the conquest. Likewise in west Wales, of late yeares, it happened a certeine rich man dwelling on the north side of a certeine moun­teine; he dreamed thrée nights togither, that there was a chaine of gold hidden in the head stone, which couered and laie vpon a certeine well or founteine, named saint Bernaces well, and that he should go and fetch it. This man at length, som what beléeuing the dreame, and minding to trie the same, went to the place, and did put his hand into the hole or place: but his hand was no sooner in, but that it was bitten, stoong, and enuenomed with an adder. Wherefore a man may sée hereby what credit is to be giuen to dreams, and I for my part doo so credit of them as I doo of rumors. But concerning such visions as God dooth send by his angels to his prophets and holie men, we must otherwise thinke of them; bicause the effect of them is most vndoubted, certeine, and as­sured.

(1) The Romans had diuerse games, plaies, and exercises amongst themselues, and had for the same certeine amphitheaters and [...]heaters made of pur­pose, [Page 28] wherein the people might sit to view and behold the same. Of these plaies or games some were of cruell beasts the one fighting with the other, some of men fighting with beasts, and some of men fighting the one with the other, and these plaies were called Ludi gladiatorij, games of sword plaieng or fighting: for as in combates in England, so they being vnharnessed, did fight with their swords or weapons in the open sight of the people, indeuouring ech one to kill the other, which were spectacles of cru­eltie 10 to harden the peoples hearts against killing in the warres. Of these some were called Mirmillones, which were such as chalenged the fight; some were called Gladiatores, and these were such as we doo name masters of defenses, bicause they vsed onelie or cheef­lie the sword; and some were called Retiarij, and these besides their weapons did vse a certeine kind of net, which in fighting they were woont to take and in­trap their enimies, and such a one was this man, who fighting with a chalenger, did by chance misse 20 him and kill Aterius.

(2) In the old and first ages, men were much gi­uen to dreames and visions: and oftentimes great forewarnings and prognostications were giuen thereby, as dooth appeare in the holie scriptures, as also in prophane histories. For Ioseph the son of Ia­cob, king Pharao, king Nabuchodonozor, Mardo­cheus, Daniell, Iudas Machabeus, Hercules, Pyr­rhus, Cicero, Cassius, Parmensis, & manie others dreamed dreames, and the same came to passe. But 30 yet these being but particular examples, and which it pleased God for some secret cause to vse: they are not to be drawne for presidents and examples to be dailie or in these daies vsed; but rather we must haue a respect and a regard to Gods speciall com­mandement, who by the mouths of his prophets hath vtterlie forbidden vs to listen to anie dreamer, or to giue credit vnto his words. Thou shalt not (saith he) hearken to the words of a dreamer of dreames, for dreames haue deceiued manie a man, and they 40 haue failed them who haue put their trust in them: for whie, they are full of deceipts and guiles, and in­uented either for the maintenance of superstition and error, or for the increasing of some filthie lucre and gaine. Phauorinus therefore inueighing against the Chaldeans, who were a people which were woont to relie much vpon dreames, willeth and aduiseth that no dreamer or interpreter of dreames should be sought or dealt withall. For (saith he) if they tell thee of anie good thing, and in the end doo deceiue 50 thee, thou shalt be in miserie to hope in vaine for the same. If they tell thée of some misfortune, and yet doo lie, yet shalt thou be in miserie, bicause thou shalt be still in feare least it may happen. And likewise if they shew thée of euill haps, and the same doo so fol­low, thou shalt be in miserie and vnquieted, that thy fortune and destinie is so euill. But if they tell thee of good things, and it be long yer the same doo hap­pen, thou shalt be much vnquieted to looke so long for it; and alwaies in feare least thine expectation 60 shall be frustrated: wherefore in no wise doo thou séeke anie such persons, nor giue anie credit vnto them.

The description of Maurice Fitzgerald. Chap. 43.

THis Maurice was a man of much no­bilitie and worship, but somewhat shame fast and yet verie well coloured, and of a good countenance, of stature he was indifferent, being seemelie and well compact at all points, in bo­die and mind he was of a like composition, being not too great in the one, nor proud in the other; of na­ture he was verie courteous and gentle, and desired rather so to be in déed, than to be thought or reputed so to be: he kept such a measure and a moderation in all his dooings, that in his daies he was a patterne of all sobrietie and good behauiour; a man of few words, and his sentences more full of wit and reason than of words and spéeches; he had more stomach than talke, more reason than spéech, and more wise­dome than eloquence. And when so euer anie matter was to be debated, as he would take good leasure, and be aduised before he would speake: so when he spake he did it verie wiselie and prudentlie. In mar­tiall affaires also he was verie bold, stout, and vali­ant, and yet not hastie to run headlong in anie ad­uenture. And as he would be well aduised before he gaue the attempt and aduenture, so when the same was once taken in hand, he would stoutlie pursue and follow the same. He was sober, modest, and chast, constant, trustie, and faithfull: a man not al­together without fault, and yet not spotted with anie notorious crime and fault.

The first dissention betweene the king and his sonnes. Chap. 44.

IN the moneth of Aprill then next folow­ing, the yoong king sonne to king Henrie the elder, being no longer able to conceale or sup­presse the wickednesse he had deuised against his father: he (I saie) and his two brethren the earls of Aquitaine and of Britaine suddenlie stole awaie into France, vnto Lewes the French king his fa­ther in law: for he had married his daughter, that hauing his aid he might ouer-run his owne father, and shorten his old yeares. And for his farther helpe he had procured vnto him and on his side manie noble men both French and English, who openlie, but manie more, who secretlie did ioine with him to aid him. The elder king the father was verie much troubled and vnquieted for and about these and ma­rrie other sudden troubles, which on euerie side did grow vpon him; but yet he bare it out with a good face and countenance, dissembling that outwardlie which he conceiued inwardlie. And to stand firme and assured, he got and procured by all the meanes he could all such aid and helpe as was to be gotten and had. He sent into Ireland for his garrison, which he had left there; and being at Rone he committed the charge and gouernment of all Ireland vnto the earle Richard; but ioined Reimond in commission with him, bicause the earle without him would not doo anie thing, nor take the charge vpon him. And then the king of his liberalitie gaue also vnto him the towne of Wexford with the castell of Guikuilo.

Of the victories of king Henrie the second. Chap. 45.

THe king hauing indured more than ci­uill wars two whole years togither aswell in England as in Aquitaine, in great trou­bles, much wachings, & painfull trauels, yet at length most valiantlie he preuailed against his e­nimies; & surelie it was more of Gods goodnes, than by mans power, and (as it is to be thought) for the re­uenge of the disobedience & wrongs doone by the sons [Page 29] against the father. But forsomuch as a mans owne houshold are commonlie the worst enimies; and of all enimies, the houshold & familiar enimie is most dangerous: there was no one thing, which more troubled and gréeued the king, than the gentlemen of his priuie chamber, and in whose hands in a man­ner laie his life or death, would euerie night secret­lie and with treacherous minds run and resort to his sonnes, and in the morning when they should doo him seruice, they were not to be found. And albeit these 10 warres in the beginning were verie doubtfull, and the king himselfe in great despaire: yet his hard be­ginning had a good ending, and he in the end had the victorie to his great honor and glorie. And God, who at the first séemed to be angrie with him, and in his anger to powre vpon him his wrath and indig­nation: yet now vpon his amendement and conuer­sion, he was become mercifull vnto him, and well pleased. And at the castell of Sandwich, whereof Reinulfe Glandeuill was then gouernor, who was 20 a wise man, and alwaies most faithfull and trustie to the king, there was a generall peace proclamed, and all England in rest and quietnesse.

In this warre the king had taken prisoners the king of Scots, the earles of Chester and of Lei­cester, besides so manie gentlemen and good serui­tors both English and French, that he had scarse a­nie prisons for so manie prisoners, nor so manie fet­ters for so manie captiues. But forsomuch as in vaine dooth a man triumph of the conquests vpon o­thers, 30 who cannot also triumph of the conquering of himselfe; and although the king had indured and a­biden manie storms, great vnquietnesse, and much trouble; and at length hauing ouercommed both them and his enimies, he might the sooner haue béen wreaked and auenged of them: yet setting apart those affections euen in the middle of his triumphs vpon others, he also triumphed ouer himselfe; vsing such kinds of courtesies & clemencies as before had not beene heard. For suppressing his malice and re­uenging 40 mind, he gaue honor to his aduersaries, & life to his enimies. And the warres thus after two yeares ended, and all the great stormes ouercom­med, he granted peace to all men, and forgaue ech man his offense and trespasse. And in the end also his sonnes repenting their follies, came and submit­ted themselues, with all humblenesse yéelding them­selues to his will and pleasure.

The description of king Henrie 50 the second. Chap. 46.

IT were not now amisse, but verie requi­sit that we should (for a perpetuall remem­brance of the king) describe and set foorth as well the nature and conditions of his in­ward man as of his outward; that men which shall be desirous hereafter to learne and read his most 60 noble acts in chiualrie, may also as it were before their eies conceiue his verie nature and liuelie por­traiture: for he being so noble an ornament to this time and our historie; we might not well, neither dooth this historie permit vs to omit and passe him o­uer in silence. Wherein we are to craue pardon that we may plainelie declare and tell the truth: for in all histories the perfect and full truth is to be alwaies o­pened, and without it the same wanteth both autho­ritie and credit: for art must follow nature. And the painter therfore, whose profession and art is to make his portraiture as liuelie as may be, if he swarue from the same, then both he and his worke lacke and want their commendation. And albeit no man be borne without his fault, yet is he most to be borne withall who is least spotted: & him must we account and thinke to be wise, who knowledgeth the same: for whie, in all worldlie matters there is no certein­tie; and vnder heauen is no perfect felicitie, but euill things are mixt with good things, and vices ioined with vertues. And therefore, as things spoken in commendation either of a mans good disposition, o [...] of his worthie dooings, doo delight and like well the hearer: euen so let him not be offended, if things not to be well liked be also recited and written. And yet the philosophers are of the opinion, that we ought to reuerence so the higher powers in all maner of offi­ces and dueties, as that we should not prouoke nor mooue them with anie sharpe spéeches or disordered languages. For (as Terence saith) faire words and soothing speeches bréed fréendship, but plaine telling of truth makes enimies. Wherfore it is a dangerous thing to speake euill against him, though the occasi­on be neuer so iust, as who can foorthwith auenge the same. And it is a matter more dangerous, and he aduentureth himselfe verie far, which will contend in manie words against him, who in one or few words can wreake the same. It were suerlie a verie happie thing, and that which I confesse passeth my reach, if a man intreating of princes causes might tell the truth in euerie thing, and yet not offend them in anie thing. But to the purpose.

Henrie the second, king of England, was of a ve­rie good colour, but somewhat red: his head great and round, his eies were fierie, red, and grim, and his face verie high coloured; his voice or speech was shaking, quiuering, or trembling; his necke short, his breast brode and big, strong armed, his bodie was grosse, and his bellie somewhat big, which came vnto him ra­ther by nature than by anie grosse feeding or surfet­ting. For his diet was very temperat, and to saie the truth, thought to be more spare than comelie, or for the state of a prince: and yet to abate his grossenesse, and to remedie this fault of nature, he did as it were punish his bodie with continuall exercise, and did as it were kéepe a continuall warre with himselfe. For in the times of his warres, which were for the most part continuall to him, he had little or no rest at all; and in time of peace he would not grant vnto him­selfe anie peace at all, nor take anie rest: for then did he giue himselfe wholie vnto hunting, and to follow the same he would verie erlie euerie morning be on horssebacke, and then into the woods, sometimes into the forrests, and sometimes into the hilles and fields, and so would he spend the whole daie vntill night. In the euening when he came home, he would neuer or verie seldome sit either before or after supper: for though he were neuer so wearie, yet still would he be walking and going. And forsomuch as it is verie profitable for euerie man in his life time, that he doo not take too much of anie one thing; for the medicine it selfe which is appointed for a mans helpe & reme­die, is not absolutelie perfect and good to be alwaies vsed: euen so it befell and happened to this prince; for partlie by his excessiue trauels, and partlie by diuerse bruses in his bodie, his legs and féet were swollen and sore. And though he had no disease at all, yet age it selfe was a breaking sufficient vnto him. He was of a resonable stature, which happened to none of his sons; for his two eldest sons were somwhat higher, & his two yoonger sons were somewhat lower and lesse than was he. If he were in a good mood, and not an­grie, then would he be verie pleasant and eloquent: he was also (which was a thing verie rare in those daies) verie well learned: he was also verie affable, gentle, and courteous; and besides so pitifull, that when he had ouercome his enimie, yet would he be ouercome with pitie towards him.

[Page 30] In warres he was most valiant, and in peace he was as prouident and circumspect. And in the wars mistrusting and doubting of the end and euent ther­of, he would (as Terence writeth) trie all the waies and meanes he could deuise rather than wage the battell. If he lost anie of his men in the fight, he would maruellouslie lament his death, and séeme to pitie him more being dead than he did regard or ac­count of him being aliue, more bewailing the dead than fauoring the liuing. In times of distresse no 10 man more courteous, and when all things were safe no man more hard or cruell. Against the stubborne & vnrulie no man more sharpe, nor yet to the hum­ble no man more gentle; hard toward his owne men and houshold, but liberall to strangers, bountifull a­brode, but sparing at home: whom he once hated, he would neuer or verie hardlie loue; and whom he once loued, he would not lightlie be out with him, or for­sake him: he had great pleasure and delight in hawking and hunting. Would God he had béene 20 as well bent and disposed vnto good deuotion!

It was said that after the displeasure growne be­twéene the king and his sonnes, by the meanes and thorough the intising of the queene their moother, he neuer accounted to kéepe his word and promise, but without anie regard or care was a common breaker thereof. And true it is, that of a certeine na­turall disposition he was light and inconstant of his word: and if the matter were brought to a narrow streict or pinch, he would not sticke rather to couer 30 his word, than to denie his déed. And for this cause he in all his dooings was verie prouident and circum­spect, and a verie vpright and a seuere minister of iu­stice, although he did therein greeue and make his friends to smart. His answers for the most part were peruerse and froward. Iustice which is God himselfe is fréelie and without rewards to be mini­stred. And albeit for profit and lucre all things are set to sale, and doo bring great gaines as well to the clergie as to the laitie: yet they are no better to a 40 mans heires or executors, than were the riches of (2) Gehezi the seruant to Elizeus, whose gréedie ta­kings turned himselfe to vtter ruine and destruc­tion.

He was a great peacemaker, and a carefull kee­per thereof himselfe: a liberall almes giuer, and a speciall benefactor to the holie land, he loued humili­tie, abhorred pride, and much oppressed his nobilitie. The hungrie he refreshed, but the rich he regarded not. The humble he would exalt, but the mightie he 50 disdained. He vsurped much vpon the holie church, and of a certeine kind of zeale, but not according to knowledge; he did intermingle and conioine the pro­phane with holie things; for why, he would be all in all himselfe. He was the child of the holie church, and by hir aduanced to the scepter of his kingdome, and yet he either dissembled or vtterlie forgat the same: for he was slacke alwaies in comming to the church vnto the diuine seruice, and at the time thereof he would be busied and occupied rather in councels and 60 in conference about the affaires of his common­wealth, than in deuotion and praier. The liuelihoods belonging to anie spirituall promotion, he would in time of vacation confiscat to his owne treasurie, and assume that to himselfe which was due vnto Christ. When anie new troubles or wars did grow or come vpon him, then would he lash & powre all that euer he had in store or treasurie; and liberallie bestow that vpon a roister or a soldier, which ought to haue beene giuen vnto the priest. He had a verie prudent & fore­casting wit, and therby foreséeing what things might or were like to insue, he would accordinglie order & dispose either for the performance, or for the preuen­ting thereof: notwithstanding manie times the e­uent happened to the contrarie, and he disappointed of his expectation: and commonlie there happened no ill vnto him, but he would foretell therof to his friends and familiars.

He was a maruellous naturall father to his chil­dren, and loued them tenderlie in their childhood and yoong yeares: but they being growne to some age and ripenesse, he was as a father in law, and could scarselie brooke anie of them. And notwithstanding they were verie handsome, comelie, and noble gen­tlemen: yet whether it were that he would not haue them prosper too fast, or whether they had euill deser­ued of him, he hated them; & it was full much against his will, that they should be his successors, or heires to anie part of his inheritance. And such is the pro­speritie of man, that as it can not be perpetuall, no more can it be perfect and assured: for why, such was the secret malice of fortune against this king, that where he should haue receiued much comfort, there had he most sorrow: where quietnesse & safetie, there vnquietnesse and perill: where peace, there enimitie: where courtesie, there ingratitude: where rest, there trouble. And whether this happened by the meanes of the (3) marriages, or for the punishment of the fa­thers sinnes: certeine it is, there was no good agrée­ment, neither betweene the father & the sonnes, nor yet among the sonnes themselues.

But at length, when all his enimies and the distur­bers of the common peace were suppressed; and his brethren, his sonnes, and all others his aduersaries as well at home as abroad were reconciled: then all things happened and befell vnto him (though it were long first) after and according to his owne will and mind. And would to God he had likewise reconciled himselfe vnto God, and by amendement of his life had in the end also procured his fauour and mer­cie! Besides this, which I had almost forgotten, he was of such a (4) memorie, that if he had once séene and knowne a man, he would not forget him: neither yet whatsoeuer he had heard, would he be vnmind­full thereof. And hereof was it, that he had so readie a memorie of histories which he had read, as a know­ledge and a maner of an experience in all things. To conclude, if he had béene chosen of God, and béene ob­sequious and carefull to liue in his feare and after his laws, he had excelled all the princes of the world: for in the gifts of nature no one man was to be compared vnto him. Thus much brieflie, and yet not much besides the matter, I haue thought good to de­liuer, that hauing in few words made my entrie; o­ther writers maie haue the better occasion more at large to discourse and intreat of this so worthie an historie. And therefore leauing the same to others, let vs returne to our Ireland, from whense we di­gressed.

(1) The words are Oculis glaucis: which some doo English to be greie eies, like the colour of the skie, with specks in it: but some doo English it a bright red, as is the colour of a lions eie, which is common­lie a signe or an argument of a man which will be soone warmed & angrie: & so it is to be taken in this place: for the words, which follow, be: Ad iram tor­uis, which is to saie, grim looking eies disposed to an­ger: which eies were answerable to the complexion and disposition of this king.

(2) This historie is written in the fift chapter of the second booke of the kings, & in effect is this. When the prophet Elisha or Elizeus had healed Naaman the Syrian of his leprosie, he would haue rewarded the prophet, & haue giuen great and rich gifts: but he refused the same and would none thereof, wherefore Naaman departed awaie. But Gehezi the seruant of the prophet, being touched with a greedie and a co­uetous [Page 31] mind, and angrie that his master had refu­sed such rich presents, secretlie he ran after the Sy­rian; and ouertaking him, did aske of him in his ma­sters name a talent of siluer, & certeine garments: which he receiued doubled, and returned therewith. But he was no sooner come home, but that his coue­tousnesse was rewarded, and he plagued with the le­prosie of Naaman, which cloue vnto him as white as the snow.

(3) The king maried Eleanor the daughter and heire to the erle of Poitiers (who before was maried 10 to Lewes the eight and king of France, but diuor­sed from him for néerenesse of blood) and after that he had continued with hir sundrie yeares, and recei­ued by hir six sonnes and three daughters, he fell in loue with a yoong wench named Rosamund, and then waxed wearie of his wife. And she to be awrea­ked, did not onelie in continuance of time find the means to find out this Rosamund, who was kept se­cret in a house builded like a labyrinth of purpose for 20 hir safe kéeping at Woodstocke, where when the quéen had found hir, Rosamund liued not long after: but also for a further reuenge, she by means of hir sonnes who were noble & valiant gentlemen, caused warres to be s [...]urred and raised against the king to his great vnquietnesse: and this is one of the mariages of which this author meaneth. The other was of his son named Henrie, whome he did not onelie make and crowne king in his life time, but also for a con [...]rma­tion of a peace to be had betwéene him and Lewes 30 the eight then French king, he maried his said sonne to the ladie Margaret daughter to the said French king. By reason whereof his said sonne being once come to yéeres of age, and thinking it too long yer he could haue the sole gouernment, as also being by the quéene his mother intised, and taking hir part, he fled to the French king his father in law; and by his a [...]d, as also of sundrie other noble men both English and French, who ioined with him, made warres vp­on his said father: which bred vnto him no little trou­ble and vnquietnesse.

(4) There is not a more commendable & more ne­cessarie vertue in a king, than is the g [...] of a quicke and good memorie: for by it knowledge dooth increase and experience is perfected. And therefore saith Ci­cero, that memorie is the treasurie of all good things, and most necessarie to the life of man: wherein the more the gouernor excelleth, the more prouident is his gouernment. For why, as Plutar [...] writeth, the remembrance of things past are speciall presidents and examples of things to come. Diuers and sundrie men haue béene famous, and much commended for their excellencie in this vertue. Mithr [...]dates king of Pontus in Asia had vnder his dominion two and twentie nations, and he was of such singular memo­rie, that he did not onelie vnderstand their seuerall languages, but also spake them perfe [...]lie: and in iudgements would heare each man to speake in his owne language, and answer them in the same. Cy­rus king of Persia, the sonne of Cambises, so excel­led in memorie, that hauing an excéeding great mul­titude of men in his host, he would call euerie man by his proper name and surname. Cineas an ambas­sador from king Pyrrhus to the Romanes, was not in Rome aboue one whole date, before he could sa­lute euerie of the senators, and euerie noble man of Rome by his particular name. Likewise Iul [...]us Cesar and Adrianus the emperors of Rome were of such excellent memories, that euerie of them at one instant could both read and write, as also speake and heare. The like also is said of the famous and most excellentlie learned man Erasmus Roteroda­mus, who hauing alwaies or for the most part sundrie and diuers clearks writing at one time and instant, of sundrie matters, would walke vp and downe a­mong them, and indite to euerie one what he should write. And this thing is so necessarie in all princes, that in the old ages they were euer woont to haue a­bout them such men as were of a speciall memorie; to put them in mind of all such things as to them should be méet and requisite, and these were called Nomenclatores. Whether this king had any such at­tending vpon him or not, it is certeine that he him­selfe was of an excellent good memorie.

Thus far the first booke of the Conquest of Ireland.

SYLVESTER GIRAL­dus Cambrensis, his second booke of the vaticinall historie of the Conquest of Ireland.
The Proheme of the author.

WE haue thus farre continued our historie, in as perfect and full order as we could, hauing omitted nothing worthie the memorie, as farre as the matter seemed to re­quire: but being occupied and busied with the generall and necessarie causes in religion, although we had not sufficient leasure and time to follow and prosecute this our enterprise and matter begun, yet did not we thinke it meet to giue the same ouer, and to leaue it helfe! vndoone. We haue there­fore, and yet doo continue the historie but breefelie, not in anie high or eloquent stile; but in a common phrase and plaine speeches, giuing rather thereby an occasion to our posteritie for them to set foorth this historie, than to doo it our selues. For indeed our leasure is verie small, and such as it is, it is turned to troubles and vnquietnesse, our loue and zeale into hatred, our ioy into sorrow, and our rest to molestations.

For now flourish not the honest exercises of studies, but the busie policies of warres: now the good studies of the mind are contemned, and the lusts of the bodie imbraced: now we haue no leasure to serue the Muses, but to be hammering with weapons: quiet minds are not now at leasure, but glistering weapons and armors are in euerie mans hands. Wherefore let not the reader looke now at our hands for anie good order, elo­quence, or pleasantnesse in this our writing: for place must be giuen of necessitie vnto time. And as the same is now verie troublesome, so can the same bring foorth but trouble­some matters. In these troubled times, and wanting conuenient leasure and quietnesse, I haue trauelled with the more paines to absolue and end this my worke: not after the maner of a student, but as a traueller; whose nature and condition is, that when he dooth set foorth on his iournie verie slacklie and slowlie, then dooth he make the more hast, and trauell the more speedilie. How soeuer it shall please God to deale with vs in the ser­uices now in hand, I haue as diligentlie as I can compiled this my historie as also my topographie, leauing the same as a monument of our will, to remaine to our countrie and posteritie for euer.

THE SECOND BOOKE of the Conquest of Ireland.

The earle is sent backe againe into Ire­land, and is made generall of the land, and Reimond is ioined in com­mission with him. Chap. 1.

ERle Richard, be­ing now returned into Ireland, the 10 people there being aduertised of the great trubles which were beyond the seas, they being a people constant on­lie in inconstancie, firme in wauering and faithfull in vn­truths; these (I say) 20 and all the princes of that land, the earle at his com­ming found to be reuolted and to become rebels. For the recouerie and suppressing of whom, the earle then wholie bestirred himselfe; and at length hauing spent and consumed all his treasure, which he had brought ouer with him, his soldiors who were vnder the guiding of Herueie being then constable, lacked their wages and were vnpaid: and by reason of the emulation betwéaene Herueie and Reimond, the ser­uice and exploits to be doon against the Irishrie was 30 verie slacke and slender; and by that meanes they wanted such preies and spoiles of neat and cattell as they were w [...]nt to haue for their vittels. The souldiors in this distresse, wanting both monie for their wages and vittels for their food, assembled themselues and went vnto the earle, vnto whome with one voice they exclamed and said; that vnlesse he would make and appoint Reimond to be their capteine againe, they would without all doubt for­sake him, and would either returne home againe, or 40 (that which is worse) would go and serue vnder the enimies.

In this distresse was Reimond appointed the cap­teine, & forthwith hauing mustered his souldiers, he made a rode or iourneie into Ophalia vpon the re­bels there, where he tooke great preies, and were well recouered as well in horsse as in armor. From thense they marched to Lismore, where when they had spoi­led both the towne and countrie, they returned with great booties, taking the waie vnto Waterford by 50 the sea side: and being come to the sea shores, where they found thirteene botes latelie come from Wa­terford, as also others of other places; all these they laded with their pretes, minding to haue passed by water vnto Waterford. But tarieng there for a wind, the men of Corke, who had heard of their doo­ings, and being but sixtéene miles from them, doo pre­pare two and thirtie barks of their owne towne, and doo well man and furnish them, being wholie deter­mined to set vpon Reimond, and if they can to giue him the ouerthrow; which they did: betwéene whom was a cruell fight, the one part giuing a fierce onset with stones and spaths, & the other defending them­selues with bowes and weapons. In the end the men of Corke were ouercome, and their capteine named Gilbert Mac Turger was there slaine by a lustie yoong gentleman named Philip Welsh. And then Adam Herford, who was the generall or admerall of that nauie, being well increased and laden with great preies, sailed with great triumph to the citie of Waterford.

But Reimond himselfe was not present at this fight vpon the water, and yet hearing thereof, he came in all hast and marched towards them, taking his waie by the sea side, hauing in his companie twentie gentlemen, and thréescore horssemen. And by the waie in his iourneie he met with Dermond Mac Artie prince of Desmond, who was comming with a great band of men to helpe and rescue the men of Corke where they fought togither: but in the end Mac Artie had the worse side, and was ouer­throwne; and then Reimond hauing preied and taken about foure thousand head of neat, he marched and came to Waterford. About this time also as they marched homewards, certeine Irishmen in those parties lieng skulking & lurking in the woods, when the preies and cattell passed by, they issued out, tooke and carried awaie certeine of the cattell in­to the woods, wherevpon the crie was vp, and came us farre as Waterford. Wherevpon the souldiers and most part of the garison issued out, among whom Meilerius was the best and most forward. For he being come to the woods, and hauing in his compa­nie then onelie one souldier, put spur to the horsse, and aduentured in the woods, following the Irish­men (by the abetting of the souldier who was with him) euen to the furthest & thickest part of the woods: where he was so farre entered, that he was in dan­ger of the enimie: and the souldier being not able to retire was there taken, killed and hewed in péeces. Meilerius then séeing himselfe to be inuironed round about with the enimies, and he in the like pe­rill as the other was, bicause he alone against a thou­sand was neither able to rescue his man, nor helpe himselfe, but in danger to be taken as was the o­ther, like a valiant gentleman draweth his sword, and with a lustie courage, euen in despite of their téeth maketh waie through them. And such as set vp­on him he spared not, but cut off an arme of this man, a hand of that man, a head of one, and a shoul­der of another, & he escaped throughout them with­out anie harme or hurt to his owne bodie, sauing that he brought two darts in his shield, and thrée in his horsse.

The ouerthrow giuen by the Irish­men against the souldiers which came from Dublin; and what the Osto­men were, of whom mention is made here and elsewhere. Chap. 2.

WHen these things were thus done, & the souldiers well refreshed by the booties and 10 preies taken vpon the water and the land, Reimond being aduertised that his father William Fitzgerald was dead, he tooke shipping and passed ouer into Wales, there to take seisen, and to enter into the land descended vnto him. And in his absence Heruie was againe made lieutenant of the armie: who in the absence of Reimond, thinking to doo some seruice and notable exploit, bringeth the earle vnto Cashill; and for their better strength and further helpe, sent his commandement vnto Dub­lin, 20 that the souldiers there should come and méet them; who according came foorth: and in the iourneie they passed thorough Ossorie, where on a certeine night they lodged themselues. Donald then prince of Limerike, a man verie wise in his nation, hauing vnderstanding by his priuie espials of their cōming, suddenlie and vnwares verie earlie in the morning with a great force and companie stale vpon them, and slue of them foure gentlemen which were cap­teins, and foure hundred (1) Ostomen in this sore dis­comfiture. 30

The earle as soone as he heard hereof, with great sorrow & heauinesse returned vnto Waterford. By means of this mishap, the Irishmen in euerie place tooke such a heart and comfort, that the whole nation with one consent and agréement rose vp against the Englishmen, and the earle as it were a man besie­ged, kept himselfe within the wals and citie of Wa­terford, and from whence he mooued not. But Rotho­rike Oconor prince of Connagh, comming and pas­sing 40 ouer the riuer of Shenin, thinking now to reco­uer all Meth, inuadeth the same with sword and fire, and spoileth, burneth, and destroieth the same, & all the whole countrie euen to the hard walles of Dublin, leauing no castell standing or vndestroied.

(1) These Ostomen were not Irishmen, but yet of long continuance in Ireland. Some saie they came first out of Norwaie, and were called Osto­men, that is to saie Easterlings, or Easterne men, 50 bicause that countrie lieth East in respect of Eng­land and Ireland. Some thinke they were Saxons and Normans; but whatsoeuer they were, they were merchants and vsed the trade of merchandize, and in peaceable maner they came into Ireland; and there being landed they found such fauour with the Irish­rie, that they licenced them to build hauen townes wherein they might dwell & vse their traffike. These men builded the ancientest and most part of the ci­ties and towns vpon or néere the sea side within that land; as namelie Dublin, Waterford, Corke, Lime­rike, 60 and others. And albeit they in processe of time grew to be mightie and strong, and for their safetie did build townes and castels: yet they durst not to dwell among the Irish people, but still continued and kept themselues within their owne townes and forts, and thereof they are and were called since townesmen. And of them were these, being the inhabitants of Dublin, which came to méet the earle, and were thus slaine.

The returning of Reimond into Ire­land, and how he maried Basilia the sister vnto the earle. Chap. 3.

THe earle then seeing himselfe to be now in great distresse, and in a narrow streict, taketh aduise with his fréends and councel­lors what were best to be doone. At length, as vnto his last refuge, he sendeth his letters to Rei­mond being yet in Wales, to this effect. ‘As soone as you haue read these our letters, make all the hast you can to come awaie, and bring with you all the helpe and force that you can make: and then according to your owne will and desire, you shall assuredlie and immediatlie vpon your comming haue and marrie my sister Basilia.’ Reimond; as soone as he had readthese letters, he was forthwith in hast to be gone, and thought it long yer he could be gone; not onlie in re­spect of the faire ladie, whom he had long wooed, lo­ued, and desired; but also that he might helpe and suc­cour his lord and maister in this distresse and neces­sitie. Wherefore he maketh preparation accordinglie, and by means of friendship and otherwise, he had gotten thirtie lustie yoong gentlemen of his owne coosins and kindred, and one hundred horssemen; as also thrée hundred footmen and bowmen of the best and chosen men in all Wales: all which were in a readinesse to go with him. And as soone as the ship­ping for them was readie, and the wind seruing, he and his coosin Meilerius, with all the said companie tooke the seas, and shortlie after arriued in twentie barks vnto (1) Waterford.

At the verie same time the townesmen of Wa­terford, being in a verie great rage and furie against the Englishmen there, were fullie minded and deter­mined to haue killed them all wheresoeuer they could find them. But when they saw these barks comming in with their flags, hanging to their top masts, which to them were vnknowne, they were astonied at their so sudden comming, and their deuises were dashed. Reimond foorthwith entered the towne with all his companie; and when all things were quieted and ap­peased, he & the earle went from thense vnto Wex­ford, with all their force and strength, leauing behind one (2) Precell or Purcell his lieutenant at Water­ford. But he verie shortlie minding to follow after the earle, tooke a boat, and as he passed ouer the riuer of the Sure, the maister of the boat and his compa­nie which were townesmen of Waterford, slue this Purcell, and those few whom he had then attending vpon him. Which murther when they had thus doone, they returned to the citie, and there without all pitie or mercie, spared neither man, nor woman, nor child; but slue as manie as they could find in the streets, houses, or anie other places. Howbeit the citie it selfe was safelie kept by such as were then in Reinolds tower, who draue the traitors out of the citie, as also in the end compelled them to yéeld and submit them­selues, and to intreat for peace, which they hardlie ob­teined, both with an euill credit and harder condi­tions.

But Reimond still mindfull of the promise made vnto him, and he languishing vntill the same were performed, would not depart from out of Wexford, vntill messengers were sent to (3) Dublin to fetch and bring his louer Basilia to (4) Wexford to be ma­ried vnto him. Which being doone, and he maried, they spent all that daie and night in feastings & pastimes. And as they were in their most iollitie, newes was brought vnto them, how that Rothorike prince of Connagh had destroied, wasted, & spoiled all Meth, and was entred into the borders of Dublin. Where­vpon [Page 35] Reimond on the next morrow, setting apart and giuing ouer all wedding pastimes, mustereth all his souldiors, and without anie delaiengs mar­cheth towards the enimies. But Rothorike who had before tried his valiantnesse, and experimented his force, hearing of his comming, and not minding to trie or abide the same, retireth backe, and getteth him to his owne home and countrie. Then Reimond re­couereth againe all those countries, and foorthwith causeth all the forts and castels then before pulled 10 downe and defaced, to be now reedified and repared, as also the castels of Trim, and of Dunlences in Meth, of which Hugh Tirell was before the cone­stable, and for want of rescue and helpe compelled to leaue and forsake them. And thus by the means of Reimond, all things being recouered and restored to their former and pristine estate, the whole land for feare of him continued a good time in peace and rest.

(1) There is great varietie in such bookes and ex­amples 20 as I haue, and which I doo follow in this point: some writing that Reimond did not land at Waterford, but at Wexford; and the tumult there being appeased, he went from thense vnto Water­ford, and brought the earle vnto Wexford. Some write againe (as is aforesaid) that he landed at Wa­terford, and not at Wexford: but hauing saluted the earle, appeased the tumult, and set all things in or­der, he conducted the earle and the whole armie ouer land vnto Wexford. Although there be some vari­ance 30 in the exemplars, yet concerning the substance of the historie it is not materiall.

(2) There is also a varietie in the exemplars of this name; some write Fricellus, and some write Pricellus, and some Pircellus, or Purcell; it is like to be Purcell, for they of that name were seruitors in this conquest, and for their good seruice they were rewarded with lands and territories, and who are yet remaining about or néere the citie, and in the countie of Waterford. 40

(3) It is certeine that this Basilia abode at Du­blin, but whether she were there married or at Wex­ford it is doubted. Some hold opinion, that Reimond after that he had met and also saluted the erle, they foorthwith hearing the countries in Leinster, and es­peciallie about Dublin to be in an vprore, marched thither straitwaie without anie staie. And there Rei­mond as a lustie soldior in his armor married the la­die Basilia, and they issued with aduantage vpon the enimie. But the writer of best credit saith that the 50 marriage was at Wexford.

The secret practise of Herueie a­gainst Reimond. Chap. 4.

BUt Herueie seeing the honor and credit of Reimond dailie to increase more & more, and he much gréeued therewith, deuiseth all the means he can how to stop and hinder the 60 same: and forsomuch as he could not compasse the same by anie open attempt, he practiseth it secretlie, and by secret deuises. Wherfore he is now a suter to marrie the ladie N [...]sta, daughter to Maurice Fitz­gerald, and cousine germane to Reimond; that vn­der the colour of this new affinitie, aliance, and vn­fained fréendship he might take Reimond in a trip. Well, his secret deuises being to himselfe, and no such thing suspected nor mistrusted as he meant; he by his earnest sute obteineth this gentlewoman, and marrieth hir. And Reimond also to make freendship on all sides to be the more firme, procured that Aline the earls daughter was maried to William eldest son of William Fitzgerald. And to Maurice Fitz­gerald himselfe, who was latlie come out of Wales, there was giuen the halfe cantred of Ophelan, which he had before of the kings gift, as also the castell of Guindoloke: and Meilerius bicause he was the bet­ter marcher had the other halfe cantred. But the can­tred of land which was neerest towards Dublin, and which the king had once giuen vnto Fitzstephans, was now bestowed vpon the two Herfords.

The obteining of the priuilege at Rome. Chap. 5.

IN this meane time the king, though he were in great troubles, & much vnquieted with the wars, yet was he not vnmindfull of his realme of Ireland, as also of the orders made and deuised at the councell of Cashill, for the redresse and reformation of the filthie and loose life of the Irishrie. And therevpon sent his ambassadors vnto Rome to pope Alexander the third, of and from whom he obteined certeine priuileges, and vnder his authoritie; namelie, that he should be lord ouer all the realme of Ireland; and by his power and autho­ritie they to be reduced and brought to the christian faith, after the maner and order of the church of En­gland. This priuilege the king sent ouer into Ire­land by one Nicholas Wallingford then prior, but afterwards abbat of Malmesburie, and William Fitzaldelme. And then being at Waterford, they caused an assemblie and a synod to be had of all the bishops and clergie within that land; and then in the open audience of them, the said grant and priuilege was openlie read and published: as also one other priuilege before giuen and granted by pope Adrian an Englishman borne, at the sute of one Iohn of Salisburie, who was made bishop of Karnoceus at Rome. And by this man also he sent vnto the king for a token, and in signe of a possession thereof, one gold ring, which togither with the priuilege was laid vp in the kings treasurie at Winchester. The tenure of both which priuileges it shall not be amisse here to insert. And concerning the first, these are the words thereof.

Adrian the bishop, the seruant of the seruants of God, to his most déere sonne in Christ the noble king Two priuile­ges sent from Rome to the king of Eng­land. of England sendeth gréeting, and the apostolike be­nediction. Your excellencie hath béene verie care­full and studious how you might inlarge the church of God here in earth, and increase the number of his saints and elects in heauen: in that as a good catho­like king, you haue and doo by all meanes labor and trauell to inlarge and increase Gods church, by teach­ing the ignorant people the true and christian religi­on, and in abolishing and rooting vp the weeds of sin and wickednesse: and wherin you haue and doo craue for your better aid and furtherance the helpe of the a­postolike sée, wherein the more spéedilie and discreet­lie you doo procéed, the better successe we hope God will send. For all they which of a feruent zeale, and loue in religion, doo begin and enterprise anie such thing, shall no doubt in the end haue a good and pros­perous successe. And as for Ireland and all other I­lands where Christ is knowen, and the christian reli­gion receiued, it is out of all doubt, and your excel­lencie well knoweth, they doo all apperteine and be­long to the right of saint Peter, and of the church of Rome. And we are so much the more redie, desirous, & willing to sow the acceptable séed of Gods word, because we know the same in the latter daie will be most seuerelie required at our hands. You haue (our welbeloued in Christ) aduertised and signified [Page 36] vnto vs, that you will enter into the land and realme of Ireland, to the end to bring them obedient vnto law, and vnder your subiection, and to root out from among them their foule sins and wickednesse, as also to yéeld and paie yéerelie out of euerie house a yeare­lie pension of one penie vnto saint Peter: and be­sides also will defend & kéepe the rites of those chur­ches whole and inuiolate. We therefore well allow­ing and fauouring this your godlie disposition & com­mendable affection, doo accept, ratifie, and assent vn­to this your petition: and doo grant that you for the 10 dilating of Gods church, the punishment of sin, the reforming of maners, planting of vertue, and the increasing of christian religion, you doo enter to pos­sesse that land, and there to execute according to your wisedome whatsoeuer shall be for the honor of God, and the safetie of the realme. And further also we doo strictlie charge and require that all the people of that land doo with all humblenesse, dutifulnesse, and honor receiue and accept you as their liege lord and soue­reigne, reseruing and excepting the right of the holie 20 church, which we will be inuiolably preserued; as also the yeerelie pension of the Peter pence out of eue­rie Peter pence. house, which we require to be trulie answered to saint Peter, and to the church of Rome. If therfore you doo mind to bring your godlie purpose to effect, indeuor to trauell to reforme the people to some bet­ter order and trade of life: and that also by your selfe, and by such others as you shall thinke meet, true, and honest, in their life, maners and conuersation, the church of God may be beautified, the true christian 30 religion sowed and planted, and all other things to be doone, that by anie meanes shall or may be to Gods honor, and the saluation of mens soules: whereby you may in the end receiue at Gods hands the re­ward of an euerlasting life, as also in the meane time, and in this life carrie a glorious fame, and an honorable report among all nations. The tenure and effect of the second priuilege is thus.

Alexander the bishop, the seruant of the seruants The second priuilege. of God, to his déerelie beloued son the noble king of 40 England sendeth gréeting, grace, and the apostolike benediction. Forsomuch as things giuen and gran­ted vpon good reasons by our predecessors, are to be well allowed of, ratified, and confirmed; we well considering and pondering the grant and priuilege, for and concerning the dominion of the land of Ire­land to vs apperteining, and latelie giuen by Adrian our predecessor; we following his steps doo in like maner confirme, ratifie, and allow the same: reser­uing and sauing to saint Peter and to the church of 50 Rome the yéerelie pension of one penie out of euerie house as well in England as in Ireland. Prouided also, that the barbarous people of Ireland by your meanes be reformed and recouered from their filthie life and abhominable conuersation; that as in name so in maners and conuersation they may be christi­ans: that as that rude and disordered church by you being reformed, the whole nation also may with the profession of the name be in acts and life followers of 60 the same.

The titles of the kings of England vnto Ireland. Chap. 6.

LEt then the enuious & ignorant cease and giue ouer to quarrell, and anouch that the kings of England haue no right nor ti­tle to the realme of Ireland. But let them well vnderstand that by fiue maner of waies, that is to saie, by two ancient titles, and three latter they haue to auouch and defend the same, as in our to­pographie is declared. First it is euident and appa­rent by the histories of England, that Gurguntius the sonne of Belin king of Britaine, as he returned with great triumph from out of Denmarke, he met at the Iles of the Orchades a nauie (1) of a certeine nation or people, named Baldenses, now Baions, and those he sent into Ireland, appointing vnto them certeine guides and leaders to conduct & direct them thither.

Likewise the same histories doo plainlie witnesse, that king Arthur, the famous king of Britaine, had manie of the Irish kings tributarie to him: & he on a time holding & kéeping his court at Westchester, Gillomarus king or monarch of Ireland, with other the princes thereof, came & presented themselues be­fore him. Also the Irishmen came out of (2) Baion, the chiefe citie in Biscaie. And forsomuch as men, be they neuer so frée, yet they maie renounce their right and libertie, and bring themselues into subiection: so it is apparent that the princes of Ireland did fréelie, and of their owne accord, submit & yéeld themselues to king Henrie of England, & swore vnto him faith and loialtie. And albeit such men of a kind of a natu­rall lightnesse and inconstancie, be not ashamed nor afraied to denie and renounce their faith: yet that can not so release and discharge them. Euerie man is at his owne choise and libertie how to contract and bargaine with anie one, but the same once made he can not fléet nor swarue from it. And finallie the holie pope, in whom is the effect of perfection, and who by a certeine prerogatiue and title requireth & clai­meth all Ilands, bicause by him and by him and by his meanes they were first reduced and recouered to the christian faith; he I saie hath ratified and con­firmed this title.

(1) The historie is this, that Gurguntius the son of king Belin made a viage into Denmarke, there to appease the people, who were then vp in rebellion against him: and hauing preuailed and ouercommed them, he in his returning homewards by the Iles of the Orchades; there met him a fléet or a nauie of thir­tie or (as some saie) three score sailes of men and wo­men latelie come and exiled from out of that part of Spaine, called then Baldensis, whereof Baion was the chiefe citie, but now it is a part of the countrie of Gascoigne, whose capteine named (as some write) Bartholomew, did present himselfe before Gurgun­tius, and discoursing vnto him the cause of their tra­uels, besought him to consider of their distresse, and to grant vnto them some dwelling place, and they would béecome his subiects. Which their request the king granted, and taking their oth of allegiance sent and caused them to be conducted into Ireland, where as his subiects they remained and continued.

(2) These people were named Iberi, & before that they came to seeke vnto Gurguntius for a land to dwell in, they dwelled in that part of Spaine, where­of Baion is the metropole, which is now part of Bi­scaie, and this countrie before and long after the time of Gurguntius, was still subiect to the kings of Bri­taine, now called England.

The rebellion of Donald prince of Li­merike, and of the taking of the citie of Limerike. Chap. 7.

IN the meane while, Donald O Brin prince of Limerike waxed verie insolent, and nothing regarding his former promise and oth made to the king, began & did with­draw his fealtie and seruice. Wherevpon Reimond [Page 37] mustering his armie, gathered and picked out the best and lustiest men which he had. And hauing twen­tie and sir gentlemen, thrée hundred horssemen, and thrée hundred bowmen and footmen in readinesse and well appointed, about the kalends of October mar­ched towards Limerike to assaile the same. When they came thither, the riuer of the Shenin, which inui­roneth and runneth round about the citie, they found the same to be so déepe and stikle, that they could not passe ouer the same. But the lustie yoong gentlemen 10 who were gréedie to haue the preie, but more desi­rous to haue the honor, were in a great agonie and gréefe, that they were thus abarred from approching to assaile the citie. Wherevpon one (1) Dauid Welsh so named of his familie and kinred, although other­wise a Camber or a Welshman borne, and nephue vnto Reimond, who was a lustie and valiant yoong soldior, and a verie tall man aboue all the rest, was verie hot and impatient, that they so long lingered the time about nothing. Wherevpon hauing a grea­ter 20 regard to win fame and honor, than fearing of a­nie perill or death, taking his horsse and putting his spurres to his sides aduentureth the water, which being verie stikle and full of stones and rocks was the more dangerous: but yet he so wiselie marked the course of the streame, and so aduised and guided his horsse, that he passed the riuer, and safelie recoue­red the further side: and then he cried out alowd to his companie, that he had found a foord: but for all that there was neuer a one that would follow, sa­uing 30 one Geffreie.

But they both returning backe againe to conduct ouer the whole companie, the said Geffreie, his horsse being caried awaie with the violence of the streame, they were both drowned. Which when Meilerius (who was also come thither) did sée, he began to fret with himselfe, partlie for that his cousine & kinsman of so noble an enterprise had so bad a successe: part­lie also disdaining that anie should atchiue to honor but himselfe. Wherevpon being mounted vpon a lu­stie 40 strong horsse, setteth spurre to his side, and being neither dismaied with the stiklenesse and danger of the water, nor afraied with the mishap fallen to the gentleman, who was then drowned, more rashlie than wiselie aduentureth the riuer & recouereth the further side & banke. The citizens some of them wat­ching and méeting him at the waters side, and some standing vpon the towne wals fast by the riuer side, minding and meaning to haue driuen him backe a­gaine, or to haue killed him in the place, hurled stones 50 a good pace vnto him. But this noble and lustie gen­tleman, being thus sharpelie and hardlie beset in the middle of perils and dangers, his enimies on the one side hardlie assailing, and the riuer on the other side stopping and closing him vp from all rescue, standeth to his tackle, and as well as he could couering his head with his shield, defendeth and saueth himselfe from his enimies. Whilest they were thus bicketing there was great showting and noise on both sides of the water. But Reimond being then the generall of 60 the field, and in the rereward, knowing nothing here­of, as soone as he heard of it, came in all hast through the campe vnto the waters side. Where when he saw his nephue on the other side, to be in the middle of his enimies, and like to be vtterlie cast awaie and de­stroied vnlesse he had some spéedie helpe and succour, was in a maruellous griefe & agonie, & verie sharp­lie crieth and calleth out to his men, as followeth.

(1) This Welsh was so called, the same being the name of his familie and kindred, and not of the countrie of Wales, wherein be was borne. He was a woorthie gentleman, and of his race there are yet remaining manie good and woorthie gentlemen, who are chieflie abiding in the prouince and citie of Wa­terford: for there were they first planted.

The oration and speech of Reimond vnto his companie, and of the recouerie of the citie of Limerike. Chap. 8.

OYe woorthie men, of nature valiant, and whose prowesse we haue well tried, come ye awaie. The waie heretofore not knowne, and the riuer hitherto though not passable, by our aduentures a foord is now found therein: let vs therefore follow him that is gone be­fore, and helpe him being now in distresse. Let vs not suffer, nor sée so woorthie a gentleman, thus for our common cause and honor oppressed, to perish and be cast awaie before our eies and in our sights for want of our helpe, and by meanes of our sluggish­nesse. It is no time now to vse manie words, nor lei­sure serueth to make manie spéeches. The shortnesse of the time, the present necessitie of this noble gen­tleman, & the state of our owne honors vrgeth expe­dition, & requireth hast. And euen with these words he put spurres to the horsse, and aduentureth the ri­uer: after whome followed the whole companie, eue­rie one striuing who might be formost. And as God would they passed all safe ouer, sauing two souldiors and one gentleman named Guido, who were drow­ned. They were no sooner come to land, but that their enimies all fled and ran awaie, whome they pursued, and in the chase slue a number of them, as also ente­red and tooke the towne. And hauing thus gotten both the citie and the victorie, they recouered their small losse with great spoiles & riches, as also reaped great honor and fame.

Now reader, which of these thrée thinkest thou best valiant, and best woorthie of honor? Him who first ad­uentured the riuer, and taught the way? Or him who séeing the losse of his companion, the perill of the ri­uer, and the multitude of the enimies, did yet (not fearing death nor perill) aduenture himselfe in the midle of his enimies? Or him who hastilie setting all feare apart, did hazard himselfe and all his hoast to saue the friend, and to aduenture vpon the enimie? And this one thing by the waie is to be noted, that on a tuesdaie Limerike was first conquered, on a tues­daie A note con­cerning tues­daie or the daie of Mars. it was againe recouered, on a tuesdaie Wa­terford was taken, on a tuesdaie Wexford was gotten, and on a tuesdaie Dublin was woone. And these things came not thus to passe, as it were by a set match, but euen of a common course of fortune, or by Gods so appointment. And it is not altogither against reason, that martiall affaires should haue good successe vpon Mars his daie.

The description of Reimond. Chap. 9.

EEimond was big bodied and brode set, of stature somwhat more than meane, his haire yellow and curled, his eies big, greie, and round; his nose somewhat high, his countenance well coloured, pleasant, and merie. And although he were somewhat grosse bellied, yet by reason of a certeine liuelinesse which was in him, he couered that fault: and so that which séemed to be a blemish in his bodie, he couered with the vertue of his mind. He had such a speciall care of his men and soldiors, that he would be a spie ouer his watchmen, and in his trauell that waie he watched manie whole nights, ranging and walking abroad in the camps. And in this he was verie happie & fortunate, that he [Page 38] would neuer or verie seldome laie violent hands vpon anie, of whom he had charge or were vnder his gouernement, although he had rashlie or vnaduised­lie ouerthrowne himselfe, & straied out of the waie.

He was verie wise, modest, and warie, being no­thing delicat in his fare, nor curious of his apparell. He could awaie with all wethers, both hot and cold; and indure anie paines: he was also verie patient, & could verie well rule his affections. He was more desirous to doo good to such as he gouerned, than to be 10 glorious of his gouernement: for he would shew himselfe more like to be a seruant than a master. Fi­nallie and to conclude, he was a verie liberall, wise, gentle, and a circumspect man. And albeit he were a verie valiant capteine, and a noble soldior: yet in all martiall affaires, he passed and excelled in wise­dome & prouidence. A man doubtles in both respects much to be praised and commended: hauing in him whatsoeuer apperteined to a valiant souldior, but ex­celling in all things belonging to a good capteine. 20

The description of Meilerius. Chap. 10.

MEilerius was a man of a browne hew and complexion, his eies blacke, his looke grim, and his countenance sowre & sharpe, and of a meane stature; his bodie for the bignesse verie strong, broad brested, & he was small bellied. His armes and other lims mors sine wous 30 than fleshie, a stout and a valiant gentleman he was and emulous. He neuer refused anie aduenture or enterprise which were either to be doone by one alone, or by mo; he would be the first that would enter the field, and the last that would depart from the same. In all seruices he would either haue the garland or die in the place, and so vnpatient he was in all ex­ploits, that he would either haue his purpose, or lie in the dust: and so ambitious and desirous he was to haue honor, that to atteine therevnto, there was no 40 means nor mild thing but that he would suerlie haue the same either in death or in life: for if he could not haue it and liue, he would suerlie haue it by dieng. And verelie both he and Reimond haue béen worthie of too too much praise and commendation, if they had beene lesse ambitious of worldlie honors, and more carefull of Christes church, and deuout in christian religion, whereby the ancient rights thereof might haue beene preserued and kept safe and sound: and also in consideration of their so manie conquests 50 and bloudie victories, and of the spilling of so much innocent blood, and murthering of so manie christian people, they had béene thankefull to God, and liberal­lie contributed some good portion for the furtherance of his church and religion. But what shall I saie? It is not so strange but much more to be lamented, that this vnthankefulnesse euen from our first comming into this land, vntill these presents, this hath béene the generall and common fault of all our men.

The commendation and praise of Ro­bert 60 Fitzstephans, and of his cousins. Chap. 11.

WHat shall we speake or saie, how well Robert Fitzstephans and his sonnes haue deserued? What of Maurice Fitzgerald? What shall I saie of Robert of Barrie, a man verie honest and valiant, whose worthie com­mendations by the premisses are to be knowne? What shall be said of Miles of Cogan, the nephue vn­to Fitzstephans and Maurice, who as he came ouer with the first, so in commendation and for his seruice deserueth to be the chéefe and first? What shall we saie of Robert Fitzhenrie, & the brother vnto Meile­rius, who if he had not so soone beene dead and cut, he would doubtlesse haue béene nothing behind his bro­ther? What shall we speake of Reimond of Kantune & of Robert Barrie the yoonger, they both were verie worthie, tall, handsome, and worthie men? What also shall be said of Reimond Fitzhugh, who although he were but of a little stature, yet for his honestie & pru­dence not to be forgotten? These thrée lastlie spoken of for their valiantnesse and prowesse doone in the parties of Desmond, deserue great honor and com­mendation, and great is the pittie that through too much hardinesse their daies were so shortened, and their time so cut off? What did also a number of our gentlemen of the same their kindred & cous [...]nage de­serue, whose noble acts were such, and deserued such a perpetuall fame and memorie, that if I had a hun­dred toongs, a hundred mouthes, and so manie voi­ces of pron; yet could I not vtter and at full de­clare their worthinesse and deserts. O kindred, O nation, which in double respects art noble! for of the Troians by a naturall disposition thou art valiant, of the French nation thou art most expert and skil­full of armes and chiualrie. O worthie nation and kindred! which of thy selfe art sufficient and able to haue conquered anie nation, if enuie and malice had not maligned at thy worthinesse. Well then Rei­mond had taken order for the kéeping of the citie, and had well vittelled the same, he left therein a ga­rison of his owne men, fiftie gentlemen, two hun­dred horssemen, and two hundred bowmen; ouer whome he appointed Miles of S. Dauids his coosine to be leiutenant: and so as a noble conqueror he safelie returned into the borders of Leinster. But sée the nature of enuie, who neuer ceaseth to persecute vertue. For Heruie of Mount Maurice, notwith­standing by meanes of the late affinitie he were thought to be a good fréend, yet could he not forget his old malicious mind and wicked deuises: for still he secretlie from time to time sent his messengers and letters to the king of England, and full vntrulie did aduertise the state, euent, and successe of all things, affirming that Reimond contrarie to the kings honor and his owne allegiance, had determi­ned to haue assumed and chalenged vnto himselfe not onelie the citie of Limerike, but also the whole land of Ireland. And to make this the more proba­ble, and himselfe of more credit, he aduertiseth that Reimond had placed and appointed garrisons for the purpose; and had sworne the whole armie to obserue certeine articles by him prescribed, to the great pre­iudice of the king. Which his aduertisment being in­terlined with manie good words, the king so credited the same, that he beleeued it to be most true: for as it is well seene, a little suspicion of an iniurie doone or offered to be doone vnto a prince, dooth more sticke in his mind, than manie benefits and good seruices before doone. The king therefore after the winter fol­lowing, sent ouer foure of his seruants in message to Ireland; namelie Robert Powre, Os [...]ert of Her­loter or Herford, William Bendeger, and Adam of Gernemie: of which, two of them to come awaie and to bring Reimond with them, and the other to tarrie and remaine behind with the earle.

The description of Heruie. Chap. 12.

AS we haue of others, so let vs also now make and set foorth the description of Heruie. He was of stature a tall and a comelie man, his eies graie and somewhat big, amiable of face and pleasant of countenance, an eloquent man, hauing a long and a round necke, his shoulders [Page 39] some [...]hat low, his armes and hands somthing long; he was broad brested, but small in waste, though the same being big in others is thought to be commen­dable, his bellie was somewhat big and round, his thighes, legs, and féet being well proportiona [...]ed and answerable to his bodie; of stature he was indiffe­rent. But as in bodie he was well beset & compact, so on the contrarie, his mind, life, and conuersation were corrupt & disordered. For euen from his child­hood he was giuen to lecherie, being readie and for­ward 10 to performe in wanton & filthie actions, what­soeuer liked him or anie others, who were of the like disposition: and therefore he forbare neither incest nor adulteries, nor anie other such like filthinesse. Besides, he was a priuie and an enuious accuser, and a double man, vncerteine, vaine, and altogither vnconstant, sauing in inconstancie; a verie subtill man and a deceitfull: vnder his toong he had both milke and honie, but both of them were mixed with poison. He was sometimes in great prosperitie, and 20 all things fell out according to his owne desire; and suddenlie fortune turning hir whéele, he had such a fall, that he did neuer recouer the same againe. He was sometimes a verie good soldior, and had good ex­perience in the feats of wars, after the maner vsed in France; but he was so suddenlie altred & changed, that he became more skilfull in malice than valiant in prowesse, more full of deceit than renowmed in honor, more puffed vp in pride than endowed with worship, more hastie than happie, and more full of 30 words than abounding in truth.

The succouring of the garrison at Limerike. Chap. 13.

REimond hauing receiued the kings de­termination by the foresaid foure messen­gers, prepared all things in a readinesse for his passage ouer accordinglie, and nothing wanted therevnto but onelie a west wind. But be­fore 40 the same happened, messengers came from the garrison at Limerike, aduertising that Donold prince of Thomond had besieged the citie round a­bout with a great armie, and that their vittels which they had in the towne, aswell that which they found at their comming thither, as also what so euer was else prouided, were all spent and consu [...]ed; and there­fore requested that they might with all spéed be rescu­ed and holpen. The earle, who was verie sorie & pen­ [...]ife 50 for these newes, and deuising all the waies he could to helpe them, caused a muster to be taken of all his souldiers; who were so gréeued for the going awaie and departure of Reimond, that they vtter­lie denied and refused to go and to serue that waie, vnles Reimond were their capteine and lieutenant. Wherevpon they tooke aduise with the kings messen­gers what were best to he doone in this distresse. At length it was thought best, that Reimond should take the enterprise in hand; and he though verie loth, yet at the request of the earle and the foresaid gentle­men, 60 yéeldeth himselfe to that seruice, and marched foorth toward Limerike, hauing with him foure score gentlemen of seruice, two hundred horsmen, & thrée hundred archers, besides Morogh of Kencile, and Donold of Ossorie, and certeine other Irishmen, who serued and attended him. And as he was marching and comming toward Cashill, tidings was brought him that the prince of Thomond had raised his siege and was comming towards him to méet him, and was now come to the passe of Cashill: which passe al­though naturallie of it selfe it were verie strong, yet by means of new trenching, plashing of trées, and making of hedges, it was made so strong, that no horsmen could either enter or passe through the same.

The oration of Donold to his soldiers, the recouerie of the citie of Limerike. Chap. 14.

REimond being now almost come to the place where his enemies late, diuided his hoast or armie into thrée parts or compa­nies, and determined to giue the onset or aduenture. Wherevpon Donold prince of Ossorie, who was a mortall enimie to the prince of Thomond, and now verie desirous that some good exploit shuld be doone; and beholding the Englishmen now also set in good araie, for though they were but few in number in respect of the others, yet they were p [...]ked men, valiant and couragions: he also to incourage them, to shew themselues like valiant men, vseth and maketh these spéeches vnto them. Yee worthie, noble, and valiant conquerors of this land, you are this daie valiantlie to giue the onset vpon your eni­mies, which if you doo after your old and accustomed maner, no doubt the victorie will be yours; for ws with our spars, and you with your swords, will so sharplie them pursue, as they shall verie hardlie es­cape our hands, and auoid our force. But if it so fall out, which God forbid, that you be ouerthrowne and haue the woorsse side: be you assured that we will leaue you and turne to our enimies, and take part with them. Wherefore be of good courages, and looke well to your selues, and consider that you are now far from anie fort or place of refuge, and therefore if you should be driuen to flee, the same will be long and dangerous to you: as for vs yée may not trust vnto vs, for we are determined to sticke to them who shall haue the victorie, and will pursue and be on the tacks of them who shall flée and run awaie; and ther­fore be no longer assured of vs than whilest yee be conquerors. Meilerius who had the fore ward, hea­ring these words, being warmed with the same, sud­denlie like a hurling and a blustering wind entered into the passe, pulled downe the fastnesse, and brake downe the hedges, and so made waie, with no small slaughter of the enimies, whereby the passe was re­couered and the enimies ouercome. And they then marched without perill vnto Limerike, where they entered the third daie in the Easter wéeke, being on tuesdaie. And as the first conquest of Limerike was vpon a tuesdaie, so was the second also, where for a time they staied, and restored all things by the eni­mies before spoiled, & set the same in good order. The enimies finding themselues to be too weake, and that it was better to bow than to breake, practise to haue a parlée and a communication with Reimond: & in the end the messengers of Rothorike king of Con­nagh, and of Donold of Thomond, did obteine the same; and a parlée was appointed for them both, which was in one daie, but not in one place; for Rothorike of Connagh came by boates vpon the riuer of She­nin, as far as the great logh of Dirigid, & there stai­ed. And Donold not far from thense kept himselfe and his companie in a certeine wood. But Reimond chose a place not far from [...]illaloo, which is about sea­uentéene miles from Limerike, and in the midle be­twéene them both. The parlée betweene these conti­nued a pretie while, but in the end both kings submit­ted & yéelded themselues, gaue hostages, made s [...]al­tie, and were sworne to be true from thensefoorth for euer, to the king of England and to his heires.

These things thus doone and concluded, Reimond returneth in great triumph and iolitie vnto Lime­rike. And by and by there came messengers vnto him from Dermon Mac Artie prince of Desmond, praieng and requesting him to aid and helpe him, [Page 40] being the king of Englands faithfull and leige man against his eldest sonne Cormon Olechan, who went about to driue and expell him out of his land and dominion: & promised him good interteinment both for himselfe and for his souldiors for the same. Reimond nothing refusing the offer, and verie desi­rous of honor, taketh aduise of his fréends and com­panions; and by all their consents, the iorneie to­wards Corke was liked. Wherevpon Reimond dis­plaieth his banner, and marcheth thitherwards, and 10 taketh by the waie great preies and booties of neat, cattell, and other things: of the cattels he sent a good portion backe vnto Limerike for vittelling of that citie; & in the end he conquered the whole countrie, subdued the rebellious sonne, and restored Dermon the prince to his estate and right. And thus by reason of Reimond Mac Artie, he was restored and recoue­red, who otherwise had beene in vtter despaire, and out of all remedie. And now to recompense his son Rormach, who before this, by waie of a peace and an 20 intreatie, both vniustlie & guilefullie had taken and imprisoned him, he to acquite guile with guile, and the like with the like, tooke his sonne and cast him in­to prison, and not long after smote off his head.

The death of the earle Strangbow. Chap. 15.

WHilest these things were thus adooing 30 in Desmond, there came a messenger in all hast from Dublin, with letters to Rei­mond from his wife Basilia, the effect whereof the messenger knew not. These letters Rei­mond foorthwith deliuered to a familiar fréend of his to read them vnto him secretlie, and apart from all others, the tenure of them was as followeth. To Reimond hir most louing lord and husband, his The ladie Basilias let­ter to hir hus­band Rei­mond. owne Basilia wisheth health as to hir selfe. Know 40 yee my déere lord that my great cheeketooth, which was woont to ake so much, is now fallen out; where­fore if yée haue anie care or regard of me, or of your selfe, come awaie with all spéed. Reimond hauing considered of this letter, did by the falling of the tooth fullie coniecture the death of the earle, for he laie ve­rie sicke at Dublin before his comming awaie from thense. But he being thus deceased, which was about the kalends of Iune, they at Dublin did what they could to kéepe the same secret, for feare 50 and in doubt of the Irishmen, vntill that Reimond were come with his band of souldiers vnto them. Reimond himselfe foorthwith returned vnto Lime­rike: and notwithstanding he were verie sorrie and much gréeued with this newes, yet dissembling the same, and bearing it out with a good countenance, would not nor did vtter or disclose it to anie bodie, sauing to a few wise and discréet men of his famili­ars and trustie councellors. And then vpon good ad­uise and deliberation had among them, it was con­cluded 60 and agréed vpon, that forsomuch as the earle was dead, and that Reimond also was to depart a­waie ouer into England; that the citie of Lime­rike which was so farre remoted and in the middle of manie enimies, should for the time be left, and the garrison to be conducted and brought from thense in­to Leinster, for the defense and safe keeping of the townes and forts vpon the sea coasts. There Rei­mond full much against his will yéelded to this their aduise and counsell, being much gréeued that ha­uing taken paines to recouer the citie of Limerike, he was now neither able to kéepe it himselfe, nor yet had any to leaue behind him, who would take charge vpon him. But at length he sent for Donald prince of Thomond, being the kings baron & sworne sub­iect, and vnto him he committed the custodie and charge of the citie: who foorthwith pretending all truth and fidelitie was contented therewith; and did not onelie put in hostages, but also tooke a corpo­rall oth, and was solemnlie sworne for the safe kee­ping and the restitution of the same at the kings will and pleasure, as also in the meane time to kéepe the peace.

Then Reimond and all his companie departed and went awaie: but they had not so soone passed o­uer the one end of the bridge, but that the other end was forthwith broken downe, euen at their heeles; and the citie which was well walled, defended and vittelled, was set on fire in foure sundrie parts, which they saw and beheld with no small greefe of mind. The false traitor then openlie shewing and teaching what credit was to be giuen thenseforth to the Irish nation, who so wickedlie, impudentlie, and perfidi­ouslie did periure themselues. The king of England not long after, being aduertised héereof, is said to haue thus said: Noble was the enterprise in the gi­uing of the first aduenture vpon the citie, but grea­ter was the rescuing and recouering thereof a­gaine: but it was onelie wisedome, when they left and forsooke it. Reimond then returned vnto Du­blin with his whole garrison in safetie, and then the erle, whose corps by his commandement was reser­ued vntill Reimonds comming, was buried in the church of the Trinitie at Dublin, before the rood there, by the appointment of Laurence the archbi­shop, who did execute all the funerall seruices and obsequies.

The comming of William Fitzaldelme and others ouer into Ireland. Chap. 16.

THese things thus doone, the kings mes­sengers vpon these new changes and chan­ces were to take new aduises; and hauing throughlie debated the state of the countrie, and the necessitie of the time, they thought it best and did conclude that Reimond should tarie behind, and kéepe the countrie in good staie and order; but they themselues to returne backe to the king. Who accor­dinglie prepared themselues, and at the next wester­lie wind then following, they tooke shipping and pas­sed ouer into England; and being landed, did in post and with all the hast they could, make their repaire vnto the king; vnto whom they declared the death of the earle, & all other things concerning the state of that land. The king then vpon aduise and delibe­ration had in this matter, sent ouer William Fitz­aldelme, with twentie gentlemen of his houshold, to be his lieutenant, & ioined Iohn de Courcie in com­mission with him, who had attending vpon him ten men. Likewise Robert Fitzstephans and Miles Cogan, who had noblie serued him in his wars two yeeres, were also sent with them, hauing twentie men attending vpon them. These assoone as they were arriued, and come to land, and Reimond ha­uing vnderstanding of the same, assembleth his companie and soldiors, which was a companie well beséene, and marcheth towards Wexford, and there in the confines or marches of the same he met Fitz­aldelme and the rest of his companie, whom he verie louinglie saluted and imbraced: and forthwith accor­ding to the kings pleasure, he yéelded and deliuered vp vnto Fitzaldelme, then the kings lieutenant, all the cities and townes, as also all such hostages as he had within that land.

Fitzaldelme when he saw and beheld so iolie and [Page 41] lustie a companie about Reimond, and well mar­king also Meilerius, and others the nephues of Rei­mond, about the number of thirtie persons, moun­ted vpon their horsses, verie lustie and braue, and well beséene in like armor, with their shields about their necks, and their staues in their hands; coursing vp & downe after their maner about the fields. He enuied there at, and turning backe to his men, said secretlie vnto them; I will shortlie cut off this pride, and quaile this brauerie. Which in the end it partlie so came to passe, for both he and all the rest which 10 followed him in that office, did as it were by a secret conspiracie, enuie and maligne at Reimond, Mei­lerius, Fitzmaurice, sonnes to Fitzstephans, and all other of their race and kindred. For this was al­waies the lucke and fortune of this kindred and fa­milie.

In all seruices of warres they were then the fore­most, and had in best price, and in all martiall af­faires they were the best and most valiant men: 20 but when there was no such seruice in hand, and no néed of them, then were they contemned and no ac­count was made of them; but by a secret malice they were abased, reiected and refused. And albeit great was their malice, yet was their nobilitie so honorable and great; that by no meanes, doo what they could, was the same to be extirpated or rooted out. For euen at this date, such good successe hath their noble beginnings had, that their ofspring hath euer since (1) continued in that land, in much ho­nor, force and power. And to saie the truth, who per­sed 30 the force of the enimies in that land? Euen the Geraldines. Who did best kéepe & prefer the land in safetie? The Geraldines. Who made the enimies to go backe & be afraid? The Geraldines. Who be they which for their good deserts are most maligned and enuied at? The Geraldines. Suerlie, if it had plea­sed the prince to haue considered of them, according to their deserts and worthinesse; no doubt the whole state of Ireland long yer this had béene quieted and 40 established. But causelesse were they alwaies had in suspicion, & their worthinesse still had in gelousie: and they put in trust, as in whome was neither va­liantnesse of seruice, nor assurednesse of trust. But yet ye worthie and noble men, who for to atteine to honor, haue not béene afraid of death; and for to ob­teine fame and renowme, haue not estéemed your selues; be not dismaid, though ye be vncourteousli [...] considered, and without your deserts disdained and maligned at: but go ye onwards, and procéed in 50 your woonted steps of vertue. And if my pen can go according to worthinesse, I shall be happie, and receiue the guerdon of vertue & immortall fame: for vertue cannot faile nor die, but either in this life or in the life to come, or in both, shall haue his iust reward and desert. And albeit your valiant seruice and worthinesse, either by the slackenes of the king, or by meanes of other mens secret and enuious practises, haue not béene hitherto considered nor rewarded: yet shall not I faile, with my pen to 60 publish, and in my writings to remember the same. And therefore shrinke not now, neither [...]oo you giue ouer to labor and trauell from daie to daie to grow and increase in honor, fame and renowme. For the memoriall thereof (farre surpassing all the treasures in the world) for a time through malice maie be co­uered, but neuer suppressed nor extincted: but as fire long hid, shall in the end breake out into great flames, and for euer remaine in perpetuall me­morie.

About this time was borne in Gwendelocke a A monstrous man begotten vpon a cow. monstrous man, begotten by a wicked man of that countrie vpon a cow, a vice then too common in that wicked nation. It had the bodie of a man, but all the extreame parts of an oxe, for from the ankles of the legs and the wrists of the armes, he had the hoofes of an oxe, his head was all bald, sauing a few small & thin heares héere and there: his eies great, round and blacke, like an oxe; nose he had none but onelie two holes, speake he could not but onelie bel­lowed like a cow. This monster did dailie resort vn­to the house of Maurice Fitzgerald, about dinner times, and such meate as was giuen him he would take in his hoofes, and put to his mouth, and so feed himselfe, &c: but to returne to the matter. William Fitzaldelme, being now in high authoritie, and ha­uing the gouernement and charge of the land in his hands, marcheth along the sea coasts, and vieweth all the townes, forts and castels that waies: but for the inner countrie, the mounteines and hils vpon the maine land, and bordering vpon the Irishrie, he neither cared nor passed for the same: but yet misli­ked not the welth and riches thereof. For being a ve­rie greedie and a couetous man, and especiallie hun­grie to haue gold and treasure, whereof was good store in that land, he gréedilie scraped and scratched togither whatsoeuer was to be gotten.

About this time, Maurice (2) Fitzgerald in the ka­lends of September died at Werford, whose death was lamented, & his departure be wailed of all the countrie. For whie, he was a verie graue & a valiant man, & who for his constancie, truth, courtesie & loue left not his like behind. After his death, William Fitzaldelme sent for the sonnes of the said Maurice, and so dealt with them, that he neuer left them, vntill by one means or other he had craftilie gotten from them the castell of Guendoke. Howbeit afterwards he gaue them Fernes in exchange: which albeit it were in the middle of their enimies, yet like lustie and couragious gentlemen, they builded there a strong castell, which they kept & inhabited maugre all their enimies. Walter Almane, so called in name, and not for that he was ether in nature or stature an Almane, being nephue to William Fitzaldelme, was made seneschall of Wexford; who nothing de­generated from the maners & conditions of his vn­cle, but was one who was a corrupt man in all his actions & dooings, being couetous, proud, malicious and enuious. And suerlie it is commonlie seene, that there is none lightlie woorse, than when a beggerlie rascall from nothing, and from a base estate, is ad­uanced to wealth, credit and estimation. For such a one alwaies doubting and mistrusting all things, suppresseth all things, & thinking all things to be law­full for him to doo, vseth all extremities at his will and pleasure. There cannot be (I saie) a woorse beast, than when a cruell rascall and proud begger is raised to estate, and made a ruler ouer his betters.

This Walter entered into acquaintance with Morogh prince of Kencile, and by him being corrup­ted with great bribes, did what he could to procure the vtter destruction of Reimond, and all his fore­said coosins and kinsmen. And to begin the execution of their practises, the foresaid William first tooke a­waie from Reimond all his lands about Dublin, and about Wexford. And whereas he receiued letters of commandement from the king, to restore vnto Fitzstephans a cantred of land which he had in Ophe­lan, he being well bribed, detracted and lingered the erecution thereof: but yet in the end appointed and assigned vnto them other places which were further off and remoted; and the same the more perillous, be­cause they were in the middle of the enimies.

(1) It is verie true, that these Geraldines euen euer since haue continued in this land of Ireland, and did dailie grow and increase to much honour: there being at this instant two houses aduanced to [Page 42] the titles of earledoms, and sundrie to the estates of barons. And so long as they continued in the steps of their ancestors, they were not so honourable as ter­rible to the Irish nation: but when they leauing English gouernment, liked the loose life of that vipe­rous nation, then they brought in coine and liuerie, and a number of manie other Irish and diuelish im­positions, which hath béene the ruine of their honour, the losse of their credit, & in the end will be the ouer­throw of all their houses and families. 10

(2) This Fitzgerald was buried, and yet lieth in a monasterie of Greie friers without the walles of the towne of Wexford, which house is now dissolued, and the monument of his buriall almost destroied: there wanting some good and woorthie man to restore the same againe. He deserued well of his prince and countrie: and therefore lamentable it is, that in so unkind a countrie no one good man is to be found, that of so woorthie a knight will not restore so woor­thie a monument. 20

The description of William Fitzaldelme. Chap. 17.

THis Fitzaldelme was a grosse and cor­pulent man, as well in stature as in pro­portion, but of a reasonable height; he was verie liberall and courtlike. And albeit he were of great courtesie, and would giue to anie man 30 much honour and reuerence, yet was the same alto­gither with wiles and guiles: for vnder honie he gaue venem, and his sugred words were mingled with poison. And as a venemous serpent couered with gréene leaues, he with an outward shew of courtesse couered his mindfull trecherie. For to the outward shew he was liberall and courteous, but in­wardlie full of rancor and malice. In countenance pleasant, but in a stinking breast was hid a stinking 40 vapor: outwardlie as méeke as a lambe, but within as wilie as a fox: carieng vnder swéet honie most bitter venem. His words as smooth as oile, and yet indeed they were deadlie strokes: whome he honou­red and reuerenced this daie, he would either spoile or destroie the next daie. A cruell enimie against the weake and feeble, and a flatterer vnto the rebell and mightie: gentle to the wild and sauage, and courte­ous to the enimie; but extreame to the good subiect, and cruell to the humble; and by that means he was 50 not fearefull to the one, nor trustie to the other. A man full of flatterie, and yet altogither craftie and deceitfull. He was also much giuen vnto wine and to women. He was a gréedie couetous man, and an ambitious flatterer, being altogither bent to the one and the other.

(1) This William was the sonne of Aldelme fa­ther to Burke erle of Kent (as some saie) and his son Richard was sent into Ireland, and there greatlie 60 aduanced: and of him (being lord of Connagh) des­cended the burgesses called Clanuicards, who were the best blood of the foresaid Richard, and these doo yet remaine in Connagh, of whom is the earle of Clan­rike now liuing.

How Iohn de Courcie inuadeth Vlster. Chap. 18.

IOhn Courcie, who (as is before said) was ioined in commission with William Fitzaldelme, when he saw the course and maner of his dealings, who as he was co­uetous, and did nothing but for monie; so was he ti­merous, and did all things in craft and deceit: as also that the enimie feared him not, and the good subiect loued him not. And considering also that the souldi­ers and garrison at Dublin, by means of their cap­teins couetousnesse were vnpaid of their wages, and by reason of his slouth and sluggishnesse the vittels wared scant, & none went & scouted anie more abrode as they were woont to get anie booties or preies, he secretlie dealeth with some of them, and by his wife conference, and wittie persuasions, allureth and i [...] ­seth vnto him euen such as were the valiantest, ho­nestest, and chosen men of them all: who were con­tent and verie glad to accompanie and follow him. And hauing so gotten into his companie two and twentie gentlemen, and about three hundred others, he boldlie entreth and inuadeth into the prouince of Ulster, a countrie which hitherto had not tried the force and strength of the English nation. And then was fulfilled the prophesie of Merlin Celodine (as is A prophesie of Merlin fulfilled. said, howbeit I will not so affirme it) A white knight sitting vpon a white horse, bearing birds in his shield, shall be the first which with force of armes shall enter and inuade [...]ster.

This Iohn Courcie was somewhat of a browne colour, but therewith somewhat whitish, and at that time he rode vpon a white horsse, as also did beare in his shield [...]ree painted (1) birds. After that he had passed three daies iourneie through the countrie of Uriell, he came the fourth daie (being the kalends of Februarie) to the citie of (2) Downe, without anie resistance of the inhabitants thereof: he being an e­nimie and a ghest vnlooked for. And (3) Odonell then the ruler of that countrie, being astonied and a­mazed at their so sudden comming, fled awaie. The souldiers which before their comming from Dublin were halfe pined with famine, and hunger starued, hauing now recouered great booties and preies of neat and cattels, were full and well refreshed.

At this verie present time, there was come thi­ther out of Scotland a legat from Rome named Uiuianus, & he tooke great pains to intreat & make a peace betwéene Odonell & Iohn de Courcie, vsing all the persuasions that he could, affirming that if he would depart and go awaie, there should be a yeare­lie tribute paid to the king of England: but all his words auailed nothing. Odonell séeing that words could little auaile, assembleth all the forces of the countrie: and within eight daies hauing gotten a­bout ten thousand souldiors, with force inuadeth, & with great courage commeth to enter & breake in­to the citie of Downe. For in Ireland, as it is com­monlie also in all other lands, they which inhabit in the north, are more warlike and cruell than anie o­thers in other parts. Iohn Courcie séeing the course and bent of the enimies, who not onelie vpon a hope and confidence of their great multitude against so few enimies; but also their valiant and couragious minds, who were fullie determined to inuade the ci­tie: thought it better with his small companie (which though they were but few in respect of their aduersa­ries, yet they were souldiors valiant, coragious, and of good seruice) to issue out and aduenture the fight with them, than to be pinned & shut vp in a begger­lie ward made with turffes in a corner of the citie, and there for want of vittels to be famished. Where­fore he issued out and ioined the battell with them, where the fight was hot, the bowes a farre off on the one side, and the darts on the other side: then lance against lance, and the bill against the spar, and the sword against the skeine: who buckled so lustilie the one against the other, that manie a man fell that daie to the dust. And in this terrible fight and buck­ling, he that had séene how valiantlie each man [Page 43] shewed himselfe, and speciallie how Iohn Courcie most valiantlie with the stroke of his sword mang­led manie a man, killing some, but wounded and maimed manie, would and must néeds haue com­mended him for a right woorthie, noble, and right valiant warrior.

(1) He giueth thrée birds as this author saith, which by heralds are thus blasoned. Argent thrée griphs or geires gules crowned gold: this griph or geire is a kind of an eagle, but such as is rauenous, and fee­deth 10 more vpon carren than vpon anie foule of his owne preieng: & for his cowardnesse carieth neither the name nor praise apperteining to the true eagle.

(2) Downe is a towne lieng in the Ards, which is in Ulster, a profitable and a fertile soile: it is the sée of the bishop of that diocesse, who beareth his name of the sad towne, being called the bishop of Downe.

(3) The Latine word is Dunlenus, which I doo find to be Englished Odonell, which is the name of a 20 great familie or nation in the prouince of Ulster; but whether this Latine be trulie so interpreted, I re­fer it to the reader, or such as be expert in such Irish names.

The commendation of Roger Power, and the victorie of Iohn de Courcie, and of the prophesies of Celodine. Chap. 19. 30

IN this fight there was manie a woor­thie man, which valiantlie acquited himselfe: but if it might be said without offense, there was no one man who did more valiant acts than (1) Roger le Power, who albeit he were but a yoong man and beardlesse, yet he shewed himselfe a lustie, valiant, & couragious gentleman; & who grew into such good credit, that afterwards he had the go­uernment of the countrie about Leighlin, as also in Ossorie. This fight was verie long & doubtfull, 40 each partie manfullie defending themselues, and none yeelding the one to the other. But as the com­mon prouerbe is, be the daie neuer so long, yet at the length it ringeth at euensong: so likewise this fierce, long, and cruell fight had his end, and the vic­torie fell to Iohn de Courcie, and a great multitude of the enimies were slaine in the field, as also vpon the woars of the seas as they were fléeing and run­ning awaie. Then was fulfilled the old prophesie of Celodine the Irish prophet, who forespeaking of 50 A prophesie of Celodine fulfilled. this battell said, that there should be such a great bloudshed therein of the Irish people, that the eni­mies perceiuing them should wade vp to the knees in bloud. Which thing came so to passe; for the Eng­lishmen perceiuing them and killing them vpon the woars, the same were so soft, that with the weight of their bodies they sunke downe vp to the hard knées or twisels, and so the bloud fléeting and lieng vpon the woars, they were said to be therein vp to the knées. 60

The same man also (as is said) did write that a poore stranger, and one come out from other coun­tries, should with a small power come to the citie of Downe, and against the will of the gouernor thereof should take the same. Manie other things also he wrote of sundrie battels to be waged, and of the euents thereof, which were all fulfilled in Iohn de Courcie. This booke the said Iohn had, and he so esteemed the same, that still he had it about him, and in his hands; and did manie times, yea and for the most part direct his dooings by the same. It was al­so written in the same booke, that a yoong man with force and armes should breake and enter in through the wals of Waterford, and conquer the same with the great slaughter of th [...] townsmen: moreouer, that the same man should come to Wexford, & from thense to Dublin, where he should enter in without anie great resistance; & all these things (as is appa­rant) were fulfilled in earle Richard. Likewise he wrote in the same booke, that the citie of Limerike should be twise left and forsaken by the English­men: but the third time it should be kept, which thing came so to passe. For first (as is before writ­ten) Reimond had it and gaue it ouer: the second was, when the king had giuen the same to Philip de Bruse, for he being brought thither by Fitzstephans, and Miles Cogan, to take and enter into the same, and being come to the riuer side of Shenin for the same purpose, was there vtterlie discoraged to pro­céed anie further, and so without anie thing doone, leaueth the same as he found it, and came backe a­gaine; as hereafter in his place it shall be shewed. And thus (according to this vaticine) twise it was left, but the third time it shall be kept.

But this is to be implied and meant of Hamon de Ualognses the iusticiarie there appointed; in whose time the said citie being vnder his gouern­ment, was by treacherie and treason destroied, and so forsaken and left; but afterwards recouered by Meilerius: euer since which time it hath remained and béene kept in the possession of the Englishmen. Well then to the battels of Iohn de Courcie, first he had the victorie in two notable battels or fights at Dublin; the one in Februarie, and the other in Iu­lie: in which he hauing but a small companie of men, fought against fifteene hundred of his enimies, of whome he slue and ouerthrew a great number, and had the victorie. The third was at Ferlie about the taking of a preie, where by reason of the streict & narrow passes, he was too much and euerie eft­soones ouerset by the enimies, and so had the woorse; some of his men being killed, and some scattered and dispersed abroad in the woods and fields, so that he had scant eleuen persons left with him. And notwithstanding that he had thus lost his men and horsses, yet was he of such a valiant mind and cou­rage, that with those few which were left, he went through his enimies, and in spite of them all tra­uelled two daies and two nights on foot in their ar­mour without meat or drinke thirtie long miles, vn­till he was past danger, & so came safelie vnto his owne castell againe. The fourth battell was at Uriell, where manie of his men were killed and ma­nie fled. The fist was at the bridge of Yuor, after and vpon his comming from out of England, and yet therein he had the victorie and conquest. So in three battels he had the victorie, but in two he recei­ued both the losse and hurt; and yet in them did more annoie the enimie, than was hurted himselfe.

(1) The race & issue of the Powers hath euer since and yet dooth remaine in Ireland, who nothing dege­nerating from this their ancestor, haue for their part shewed themselues valiant and men of good ser­uice, for which they haue béene honorablie rewarded, and are now barons and peeres of the realme. Their habitation and dwelling is in the prouince or coun­tie of Waterford, and not far from the citie of Wa­terford.

The description of Iohn de Courcie. Chap. 20.

THis Iohn de Courcie was white and pale of colour, but verie fierce and arro­gant, he was sinowous and a verie strong made man, verie tall and mightie, and of a singular audacitie: and being from his verie youth [Page 44] bent to the wars proued a verie valiant souldior. He would be the first in the field and formost in the fight; and so ambitious and desirous he was of ho­nor, that were the enterprise neuer so perillous, and the seruice neuer so dangerous, yet he would giue the aduenture. And albeit he were the generall or capteine, yet setting the prioritie thereof apart, he would be as a common souldior, and serue in the place of a priuat seruitor; and manie times being more rash than wise, and more hastie than circum­spect, 10 he had the woorst side and lost the victorie. And although in seruice he were thus forward, earnest, and vehement; yet in time of peace and rest he was verie sober, modest, and altogither giuen and dis­posed to serue God, and hauing the victorie of his enimies and good successe in his affaires, he would ascribe the honor vnto God, and be thankefull for the same. But as Tullius writeth, nature neuer made anie thing perfect and absolute in all points. And so it appeared in this man; for through his too much pin­ching 20 and sparing, and by reason he was verie vn­certeine and vnconstant, his vertues (otherwise great, and deseruing great praises and commenda­tions) verie much imperished and blemished. He maried the daughter of Gotred king of Maime. And after that he had waged manie battels, and fought sundrie times with his enimies, he at length had the masterie and conquest ouer them: and then hauing brought the whole countrie to a good peace and rest, he builded sundrie and diuerse castels 30 throughout Ulster, in such méete and conuenient places as he thought best. And by the way this one The thrée chiefe posts of Ireland w [...]thout issue lawfull. thing me thinketh is verie strange, that these thrée notable & the chiefest posts of Ireland, namelie Her­ueie, Reimond, and this Iohn de Courcie, by Gods secret (but not vniust iudgement) neuer had anie lawfull issue. I might also say the like of Meilerius, who as yet hath no lawfull issue by his wife. Thus much hauing bréeflie and by the waie spoken of the noble acts of Iohn de Courcie, and leauing the same 40 vnto others to be more at large set forth and de­scribed, we will now returne againe to Dublin.

The councell or synod kept at Dublin; of Viuian the popes legat, and of Miles Co­gans issuing into Connagh. Chap. 21.

IN this meane time, Uiuianus the 50 popes legat remained still in Ireland, and held a synod at Dublin of all the clergie, in which he openlie confirmed and published the right which the king of England hath to the realme of Ireland, as also the popes ratification and confir­mation of the same; commanding and charging e­uerie person, of what estate, degrée, or condition soe­ner he were, that vpon paine of excommunication he should not denie his loialtie, nor breake his alle­giance vnto him. And moreouer (1) forsomuch as the manner and custome was among the Irishrie, 60 that whensoeuer anie goods, corne, or vittels, were put and kept in anie church, no man would medle or deale to carrie the same awaie; yet neuerthelesse, he gaue licence and libertie to all Englishmen, that whensoeuer they went, or were to go in anie ho­sting, and could not elsewhere be prouided of anie vittels, that they might lawfullie take what they found in anie church: so that they left with the church­wardens, or such as had the charge thereof, the true and iust value of so much as they tooke awale. These things thus doone, Miles of Cogan, who was lieute­nant of the bands of soldiors vnder William Fitzal­delme, as also conestable of the citie of Dublin, he with 40 gentlemen, whereof 20 were vnder the con­duct of Ralph the son of Fitzstephans, as also his lieu­tenant, and they hauing with them 200 horssemen & 300 footmen, passed ouer the riuer of Shenin, & in­naded Connagh, which hither to no Englishman had aduentured. The Connagh men foorthwith set on fire and burned all their townes, villages, and chur­ches, as also all such corne as they had in their hag­gards, and in their caues, and could not carrie with them. Likewise they tooke downe the images and crucifires, and hurled them abroad in the fields. Neuerthelesse, the Englishmen marched onwards, till they came to the towne of Thomond, where they staied eight daies togither; and finding the countrie forsaken of the people, and barren of vittels, they returned backe againe ouer the Shenin: and by the waie they met with Rothorike prince of Connagh, who laie in a wood neere the Shenin watching for them, and he had three great troops and companies with him of the best fighting men of Connagh. Be­twéene them there was a long and a cruell fight, in which Miles lost but thrée of his owne companie, but manie of his enimies were slaine. Which doone, he recouered ouer the riuer, & so came safelie to Dublin.

(1) This vsage and custome is yet at this present obserued, and euerie church in the countrie stuffed and filled with great chests full of corne, which the hus­bandmen doo for safetie kéepe therein: and this lieth safe at all times, euen in the verie warres among themselues: howbeit the same is not so religiouslie kept and obserued in these daies as in times past.

How William Fitzaldelme is sent from home into England, and Hugh de Lacie put in his place: and how Miles Cogan and Robert Fitz­stephans haue the kingdome of Corke giuen vnto them. Chap. 22.

WIlliam Fitzaldelme, who during his abode and being in this land, had doone no­thing worthie the commendation, sauing that he caused the staffe called Iohns staffe to be fetched from Armach, and brought to Dublin; he (I saie) and Miles Cogan, with Robert Fitzste­phans were sent for by the king to come home. In whose roome the king sent ouer Hugh de lacie, and made him his deputie ouer the whole land, ioining in commission with him Robert Powre then sene­schall of Wexford and Waterford. The king, after the returne of the aforesaid Fitzaldelme and others, thinking and considering with himselfe the good ser­uice of Miles Cogan, Robert Fitzstephans, and o­thers; as also how necessarie it were, that such noble seruitors and valiant men were placed among the Irish people, wherby to keepe them in good order and dutifull obeisance; he gaue to Robert Fitzstephans, and to Miles Cogan in fée for euer to be equalite di­uided betwéene them all south Mounster (1) that is to saie, the whole kingdome of Corks, from the west part of the riuer at Leismore vnto the seas, sauing and reseruing the citie of Corke, and one cantred of land there vnto adioining. Also he gaue vnto Phi­lip de Bruse all the north Mounster, that is to saie, the kingdome of Limerike, sauing and excepting the citie of Limerike it selfe with one cantred ther vnto adioining, to haue vnto him and to his heires for e­uer in fée. These men thus rewarded, confederated themselues togither to ioine and helpe one another, and euerie of them maketh the best preparation that he can. Which being in redinesse they tooke shipping and arriued into Ireland in the moneth of Nouem­ber, and landed at Waterford: from thense they coa­sted [Page 45] along vnto Corke, where they were receiued with much honor both by the citizens, and also by an English gentleman named Richard of London, who was deputie there vnder Fitzaldelme.

As soone as they had pacified and quieted Der­mon (2) Mac Artie prince of Desmond, and the re­sidue of the noble men and gentlemen in those par­ties, Fitzstephans and also Miles Cogan diuided be­twéene them the seauen contreds, which were née­rest to the towne: for these they kept and held in best 10 peace and rest. Fitzstephans had the thrée cantreds which laie in the east part, and Cogan had the foure which laie in the west, the one hauing the more be­cause they were the worser, and the other had the few­er cantreds that were the better soile and ground. The citie it selfe remained in their ioint gouerne­ment, and the residue of the cantreds being foure and twentie remained in common, and the profits there­of growing they equallie diuided betwéene them. A cantred both in English and in Irish is so much land 20 what a can­tred is. as conteineth one hundred villages, as is in our to­pographie declared, which is commonlie called an hundred. These things thus doone, they bring and conduct Philip de Bruse vnto Limerike. Fitzste­phans had with him twentie gentlemen and fortie horssemen, Miles Cogan had twentie gentlemen & fiftie horsemen, Philip de Bruse had twentie gentle­men & thrée score horssemen, besides a great number of bowmen & footmen, which they all had when they were come to Limerike, which was about fortie miles from Corke, & onlie the riuer of Shenin was 30 betwéene them and the citie: the same at their com­ming was set on fire before their eies by the citizens themselues. Neuerthelesse, Stephans and Miles of­fered to aduenture ouer the water, and to enter the towne; or if Philip thought it so good, they would there build a castell vpon the riuers side right ouer against the towne. But Philip albeit he were a valiant and a good man, yet considering with himselfe how dan­gerous the place was, being in the middle of the eni­mies, 40 and farre remoted from all succors and helpe, without which he was not able with his small com­panie to defend and kéepe the same, as also being partlie persuaded by the counsell and aduise of his companie, thought it better to returne home in safe­tie, than to dwell in the middle of his enimies in con­tinuall perill and danger. And it is not to be much maruelled that in this iourneie he had so euill suc­cesse: for whie he had gathered & reteined to him the notablest murtherers, théeues, & seditious persons 50 that were in all Southwales, and the marches of the same, and these were of best credit with him, and he most ruled by them.

About this time Amere duke Fitzstephans son, a lustie yoong gentleman and a towardlie, died at Corke in March, to the great sorrow and gréefe of all his fréends. Neere about this time was found and seene a great tode at Waterford, wherof was made much woondering, as is in our topographie declared. Also within the space of thrée yeares there was séene 60 Thrée eclip­ses of the sun in thrée yeres. thrée eclipses of the sun, howbeit these were not vni­uersall, but particular eclipses seene onelie in the land. After that Fitzstephans and Miles Cogan had quietlie and peaceablie gouerned and ruled the king­dome of Desmond fiue yéeres togither, and by their prudence and modestie had restrained the hastie for­wardnesse, and rash disposition of their yoong men, Miles and Rafe the sonne of Fitzstephans a lustie yong gentleman, and who had maried Miles daugh­ter, went toward Lisemore, there to méet & to haue a parlée with Waterford men: as they sate in the fields waiting and looking for them, one Machture with whome they should and had appointed to haue lien at his house the next night following, suddenlie and vnwares came stealing vpon them, and there traitorouslie slue them, and fiue of their companie. By meanes whereof the whole countrie foorthwith was in an vproare, insomuch that Dermon Mac Artie, and all the Irishrie in those parties, as also the traitor Machture, were out: and denieng to be anie longer the kings loiall subiects, made wars against Fitzstephans, who now once againe felt the course of fortunes disposition. And these so much annoied him, that he could neuer recouer himselfe againe, vntill that his nephue Reimond, who succéeded him in the gouernement there, came and rescued him: yet that notwithstanding, he was neuer his owne man, neither could he be at a perfect peace and rest.

And by the waie this is to be noted and considered, that as the northerne men be warlike and valiant; so are the southerne men craftie and subtill, the one seeking honor, the other deliting in craft & deceit; the one valiant, the other wilie; the one of great cou­rage, the other set all on treason and falshood. But to the matter. When Reimond hard how fortune frow­ned vpon his vncle Fitzstephans, and what distresse he was in, being shut vp in the citie of Corke, and his enimies assailing him round about, forthwith assem­bleth his companie, and hauing in readinesse twen­tie gentlemen, and one hundred of footmen and bow­men, he taketh shipping at Wexford, and sailing a­long the coasts, maketh towards Corke with all the hast he can, that he might reléeue and comfort his friends, and be a terror vnto his enimies. And in the end hauing ofttimes incountered with the enimies, some he killed, some he droue out of the countrie, and some he compelled (which was the greater number) to submit themselues and to sue for peace: and thus in the end after great stormes and tempest followed a faire wether and a calme. Uerie shortlie after Ri­chard of Cogan, brother vnto Miles, & nothing infe­rior vnto him in valiantnesse, or anie other respect: came into Ireland with a iollie picked companie and chosen men, being sent to the king to supplie his bro­thers roome. Also in the end of the same winter, and in the moneth of Februarie (3) Philip Barrie nephue to Fitzstephans, a verie honest and a wise gentle­man, came ouer with a lustie companie of chosen men, as well for the aid of his vncle, as also for the recouerie of his land in Olethan, which was perforce taken awaie (4) from Fitzstephans, as also after­wards from Rafe Fitstephans sonne. In the same passage also came Gerald an other nephue of Fitz­stephans, and brother vnto Philip Barrie, who with his good aduise and counsell did verie much pleasure and helpe both his vncle and brother: for he was lear­ned and a great traueller, in searching to learne the site and nature of that land, as also the first origine of that nation, and whose name the title of the booke beareth. About this time Herrie of Mont Moris professed himselfe a moonke in the monasterie of the Trinitie in Canturburie, and gaue to the same in franke and pure almes all his patronages and im­propriations of all his churches, lieng by the sea coasts betwéene Waterford & Wexford, and so be­came a moonke, & liued a solitarie life in a religious habit: who as he changed his habit, so would God he had changed his mind! & as he hath laid awaie his se­cular weeds, had cast off his malicious disposition!

(1) The gift which the king gaue vnto these two gentlemen of this countrie is yet extant vnder his broad seale, and was giuen by the name of the king­dome of Corke, being bounded from the riuer which fléeteth by Lisemore towards the citie of Limerike, vnto Knocke Brendon vpon the seas on the west, to be holden of the king, and of his heires by thrée score knights fées. The citie it selfe without cantred of [Page 46] land was reserued to the king, sauing that they two had the custodie thereof. This kingdome in course of time for want of heires male of them, came to two daughters. The one of them was married to Carew and the other to Courcie, & they in the right of their wiues inioied the same during their liues; and after them their heires, vntill such time as by a diuision growing amongest the Englishmen, the Irish­rie expelled them, and recouered the countrie vnto themselues. 10

(2) These Mac Arties are yet remaining in the said prouince of Corke, and they be now dispersed in­to sundrie families, but the chiefest of them is named Mac Artie More, and he in the time of king Henrie the eight was aduanced to the honor and degree of an earle, being called the earle Clan Artie, which in common spéech by interposition of the letter C is pronounced Clancartie.

(3) In this point there is a varietie among the writers, some writing that Fitzstephans should take 20 awaie the land from Philip Barrie, and giue it to his son Rafe; and to recouer this out of their hands, the said Philip came ouer with such power and force as he could make. Some write againe that the land af­ter that it was giuen to Philip Barrie, he departing into England left it in the custodie and charge of Robert Fitzstephans, who when he listed not or could not keepe it anie longer, deliuered the custodie there­of to his sonne Rafe: who as his father so was he wearie to kéepe the same. And for that cause Philip 30 Barrie minding to inioie, and to make the best ther­of, with such force and helpe as he had gotten, came ouer both to helpe his vncle, & also to fortifie & build holds & castels vpon his said land, whereby he might be the better able to defend and kéepe the same: and this séemeth to be the truth of the historie.

(4) This Philip of Barrie, hauing seized vpon lands and possessions in Ireland, his posteritie haue euer since continued in that land; and nothing dege­nerating from their first ancestor, haue from age 40 and to age béene noble and valiant gentlemen, and who for their fidelitie and good seruices, were aduan­ced to honour and made vicounts: and in that title of honor doo continue still. But would to God they were not so nuzled, rooted, and altogither seasoned in Irishrie! the name and honor being onelie English, all the rest for the most part Irish.

How Hugh de Lacie builded castels, and fortified in Leinster and Meth. 50 Chap. 23.

WHilest these things were thus a dooing in Desmond, Hugh de Lacie a good and a wise man buildeth sundrie castels both in Leinster and Meth, and fortifieth the same verie stronglie: and among others he builded one at (1) Leighlin vpon the riuer of (2) Barrow besids Os­sorie, a place naturallie of it selfe verie strong, which 60 place Robert Powre by the kings commandement had the charge of, vntill he gaue the same ouer and forsooke it. O what worthie champions and fit march­men were this Powre & Fitzaldelme, to be sent to dwell and rule in a nation, which is destituted and wanteth noble and valiant men! But a man maie sée the course of fortune, who when she is disposed to smile, how she aduanceth and raiseth vp men from base estate to high degrées: for why, these two had more pleasure in chambering and plaieng the wan­tons with yoong girls, and to plaie vpon a harpe than to beare a shield or staffe, or to weare armour. And trulie it was to be maruelled, that so noble a prince could send such cowards to beare rule, and haue au­thoritie in places of seruice. But to the matter. Hugh de Lacie being a verie wise man, all his care was to bring all things to a peace and quietnesse: and there­fore such as were oppressed or driuen out of their lands and territories, he restored them, and with such courteous behauiour and gentle spéeches he dealt with all men, that in a verie short time he drew vn­to him the hearts of the people, who desirous to dwell vnder his gouernment, manured the grounds; which being then wast and vntilled, was in short spacefull stored and fraughted both with corne and cattell. And then for the safetie of the people and defense of the countrie, he builded townes and erected castels in euerie place, made orders & established lawes for the gouernment of the people. And by this it came to passe, that ech man inioied the labours of his owne hands, and euerie man liued in peace one with the o­ther, and euerie bodie loued him, and he assured of all men. But hauing thus by his wisedome, policie, and good gouernement recouered that nation to good conformitie and obedience, behold enuie (which al­waies maligneth vertue) he was had in a gealousie and suspicion, that his drift and policie was to appro­priat the whole land to himselfe, and as the lawfull king and monarch would crowne himselfe king of Ireland. Which opinion was so receiued & false ru­mour so spred, that it was in a short time caried into England; which when it came to the kings eares, you maie not thinke that he at all liked thereof, or could brooke the same.

(1) This Leighlin standeth full vpon the riuer of Barrow, and it is a verie old & ancient castell called by the name of the Blake castell, a fort in those daies verie strong: it standeth in the baronie of Odrone, which is the ancient inheritance of the Carews, who being barons of Carew in Wales, one of them ma­ried the daughter and heire of the baron of this O­drone, & so the Carews became & were for the course of sundrie yeares, vntill in the troublesome times, in king Richard the seconds time they were expelled, as all others or the most part of the English were. But being dwelling there, some one of them builded a religious house of Greie friers neere adioining to the said castell, which being since dissolued in king Henrie the eights time, the same fell into the kings hands, who made thereof a fort, and kept there a per­petuall garison, and thus was it disseuered from the baronie. There is also one other Leighlin distant from this about an English mile, where is the cathe­drall church of that diocesse, and whereof the bishop taketh his name bring called the bishop of Leighlin; but for difference sake the same is called old Leigh­lin, and this other Leighlin bridge, by reason of a bridge builded of stone ouer the riuer at that place, and whereof the one end butteth vpon the foresaid Blake castell.

(2) The Barrow is a goodlie and a notable riuer, hauing his head or spring in the hill called Mons Blandina or Slogh Blome, in which also are the heads or springs of the two other notable riuers Sure and the other Eoire. This Barrow kéepeth & hath his course through the countie of Lex, and pas­seth by the market towne of Athie vnto Carlow, and from thense vnto Leighlin, and so to Rosse, a lit­tle aboue which towne it méeteth and ioineth with the Eoire, and they togither kéepe their course about six miles, vntill they méet with the Sure, which is neere vnto the late abbeie of Dunbradrie: and as they all doo spring and rise out of one mounteine, so after they haue taken their seuerall courses, they meet togither and take one waie into the seas. They are all naui­gable, and all a like replenished with sundrie sorts and kinds of fishes.

The description of Hugh de Lacie. Chap. 24.

IF you will know what manner of man Hugh de Lacie was, you shall vnderstand his eies were blacke and déepe, and his nose some­what flat, and the right side of his face from the chin vpwards by a mischance was shrewdlie 10 skalled: his necke was short, and his bodie hairie, as also not fleshie but sinewish and strong compact; his stature was but small, and his proportion deformed, but in conditions he was verie sober, trustie, and modest. He was verie carefull in his owne priuat matters, but in causes of gouernment and in all pu­blike affaires he was most vigilant and carefull. And albeit he were a verie good souldier, and one of great experience in martiall affaires; yet in his sun­drie aduentures wherin he was sometimes rash and 20 verie hastie, he sped not alwaies best nor had the best successe. After the death of his wife he was somewhat lose of life, being much giuen to women, of whom he made no great choise: he was verie gréedie and co­uetous of wealth and possessions, but ouermuch am­bitions of honour and reputation. At this time in Leinster florished Robert Fitzhenrie brother vnto (1) Meilerius, who in his youthfull yeares was verie lustie like the flower of the garden, which when the winter draweth and is cold, dooth vade and wither a­waie. 30 Likewise (2) Alexander and Giraldus the two sonnes of Maurice. And albeit Girald were a man but of meane stature, yet verie wise, sober, and ho­nest. Also Roger le Powre conestable of Leighlin, Hugh de Lacie, and William le Powre seneschall of Waterford, Robert Barrie the yoonger sonne of Philip Barrie, and both the Reimonds were of best fame and credit in these daies. About this time befell and happened the two strange woonders at Fother in Meth, whereof we haue spoken in our topogra­phie; 40 namelie, of the woman violentlie and perforce abused in a mill by a souldier, and of the otes there stolen and caried awaie.

(1) Nesta the daughter of the great Rhesus had thrée husbands, by the first named Henrie she had a sonne, who being named after his name, was na­med Fitzhenrie, who was father to Henrie, Robert, and this Meilerius.

(2) This same Nesta had to hir third husband one Gerald of Windsore, and by him had issue hir fourth 50 son named Maurice, who was father to William Gerald and this Alexander. This Gerald was a va­liant and a noble gentleman, and who had wars a­gainst [...]hesus the father of this Nesta, and kept the towne and castell of Penbroke against him and all his force: but in the end after a peace concluded be­twéene them, he maried this ladie, and had worthie issue by hir.

How Hugh de Lacie vpon a vaine sus­picion 60 was sent for into England, and of his returne againe from thense. Chap. 25.

THe suspicion conceiued of Hugh de La­cie dailie increased more & more, and as is before said came to the kings eares, who as princes in such causes was verie gelous, and could not like thereof, and therefore foorthwith [...]nt for Hugh de Lacie by Iohn co [...]estable of Che­ster and Richard Pet, whome he appointed to tarrie and serus in his place, & to be the gouernors or lords iustices of the land. But before he should depart and go awaie, it was agréed by a common consent, that there should diuerse castels and sundrie forts be buil­ded in Leinster: for Meth was alredie méetlie well and indifferentlie fortified & incastelled. First there­fore they builded two castels in Fotheret of Ono­lan, the one for (1) Reimond, and the other for Grif­fith his brother: the third was at (2) Tresseldermont néere to Moroghs countrie for Walter of Ridens­ford: the fourth for Iohn (3) Clauill vpon the riuer of Barrow not far from Leighlin: the fist at Collach for Iohn Herford. And as for Kildare, which with the countrie adioining was before by the earle in his life time giuen to Meilerius, was taken from him; & in exchange the countrie of (4) Ler was giuen to him, which was a wild and sauage countrie, full of woods, passes, and bogs, and in the middle of the eni­mies, as also from anie succour or rescue: howbeit not vnfit for this such a champion of Mars and so worthie a souldier.

These things being thus doone in the summer time, Hugh de Lacie tooke his passage ouer to England, and made his spéedie repaire to the kings presence, where he so wiselie and dutifullie behaued himselfe, that the king not onelie was resolued of his truth and fidelitie, but also putting especiall confidence in him, he sent him backe againe. And calling home the foresaid Iohn de conestable and Richard Pet, made him his generall and deputie of the land, and tooke assurance of him for his truth in this behalfe: how­beit he ioined in commission with him one Robert of Salisburie, who should in the kings behalfe be a councellor and a trustie assistant vnto him in all his dooings. Now Hugh de Lacie being returned backe againe into Ireland, and there settled and placed, thinketh vpon his first deuises, how to fortifie the countrie and to kéepe it in good order. And the more castels he builded, and the more Englishmen he did bestow and place therein, the sooner and better did he thinke to bring the same to passe and effect. Among manie castels therfore which he builded, he made one at Tachmeho in Ler, which he gaue to Meilerius, as also gaue him his néece to wife; also one castell néere to Abowie which he gaue to Robert Bigaret, and not farre from thense an other castell which he deliue­red to Thomas Fleming. And not farre from thense he builded one other castell at the Norach on the ri­uer of the Barrow, which Robert Fitzrichard had: besides in Meth he builded the castels of Dunach and of Kilaire, as also Adam Fuceport and Gilbert Migents castels, and manie others, which were now too long to be particularlie repeted and recited.

And about this time was that strange talke and communication in a wood in Meth, betwéene a [...]arke be­twéene a priest and a wool [...]. préest and a woolfe, whereof we haue spoken in our topographie: which thing though it may séeme verie strange & most incredible, yet the same is not to be discredited. For as S. Ierome saith, you shall find in scripture manie strange things, & which to a mans iudgement shall séeme to be nothing true at all: and yet neuertheles they are most true. For nature can­not preuaile nor doo anie thing against the Lord of nature: neither ought anie creature to contemne or scorne, but rather with great reuerence and honour to consider the workes of God his creator. Not long after this king Henrie the yoonger, the son of king Henrie the elder, being sedu [...]ed & caried (the more was the pitie) by le [...] and naughtie counsels, rebel­led the second time aga [...] [...] father, and had got­ten vnto him the most part of t [...] best noble men in all Poitiers, & the lus [...]est gentlemen in all France: besides his brother. Geffre [...] the earle of Britainie the chiefe author and cause of this rebellion, and ma­nie others of his confe [...]ates. But in the end, by [Page 48] Gods iust iudgement and vengeance for his vnna­turall ingratitude against his father, who though he were a verie valiant and a lustie gentleman, yet a­gainst death nothing can helpe, and so died about Iune at Marels to the great sorrow of manie. And verie shortlie after also the foresaid Geffreie, a noble and a valiant gentleman, & who for his worthinesse and prowesse might haue béene the sonne of Ulysses or Achilles, who now reuolting the third time from his father, and rebelling against him, was by Gods iust iudgement about the kalends of August taken 10 out of his life, and so died.

(1) Nesta the daughter of the great Rhesus prince of Wales had thrée husbands, the third of them was Gerald of Windsore, and these had to their first sonne William Fitzgerald the father vn­to this Reimond, and Griffith.

(2) Tresseldermont is a castell about a fiue miles from Catherlough, & somtimes a verie faire towne and walled round about, and bordering néere to the 20 baronie of Odrone. The English writers doo saie that this castell was not builded in this Tresselder­mont, but at Kilken, a castell about thrée miles from this, and both now belonging to the earle of Kildare. But the Latine bookes, which are of eldest writing and credit, and whom I doo herein follow, doo write it by expresse words, Tresseldermont.

(3) This castell of Clauill not far from Leighlin, is supposed to be that which is now called Carlough or Catherlough: howbeit the common fame of the 30 countrie dooth attribute this castell of Carlough to [...]ua the earls wife, and the ladie and heire of Lein­ster, and that she should build the same. But there ap­peereth no such things of hir doings, for by the course of the historie it is plaine, that the castels builded in Leinster were doone by the Englishmen onelie, and for their defense and safetie.

(4) The countrie of Lex is parcell of Leinster, & lieth in the marches and extreame confines of the same by the west: it is verie strong and fast, being 40 full of woods and bogs, and therefore a safe tecepta­cle for rebels and outlawes. It is within the diocesse of Leighlin, and before now of late no shire ground, but inhabited by the Mores, who were alwaies re­bels and traitors. But in hope to reforme the same it was made a countie of it selfe, by an act of parle­ment in the third and fourth yeares of Philip and Marie, and named the Queenes countie.

The death of Laurence archbishop 50 of Dublin, and of Iohn Comin made arch­bishop in his place. Chap. 26.

IN this meane time Laurence archbi­shop of Dublin died at the castell of An­giers in Normandie, about the kalends of December 1180. He was a (1) iust and a 60 good man, but somwhat in displeasure with the king, who had him in suspicion bicause he was at the coun­cell of (2) Laterane, and there inueighed much a­gainst the king of England and his honour; & for that cause in his returne homewards through Norman­die was staied, and in the end there died, where he was buried in the high church of our ladie. After him Iohn Comin an Englishman borne, and a monke in the abbeie of Euenham was by the kings means elected orderlie by the clergie of Dublin archbishop, and afterwards confirmed by pope Lucius at Ui­terbe, where he was also made a cardinall. A man he was verie well learned and eloquent, and verie zealous in causes of the church, wherein he would haue doone verie much good, If shal he had not beene too worldlie, & haue sought to haue pleased worldlie princes, and to haue beene in the kings fauour.

(1) This one thing is and was a common obser­uation in the Romish church, that if anie one had re­ceiued the charact thereof, that although he were ne­uer so rebellious, nor so great a traitor against his prince; yet the same was to be interpreted to be in defense of the holie church, and such a one was coun­ted a godlie and a holie man, though by the scrip­tures he who resisteth his prince is said to resist God himselfe.

(2) The councell of Laterane is said to be one of the greatest synods or generall councels that hath bin, it was kept at Rome vnder pope Innocent the third An. 1204. Manie decrées were there made for the aduancing of the Romish antichrist: but yet the councell could not be brought to his full perfection by reason of the ciuill wars in Italie. But among o­ther decrées this was concluded, that all controuer­sies betwéene kings and princes, the correction ther­of should apperteine to the pope: as also no man should be counted emperour, except the pope had ad­mitted him and crowned him.

The comming of Iohn the kings sonne into Ireland. Chap. 27.

THe king to aduance his yoonger sonne named Iohn had giuen him the dominion ouer Ireland, and he therevpon had taken homage of sundrie persons for the same: and now minding to bring the same to a finall end & perfect order, sendeth ouer into Ireland before his sonne Iohn the new archbishop of Dublin, who as a forerunner vnto his sonne should prepare all things in readinesse against his comming, who foorthwith tooke his iournie about the kalends of August, and sailed ouer into Ireland. Also in the moneth of Sep­tember then next following, he sent ouer Philip of Worcester, a valiant souldier, a sumptuous and a liberall man, with fortie gentlemen, who was com­manded to send ouer (1) Hugh de Lacie, and he to staie there as gouernour of the land vntill Iohn his sonne came ouer. This Philip being thus placed in authoritie, the first thing he did he resumed and tooke into the kings vse the lands in O [...]hathesie, and di­uerse other parcels which Hugh de Lacie had before sold, and these he appointed to serue for the kings pro­uision and diet. And after the winter was past, he as­sembled and mustered all his men and companie, & began to trauell from place to place; and in March about the middle of Lent he came to (2) Armagh, where when he had extorted and perforce exacted from the cleargie there a great masse of monie and trea­sure, he returned vnto the citie of Downe, and from thense to Dublin in safetie: being well laden with gold, siluer, and monie, which he had exacted in euerie place where he came: for other good he did none. In this iournie there happened two strange miracles, Two strange miracles. the one at Armach concerning the great anguish and griefe of (3) Philip when he departed and went out of the towne, the other was of a (4) fornace which Hugh Tirell tooke away from the poore priests at Armagh, as more at large is declared in our to­pographie.

(1) This Hugh de Lacie albeit he were thus sent for, yet he went not ouer, as it appéereth by the course of the histories of this time, he was about building of a castell at Deruagh, and there being among his [Page 49] laborers, and séeing one not to frame verie well in his worke, taught him what he should doo, taking his pickeax in both his hands and brake the ground. This wicked Irishman when he saw his lord and master thus stooping and labouring, suddenlie came behind him, and with his ax or weapon strake him in the head and slue him, but his inheritance and pos­sessions came & descended to his two sonnes Wal­ter and Hugh.

(2) In Ireland there are foure archbishoprikes, 10 one at Dublin for the prouince of Leinster, another at Cashill for the prouince of Mounster, the third at Thomond for the prouince of Connagh, & the fourth at Armagh for the prouince of Ulster. The chiefest of them is the archbishop of this Armagh, for al­though euerie one of the others be named a primat of Ireland, yet this one alone is named primat of all Ireland; which title he hath partlie bicause he is successour to S. Patrike, who first conuerted Ire­land to the christian faith, and had his see and church at 20 this Armagh; one other cause is bicause this archbi­shop was the first that receiued a pall from the pope, This pall is a certeine inuesture of cloth, which the What the bi­shops pallis. pope haloweth and giueth or sendeth to euerie arch­bishop, who weareth the same vppermost vpon his garment. The nature of this pall, of the first inuen­tion thereof and the causes whie it is giuen to euerie archbishop, is not incident nor apperteining to the course and nature of this historie, and therfore I will omit it. This Armagh was somtimes a faire towne, 30 and therein a faire cathedrall church, lieng farre and remote from all good neighbors, and in the middle of the Onels and other sauage people; the same hath beene and still is and lieth wast: and the archbishop remooued to a house of his named Terseekam, which lieth néere the towne of Drogheda, being a place of better safetie.

(3) The historie is, that this Philip of Worcester being well landed with great riches exacted from the cleargie and departed, he was no sooner out of the 40 towne, but that he was taken with a sudden pang, which for the time was so vehement, that it was sup­posed he would neuer haue recouered it.

(4) This Hugh Tirell among other the spoiles which he tooke, he had a great bruing fornace or pan which serued for the whole house, for which his dooing the priests curssed him, and he caried this along with him vntill he came to the citie of Downe. And on a night he being in his lodging, the same was entred with fire, and the horsses which drew the said pan, as 50 also much goods which they brought with them, and a great part of the towne was burned. In the mor­ning, when he saw the great spoile, and yet the said pan as nothing hurt nor perished, he began to re­pent and be sorie, and so restored the pan againe.

The comming of Heraclius the patriarch into England. Chap. 28. 60

WHile these things were dooing in Ire­land, Heraclius the reuerend patriarch of Ierusalem, hauing gone a long iourneie from the east to the west, came into Eng­land about the beginning of Februarie; who brought with him the keies of the holie citie and sepul­chre, with the kings ensigne and martiall signe, in the behoofe of all the states of the holie land, as well of the brethren of th'order of the temple as hospitall: and with the consent of all the cleargie and laitie, making supplication to king Henrie the second, falling at his féet with teares, and humblie desiring him, that he would be pitifullie mooued to the aid of the holie land, and Christes patrimonie, desperatlie afflicted by the infidels: otherwise affirming (which within two yeares happened) that the whole king­dome would fall shortlie into the hands of the Sol­dane of the Saracens and of Egypt. Oh what a glorie was it to this king and kingdome, that he passing so manie emperours, kings and princes, as though there were no helpe in the middle part of the world, should come into this corner of the earth, & as it were into an other world to require aid! O how worthie, perpetuall and incomparable had the kings glorie béene, if he setting aside other businesse, and forsaking his kingdoms, had taken without delaie (at this calling of Christ) Christes crosse, and haue followed him! Uerelie, he should haue receiued of him the euerlasting kingdome, if he had serued him in this necessitie of whom he receiued his kingdome, and so glorious a grace of gouernement on earth. Oh if he would haue defended here (for his abilitie) the patrimonie of so worthie a kingdome in this point of necessitie, and this triall of deuotion, he might haue béene worthilie fortified in earth by such a patrone and tutor in all his affaires and neces­sities whatsoeuer.

The answer of the king to the patriarch. Chap. 29.

[...]Daie for answer herof being appointed at last by the king at London, manie as well knights as of common sort, by the admonish­ments of the patriarch, as the sermons of Baldwin the archbishop were croised to the seruice of Christ. At the last the patriarch receiued this an­swer of the king, that it was not good to leaue his realme without defense and gouernement, & leaue open his lands beyond sea to the rapacitie of the Frenchmen that hated him: but as concerning monie, he would giue both that which he sent thi­ther, to be reserued for him, and more also for the defense of the holie land. To whome the patriarch answered by following this aduise. O king you doo nothing: and by this meanes you shall neither saue your selfe, nor reserue Christes patrimonie. We come to séeke a prince, and not monie. Euerie part of the world almost sendeth vs monie, but none sen­deth vs a prince. Therfore we desire a man that may want monie, and not monie that may want a man. This was the saieng of The mis [...]o­cles. But, when the patriarch could get no other answer of the king, he taketh an other deuise: he desireth him to giue to their aid one of his sonnes, and if none other, yet his yoongest sonne Iohn, that the bloud descending from the An [...]owes might in a new branch raise vp the kingdome.

Iohn himselfe, albeit he was readie to passe into Ireland giuen him by his father, with a great armie, (prostrating himselfe at his fathers féet) desired (as they saie) that he might be sent to Ierusalem, but he obteined it not. So the patriarch séeing he could doo nothing, and draw no oile out of the hard stone, hée spake thus against the king, in th'audience of manie, with a threatfull and propheticall spirit. O glorious king, thou hast reigned hitherto among the princes of the world with incomparable glorie, and your princelie honour hath hither to dailie increased to the type of highnesse. But now doubtlesse is this triall being forsaken of God, whom you forsake, and desti­tute of all heauenlie grace. From hensefoorth shall your glorie be turned into sorrow, and your honor to reproch so long as you liue. I would to God the king had auoided this threat by penance, like the king of Niniuie, and had caused this sentence to be altered!

[Page 50] The holie man spake this thing thrise, first at Lon­don, then at Douer, and lastlie at Chinon castell be­yond the sea. And I would to God the patriarch had béene a man without that propheticall spirit, & had ra­ther spoken a lesing, that we may for more euidence touch such things brieflie as were before spoken by that true forespeaker, which we saw shortlie to take effect. Whereas the king reigned thirtie and fiue yeares, thirtie years were granted him for worldlie glorie, expectation of his conuersion, & triall of his de­notion; 10 but the last fiue years fell vpon him, as vpon an vngratefull, reprobate, and abiect seruant, in re­uengement, sorrow, & ignominie. For in the two and thirtith yeare of his reigne, immediatlie after the comming of the patriarch, his first enterprise of sen­ding his sonne Iohn into Ireland, both the labour and cost was frustrate and lost. The thrée and thir­tith yeare, whereas he neuer lost land before, he lost to king Philip (being but a child) almost all Aniou. The foure and thirtith yéere he lost the castell Rader, 20 and welnéere all Be [...]ie. The fiue and thirtith yeare of his reigne, and the fourth yéere after the comming of the parriarch, not onelie king Philip of France, but his son Richard of Poitiers rising against him, he lost the cities of Towres and Maine, with manie castels, and himselfe also; according to that in saint Gregorie: Those that the Lord hath long forborne, that they might be conuerted, if they doo not conuert, he condemneth them the more greeuouslie.

The croising of kings. 30 Chap. 30.

BUt perchance the king was reserued by heauenlie disposition to the victorie of deser­ued loue. How much greater is it to repare things cast downe, than to vnderprop things likelie to fall? And who had knowne Hector, if Troie had continued in prosperitie? By so much as aduer­sitie is more instant and vrged, by so much the glorie 40 of valiantnesse will shine the brighter. For by the se­cret iudgement of God, within two yeares after the victorie was giuen to the pagans and Parthians, a­gainst the christians, either to reuenge the cold deuo­tion of the east church, or to trie the deuout obedience of the westerne men; the worthie Richard earle of Poitiers hearing this ouerthrow, tooke deuoutlie the croisure vpon him at Towres, giuing an example to other princes in that matter. Whervpon the king of England, the earles father, and Philip king of 50 France, who had bin before at variance (with Gods grace, and the archbishop of Towres persuasion) in that place and that houre, at their conference at Gui­sors were croised, with manie other great men of the clergie and laitie. And as kings folowed the example of the erle, so after their example the emperour Fre­derike, through the persuasion of the duke of Alba, with manie states of Almane were croised in the lords court at Mentz. So as it is thought, the king of England being reserued more than all other to 60 the restoring of the decaied state of the holie land, if he had finished his life in this victorie; doubtlesse that famous prophesie of Merlin Ambrosius had beene verefied in him. His beginning (saith he) shall wauer A prophesie of Merlin tou­ching the king with wild affections, and his end shall mount to heauen.

The discord of the kings. Chap. 31.

A Sudden discord rose betwene the kings and that (which was woorse) betwéene the fa­ther and the earle, through the working of the old enimie, & their sinnes deseruing the same, to the great hinderance of their noble enterprise: as though they bring vnfit for it, the honor thereof was reserued for other; or perchance according to the sen­tence of Gregorie: Aduersitie, which is obiected a­gainst good vowes, is a triall of vertue, and not a signe of disproofe. Who is ignorant how happie a thing it was that Paule was driuen into Italie, and yet he suffered shipwracke? But the ship of his heart was safe among the surges of the sea. Likewise therfore as vertue is perfected in infirmitie, and gold tried in the fire: so the constancie of faith that can­not be craized with tribulations, dooth increase more as sinapis; and the courage of the mind is more va­liant againe than troublous assaults of fortune. O how much rather would I, that these kings accom­panied with a few men acceptable to God, had ta­ken vpon them this laborious, but yet a glorious iourneie, than to war proud for the great wealth that they had gathered of manie people to this end. Read ouer the whole bible, and consider thése latter times, and you shall find, that victorie hath béene gained, not with force and humane power, but with Gods grace and store of vertues. For as Cassiodorus saith: An armed people without the Lord is vnarmed. And as Seneca saith, Not the number of the people, but the vertue of a few get the victorie. Of the foure before named, the emperour Frederike, albeit he was the last croised, yet in the execution thereof he was the first: whome therefore I account so much the more woorthie of victorie in heauen, and glorie in earth, that he forsaking large kingdomes and his empire, delaied not out the matter.

A vision and exposition thereof. Chap. 32.

THerfore I thought it not inconuenient to set downe a vision, which he that hideth much from wisemen & reuealeth it to babes visited me withall, being a most simple and vile wretch. In the miserie of this time, in that ciuill and detestable discord betwéene the king and the erle of Poitiers, I being with the king at Chinon castell the seuenth ides of Maie: at night in my sléepe a­bout the cocke crowing, me thought I saw a great multitude of men looking vp into heauen, and as it were woondering at somewhat. So I lifting vp mine eies to sée what the same was, I saw a bright light breake out betwéene the thickenesse of the A strange vision. clouds, and the clouds being incontinentlie seuered asunder, and the lower heauen as it were being o­pened, and the sight of mine eies pearsing through that window to the empeireall heauen, there appered the court thereof in great multitude, wide open as it were to be spoiled, all kinds of munition being bent against it. You might haue séene there a head cut from one, an arme from another, and some stri­ken through with arrowes, some with lances, and some with swords. And when manie of the beholders either for the brightnes, or terror, or pitie, had fallen flat on their faces: me thought that I (to see the end of the matter) did view it longer than the rest. So they hauing gotten the victorie ouer all the other, the bloudie slaues fell vpon the prince of the heauenlie orders, sitting in his throne as he was woont to bee pictured, and drawing him from the throne on the right hand, hauing his breast naked, they thrust him through the right side with their lances, and immedi­atlie there followed a terrible voice in this maner, Woch, woch, OHoli-ghost! But whether it came frō heauen, or was vttered by the people beneath, I can not tell; and so the terror of this voice & the vision a­wakened me.

[Page 51] I call him here to witnesse, to whome all things are apparant and manifest, that immediatlie as I sat in my bed, & reuolued these things in my mind, I was in so great an horror both of bodie and mind, for halfe an houre and more, that I feared least I should haue fallen besides my selfe. But recoursing deuout­lie to the onlie refuge of humane saluation, & blessing my forehead with the crosse estsoones, & fortifieng my mind thereby, I passed the rest of the night without sléepe, & so through Gods grace returned fullie to my selfe: yet to this daie I can neuer remember that vi­sion 10 without horror. What may be more terrible to a creature than to see his creator smitten through with weapons? What man without gréefe can abide to sée the seruants of God, & patrons of men to be murthe­red? Who can behold the Lord of nature to suffer, & dooth not suffer therewith? What this vision porten­deth, The meaning of the foresaid vision. without preiudice to anie I will shew brieflie. He that suffered once in his owne person for all, gi­ueth vs to vnderstand, that he now suffereth againe, but that in his flocke. And he that by triumphing o­uer 20 the crosse, and ascending to the right hand of his father, hath victoriouslie entered his kingdome; his enimies now go about to depriue him of his king­dome, and subuert his church, which he gathered vnto him by the shedding of his bloud. Therefore, as I doo suppose, this passion did not appeare vpon the crosse, but his maiestie: as though the crosse now being taken awaie, his enimies go about to take that glorie from him, which he got on the crosse. Or else that his faithfull had suffered, not in the crosse, 30 but with weapons in that holie land, which he af­ter so manie miracles had consecrated with his bloud. So likewise he declared this his passion which he for his susteined, not in the crosse, but in his maie­stie: so he signified, that all the court of heauen suffe­red with the like compassion, mouing his to reuenge­ment with the shewing of so great greefe. As concer­ning that voice beginning in a barbarous language and ending in Latine, what I thinke I will shew. 40 Woch, woch, in the Germane toong, is a signe of gréefe doubled. And where that wofull mourning voice began in the Germane toong, and ended in La­tine, it maie be signified thereby, that onelie the Al­mans and the Italians take this the affliction of their Lord more grieuouslie than other nations, as their hasting declareth. God forbid that the passion or la­mentation be here vnderstood by anie slaughter of the christians and people in this expedition.

The memorable euents of 50 our time. Chap. 33.

I Thinke it not impertinent to set downe here (by occasion) the aduentures and nota­ble euents in England: and first of all, the sudden death of the deteiners of the king­dome of England against the lawfull heire, the ne­phue 60 of Henrie by his daughter Matild: as well the death of the woorthie knight Eustashius the son of king Stephan, and son in law to Lewes the French king: as of his mother quéene Matild the countesse of Bullogne. Then the concord adoption made be­twéene king Stephan, and Henrie duke of Nor­mandie. And then after the death of king Stephan, the mariage of quéene Elianor, and the translation from crowne to crowne. Immediatlie, the aduance­ment of the duke to the kingdome, and the corona­tion of king Henrie the second. The assiege of the castell of Bridgenorth vpon Seuerne, and the com­pulsion of the woorthie knight Hugh Mortimer to dedition, to the terrible example of all. What née­deth manie words? To confound the mightie, and to make euen the rugged, there were prosperous suc­cesses. And as destruction fell vpon the deteiners of the kingdome, so likewise it fell vpon the peacebrea­kers of the same, as well of the brethren, as also of the sons.

The subduing of prince Oeue at Colshull in Northwales in a wooddie strei [...], not without the losse of manie knights. A sumptuous expedition to Tholouse, albeit it was vnprofitable. An altercation & warre betwéene the king of England and Lewes of France, through the doting of both parts. The yéelding vp of prince Rhese by the means of his vn­cle Oene at Pencador in Southwales, the king of England comming thither. The vnwilling & wrested confession onelie by word & by writing (as some say) of Thomas of Canturburie, and his suffragans at Clarendon, as concerning annates: when that pro­phesie of Merlin Ambrosius séemed to be fulfilled; The buls toongs shall be cut out. The inturions cri­eng out of all the court at Northampton against the A prophesie of Merlin ful­filled. father, bearing the crosse, & mainteining the rights of the crucifix, and the priuie departure of him to exile that night. The ambassage of Reinold archbi­shop of Cullen, & chancellor to the emperor, from the said emperor to the king of England: who was an effectuous persuader of mariage to be had betwéene Henrie the emperors nephue duke of Saxonie and Bauier, and Matild the kings eldest daughter: he mooued also, but in vaine, to set cleare the Almains schisme. Not long after the publike periurie through out all the realme, by the kings proclamation a­gainst the sée of saint Peter, and the archbishop of Canturburie. And incontinentlie the countie Gun­celine, and other states of Saxonie came from the duke into England for the kings daughter.

The coronation of king Henrie the third, son to king Henrie, solemnized in London by the archbi­shop of Yorke, to the preiudice of the church of Can­turburie. Ambassadors came from Spaine, and ob­teined the kings daughter Elianor, to be maried vnto Ansulfo, king of Toledo and Castile. The comming of Dernicius (being expelled) to the king, and the sailing ouer into Ireland of Fitzstephans, & earle Richard. The expedition of the lord of Albi mona­sterij. Oswal­stre in Powes, and his returne by occasion of rame: not without his hurtfull dismembring▪ of the pled­ges, and great slaughter of his enimies. The mar­tyrdome of Thomas. The often shining miracles. The departure of the noble Henrie bishop of Win­chester, descended of the kings bloud at Winchester. The viage of the king into Ireland. The conspira­cie of the states against their prince, and the chil­dren against their father. The comming of two cardinals into Normandie, to make inquirie of the death of the martyr. The sudden returne of the king out of Ireland into Wales, and so into England, thense into Normandie; with an appeasing of the said cardinals, and the French king. The first de­parture of the yoong king with his two brethren from his father into France. The victorie of the ci­uill and two yeares warre, and the kings mercie towards the vanquished, as we haue shewed before. The comming of Huguntio Petie Leon cardinall of the title of saint Angelo into England, and the celebration of a councell vnder him of all the clear­gie of England, at London, as concerning the con­tention of supremasie betweene Richard archbishop of Canturburie, and Roger of Yorke: but the alle­gations on both sides with fists and staues brake it off. The bishop of Capua, and Diaferus elect of Croia, and earle Florius, came from William king of Sicill, to haue mariage betwéene him and Ioane the kings yoonger daughter.

[Page 52] The ambassadors of the kings of Spaine, Ca­stile, and Nauar, came into England: who as con­cerning lands and castels (whereof they contended) promised altogither to stand vnto the king of Eng­lands arbitrement. Wherefore the king assem­bling at London all the lawyers & wise men in the land of both orders; when the cause was proposed, and the allegations heard on both sides, by famous aduocats; among whome, Peter of Cardon, that came in the behalfe of the king of Nauar, excelled in 10 eloquence: the king vsing wise counsell, and in­tending to end the contention by transaction, that giuing somewhat from one, and keeping somewhat from an other, he would hurt neither partie much. But as he was appointed iudge by both, so he was carefull for the commoditie of both as much as could be. So making a transaction, and ingrossing it in writing, he writ the iudiciall examination for a pro­uiso; That if either part refused to stand to his arbi­trement, the definitiue strife might be dirempted 20 by sentence. The comming of Lewes king of France into England, who went on pilgrimage to Canturburie, to the martyr Thomas, to require his helpe deuoutlie, whome he in the time of his exile had helped: and offering a cup pretious both for matter & substance in the place where the holie bodie was buried, when he had declined a while prostrat on his face, and had laid his bare head a while in the right side hole of the marble stone that standeth therby; at last, rising from his praier (that he might confirme 30 the memorie of his pilgrimage with euerlasting record) in the presence of the king of England, the earle of Flanders, the archbishop of the see, the prior of the couent, and other men of state, he gaue yearelie vnto Canturburie abbeie an hundred tuns of wine.

The second defection of king Henrie the third, and earle Geffreie, with the sudden death of the yoonger king at Marcels. The comming on pilgrimage of Godfrie archbishop of Cullen, and Philip earle of Flanders vnto Canturburie. The death of earle 40 Geffreie. The comming of Heraclius the patriarch, and the sailing of earle Iohn into Ireland. Al­most all things as they be here set in order, chanced in our time, in no great distance betwéene, in and about the space of thrée and thirtie yeares. O how glorious had all these things béene, if they had sor­ted to a good end! Which surelie would haue hapned, if he setting other things aside, had followed Christ, when he was called, of whome he receiued all these 50 benefits; and had spent the last fiue yeares reigne in his seruice. But these things being before rehearsed by the way, let vs returne to the historie.

The recapitulation of sundrie acts, and of the commming of Iohn the kings sonne to Ireland, with his successe there. Chap. 34. 60

HOw omitting the building of three ca­stels, one at Tipporarie, the other at Arch­phin, & the third at Lismore, after the com­ming of earle Iohn, & speaking nothing of the euill fortune of thrée woorthie yoong men; Robert Barrie at Lismore, Reimond Fitzhugh at Olethan, and Reimond Cantitinensis at Odrona. Of part of the garrison of Archphin slaine in the wood there, by the prince of Limerike on Midsummer daie, & foure knights there killed, not without manfull defense. Of them of Limerike, and the noble man Ograine slaine at Tipporarie. Of them of Archphin slaine a­gaine by those of Limerike in taking of a preie. Of Dermucius Mac Arthie prince of Desmond, with others slaine in a parlée neere Corke by them of Corke, and the garrison of Theobald brother to Walter. Of the slaughter of them of Kencolon, with their prince inuading Meth by the men there­of, & William Litle, and one hundred of their heads sent to Dublin. Of the finding out of the bodies of Patrike, Brigid, & Columbe at Dundalke, & their translation from thense by the procurement of Iohn de Curcie.

Of the heading of Hugh Lacie at Dornach, through the treason of his owne Irishmen. Of the killing of twelue noble knights vnder Iohn de Cur­cie, in the returne from Connagh. Of the traitorous and lamentable slaughter of Roger Powre, and manie others in Osserie: and thorough that occa­sion, the priuie conspiracie of all Ireland against the Englishmen, manie castels being therewith de­stroied. All which things are not vnwoorthie to be re­corded, when the dominion was translated to the kings son. But assigning these dooings to other wri­ters, we will proceed to more profitable matters. How and wherefore this first enterprise of the kings son had no good successe I thought good to declare brieflie: that this finall addition (albeit it can not be a cure to that which is past) yet it may be a caueat for things to come. ¶ This recapitulation followeth in a more absolute forme, pag. 53. which being de­liuered Note. out of sundrie copies, doo perfect one ano­ther.]

When all things méete and necessarie for so great a iournie or voiage were at the king his com­mandement and charges made readie; then Iohn the kings yoonger sonne a little before made lord of Ireland, was seut ouer; and in the Lent time (1) he tooke leaue of his father, and as he tra­uelled towards saint Dauids to take shipping, he passed and rode along by the sea coasts of South­wals, and so came to (2) Penbroke. There brought and accompanied him vnto the ship a noble and a worthie man named Reinulfe Glanuile, one of the K. his most priuie councell in all weightie matters; as also cheefe iustice of England. And on wednes­daie in the Easter weeke, the wind being at east and blowing a good gale, he tooke ship in Milford hauen, but for hast he left to doo his deuotion and oblation at saint Dauids, which was but an euill halsoning: ne­uerthelesse on the next morrow about noonetide he arriued in safetie vnto Waterford with all his com­panie, which were about thrée hundred gentlemen, and of bowmen, footmen, horssemen, and others a great number. Then was fulfilled the vaticine or prophesie of old Merlin: A burning globe shall rise Prophesies of Merlin fulfilled. out of the east, & shall compasse about the land of Ire­land, and all the soules of that Iland shall flée round about the fire. And hauing spoken these words of the father, he continueth his speech, and thus speaketh of his sonne: And of this fire shall rise a sparkle, for feare of which all the inhabiters of the land shall tremble and be afraid: and yet he that is absent shall be more estéemed than he that is present, and better shall be the successe of the first than of the second.

Iohn at this his first arriuall into Ireland was of the age of 12 yeres, which was from the first arri­uall of his father thirtéene yeares, of the landing of the earle Strangbow fouretéene yeares, and from the first entrance of Robert Fitzstephans fiftéene yeares, and the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred eightie and fiue, Lucius then Romane bi­shop, Frederike the emperor, and Philip the French king. There passed ouer with the king in the same fléet manie good clerks, among whome (3) one was speciallie commended vnto this yoong lord by his fa­ther, for that he was a diligent searcher of naturall [Page 52] histories, as also had béene before two yeares in the same land, and there collected sundrie notes, and suf­ficient matter as well for his historie, as for his to­pographie: and which after that he was returned home, and attending in the court, did (as leisure ser­ued him) digest and set in good order of a booke, the same being his labor of thrée yéeres. A trauell to him painefull, but to his posteritie profitable, although much misliked and enuied at by such as then were li­uing: the one liked it well, but the other dispraised 10 it; the one reaped a benefit and commoditie, but the other of a secret malice maligning the same, fret­ted in his humor, and was grauelled in his owne fellie.

(1) The first voiage of the king his sonne, being then but a child of twelue yéeres of age: the English chronicles doo make small mention therof. But such as doo write thereof, doo report that the king brought his sonne as farre as Glocester on this iornie: and 20 there dubbing and honoring him with the degree of knighthood, sent him on his iornie.

(2) Penbroke is an old and an ancient towne, builded by a noble man named Arnulph Montgome­rie the ancestor of the Carews, whose names are Montgomeries, & lieth in Westwales named De­metia, but now of this towne is called Penbroke­shire. The ancient house of the Ca [...]ws. It standeth vpon a créeke of Milford hauen, about two miles from the castell Carew: of which castell the Montgomeries builded, and there dwel­ling tooke the name thereof, & were called Carews, 30 which name that familie dooth yet reteine. In this towne of Penbroke standeth a goodlie and a strong castell, which hath béene in times past the seat and house of manie a noble man bearing the name of the earles of Penbroke. In this was king Henrie the seuenth borne. It is now in great ruine and in decaie.

(3) This man ment here is Giraldus Cambren­sis the author of this booke, who (as it appeareth by this and other his works) was learned and much giuen 40 to studie. He was archdeacon of saint Dauids, and descended from Girald of Windsore, and the ladie Nesta his wife, for he was the son of Maurice, and the sonne of the foresaid Girald and Nesta: and so this Girald of Windsore was his Proauus or great grandfather.

The praise and commendation as also the excuse of Robert Fitzstephans and 50 the earle Strangbow. Chap. 35.

RObert Fitzstephans was the first who taught and shewed the waie to the earle, the earle to the king, and the king to his sonne. Great praise-worthie was he that gaue the first aduenture, and much was he to be commended who next followed and increased the same: but aboue 60 all others he deserued best, who fulfilled, absolued, and ended the same. And here is to be noted, that albeit both Fitzstephans and the earle did helpe Dermon Mac Morogh to recouer his countrie of Leinster, as also defended and kept the same from robbers, théeues, & enimies: yet they did it in diuerse respects. The one in respect of his faith and promise, the other for loue of Eua, & of the (1) inheritance, which by hir should grow and come vnto him. But as concern­ing the intruding vpon Waterford, and the con­quests of sundrie territories as well in Desmond as in Meth, I can not excuse them. The earle, who in right of his wife was lord of Leinster, the fist part or portion of Ireland, surrendred and yéelded vp all his right and title there vnto the king himselfe, and tooke it againe to hold of him. The like also did all the princes of the land. Whereby as also by other old and ancient records it is apparant, that the English na­tion entred not into this land by wrong and iniurie, (as some men suppose and dreame) but vpon a good ground, right, and title.

(1) The course of this historie in the beginning dooth plainelie declare, how that Dermon after his departure from the king came to the citie of Bris­tow, and there hauing conference with Richard Strangbow erle of Chepstow, did offer vnto him his onelie daughter and heire in marriage, with the in­heritance of all Leinster: conditionallie that he would passe ouer into Ireland, and to helpe him to recouer his land, which conditions were accepted and afterwards performed. Afterwards he lieng at saint Dauids for passage, there he met with Robert Fitz­stephans, & did condition with him, that if he would passe ouer into Ireland to helpe him, he would giue him the towne of Wexford with certeine cantreds therevnto adioining, which conditions were then ac­cepted and afterwards performed. Thus it appeareth that the one for loue of the gentlewoman, and the o­ther in respect of his promise did passe ouer into that land and realme.

The causes of lets whie this con­quest could not nor had his full perfection. Chap. 36.

HAppie and for euer happie had Ireland béene, which being valiantlie conquered, well replenished with townes, and fortified with castels from sea to sea of the first (1) aduen­turers, who were then minded to haue established a good order and gouernment, had not they through the secret malice and treacherie of some men béene cal­led awaie and sent from home. Yea happie had it beene, if the first conquerors (being noble and valiant men) might according to their deserts haue had the charge of gouernment committed vnto them. For whie, a nation which at the first comming ouer of our men, when they were galled with our arrows, and a­fraid of our force, they were then easie to be recla­med. But partlie by meanes of trifling and delai­eng of time, which is alwaies dangerous, and partlie by reason that the best seruitors being called home from thense, new rulers tooke too much ease, and liued in too much securitie; nothing was doone to anie pur­pose: and therevpon the people of that countrie tooke hart of grace, and practised our manners in shooting and the vse of our weapons: and by little and little they became so well expert and skilfull therein, that whereas at the first they were easie to be ouercom­med, were now strong and hardie, and not onlie able to resist, but also readie to put vs in danger and ha­zard. And the causes herof whoso listeth to search, shall easilie find out the same: for if you will read ouer the bookes of the kings & prophets, examine the course of the old testament, and well consider the examples of these our latter daies; you shall find it most certeine and true, that no nation, no state, no citie, nor com­mon-wealth was euer ouerthrowne by the enimie, nor ouercome by the aduersarie but onelie for sinne Sin the cause of ouerthrows by the enimie. and wickednesse. And albeit the Irish people and nation for their sinfull and abhominable life did well deserue to be ouerthrowne and ouerrun by stran­gers; yet was it not Gods will and plesure that they should vtterlie be brought into subiection: neither was it his good will & pleasure that the Englishmen, though they had brought some of them into subiecti­on, [Page 53] yet they should not therefore haue the whole em­pire and entire souereigntie ouer them: for both were sinfull people and merited not anie fauour at Gods hand, but deserued to be seuerelie punished, and ther­fore neither the one (albeit he were a conqueror, and had the ouer hand) could yet obteine a seat (2) in Pal­las castell, nor yet the other be fullie subdued & broght into perfect subiection. The Irish people are said to haue the foure men whome they account to be great prophets, and whome they haue in great veneration 10 and credit (3) Merlin, Bracton, Patrike, and Co­lumkill, The foure Irish pro­phets. whose books and prophesies they haue among themselues in their owne language, and all they in­treating and speaking of the conquest of this land, doo affirme that the same shall be assailed with often warres, the strifes shall be continuall, and the slaugh­ters great. But yet they doo not assure nor warrant anie perfect or full conquest vnto the English nation (4) not much before dooms daie. And albeit the whole land of Ireland, from sea to sea, haue for the most 20 part béene in the power of the Englishmen, and by them fortified and replenished with sundrie and ma­nie castels, though sometimes to their perilles and smarts: yet Bracton saith, that the king who shall make the absolute and finall conquest, shall come from out of the deserts and mounteins of saint Pa­trike, and vpon a sundaie at night shall with force breake into a castell builded in the fastnesse of Opha­lie: and vntill that time the English nation shall from time to time be in continuall troubles with the Irishrie, sauing that they shall hold and inioie the 30 whole land bordering vpon the east coasts of the seas.

(1) The course of this historie dooth at full de­clare in particulars, how the first aduenturers were maligned, & as much as might be descredited. First Robert Fitzstephans, whose seruice was counted no­table, and his fidelitie to his prince and king trustie and assured: yet fell he into the kings displeasure, 40 was cast into prison, and albeit deliuered out againe, yet the king conceiuing some gelousie of him, had him ouer into Normandie, where he serued two yeares in his warres: and although he were againe afterward sent ouer into Ireland, yet was he not in anie authoritie or office. The earle Strangbow although he came ouer with the king his speciall li­cence, yet his good successe was so enuied at, that the king made proclamation, that all his subiects be­ing in Ireland with the earle, should returne & come 50 home; and that no vittels, no munition, nor anie re­léefe should be transported out of anie of his domini­ons into Ireland. And albeit the earle afterwards were reconciled to the king, yet was he faine to yéeld vnto him all his land and dominion of Leinster vn­to the kings deuotion, & to receiue the same againe to be holden of the king. Reimond who could not be charged, nor spotted with anie vntruth: yet the trea­cherous Heruie with his false informations so in­ueigled and falselie informed the king against him, that he was sent for home, and not trusted with anie 60 gouernement. Hugh de Lacie, who (as the historie saith) was the first that made waie into Ulster, who fortified the prouince of Leinster and Meth with ma­nie strong holds & castels, and brought all the coun­trie to a peaceable state; he was suspected to haue meant the impropriation of the whole land to his owne vse, and was dismissed of his charge and go­uernement, and sent for home: and in place and lieu of these were sent ouer William Fitzaldelme, Phi­lip of Chester, and others, in whome was no value at all, but onelie to pill and poll the people, and to heape vp treasure and riches.

(2) Pallas was the daughter of Iupiter, who for hir excellent gift in inuention, is said and fained by the poets to be borne of the braine of Iupiter with­out anie moother, she inuented the order of warres, and deuised the maner of fightings, she maketh men to be bold, and giueth the victorie. And bicause Eng­glishmen could not obteine a full and a perfect victo­rie: therefore they were said not to sit in Pallas castell.

(2) There were two Merlins, and both were pro­phesiers: the one was named Merlinus Calidonius, or Syluestris, bicause his dwelling and habitation was néere or by a wood called Calidonia, he was borne in the marches of Scotland, but a man verie excellent­lie well learned in philosophie, and in knowledge of all naturall causes; and by diligent obseruations he would gesse maruellouslie at the euents of manie things. Wherevpon he was taken for a phrophesier, and reputed for a magician or a diuinor. He was in the time of king Arthur, about the yeare fiue hun­dred and thréescore, and of this Merlin it is spoken in this historie. The other Merlin was before this man and in the time of Uortiger: about the yeare of our Lord foure hundred and thréescore, and he was named Ambrosius Merlinus, who was also excellentlie well learned, both in philosophie and the art magike; but his sentences were so darkelie couched, that no­thing could be conceiued nor vnderstood by them be­fore the euent.

(4) Much adoo there hath béene, and manie books written, concerning the full conquest of this land: so manie heads, so manie reasons. But if men would haue the truth plainelie told, it is soone to be séene how the verie cause proceedeth and is continued for want of a generall reformation. But Pluto hath so blinded mens eies, that séeing they can not nor will not see: but hereof I shall more at large write in an other place.

A breefe repetition of certeine things done within the course of the historie that are omitted. Chap. 37.

HEre by the waie it were not amisse brief­lie to touch & declare of certeine things which happened, & which (for certeine causes) are not at full discoursed in this storie, as we wished that we might haue had the oportunitie so to haue doone. First therfore you shall vnderstand, that Iohn the kings sonne at his first comming ouer builded three castels, one at Tibrach, an other at Arche­phinan, and the third at Lisemore. Likewise three worthie gentlemen were lost and killed: namelie, Robert Barrie at Lisemore, Reimond Fitzhugh at Olithan, and Reimond Kantune at Ossorie. Also how Donald the prince of Limerike secretlie stole vpon the earles armie in Ossorie, as they were com­ming from Dublin towards Limerike, and slue foure hundred Ostomans, and foure noble gentle­men, which were their capteines; among whom was Ogranie an Irishman. And also Dermond Mac Artie prince of Desmond, being at parlee with cer­teine men of Corke not farre from the said towne, was there set vpon by the said Corkemen & (1) Theo­bald Fitzwalter, and there was he and the most part of his companie slaine. The like happened in Meth, where they of Kencole & their capteine made a rode, and being set vpon by one William the iustice of that countrie, they were all slaine and a hundred of their heads sent vnto Dublin. Moreouer Iohn de Courcie found the bodies of saint Patrike, saint Brigid, and saint Colome at Downe, and remooued them from thense. Hugh de Lacie builded his castell [Page 54] at Deruach, was there traitorouslie slaine. Iohn de Courcie at his returne from out of Connagh lost sixtéene of his best gentlemen. Roger le Powre a va­liant, and a lustie yoong gentleman, was by treason taken and murthered in Ossorie, wherevpon the I­rishmen foorthwith brake out from their due obei­sance to the king of England, and rebelled against the Englishmen, destroied manie castels, and set the whole realme in a great sturre and vnquietnesse. O­ther sundrie things happened which were too long to 10 recite: and therefore leauing the same, we will re­turne to our historie.

(1) This Theobald Fitzwalter, who by his nation was named Becket but by his office Butler, was the sonne of Walter the sonne of Gilbert: & was the first Butler that came into Ireland, who being a wise and an expert man, was first sent with Willi­am Fitzaldelme. Afterwards he was sent ouer by king Iohn to view and serch the countrie; and in the 20 end he grew into such credit, that he was infeoffed with great liuings there, as also aduanced (and his posteritie after him) to great honors & promotions, which now are named earles of Ormond and Os­sorie.

The causes why England could not make the full and finall conquest of Ireland. 30 Chap. 38.

IT wère not amisse, that we now did consider the causes, and declare the impedi­ments, why the kings sonne had not the best successe in this his so honourable a iournie, and wherefore his so famous attempt tooke not effect: that albeit the same can not reuoke and remedie that which is past and doone, yet that it maie be a fore­warning to that which maie follow and insue. The 40 principall and chiefe cause I suppose and thinke to be, bicause that whereas the patriarch of Ierusalem named Heraclius came in an ambassage vnto him, in the name and behalfe of all the whole land of Pa­lestine called the holie land, requesting that he would take vpon him to be their helpe, and defending the same against the Saladine then king of Egypt and of Damasco: who hauing bent his whole force a­gainst them, was like within two yeares following vtterlie to be ouerrun, the said holie land, vnlesse 50 some rescue in the meane time and with expedition were prouided: he vtterlie denied and refused the same. And being further vrged to send one of his sonnes, although it were the yoongest: he denied that also: making no account neither of the cause it selfe, which was Christ; nor of the people, which were chri­stians: neither yet of the person, which was a reue­rend and honourable personage.

And yet neuerthelesse he sent foorth his yoonger sonne in a iournie or hosting, more sumptuous than 60 are néedfull or profitable? And whither I praie you? Was it into the east and against the Saracens and miscreants? No, no, it was into the west, & against his euen christian, nothing séeking the aduancing of Gods glorie, nor promoting of his cause, but onelie for his owne priuat lucre and singular commoditie. An other cause was this. At the first landing and en­trie of the kings sonne at Waterford, a great ma­nie of the chiefest of the Irishmen in those parties, and who since their first submission to king Henrie had continued faithfull and true, they being aduerti­sed of this his arriuall, did come and resort vnto him in peaceable maner, and after their best order to salute him, and congratulate his comming. But our new men [...] Normans, who had not before béene in those parties, making small account of them, did not onelie mocke them, and laugh them to scorne for the manner of their apparell, as also for their long beards and great glibs, which they did then weare and vse according to the vsage of their countrie: but also they did hardlie deale and ill intreat manie of them. These men nothing liking such interteinment shifted themselues out of the towne, & with all hast sped themselues home: euerie one into his owne house; & from thense they with their wiues, children, and houshold, departed and went some to the prince of Limerike, some to the prince of Corke, some to Rothorike prince of Connagh, and some to one lord, and some to an other: and to these they declared or­derlie how they had béene at Waterford, and what they had séene there, and how they were intreated; and how that a yoong man was come thither garded with yoong men, and guided by the counsels of yoong men: in whom there was no staie, no sobrietie, no stedfastnesse, no assurednesse, whereby they and their countrie might be assured of anie safetie.

These princes and namelie they thrée of Connagh, Corke, and Limerike, who were the chéefest, and who were then preparing themselues in a readinesse to haue come and saluted the kings sonne, and to haue yéelded vnto him the dutifull obeisance of faithfull subiects: when they heard these newes, they began streightwaies to imagine, that of such euill begin­nings woorse endings would insue: and reasoning the matter among themselues, did conclude, that if they thus at the first did deale so discourteouslie with the humble, quiet, and peaceable men: what would they doo to such as were mightie and stout, and who would be loth to receiue such discourtesies at their hands? Wherefore with one consent they concluded to stand and ioine togither against the English nati­on, and to their vttermost to aduenture their liues, and to stand to the defense of their countrie and li­bertie. And for the performance thereof, they enter into a new league among themselues, and swore each one to the other, and by that means enimies be­fore are now made fréends and reconciled. This we know to be true, and therefore we speake it, and that which we saw we doo boldlie witnesse. And for so much as we thus fondlie and in our pride did abuse them, who in humblenesse came vnto vs: therefore did we well deserue by Gods iust iudgement (who hateth the proud and high minded) to lose the others, for by this example they were vtterlie discouraged to like of vs. And this people and nation though it be barbarous and rude, not knowing what apperteineth vnto honour: yet most and aboue all others doo they desire to be exalted and honoured. And although they be not ashamed to be found false of their word, and vniust in their dealings: yet will they greatlie dis­commendlieng and commend truth, louing that in others, which is not to be found in themselues. But to the matter. What great euils and inconuenien­ces doo grow by such follies and insolencies, a wise man may soone learne by the example of Rehoboam the sonne of Salomon, & so by an other mans harm [...] learne to beware of his owne. (2) For he being lead and carried by yoong mens councels, gaue a yoong mans answer vnto his people, saieng vnto them; My finger is greater than was my fathers loins, and whereas he beat you with rods, I will scourge you with scorpions, by reason whereof ten tribes for­sooke him for euer, and followed after Ieroboam. Another cause is this, when Robert Fitzstephans came first ouer, and also the earle; there were cer­teine Irishmen which tooke part with them, and faith­fullie serued vnder them: and these were rewarded and had giuen vnto them for recompense certeine [Page 55] lands, which they quietlie held and inioied, vntill this time of the comming ouer of the king his senne: for now the same were taken from them, and giuen to such as were new come ouer, contrarie to the pro­mise & grant to them before made. Wherevpon they forsooke vs and fled to our enimies, and became not onelie spies vpon vs, but were also guiders and con­ductors of them against vs: they being so much the more able to hurt and anitoie vs, bicause they were before our familiars, and knew all our orders and 10 secrets. Besides this, the cities and townes vpon and néere the seacoasts, with all such lands, reuenues, tributes, and commodities as to the same did belong and apperteine, and which before was imploied and spent for the defense of the commonwealth & coun­trie, and in the seruice against the enimies, were now all assigned and bestowed vpon such as were giuen to pilling and polling, and who laie still with­in the townes, spending their whole time, and all that they had in drunkennesse and surfetting, to the losse 20 and damage of the good citizens and inhabitants, and not to the annoiance of the enimies. And besides sundrie other commodities, this was one, and a spe­ciall one; that at the verie first entrie of the king his sonne into this vnrulie and rebellious land, the peo­ple being barbarous, and not knowing what it was to be a subiect, nor what apperteineth to gouernment, The inconue­niences fol­lowing euill gouernment. such men were appointed to haue the charge, rule and gouernement, as who were more méet to talke in a parlor than to fight in the fields, better skill to 30 be clad in a warme gowne than to be shrowded in armor, and who knew better how to pill and poll the good subiects than to resist and incounter the enimie: yea for their valiantnesse and prowesse they might well be resembled vnto William Fitzaldelme, vn­der whose gouernement both Ireland and Wales were almost vtterlie destroied & lost. For whie, they were neither faithfull to their owne people nor dread­full to their enimies; yea they were vtterlie void of that affect, which is naturallie ingraffed in man, 40 which is to be pittifull to the humble and prostrate, and to resist the proud and obstinat; but rather of the contrarie, they spoiled their owne citizens, and winked at their enimies: for to resist and withstand them nothing was doone, no castels nor fortresses builded, no passes for safetie made, no waies for ser­uice opened, but althings went to ruine, and the com­mon state to wracke. Moreouer, the seruingmen and the soldiers which were in garrison, they liking well of their capteins and masters maners and loose 50 life, gaue themselues to the like, spending their whole time in rioting, banketing, whoredome, and all other dissolute and wanton orders, tarrieng still within the townes and places far off from the enimies. For as for the marches (so called bicause the same bordered vpon their enimies; or rather of Mars, bicause in those places martiall affaires were and are woont to be most exercised) they would not come néere the sight thereof, and by that means the people there dwelling and seated, the soiles there manured, the 60 castels there builded, were altogether destroied, wa­sted, spoiled, and burned. And thus the prowesse of the old capteins, the good seruices of the veterans & well experimented soldiers by the insolent, distem­perat, and lewd life of these new comes was discre­dited: whereof was nothing else to be awaited for but after such calmes must néeds insue stormes and tempests. And albeit they thus lieng in the townes in securitie and at rest, wallowing in lose and wan­ton life, euerie daie being a holie daie to Bacchus and Uenus: yet the state of the land at large was most miserable and lamentable. For euerie where was howling and wéeping, the manured fields be­came waste, the castels destroied, and the people murthered, and no newes but that the vtter destruc­tion of the whole land was at hand. And in this di­stresse and necessitie it had béene verie requisit and néedfull that the souldiers should haue taken vp their weapons, serued against the en [...]mie, and haue defen­ded the common state: but it was farre otherwise, for there was such lawing & vexation in the towns, one dailie suing and troubling another, that the ve­terane was more troubled with lawing within the Lawing woorse than warring. towne, than he was in perill at large with the eni­mie. And thus our men, giuen ouer to this trade and kind of life, became faintharted, and afraid to looke vpon the enimie: and on the contrarie the enimie most strong, stout, and bold. Thus was the land then gouerned, and thus the same posted towards the destruction of the English nation and gouern­ment, which had doubtlesse verie shortlie follow­ed and insued, had not the king prouided a speedie re­medie for the same. For the king being aduertised how disorderlie things framed, and considering with himselfe in what perill the state of his realme and people stood, he with all spéed sendeth for all these new come souldiors, in whome (other than the name of a souldior was nothing of anie value and com­mendation) and commandeth them to repaire and come home, and sendeth ouer in their places these old beaten and well tried soldiors, by whose seruice the land before had beene conquered and kept among whome one and the cheefest was Iohn de Courcie, who was made lord deputie, and had the gouerne­ment of the land committed vnto him: who, accor­ding to his office and dutie, setteth in hand the refor­mation of all things méet and requisit to be redres­sed: who the more valiant and forward he was in his said affaires and seruices, the more the land grew to good order, and inioied peace & quietnesse. For whie, he would not be idle himselfe, neither would he suffer his souldiers to lie idle like loiterers and sluggards: but was alwaies labouring and trauelling abroad, and marching still towards the enimies, whome he followed and pursued euen through the whole land, to the vttermost parts thereof, as well in Corke, Tho­mond, Connagh, and elsewhere; and if by any means he could haue anie aduantage of them, he would suerlie giue the onset and aduenture vpon them: which for the most part was to their ouerthrowe, though he and his sometimes were galled, and felt the smart. And would to God he had beene as pru­dent a capteine as he was a valiant souldior; and as prouident in the one as skilfull and hardie in the o­ther! But to my former purpose. Among the manie and sundrie inconueniences happened by euill go­uernment of these new officers (as is before said) there was none greater, nor more to be lamented than was this: that notwithstanding God of his [...] Giral­dus! could you sée that curssed fault and abuse. goodnesse did giue the victorie, and send the happie successe in this noble conquest: yet was there nei­ther due thanks attributed vnto God, nor anie re­membrance giuen vnto his church; but to increase a further ingratitude, they tooke and spoiled awaie from the same their lands and possessions, as also minded to abridge them of their old and ancient pri­uileges & liberties. Too great a note of ingratitude, and an argument of too much vnthankfulnes: wher­of what vnquietnesse and troubles did insue, the se­quele therof (for the course of sundrie years) did shew and declare.

So manie outrages & disorders, which did créepe in by the disordred gouernement vnder the king his sonne, were not so much to be imputed to his yoong and tender yeares, as vnto the euill counsels and di­rections of such as were about him, and had the spe­ciall charge thereof: for such a sauage, rude, and bar­barous nation was by good counsels, discréet dire­ctions [Page 55] and prudent gouernement to haue béene go­uerned and reduced to good order and conformitie. For whie, if a realme which by wise and prudent go­uernement is brought and reduced to a perfect state, yet being committed to the gouernement of a child is cursed and brought to manifold distresses, trou­bles and miseries (5) how much more then is it to be so thought of that land, which of it selfe being rude and barbarous, is committed to the gouernement of such as be not onelie rude and barbarous, but also 10 lewd and euill disposed. And that this did so happen and come to passe in Ireland, all wisemen doo know it, and the elder sort doo confesse it to be true; although yoong men to couer their folies, would reiect it to some other causes [...] impediments. For whie, such of them as had procured vnto themselues great li­uings, lordships and territories, they pretended at the first that they would be readie to serue the king his sonne, to defend the countrie, to resist the enimie, and that they would doo this and that with manie 20 good morowes. But when they had gotten what they would, and had that they sought for, then it manifest­lie appeared that it was singular gaine & priuat pro­fit which they shot at: for hauing obteined that, they neuer remembred their oth to their lord, nor cared for the common state, nor passed for the safetie and defense of the countrie, which in dutie they ought chiefelie to haue considered.

(1) The Irish nation and people euen from the 30 beginning haue béene alwaies of a hard bringing vp, & are not onelie rude in apparell but also rough & ouglie in their bodies: their beards and heads they neuer wash, clense, nor cut, especiallie their heads; the haire whereof they suffer to grow, sauing that some doo vse to round it: and by reason the same is neuer [...]embed, it groweth fast togither, and in pro­cesse of time it matteth so thicke and fast togither, that it is in stéed of a hat, and kéepeth the head verie warme, & also will beare off a great blow or stroke, 40 and this head of haire they call a glibe, and therein they haue a great pleasure.

(2) The historie is written in the first booke of the kings the twelfe chapter, and in the second of the chronicles the tenth chapter: the effect therof is, that after the death of Salomon the people of Israell re­quested Rehoboam his sonne, to ease them of the grieuous burdens and heauie yoke which his father laied vpon them, who leauing the counsell of the old counsellors, gaue them answer by the aduise of 50 yoong heads, as in this place is recited.

(3) What these Irishmen were, there are diuerse opinions. Some thinke that they were such as did inhabit about Wexford, some thinke that they were they of Kenceio, for they faithfullie serued the Eng­lishmen vnder their capteine named Morogh at Li­merike, when the earle of Reimond recouered the same. But I find it to be noted of the Orians, who are now dwelling within the baronie of Odron, and had a seat there by the gift of the Kauenaughs, but 60 since resisting against them and denieng to paie their accustomable cheuerie, yéelded themselues vn­to the earle of Ormond, paieng vnto him a certeine blacke rent to be their defendor against the said Ke­uenaughs, but in right they are tenants to the ba­rons of Odron.

(4) This is meant of that which is before spoken in the twentie chapter in the description of this Iohn de Curcie, where his too much rashnes is no­ted to be a great fault in him.

(5) It is written by the preacher, or Eccle [...]es; Wo be vnto thee O thou land whose king is but a child. Which is not ment absolutelie of a child, but of such a one who (as a child) hath an euill affection, and is void of that grauitie, wisedome, and maiestie as is required in a prince and gouernour. For Iosias when he was crowned king of Iehuda, was but eight yeares of age; and yet bicause he did that which was right in the sight of God, and ruled the land godlie and vprightlie, he is commended in the scrip­tures for the same.

Three sorts of people which came and serued in Ireland. Chap. 39.

THere were three sundrie sorts of serui­tors which serued in the realme of Ireland, (1) Normans, Englishmen, and the Cam­brians, which were the first conquerors of the land: the first were in most credit and estimati­on, the second were next, but the last were not ac­counted nor regarded of. The Normans were verie fine in their apparell, and delicate in their diets, they The Nor­mans fine in their apparell and delicat in their [...]t. could not féed but vpon deinties, neither could their meat digest without wine at each meale; yet would they not serue in the marches, or anie remote place a­gainst the enimie, neither would they lie in garrison to kéepe anie remote castell or fort, but would be still about their lords side to serue and gard his person; they would be where they might be full and haue plentie, they could talke and brag, sweare and stare, and standing in their owne reputation, disdaine all others. They receiued great interteinement and were liberallie rewarded, and left no meanes vn­sought how they might rule the rost, beare the sway, and be aduanced vnto high estate and honour. In these things they were the first and formost, but to serue in hosting, to incounter with the enimie, to de­fend the publike state, & to follow anie martiall af­faires, they were the last and furthest off. And for asmuch as those noble and worthie seruitors, by whose seruice, trauels and industrie, the said land was first entred into and conquered, were thus had in contempt, disdaine, and suspicion, and onelie the new comes called to counsell, and they onelie credi­ted and honored: it came to passe that in all their dooings they had small successe, & by whole and little their credit decaied, and nothing came to effect or perfection which they tooke in hand.

(1) This king, besides England and Scotland, had in his rule and gouernement the duchie of Nor­mandie, and the earledomes of Gascoine, Guien, Anion, & Poitiers, beside the losse of that which came to him by the right of his wife. And albeit he tru­sted the Englishmen well inough, yet being borne on the other side of the seas, he was more affectio­nated to the people of those prouinces there subiect vnto him: for of them he chose both them which were of his councell in peaceable gouernment, as also his seruitors in martiall affaires. And albeit he had of euerie of these prouinces some, yet bicause Nor­mandie was the chiefest, and he duke thereof, they went all vnder the name of Normans, and so called Normans.

How or by what manner the land of Ireland is throughlie to be conquered. Chap. 40.

IT is an old saieng, that euerie man in his owne art is best of credit & most to be be­léeued: [...] [...]o in this matter they are speciallie to be credited, who haue béene the chiefest trauellers and seruitors in and about the first reco­uerie [Page 56] of this land, doo know and can best discouer the natures, manners, and conditions of these people and nation: for as the matter speciallie toucheth them, so none can doo it better than they. For whie, by reason of their continuall warres with them being their most mortall enimies, none can better saie than they how they are either to be conquered or vanquished. And here by the waie happie had Wales bin, I meane that Wales which the English people doo inhabit, if the king therof in gouerning the same or when he incountred with his enimies had vsed 10 this deuise & policie. But to the matter. These Nor­mans although they were verie good souldiers and well appointed, yet the manner of the warres in France far differeth from that which is vsed in Ire­land Great ods betwéene the warres in France and Ireland or Wales. and Wales; for the soile & countrie in France is plaine, open, & champaine; but in these parts it is rough, rockie, full of hils, woods, & bogs. In France they weare complet harnesse, and are armed at all points, not onelie for their honor, but especiallie for their defense and safeties; but to these men the same 20 are combersome & a great hinderance. In France they kéepe standing fields & trie the battels, but these men are light horssemen & range alwaies at large. In France they kéepe their prisoners and put them to ransomes, but these chop off their heads and put them to the sword. And therefore when the battell is to be waged in the plaine, open, & champaine coun­trie, it behoueth all men to be armed, some in com­plet harnesse, some in iackes, some in Almaine ri­uets, & some in brigandines & shirts of maile, accor­ding 30 to their places of seruice. So on the contrarie, where the fight & triall is in narow streicts, rockie places, & where it is full of woods & bogs, & in which footmen are to serue and not horssemen, there light armor and slender harnesse will best serue. To fight therefore in such places and against such men, as be but naked and vnarmed men, and whome at the first push and aduenture, either the victorie must be had or lost, light and easie armor is best and conuenient. And againe these people are verie nimble & quicke 40 of bodie, and light of foot, and for their safetie and ad­uantage they séeke waies through streicts and bogs, and therefore it is not for anie man laden with much armor to follow and pursue them. Moreouer, the Frenchmen and Normans most commonlie are horssemen, and doo serue on horssebacke, & these men haue their sadles so great and déepe, that they can­not at ease leape vp and downe; and being on foot by reason of their armor, they cannot serue nor trauell. 50 And you shall further vnderstand, that in all the ser­uices and hostings, both in Ireland & in Wales, the Welsh seruitors, and especiallie such as doo dwell in the marches, by reason of their continuall wars, they are verie valiant, bold, and of great experien­ces, they can endure anie paines and trauels, they are vsed to watchings and wardings, they can abide hunger and thirst, and know how to take aduantage of their enimie; and their seruice by horse is such, that they are readie to take aduantage of the field, be­ing 60 quicke & readie to take and leape to the horsse, as also to leaue the same, & to folow the enimie at their best aduantage, whether it be on horsse or on foot. And such kind of seruitors and souldiers were they, which first gaue the aduenture and first preuailed in Ire­land: and by such also in the end must the same be fullie conquered, that when the battell is to be fought & waged in the plaine and champaine countrie, and against such as be throughlie armed and appointed for the same, it is reason that the aduerse part be like­wise armed and appointed. But when the [...]atter is to be waged in stéepe places, rough fields, [...]kie hils, or in marish and boggie grounds, and against such as be quicke of foot, and doo séeke others to tops of hils, or to bogs, and woods: then men of the like exercise, and hauing light armour, are to be allowed. And in the Irish wars this one thing is to be considered, that you doo in euerie wing ioine your bowmen with your footmen and horssemen, that by them they may be defended from the Kerns, The Kernes vsage in ba [...] ­tell. whose nature and conditions are to run in and out, and with their darts are woont shrewdlie to annoie their enimies, who by the bowmen are to be kept off. And moreouer, that the hither part of the land lieng on the east side, or part of the Shenin which diuideth the thrée other parts from this, and this being th [...] fourth part must be well fortified with castels and forts: but as for Connagh & Thomond, which lie in the further side of the Shenin, and all those parties (sauing the citie of Limerike which must needs be recouered and kept in the English gouernement) must for a time be borne withall, and by little and little by fortifieng of the frontiers in méet places be gotten and recouered, and so by little and little to grow in vpon them as occasion shall serue.

How the Irish people being vanqui­shed are to be gouerned. Chap. 41.

AS there be means and policies to be v­sed in conquering this people, who are now more light in their bodies than inconstant in mind: so when they are vanquished, they must in an order be ruled and gouerned. First and princi­pallie therefore it is to be considered, that whosoeuer shall be gouernor ouer them, that he be wise, con­stant, discreet, and a staied man; that in time of peace, and when they are contented to liue vnder law and in obedience, they maie be gouerned by law, directed by right, and ruled by iustice; as also to be stout and va­liant, readie and able with force seuerelie to punish all such as (contrarie to their dutie and allegiance) shall either rebell and breake out, or otherwise liue in disordered maner. Moreouer, when anie haue doone amisse, and contrarie to dutie haue rebelled, and doo yet afterwards knowledge their fostie, and yeelding themselues haue obteined pardon; that in no wise you doo afterwards euill intreat them, neither yet laie their former faults to their charges, neither cast them in the teeth of their follies: but hauing taken such assurance of them as you maie, to intreat them with all courtesies and gentlenesse, that by such good means they maie the better be induced and incoura­ged to kéepe themselues within their dutie, for loue of their good gouernement which they sée: and yet be afraid to doo euill for feare of punishment, which they are to receiue for their euill and lewd dooings. And if they will not thus order and gouerne them, but confound their dooings, being flacke to punish the e­uill, and quicke to oppresse the good and obedient, to flatter them in their rebellions and outrages, and to spoile them in peace; to fauor them in their treasons and treacheries, and to oppresse them when they liue in loialtie, as we haue seene manie so to haue doone: surelie these men so disorderedlie confounding all things, they in the end shall be confounded them­selues. And bicause harms foreséene do least annoie & hurt, let them which be wise looke well, that in time of peace they doo prepare for the warres. For after the Al [...]ion daies and calme seas doo follow stormes and tempests: and therefore, when they haue vacant times and leisure, let them build and fortifie castels, cut downe and open the passes, and doo all such other things as the nature of warres requireth to be pre­uented. For this people being vncerteine, crastie, and subtill, vnder colour of peace, are woont alwaies to be [...]dieng and deuising of [...]. And also bi­cause [Page 59] it is good to be wise by another mans harme, & warie by other mens examples. For nothing dooth better teach a man than examples, and the paterns of things doone afore time. Let not them forget what [...]o better [...]ers than [...]ples. became of these woorthie men, Miles of Cogan, Rafe Fitzstephans, Hugh de Lacie, Roger Powre, and others, who when they thought of least danger they were in most perill: and when they thought themselues in most safetie, they were intrapped and destroied. For as we haue said in our Topographie; 10 this people is a craftie and a subtile people, and more to be feared when it is peace, than when it is open warres: for their peace indéed is but enimitie, their policies but craft, their friendships but coloured, and therefore the more to be doubted and feared. And by experience the same in some part hath béene prooued: and therfore, as Euodius saith, Let the fall and ruine of things past be forewarnings of things to come.

And bicause herein a man can not be too wise nor warie, it were good that an order were taken (as it 20 is in Sicilia) that none of them should weare anie weapon at all, no not so much as a staffe in their hands to walke by. For euen with that weapon, though it be but slender, they will (if they can) take the aduantage, and bewreake their malice and can­ [...]ered stomachs. Finallie, forsomuch as the kings of England haue a iust title, and a full right to the land of Ireland in sundrie and diuerse respects; and con­sidering also that the same is chieflie mainteined by the intercourse and traffike of merchandizes out of England; and without the same cannot releeue and helpe it selfe; it were verie expedient that for the ac­knowledging of the one, and for the inioieng of the other, as also for the supporting of the continuall charges of the king of England there yearelie be­stowed: that there he a yearelie tribute paied and an­swered vnto the kings of England, either in monie, or in such commodities as that land breedeth, aswell for the continuance of the title in memorie, as also for the auoiding of manie inconueniences. And be­cause time weareth awaie, and men doo dailie perish and die, that this order for the perpetuall honour of the king and of his realme, and the memoriall of this conquest, the same be ingrossed and registred in a publike instrument to indure for euer. And thus ha­uing spoken what we know, and witnessed what we haue séene, we doo here end this historie, leauing vn­to others of better knowledge and learning, to con­tinue the same as to them shall be thought most néed­full and conuenient.

Thus farre Giraldus Cambrensis.

The processe of Irish affaires (beginning where Giraldus did end) vntill this present age, being a wit­nesse of sundrie things as yet fresh in memorie: which processe from henseforward is intituled the Chronicles of Ireland.

LEauing at the conquest of Ireland penned by Giraldus Cambrensis, we are now to pro­ceed in that which followeth: wherin our authour (as he himselfe writeth) vsed such notes as were written by one Philip Flats­burie, out of a certeine namelesse author, from this place vnto the yeare 1370: and we hauing none other helpe besides (ex­cept onelie Henrie of Marleborow) do set downe that which we find in our oft mentioned authour, and in the same Marleborow in all the whole discourse that followeth, except in some cer­teine particular places, where we shew from whense we haue drawne that which we write as occasion serueth.

THE CHRONICLES of Ireland, &c.

HUgh de Lacie (of whom such me­morable mention is made hertofore) the rather to méet with such hurlie burlies as were like to put the state of the Irish coun­trie in danger, if 10 the same were not the sooner brought to quiet, erected and built a number of castels and forts in places conuenientlie seated, well and sufficientlie garni­shed with men, munitions, and vittels, as one at A castell built at Derwath. Derwath, where diuerse of the Irish praied to be set on worke for wages. Lacie came sundrie times thither to further the woorke, full glad to sée them fall in vre with anie such exercise, wherein might they 20 once begin to haue a delight, and [...]ast the swéetnesse of a true mans life, he thought it no small token of reformation: for which cause he visited them the off­ner, and merilie would command his gentlemen to giue the laborers example to take their tooles in hand, and to woorke a season, whilest the poore soules looking on might rest them. But this pastime grew to a tragicall end. For on a time, as each man was busilie occupied, some lading, some heauing, some plastering, some grauing, the generall also himselfe 30 digging with a pickare: a desperat viliaine among them, whose toole the noble man vsed, espieng both his hands occupied, and his bodie inclining down­wards, still as he stroke watched when he so stooped, and with an are cleft his head in sunder, little estee­ming 1186 Lacie is trai­torouslie slaine. the torments that for this traitorous act insued. This Lacie was reputed to be the conqueror of Meth, for that he was the first that brought it to a­nie due order of obedience vnto the English power. 40 His bodie the two archbishops, Iohn of Dublin, and Matthew of Cashill buried in the monasterie of Bectie, and his head in saint Thomas abbeie at Dublin.

By occasion of this murther committed on the person of Hugh Lacie, Iohn Curcie, and Hugh La­cie the yoonger, with their assistants, did streight ex­ecution vpon the rebels; and preuenting euerie mis­chiefe yer it fell, staied the realme from vprores. 50 Curcie and Hugh Lacis the yoonger kéepe the realme in quiet. 1199. King Iohn slaieth his ne­ [...]hue Arthur. Thus they knitting themselues togither in friend­ship, continued in wealth and honor vntill the first yeare of king Iohns reigne, who succéeding his bro­ther king Richard, tooke his nephue Arthur, son to his brother Geffreie earle of Britaine, and dispat­ched him (some said) with his owne hands, because he knew what claime he made to the crowne, as des­cended of the elder brother. And therefore not onelie the French king, but also certeine lords of England and Ireland fauored his title: and when they vnder­stood that he was made awaie, they tooke it in mar­uelous euill part. And Curcie either of zeale to the Curcie v [...] reth displea­sant words as gainst [...]ing Iohn. truth, or parcialitie, abhorring such barbarous cru­eltie, whereof all mens eares werefull, spake blon­die words against king Iohn, which his lurking ad­uersaries (that laie readie to vndermine him) caught by the end, and vsed the same as a meane to lift him out of credit: which they did not onelie bring to passe, but also procured a commission to attach his bodie, and to send him ouer into England. Earle Curcie He is accused. mistrusting his part, and belike getting some inke­ling of their drift, kept himselfe aloofe, till Hugh La­cie lord iustice was faine to leuie an armie and to in­uade Ulster, from whense he was oftentimes put backe: wherevpon he proclaimed Curcie traitor, and hired sundrie gentlemen with promise of great He is proc [...] med traitor. recompense, to bring him in either quicke or dead. They fought once at Downe, in which battell there died no small number on both parts; but Curcie got the vpper hand, and so was the lord iustice foiled at Curcies hands: but yet so long he continued in practising to haue him, that at length Curcies owne captains were inueihed to betraie their owne mai­ster: insomuch that vpon Good fridaie, whilest the earle out of his armour visited barefooted certeine religious houses for deuotion sake, they laid for him, tooke him as a rebell, & shipped him ouer into Eng­land the next waie, where he was adiudged to perpe­tuall He is take [...] prison. One Seintleger addeth in his collec­tions (as Campion saith) that Lacie paied the trai­tors their monie, and foorthwith therevpon hanged them.

This Curcie translated the church and prebenda­ries Translation, of prebenda­ries to monk [...]. of the trinitie in Downe, to an abbeie of blacke moonks brought thither from Chester, and caused the same to be consecrated vnto saint Patrike: for which alteration, taking the name from God to a creature; he déemed himselfe woorthilie punished. Not long after (as saie the Irish) certeine French knights came to king Iohns court, and one among them required the combat for triall of the right to A chalenge for a combat made by certeine French knights. the duchie of Normandie. It was not thought expe­dient to ieopard the title vpon one mans lucke, yet the chalenge they determined to answer. Some friend put them in mind of the earle imprisoned, a warrior of notable courage, and in pitch of bodie like a giant. King Iohn demanded Curcie, whether he Curcies an­swer to king Iohn. could be content to fight in his quarrell? Not for thee said the erle, whose person I etéeme vnworthie th'ad­uenture of my bloud, but for the crowne & dignitie of He taketh vp­on him to de­fend the cha­lenge. the realme, in which manie a good man liueth against thy will, I shall be contented to hazard my life.

[Page 61] These words were not construed in the worst part, as procéeding from an offended mind of him that was therein estéemed more plaine than wise. There­fore being cherished and much made of, he was fed so woonderfullie (now he came to so large allowance in diet after hard keeping) that the French chalen­ger tooke him for a monster: and fearing to deale with him, priuilie stole awaie into Spaine. It is further reported, that the French king, being desi­rous to sée Curcie, requested king Iohn that he 10 might come before them, and shew of what strength he was by striking a blow at an helmot. Herevp­on foorth he was brought, and presented before the kings, where was an helmet set vpon a blocke. Cur­cie taking a sword in his hand, and with a sterne & srowning countenance cast vpon the kings, gaue such a stroke to the helmet, that cleauing it in sun­der, the sword sticked so fast in the log, that no man there was able to plucke it foorth, except Curcie him­selfe. When he therefore had plucked foorth the sword, 20 the kings asked him what he meant to looke vpon them with such a grim & froward countenance be­fore he gaue the blow to the helmet? He answered, that if he had missed in his stroke, he would haue killed all the whole companie, as well the kings as others. Then was he released of bonds, and crossing the seas towards Ireland whither he was bound, was fiftéene times beaten backe againe to the Eng­lish shore, & going into France to change the coast died there. This Curcie was white of colour, migh­tie 30 Curcie depar­teth this life. The descrip­tion of Cur­cie. of lims, with large bones and strong of sinews, fall & broad in proportion of bodie, so as his strength was thought to excéed, of boldnesse incomparable, and a warrior euen from his youth; the formost in the front of euerie battell where he came, and euer readie to hazard himselfe in place of most danger, so forward in fight, that oftentimes forgetting the of­fice of a capteine, he tooke in hand the part of a soul­dior, pressing foorth with the formost, so that with his ouer rash violence, and desire of victorie, he might 40 seeme to put all in danger. But although he was thus hastie and hot in the field against his enimies, yet was he in conuersation modest and sober, and verie religious, hauing churchmen in great reue­rence, ascribing all to the goodnesse of God, when he had at [...]sued anie praise-woorthie enterprise, yéel­ding thankes to his [...] maiestie accordinglie. But as seldome times anie one man is found per­fect in all things, so these vertues were spotted with some vices; namilie too much [...]nesse in spa­ring, 50 and inconstancie. He maried the daughter of G [...]red king of Man, and after manie conflicts and battels had against the Irish, he con [...]ed (as be­fore ye haue heard) the countrie of Ulster, and building diuerse strong [...] therin [...] the same vnder his [...] ru [...]e and [...], till he and L [...] fell out, as before is [...].

After Curcies decease, [...] use he lost no heires, the earliedome of [...] was [...] [...]to Hugh [...] in [...] was 60 one [...] [...]ing [...] Ireland that was laid [...] an [...] of all [...] [...]ses and [...]formed [...] to the king) Walter and H [...]gh the sons of Hugh [...] & [...] themselues (now [...]) for [...] [...]ut of [...] quiet, king I [...] King Iohn went into Ireland. was [...] person with [...] banished the [...] the [...] [...] ­es, [...] execution of Sée more [...]ereof in En­gland. English [...] [...]erling in [...]. [...] L [...]ies [...] ­ting their misdemear or [...], fled into France disguised They fled in­to France. in poore apparell, and serued there in an abbeie as gardeners, till the abbat by their countenance and behauior began to gesse their estates, and opposed them so farre that they disclosed what they were; be­seeching the abbat to keepe their counsels, who com­mending their repentant humblenes, aduised them yet to make sute for their princes fauor, if it might be had, promising to doo what he could in the matter, and so tooke vpon him to be a suter for them vnto the king that was his godcept and well acquainted with him. He trauelled so earnestlie herein, that at length he obteined their pardons: but yet they were fined, They are pardoned, and put to their fines. Walter at foure thousand, and Hugh at fiue and twentie hundred markes: and herevpon Walter was restored vnto the lordship of Meth, and Hugh to the earledome of Ulster.

King Iohn appointed his lieutenants in Ire­land, and returning home, subdued the Welshmen, and soone after with Pandulfus the legat of pope Innocentius the third, who came to release him of the censure, wherin he stood excommunicat, to whom as to the popes legat he made a personall surrender of both realmes in waie of submission; and after he was once absolued, he receiued them againe. Some adde, that he gaue awaie his kingdoms to the see of Rome for him and his successors, recognising to hold the same of the popes in fée, paieng yearelie therefore one thousand markes, as seauen hundred for Eng­land, and three hundred for Ireland. Blondus saith An hundred marks of gold. Blondus. Centum pro vtroque auri marchias. Sir Thomas More (as Campion saith) a man both in calling & office likelie to sound the matter to the depth, writeth preciselie, that neither such writing the pope can shew, neither were it effectuall if he could. How farre foorth, and with what limitation a prince may or may not addict his realme feodarie to another, Iohn Maior a Sco­tish chronicler, and a Sorbonist not vnlearned part­lie scanneth, who thinketh three hundred markes for Ireland no verie hard peniworth. The instrument (as Campion thinketh) which our English writers rehearse, might happilie be motioned and drawen, and yet not confirmed with anie seale, nor ratified: Iohn Bale in his apologie against bows. but though the copie of this writing remaine in re­cord, yet certeine it is, king Iohns successors neuer paid it. After Iohn Comin archbishop of Dublin, and founder of saint Patriks church succéeded Hen­rie Londores in the sée, who builded the kings castell there, being lord chéefe iustice of Ireland, him they nick named (as the Irish doo commonlie giue additi­ons in respect of some fact or qualitie) Scorchuille in, that is, But nobil, because he required to peruse the writings of his tenants, colorable pretending to learne the kind of ech mans seuerall tenure, and bur­ned the same before their faces, causing them [...] new their takings, or to hold at will.

In the yeare one thousand two hu [...]dred Mid six­ [...] king Ioh [...] departed this life. In h [...] d [...]ies [...] monasteries were builded inIreland, as (be­side those that before are mentioned) in the fourth yeare of his reig [...] [...]he abbeie of Dowish was foun­ded; inthe sixt theabbeie of [...] in the countie of Limerike, by Theobald [...]e Butler lord of [...], [...] y [...]are Richard Dute builded the [...] of Gre [...]ard. In the daies of Henrie the third that succéeded his father king Henrie the third. warresbe­twixt Lacie and Marshall. 1228 The Gi­raldines. Iohn great warres were raised in Ireland betwixt HughLacie & William Marshall, so that the coun­trie of Meth was gr [...]euouslie afflicted. In the yeare [...] Lord [...] [...]8, after thedeath of Londores [...]shop of Dublin, that was lord chéefe iustice▪ kingHenrie the third vnderstanding the good ser­uice doone by the Giraldines euer since their first [...] [...]to Ireland, althoughby wrong re­ports [Page 62] the same had beene to their preiudice for a time sinisterlie misconstrued, so as the gentlemen had still béene kept backe, and not rewarded according to their deserts. The king now informed of the truth made Morice Fitzgerald the sonne of Morice afore­said Morice Fitz­girald. Lucas arch­bishop. lord chéefe iustice of Ireland. Lucas succeeded Londres in the archbishops sée, and was consecrated. In the yeare one thousand two hundred and thirtie, Richard Marshall was taken prisoner in battell at 1230 Kildare. Some write that he was wounded there, 10 and within few daies after died of the hurt at Kil­kennie, 1234 and was buried there in the queere of the church of the friers preachers, néere to the place where his brother William was interred, who departed this life in the yeare one thousand two hundred thir­tie and one.

In the yeare one thousand two hundred fortie and 1241 one, Walter Lacie lord of Meth departed this life in England: he left two daughters behind him that were his heires, Margaret married to the lord Uer­don, 20 The lord Uerdon. Geffreie Genuill. and Matild the wife of Geffrie Genuill. King Henrie in the six & thirtith yeare of his reigne, gaue to Edward his eldest sonne, Gascoigne, Ireland, 1252 and the countie of Chester. In the yeare following, Hugh Lacie earle of Ulster departed this life, and 1253 was buried at Cragfergus, in the church of the friers minors, leauing a daughter behind him, that was his heire, whome Walter de Burgh or Bourke married, and in right of hir was created earle of Ul­ster, as after shall appeare. Morice Fitzgirald lord 30 iustice of Ireland, being requested by this prince to come and assist him with a power of men against the Welsh rebels, left a sufficient garrison of men in the castell of Scligath, which he had latelie builded, and then came ouer with Phelin Ochouher, and a lu­stie The castell of Scligath. band of souldiers: & méeting the prince at Chep­stow, behaued themselues so valiantlie, that retur­ning with victorie, they greatlie increased the fauor of the king and prince towards them; and vpon their returne into Ireland, they ioined with Cormacke 40 Mac Dermot Mac Rorie, and made a notable iour­nie against Odonill the Irish enimie, that when La­cie was once dead, inuaded & sore a [...]ied the kings subiects of Ulster. Odonill being vanquished, the Odonill. lord iustice forced pledges and tribute of Oneale to keepe the kings peace, and diuerse other exploits praise-worthie d [...] he, during the time of his gouern­ment, as Flatsbu [...]e hath gathered in his notes for the lord Girald Fitzgirald earle of Kildare, in the yea [...] one thousand fiue hundred and [...]entéene. Af­ter 50 Morice Fitzgirald succeeded in office of lord iu­stiee, Iohn Fitzge [...]rie knight, and after him Ala [...] Iohn Fitz­geffrie lord iustice. Alaine de la [...]ouch lord iustice. Stephan de long Espée. de la Zouch, [...] the earle of Surrie Fitzwarren fiue. And after de la Zouch, in the yeare one thousand two hundred fiftie and eight, being the two and for­tith of Henrie the third his reigne, was Stephan de long Esp [...]ent to supplie that [...], who [...]ue O­nea [...] with three hundred nine & two of his men in the stréets of Downe, and shortlie after departed this William Dene lord iustice. Gréene castell destroied. Mac Careie. life; then William Dene was made lord iustice, and 60 Gréene castell was destroied. Also Mac Careie plaid the diuell in Desmond.

In the yeare one thousand two hundred sixtie and 1261 one, sir William Dene lord iustice of Ireland de­ceased, and sir Richard Rochell (or Capell as some Sir Richard Capell lord iustice. copies haue) was sent to be lord iustice after him, who greatlie enuied the familie of the Girald [...]s, du­ring his gouernement the lord Iohn Fitz [...] and the lord Morice his son were slaine. In the yeare Lord Iohn Fitzthomas slaine. one thousand two hundred sixtie and foure, Walter de Burgh was made earle of [...]er, and [...] Fitzmorice tooke the lord [...]ice of Ireland togither The lord iu­stice taken. with Theoba [...] Butler, Miles Cogan, and diuerse o­ther great lords at Tristilder [...]t, on s [...]t [...] daie. And so was Ireland full of warres, betwixt the Burghs and Giraldins. In the yeare one thousand 1266 two hundred sixtie and six, there chanced an earth­quake in Ireland. In the yeere following, king Hen­rie 1267 tooke vp the variance that was in Ireland be­twixt the parties, and discharging Dene, appointed Dauid Barrie lord iustice in his place, who tamed Dauid Bar­rie lord iu­stice. the insolent dealings of Morice Fitzmorice, cousine germane to Fitzgirald.

In the yeare one thousand two hundred sixtie and eight, Conhur Obren was slaine by Dermot Mac 1268 Monerd, and Morice Fitzgirald earle of Desmond was drowned in the sea, betwixt Wales & Ireland. And Robert Uffort was sent ouer to remaine lord Robert Uf­fort. iustice of Ireland, and Barrie was discharged, who continued till the yeare one thousand two hundred sixtie and nine, and then was Richard de Excester Richard de Excester. made lord iustice. And in the yeare following, was the lord Iames Audleie made lord iustice. Richard 1270 Uerdon, and Iohn Uerdon were slaine, and Fulke 1271 archbishop of Dublin deceased. Also the castels of Aldlecke, Roscoman, & Scheligagh, were destroied. The same yeare was a great dearth and mortalitie in Ireland. In the yeare one thousand two hundred seuentie & two, the lord Iames Audleie was slaine by a fall from his horsse in Thomond, and then was The lord Audleie. Morice Fitzmorice made lord iustice of Ireland, and the castell of Randon was destroied. In the yeare one thousand two hundred seauentie and two, king Randon. The decease of king Hen­rie the third. 1272 Walter Gen­uill. Henrie the third departed this life, and the lord Wal­ter Genuill latelie returned home from his iour­nie into the holie land, was sent into Ireland, and made lord iustice there. In the yeare one thousand two hundred seuentie and fiue, the castell of Rosco­man 1275 was e [...]soones repared and fortified.

In the yeare one thousand two hundred seuentie 1276 An ouerthrow at Glenburie. and six, there was an ouerthrow giuen at Glenbu­rie, where William Fitzroger, prior of the knights hospitalers, & manie other with him, were taken pri­soners, and a great number of other were slaine. The same yeare, Iohn de Uerdon departed this world, and Thomas [...] Clare maried the daughter of Mo­rice Fitzmorice. In the yeare following, Robert U [...] ­fort was appointed to supplie the [...]ome of Ge [...]ill, being called home, and so was this Uffort the second time ordeined lord iustice of Ireland. He hauing oc­casion to passe into England, made his substitute Fulborne bishop of Waterford till his returne, and then [...] the gouernement into his owne hands againe. In the yeare one thousand two hundred sea­uentie and seauen, Thomas de Clare flue Obrenroth king of Tholethmond: and yet after this the Irish 1277 closed him vp in Slewbani, togither with Maurice Fitzmaurice, so that they gaue hostages to escape, and the ca [...]ell of Roscoman was woone. In the yere 1278 next insuing, was [...] de Derlington consecrated archbishop of Dublin. There was also a councell holden at Gre [...]ke, and Mac Dermo [...] fiue Cathgur Oconthir king of Connagh. In the yeare one thou­sand two hundred se [...]entie and nine, Robert Uffort vpon occasion of busines came ouer into England, and left [...]er Ful [...] bishop of Waterford to sup­plie his [...], and Rafe [...] and Ohaulan chased O [...]eale in a [...].

In the yeare one thousand two hundred and foure 1280 score, Robert [...] the third [...] to occupie the [...] of lord thiefe [...] in Ireland, resuming that [...]oome into his hands againe. In the yeare fol­lowing, 1281 the bishop of Waterford was established by the king of England lord iustice of Ireland. Adam Cusacke the yoonger [...] William Barret, and ma­nie other in Connagh. And in the next yeare, to wit, o [...]e thousand two hundred foure score and two, Pen­queit [...]ue Murer [...]agh, & his brother Art Mac Murgh [Page 63] at [...]hlon. Also the lord Iames de Birmingham, and Piers de Tute departed this life. Also the arch­b [...]p Derlington deceassed. And about the same time, the citie of Dublin was defaced by fire, and the stéeple of Christs church vtterlie destroied. The citi­zens Ch [...]st church repa [...]ed. before they went about to repare their owne priuat buildings, agraed togither to make a collecti­on for reparing the ruines of that ancient building first begun by the Danes, and continued by Citrius prince of Dublin at the instance of Donat some­time 10 D [...]nat bishop of Dublin. bishop of that citie, and dedicated to the blessed trinitie.

At length Strangbow earle of Penbroke, Fitz­stephans, & Laurence, that for his vertue was called saint Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and his foure successors, Iohn of Euesham, Henrie Scortchbill, and Lucas, and last of all Iohn de faint Paule fi­nished it. This notable building, since the time that it was thus defaced by fire, hath béene beautified in di­uerse sorts by many zealous citizens. Strangbowes 20 Strangbows toome resto red by Henrie Sidneie. toome defaced, by the fall of the roofe of the church, sir Henrie Sidneie, when he was lord deputie, restored; & likewise did cost vpon the earle of Kildares chap­pell for an ornament to the quier, ouer the which he left also a monument of capteine Randolfe, late co­ronell Capteine Randolfe. of the English bands of footmen in Ulster that died there valiantlie, fighting in his princes ser­uice, as after shall appeare. In the yeare one thou­sand two hundred foure score and three, Furmund chancellor of Ireland, and Richard Tute departed 30 this life, and frier Stephan Fulborne was made lord iustice of Ireland.

In the yeare 1285, the lord Theobald Butler fled from Dubline, and died shortlie after, and the lord 1 [...]85 Theobald Uerdon lost his men and horsses as he went towards Offalie, & the next day Gerald Fitz­maurice was taken, and Iohn Samford was conse­crated Iohn Sam­ford consecra­ted archbishop of Dublin. In ouerthrow at Rathod Norwagh and Ardscol burnt 1286 archbishop of Dublin. Moreouer at Rathod, the lord Geffreie Genuill fled, and sir Gerard Do­get, and Rafe Petit were slaine, with a great num­ber 40 of others. The Norwagh and Ardscoll with other townes and villages were burnt by Philip Stanton the sixteenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare 1286. Also Calwagh was taken at Kildare. In the yeare 1287, diuerse nobles in Ireland deceased, as Ri­chard Deceter, Gerald Fitzmaurice, Thomas de Clare, Richard Taffie, & Nicholas Teling knights. The yeare next insuing, deceased frier Fulborne 1288 Samford archbishop o [...] Dublin lord [...]ustice. lord iustice of Ireland, and Iohn Samford archbi­shop of Dublin was aduanced to the roome of lord 50 iustice. Also Richard Burgh earle of Ulster besieged Theobald Uerdon in the castell of Athlon, and came with a great power vnto Trim, by the working of Walter Lacie.

In the yeare 1290, was the chase or discomfiture 1290 of Offalie, & diuerse Englishmen slaine. Also Mac Coghlan slue Omolaghelin king of Meth, and William Burgh was discomfited at Deluin by Mac Coghlan. The same yeare 1290, William Ues­cie William Ues­cie lord iustice. was made lord iustice of Ireland, and entered in­to 60 that office on S. Martins daie. Unto this iustice, Edward Balioll king of Scotland did homage for an earledome which he held in Ireland, in like ma­ner as he did to king Edward for the crowne of Scotland. In the yeare 1292, a fifteenth was gran­ted to the king, of all the temporall goods in Ireland, 1292 whilest Uescie was as yet lord iustice. This Uescie was a sterne man and full of courage, he called Iohn earle of Kildare before him, charging him with foule riots and misdemeanors, for that he ranged abroad, and sought reuenge vpon priuat displeasures out of all order, and not for anie aduancement of the pub­like wealth or seruice of his souereigne.

The earle as impatient to heare himselfe touched The earle of [...]ldare. as the iustice to suffer euill dooing, answered thus. ‘By your honor and mine (my lord) and by king Ed­wards hand (for that was accompted no small oth in those daies among the Irish) you would if you durst appeach me in plaine termes of treason or felonie: for where I haue the title, and you the fléece of Kil­dare, I wote well how great an eiesore I am in your sight, so that if I might be handsomlie trussed vp for a fellon, then might my master your sonne be­come a gentleman.’ A gentleman quoth the iustice, thou proud earle? I tell thée, the Uescies were gentle­men before Kildare was an earledome: and before that Welsh bankrupt thy cousine fethered his nest in Leinster. But seeing thou darest me, I will suer­lie breake thy heart. And therwith he called the earle a notorious théefe and a murtherer. Then followed facing and bracing among the souldiers, with high words, and terrible swearing on both sides, vntill ei­ther part appeased his owne.

The lord iustice shortlie after, leauing his deputie William Haie, tooke the sea, and hasted ouer to the king. The earle immediatlie followed, and as hei­nouslie as the lord iustice accused him of felonie, Kildare no lesse appealed him of treason. For triall heereof, the earle asked the combat, and Uescie refu­sed not: but yet when the lists were prouided, Uescie was slipt awaie into France, and so disherited of all his lands in the countie of Kildare, which were be­stowed vpon the earle and his heires for euer. The earle waring loftie of mind in such prosperous suc­cesse, squared with diuerse nobles, English and Irish of that land. The same yeare died Iohn Samford archbishop of Dublin, and Iohn Fitzthomas earle 1294 The death of the archbishop Samford. The earle of Ulster taken prisoner. of Kildare, and Iohn de la Mare tooke prisoners, Ri­chard Burgh earle of Ulster, and William Burgh within the countrie of Meth, and the castell of Kil­dare was taken, and all the countrie wasted by the English on the one side, and the Irish on the other, and Calwagh burnt all the rolles and talies concer­ning the records & accompts of that countie. Great Great dearth and death. dearth and death reigned in Ireland this yeare, and the two yéeres next insuing. The earle of Kildare de­teined the earle of Ulster prisoner, vntill by authori­tie of a parlement holden at Kilkennie, he was deli­uered out of the castell of Leie, for his two sonnes, and for the inuasion which the earle of Kildare had made into Meth, and other his vnrulie and misordred parts, was disseized of the castell of Sligagh, and of all his lands in Connagh.

William Dodingsels, being this yeare made William Do­dingsels lord iustice. 1295 Thomas Fitzmaurice lord iustice. 1296 1298 Rec. Turris. lord iustice of Ireland, after Uescie died, in the yéere next following, that is 1295, and the thrée and twen­tith of king Edward the first. After him succéeded in that roome the lord Thomas Fitzmaurice. In the yeare 1296, frier William de Bothum was conse­crated archbishop of Dublin. In the yeare 1298, and six and twentith of Edward the first, the lord Thomas Fitzmaurice departed this life, and an a­gréement was made betwixt the earle of Ulster and the lord Iohn Fitzthomas earle of Kildare, by Iohn Wogan that was ordeined lord iustice of Ireland. In the yéere 1299 William archbishop of Dublin 1299 departed this life, and Richard de Fringis was con­secrated archbishop in his place. The king went vnto Iohn Wogan lord iustice, commanding him to giue summons vnto the nobles of Ireland, to prepare themselues with horsse and armor to come in their best arraie for the warre, to serue him against the Scots: and withall wrote vnto the same nobles, as to Richard de Burgh earle of Ulster, Geffreie de Genuill, Iohn Fitzthomas, Thomas Fitzmaurice, Theobald lord Butler, Theobald lord Uerdon, Piers lord Birmingham of Thetemoie, Eustace lord Powre, Hugh lord Purcell, Iohn de Cogan, Iohn [Page 64] de Barrie, William de Barrie, Walter de Lastice, Richard de Ercester, Iohn Pipurd, Walter Len­fant, Iohn of Oxford, Adam de Stanton, Simon de Pheibe, William Cadell, Iohn de Uale, Maurice de Carre, George de la Roch, Maurice de Rochford, and Maurice Fitzthomas de Kerto, commanding them to be with him at Withwelaun the first of March. Such a precept I remember I haue read, re­gistred in a close roll among the records of the tow­er. But where Marlburrow saith, that the said Iohn 10 Wogan lord iustice of Ireland, and the lord Iohn Fitzthomas, with manie others, came to king Ed­ward into Scotland, in the nine and twentith yeare of king Edwards reigne, Campion noteth it to be in the yere 1299, which fell in the seuen & twentith of the reigne of king Edward, & if my remembrance faile me not, the close roll aforementioned beareth date of the foure and twentith yeare of king Ed­wards reigne. All which notes may be true, for it is verie like, that in those warres against the Scots, 20 the king sent diuerse times to the Irish lords to come to serue him, as it behooued them to doo by their te­nures: and not onelie he sent into Ireland to haue the seruices of men, but also for prouision of vittels, as in close rolles I remember I haue also séene re­corded of the seauen and twentith and thirtith yeare of the said king Edward the first his reigne. For this we find in a certeine abstract of the Irish chroni­cles, which should séeme to be collected out of Flats­burie, whom Campion so much followed, that in the 30 Chr. Pembrig. yeare 1301, the lord Iohn Wogan lord iustice, Iohn Fitzthomas, Peter Birmingham, & diuerse others 1301 Irishmen in­uade Scot­land. went into Scotland in aid of king Edward, in which yeare also a great part of the citie of Dublin, with the church of saint Werburgh was burnt in the night of the feast daie of saint Colme. Also the lord Genuill married the daughter of Iohn de Mont­fort, and the lord Iohn Mortimer married the daugh­ter and heire of Peter Genuill, also the lord Theo­bald de Uerdon married the daughter of the lord 40 Roger Mortimer. The same yeare in the winter season, the Irish of Leinster raised warre against the townes of Wicklow and Rathdon, dooing much hurt by burning in the countrie all about: but they were chastised for their wickednesse, loosing the most part of their prouision and cattell. And in the Lent season the more part of them had béene vtterlie de­stroied, if discord and variance had not risen among the Englishmen, to the impeachment of their purpo­sed enterprises. 50

In haruest there were thrée hundred théeues slaine by the Phelanes. Also Walter le Power wasted a great part of Mounster, burning manie farmes and Walter Power. 1302 places in that countrie. In the yeare 1302, pope Boniface demanded a tenth of all the spirituall li­uings in England and Ireland, for the space of thrée yeares, to mainteine wars in defense of the church of Rome, against the king of Arragon. In the yeare 1303, the earle of Ulster, and Richard Burgh, and 1303 The earle of Ulster. sir Eustace le Power, with a puissant armie entered Scotland. The earle made thrée and thirtie knights 60 at Dublin, before he set forwards. The same yeere Girald, sonne and heire to the lord Iohn Fitztho­mas departed this life, and likewise the countesse of Ulster. William de Willis [...]eie, and sir Robert de Persiuall were slaine the two and twentith of Oc­tober. In the yeare 1304, a great part of the citie of 1304 Dublin was burnt by casuall fire. In the yeare next insuing, Iordaine Comin with his complices slue Maritagh Oconhur king of Offalie, and his brother Calwagh, with diuerse others within the court of Piers de Birmingham at Carricke in Carbrie. Also sir Gilbert Sutton steward of Wex­ford was slaine by the Irishmen, néere to the farme of Heimond de Grace, which Hesmond bare him▪ selfe right valiantlie in that fight, and in the end through his great manhood escaped.

In the yeare 1306 a great slaughter was made 1306 [...] at [...]. in Offalie néere to the castell of Geschill, the thir­teenth daie of Aprill vpon Oconhur and his fréends by the Odempsies, in the which place were slaine a great number of men. Also Obren king of Tho­mond was slaine. Moreouer, Donald Oge Ma [...] Ar­thie slue Donald Russe king of Desmond. And vp­on the twelfe of Maie in the conf [...]ns of Meth, a great ouerthrow chanced to the side of the lord Piers But­ler, and Balimore in Leinster was burnt by the I­rish, Balimore burnt. where Henrie Celse was slaine at that present time. Hereof followed great wars betwixt the Eng­lish and Irish in Leinster, so that a great armie Warres in Leinster. was called togither foorth of diuerse parts of Ire­land, to restreine the malice of the Irish in Lein­ster, in which iournie sir Thomas Mandeuill knight entred into a conflict with the Irish néere to Glen­fell, in the which he bare himselfe right manfullie, till his horsse was slaine vnder him, and yet then to his great praise and high commendation he saued both himselfe and manie of his companie. The lord chan­cellor The lord ch [...] ­cellor conse­crated bishop of Imaleie. of Ireland, Thomas Caucocke, was consecra­ted bishop of Imaleie within the Trinitie church at Dublin, and kept such a feast as the like had not lightlie beene séene nor heard of before that time in Ireland, first to the rich & after to the poore. Richard Flerings archbishop of Dublin deceased on the e­uen The archbi­shop of Du­blin deceased. of saint Luke the euangelist, to whom succéeded Richard de Hauerings, who after he had continued in that sée about a fiue yeares, resigned it ouer by dis­pensasion obteined from Rome, and then his nephue Iohn Léech was admitted archbishop there.

In the yeare 1307 the first of Aprill, Murcod 1307 Ballagh was beheaded néere to Merton by sir Da­uid Caunton knight, and shortlie after was Adam Daune slaine. Also, a great discomfit [...] and slaugh­ter [...] discōfiture in Connagh. fell vpon the Englishmen in Connagh by the Oscheles the first daie of Maie, and the robbers that dwelt in the parties of Offalie raised the castell of Geischell, and in the vigill of the translation of Tho­mas Becket, being the sixt of Iulie, they burnt the towne of Leie and besieged the castell: but they were constreined to depart from thense shortlie af­ter, by Iohn Fitzthomas and Edmund Butler that came to remoue that siege. In the yeare 1308 king 1308 Edward the first departed this life the seuenth of Iulie.

Edward the second.

RIchard archbishop of Du­blin, after that he had gouer­ned that sée the space of fiue yeares, by reason of a vision that he saw in his sléepe, fée­ling himselfe troubled in con­science, with consideration of that dreame, resigned the next morrow all his title to the archbishops dignitie (as before ye haue heard) and contented himselfe with other ecclesiasticall benefices as seemed conuenient to his estate. This yeare by vertue of letters direc­ted 1300 The order of the Tēplers suppressed. from the pope to the king of England, he caused all the Templers as well in England as Ireland to be apprehended, and committed to safe kéeping. The profession of these Templers began at Ierusalem, by certeine gentlemen that remained in an hostell néere to the temple, who till the councell of Trois in France were not increased aboue the number of nine, but from that time foorth in little more than fif­tie yeares, by the zealous contribution of all chri­stian [Page 65] realmes, they had houses erected euerie where, with liuings bountifullie assigned to the same for their maintenance, in so much as they were aug­mented vnto the number of thrée hundred, that were knights of that order, beside inferiour brethren innu­merable: but now with wealth they so forgot them­selues, that they nothing lesse regarded, than the pur­pose of their foundation: and withall being accused of horrible heresies (whether in all things iustlie or otherwise, the Lord knoweth) they were in the coun­cell 10 at Lions in France condemned, and their li­nings transposed to the knights Hospitalers, other­wise called the knights of the Rhodes, and now of Malta. The manner of their apprehension and com­mitting was sudden, and so generall in all places vpon one daie, that they had no time to shift for themselues.

For first, the king sent foorth a precept to euerie shiriffe within the realme of England, command­ing them within each of their roomes to cause a pre­scribed 20 number of knights, or rather such men of cre­dit, on whose fidelities he might assure himselfe to assemble at a certeine towne named in the same writ, the sundaie next after the Epiphanie, & that ech of the same shiriffes failed not to be there the same daie, to execute all that should be inioined them by a­nie other writ, then and there to be deliuered. The shi­riffe of Yorke was commanded to giue summons to foure and twentie such knights, or other sufficient men to méet him at Yorke. The shiriffe of Norf­folke 30 and Suffolke, to summon twentie to meet him at Thetford. The other shiriffs were appointed to call to them some ten, some twelue, or some fourteene, to méet them at such townes as in their writs were named. The date of this writ was from Westmin­ster the fiftéenth of December, in the first yeare of this king Edward the seconds reigne. The other writ was sent by a chapleine authorized both to deli­uer the same writ, and to take an oth of the shiriffe, that he should not disclose the contents, till he had 40 put the same in execution, which was to attach by as­sistance of those aforementioned knights, or as ma­nie of them as he thought expedient to vse, all the Templers within the precinct of his roome, and to seize all their lands, goods, and cattels into the kings hands, and to cause an inuentarie of the same in­dented be made in presence of the warden of the place, whether he were knight of the order or anie other, and in the presence of other honest men neigh­bours thereabouts, keeping the one counterpane 50 with himselfe, scaled with his seale that made the seizure, and leauing the other in the hands of the said warden: and further to sée the same goods and cattels to be put in safe kéeping, and to prouide that the quicke goods might be well kept and looked vnto, and the grounds manured to the most profit, and to cause the bodies of the Templers attached, to be so deteined in all safetie, as that they be not yet committed to irons nor to streict prison, but to re­maine in some conuenient place other than their 60 owne houses, and to be found of the goods so seized accordinglie as salleth for their estates, till he haue otherwise in commandement from the king: and what is doone herein, to certifie into the excheker the morrow after the purification. The date of this se­cond writ was from Biflet the twentith of Decem­ber. There was likewise a writ directed to Iohn Wogan lord iustice of Ireland, signifieng vnto him what should be doone in England, touching the appre­hension of the Templers, and seizure of their lands and goods, commanding him to procéed in sembla­ble manner against them in Ireland: but the daie and place when the shiriffes should there assemble, was left to the discretion of the said iustice and trea­suror of the excheker there, but so as the same might de doone before anie rumour of this thing could be brought ouer out of England thither. Also a like commandement was sent vnto Iohn de Britaine earle of Richmond, lord warden of Scotland, and to Eustace Cotesbach chamberleine of Scotland, also to Walter de Pederton lord iustice of west Wales, to Hugh Aldighleigh aliàs Auderleie lord iustice of north Wales, and to Robert Holland lord iustice of Chester. Thus much for the Temples. But now to other dooings in Ireland.

In the yeare 1308 the twelfe of Aprill deceased 1308 Peter de Birmingham a noble warriour, and one that had béene no small scourge to the Irish. The eleuenth of Maie the castell of Kennun was burnt, and diuers of them that had it in kéeping were slaine by William Macbalther, and other of the Irish, and This Mac­balther was after hanged at Dublin. The lord iu­stice discom­fited. 1308 likewise the towne of Courcoulie was burnt by the same malefactors. And the sixt of Iune, Iohn lord Wogan lord iustice was discomfited néere to Glin­delorie, where Iohn de S. Hogelin, Iohn Norton, Iohn Breton, and manie other were slaine. The six­téenth of Iune, Dunlouan, Tobir, and manie other townes were burnt by the Irish rebels. About this Iohn Decer maior of Du­blin. season, Iohn Decer maior of Dublin builded the high pipe there, & the bridge ouer the Liffie towards S. Ulstons, and a chappell of our ladie at the friers minors, where he was buried, repared the church of the friers preachers, and euerie fridaie tabied the friers at his owne costs.

Iohn Wogan hauing occasion to passe into Eng­land, William Burgh did supplie his roome, vnto Burgh. whom king Edward recommended Piers de Ga­ueston, when (contrarie to the kings mind) he was Piers Gaue­ston sent into Ireland. banished by the lords of England, and about the na­tiuitie of our ladie he came ouer into Ireland, be­ing sent thither by the king with manie iewels: and beside the letters which he brought of recommenda­tion from the king, he had assigned to him the cōmo­dities roiall of that realme, which bred some trouble and bickerings there, betwixt Richard Burgh earle of Ulster, and the said Gaueston, who notwithstan­ding bought the good willes of the souldiers with his liberalitie, slue Dermot Odempsie, subdued Obren, edified sundrie castels, causeies, and bridges, but the next yeare he was reuoked home by the king, as in the historie of England it maie appeare.

In the vigill of Simon and Iude, the lord Ro­ger Mortimer landed in Ireland with his wife, right Lord Roger Mortimer. 1309 heire to the seigniorie of Meth, as daughter to Piers Genuill, that was sonne to the lord Geffreie Gen­uill, which Geffreie became a frier at Trim of the order of the preachers: by reason whereof, the lord Mortimer and his wife entered into possession of the lands of Meth. In the yeare 1309, on Candlemas day, the lord Iohn Bonneuill was slaine néere to the Lord Iohn Bonneuill slaine. 1310 towne of Ardscoll, by the lord Arnold Powre and his complices, his bodie was buried at Athie in the church of the friers preachers. In the yere following, at a parlement holden at Kildare, the lord Arnold Powre was acquit of that slaughter, for that it was prooued it was doone in his owne defense. In the 1311 A parlement at Kilkennie. Campion. yeare 1311, or (as some bookes haue) the yeare 1309, Wogan lord iustice summoned a parlement at Kilkennie, where diuerse wholesome lawes were or­deined, but neuer executed. There fell the bishops in contention about their iurisdictions, namelie the bi­shop of Dublin forbad the primat of Armagh to raise his croisier within the prouince of Leinster.

Shortlie after, Rowland Ioice the primat stale by night (in his pontificals) from Howth to the priorie of Grace Dieu, where the bishops seruants met him, & with force chased him out of the diocesse. This bishop was named Iohn a Léekes, and was consecrated [Page 66] not long before he kept this s [...]urre. Richard earle of Ulster with a great armie came to Bonrath in Thomond, whereas sir Robert or rather sir Richard de Clare discomfited his power, tooke sir William de Burgh prisoner, or (as some bookes haue) the earle Sir Richard de Clare. himselfe. Iohn Lacie the sonne of Walter Lacie, and diuerse others were slaine. The twelfe of No­uember Iohn Lacie slaine. this yere, Richard de Clare slue six hundred Galloglasses, and Iohn Morgoghedan was slaine by Omolmoie. Also Donat Obren was murthered 10 by his owne men in Thomond.

The one and twentith of Februarie began a riot 1312 Robert Uer­don raiseth a riotous tu­mult. Iohn wogan lord iustice. in Argile by Robert Uerdon, for the appeasing wher­of an armie was lead thither by Iohn Wogan lord chiefe iustice in the beginning of Iulie, but the same was discomfited, and diuerse men of account slaine, as sir Nicholas Auenell, Patrike de Roch, & others. At length yet the said sir Robert Uerdon, and many of his complices came and submitted themselues to prison within the castell of Dublin, abiding there the 20 kings mercie. The lord Edmund Butler was made deputie iustice vnder the lord Iohn Wogan, who in the Lent next insuing besieged the Obrens in Glin­delow, and compelled them to yeeld themselues to the kings peace. Also in the yeare aboue said 1312, Maurice Fitzthomas maried the ladie Katharine, daughter to the earle of Ulster at Gréene castell, and Thomas Fitziohn maried an other of the said earles daughters in the same place, but not on the same daie: for the first of those two mariages was ce­lebrated the morrow after saint Dominikes daie, 30 and this second mariage was kept the morrow af­ter the feast of the assumption of our ladie. Also Robert de Bruse ouerthrew the castell of Man, and tooke the lord Donegan Odowill on saint Barna­bies daie.

In the yeare 1313, Iohn a Leekes archbishop of Dublin departed this life: after whose decease 1313 Campion. were elected in schisme and diuision of sides two suc­cessors, Walter Thorneburie lord chancellor, and A­lexander Bignor treasuror of Ireland. The chancel­lor 40 to strengthen his election, hastilie went to sea, and togither with an hundred and fiftie and six persons perished by shipwracke. The other submitting his cause to the processe of law, taried at home and sped. Moreouer, the lord Iohn de Burgh, sonne and heire The earle of Ulsters sonne and heire de­ceaseth. 1314 to the earle of Ulster, deceased at Galbie on the feast daie of saint Marcell & Marcelline. Also the lord Ed­mund Butler created thirtie knights in the castle of Dublin on saint Michaels daie being sundaie. The 50 knights hospitalers or of saint Iohns (as they were called) were inuested in the lands of the Templers in Ireland. The same yeare was the lord Theobald Uerdon sent lord iustice into Ireland.

In the ninth yeare of king Edwards reigne, 1315 Edward Bruse inua­deth Ireland. Edward Bruse, brother to Robert Bruse king of Scots, entered the north part of Ireland with six thousand men. There were with him diuerse cap­teins of high renowme among the Scotish nation, of whome the chiefe were these: the earles of Murrie 60 and Mentith, the lord Iohn Steward, the lord Iohn Capteins of name with Bruse. Campbell, the lord Thomas Randolfe, Fergus de Andressan, Iohn Wood, and Iohn Bisset. They lan­ded néere to Cragfergus in Ulster the fiue & twen­tith of Maie, and ioining with the Irish, conquered the earledome of Ulster, and gaue the English there diuerse great ouerthrowes, tooke the towne of Dun­dalke, spoiled & burnt it, with a great part of Urgile: Dundalke ta­ken and burnt they burnt churches & abbeies, with the people whom they found in the same, sparing neither man, woman nor child. Then was the lord Edmund Butler chosen lord iustice, who made the earle of Ulster and the Gi­raldines friends, and reconciled himselfe with sir Edmund Butler lord iustice. Iohn Mandeuill, thus seeking to preserue the residue of the realme which Edward Bruse meant wholie to conquer, hauing caused himselfe to be crowned king of Ireland. The lord iustice assembled a great power out of Mounster, and Leinster, and other parts ther­abouts, and the earle of Ulster with another armie came vnto him néere vnto Dundalke, where they consulted togither how to deale in defending the countrie against the enimies: but hearing the Scots were withdrawne backe, the earle of Ulster folowed them, and fighting with them at Coiners, hée lost the field.

There were manie slaine on both parts, and William de Burgh the earls brother, sir Iohn Man­deuill, and sir Alane Fitzalane were taken priso­ners. Herewith the Irish of Connagh and Meth be­gan foorthwith to rebell against the Englishmen, and burnt the castell of Athlon and Randon. And the Bruse comming forward burnt Kenlis in Meth, and Granard, also Finnagh, and Newcastell, and kept his Christmas at Loghsudie. From thense he went through the countrie vnto Rathi [...]egan and Kildare, and to the parties about Tristeldermot and Athie, then to Raban Sketlier and néere to Ardskoll in Leinster: where the lord iustice Butler, the lord Iohn Fitzthomas, the lord Arnold Powre, and o­ther the lords and gentlemen of Leinster and Moun­ster came to incounter the Bruse: but through dis­cord that rose among them, they left the field vn­to the enimies, sir William Pendergast knight, and Heimond le Grace a right valiant esquier were slaine there. And on the Scotish side sir Fergus An­dressan and sir Walter Murreie, with diuerse other that were buried in the church of the friers prea­chers at Athie.

After this the Bruse in his returne towards Meth burnt the castell of Leie, and so passed foorth till hee came to Kenlis in Meth. In which meane time Ro­ger lord Mortimer, trusting to win himselfe fame if he might ouerthrow the enimies, called forth fiftéene thousand men, and vnderstanding that the Scots were come to Kenlis, made thitherwards, and there The lord Mortimer discomfited by the Scots. incountering with them, was put to the woorse, his men (as was supposed) wilfullie shrinking from him, as those that bare him hollow hearts. With the newes of this ouerthrow, vpstart the Irish of Moun­ster, the Otoolies, Obrens, Omores, and with fire and sword wasted all from Arclow to Leix. With them coped the lord iustice, and made of them a great slaughter, fourescore of their heads were sent to the castell of Dublin.

In time of these troubles and warres in Ireland by the inuasion thus of the Scots, certeine Irish lords, faithfull men and true subiects to the king of England, did not onelie promise to continue in their loiall obeisance towards him, being their souereigne prince; but also for more assurance deliuered hosta­ges to be kept within the castell of Dublin. The names of which lords that were so contented to as­sure their allegiance were these, Iohn Fitzthomas lord of Offalie, Richard de Clare, Morice Fitztho­mas, Assurance gi­uen by the lords of Ire­land for their loialtie. Thomas Fitziohn le Power baron of Do­noille, Arnold le Power, Morice de Rochford, Da­uid de la Roch, and Miles de la Roch. These and diuerse other resisted with all their might and maine the iniurious attempts of the Scots, although the Scots had drawne to their side the most part of the wild Irish, and no small number also of the English Irish, as well lords, as others of meaner calling: so that the countrie was miserablie afflicted, what by the Scots on the one part, and the Irish rebels on the other, which rebels notwithstanding were ouer­throwne in diuerse particular conflicts. But yet to the further scattering of the English forces in Ire­land, there rose foure princes of Connagh, but the [Page 67] Burghes and Birminghams discomfited them, and slue eleuen thousand of them beside Athenrie. A­mongst A great ouer­throw. other were slaine in this battell Fedelmi­cus, Oconhur king of Connagh, Okellie, and di­uerse other great lords and capteins of Connagh The king of Connagh slaine. and Meth. The lord Richard Birmingham had an esquier that belonged to him called Iohn Husseie, who by the commandement of his maister went foorth to take view of the dead bodies, and to bring him word whether Okellie his mortall fo were slaine among the residue. Husseie comming into 10 the field with one man to turne vp and surueie the dead carcases, was streight espied by Okellie, that laie lurking in a brake bush thereby, who hauing had good proofe of Husseie his valiancie before that time, longed sore to traine him from his capteine, and presuming now vpon his good oportunitie, dis­couered himselfe, not doubting, but either to win him with courteous persuasions, or by force to worke his will of him, and so comming to him said: ‘Husseie, thou séest that I am at all points armed, & 20 haue manie esquire here likewise furnished with ar­mour & weapon readie at mine elbow; thou art na­ked with thy page, a yoongling, & not to be accounted of: so that if I loued thée not, and meant to spare thée for thine owne sake, I might now doo with thée what I would, and slea thée for thy maisters sake. But come & serue me vpon this request here made to thée, and I promise thée by saint Patrikes staffe to make thée a lord in Connagh, of more possessions than thy maister hath in Ireland.’ When these words 30 might nothing weie him, his owne man (a great stout lubber) began to reproue him of follie, for not consenting to so large an offer, which was assured with an oth, wherevpon he durst gage his soule for performance.

Now had Husseie thrée enimies, and first therefore turning to his knaue, he dispatched him. Next he raught vnto Okebies esquier such a knocke vnder Okellie slaine. the pit of the eare, that downe he came to the ground and there he laie. Thirdlie, he laid so about him, that 40 yer anie helpe could be looked for, he had also slaine Okellie, and perceuing the esquire to be but asto­nied he recouered him, and holpe him vp againe, and after he was somewhat come to himselfe, he for­ced him vpon a trunchion, to beare his lords head in­to the high towne before him, who did so; and Hus­seie presented it to Brimingham, who after the cir­cumstances declared, he dubbed Husseie knight, aduancing him to manie preferments. The succes­sors of that familie afterwards were barons of Gal­trim. 50 Sir Thomas Mandeuill and others in this meane while made oftentimes enterprises against the Scots, and slue diuerse of them in sundrie con­flicts. But howsoeuer it chanced, we find recorded by Henrie Marleburgh, that either the said sir Tho­mas Sir Thomas Mandeuill slaine. Mandeuill (that thus valtantlie behaued him­selfe against the Scots) or some other bearing the same name, and his brother also called Iohn Man­deuill were both slaine shortlie after at Downe, vp­on 60 their comming foorth of England, by the Scots that were readie there to assaile them.

Thus may we see, that those lords and knights, which had giuen pledges for their loialtie to the king of England, sought by all waies and meanes how to beat backe the enimies: which they might haue doone with more ease, if the Irish had not assisted the Scots, and presuming of their aid, rebelled in sun­drie parts of the countrie; who neuerthelesse were oftentimes well chastised for their distoiall dealings, as partlie we haue touched; although we omit di­uerse small ouerthrowes and other particular mat­ters, sith otherwise we should increase this booke further than our first purposed intent would permit. Whilest the Scots were thus holder▪ vp in Ireland, Campion. 1316 The king of Scots in Ireland. that they could not in all things worke their wils, Robert le Bruse king of Scots came ouer him­selfe, landed at Cragfergus to the aid of his brother, whose souldiors most wickedlie entred into churches, spoiling and defacing the same of all such [...]oomes, monuments, plate, copes, & other ornaments which they found, and might laie hands vpon.

The castell of Cragfergus, after it had béene strictlie besieged a long time, was surrendred to the Cragfergus deliuered vp to the Scots. Scots, by them that had kept it, till they for want of other vittels were driuen to eate leather, and eight Scots (as some write) which they had taken priso­ners. Men eaten. The lord Thomas, sonne to the earle of Ul­ster departed this life. And on the sundaie next af­ter the natiuitie of our ladie, the lord Iohn Fitztho­mas Iohn Fitz­thomas the first carle of Kildare de­ceasseth. deceased at Laragh Brine néere to Mainoth, and was buried at Kildare, in the church of the fri­ers preachers. This Iohn Fitzthomas, a little be­fore his death, was created earle of Kildare; after whome succéeded his sonne Thomas Fitziohn a right wise and prudent personage. The fourtéenth of September, Conhor Mac Kele, & fiue hundred I­rishmn were slaine by the lord William de Burgh, and lord Richard Birmingham in Connagh. Also on the mondaie after the feast of All saints, Iohn Loggan and sir Hugh Bisset slue a great number Scots ouer­throwne. of Scots, among the which were one hundred with double armors, and two hundred with single ar­mors: so that of their men of armes there died thrée hundred beside footemen.

The fiftéenth of Nouember chanced a great tem­pest of wind and raine, which threw downe manie A great tem­pest. houses, with the stéeple of the Trinitie church in Dublin, and did much other hurt both by land and water. On the fift of December, sir Alane Ste­ward that had béene taken prisoner in Ulster by Iohn Loggan, and sir Iohn Sandale, was brought to the castell of Dublin. After Canlemas, the La­cies 1317 came to Dublin, & procured an inquest to be im­panelled to inquire of their demeanor, for that they were accused to haue procured the Scots to come into Ireland: but by that inquest they were dischar­ged, and therewith tooke an oth to keepe the kings peace, and to destroie the Scots to the vttermost of their power. In the beginning of Lent, the Scots came in secret wise vnto Slane, with twentie thou­sand armed men: and with them came the armie of Ulster, destroieng all the countrie before them. Moreouer, on mondaie before the feast of S. Mat­thias the apostle, the earle of Ulster lieng in the ab­beie of S. Marie néere to Dublin, Robert Noting­ham maior of that citie, with the communaltie of The earle of Ulster appre­hended. the same went thither, tooke the earle, and put him in prison within the castell of Dublin, slue seuen of his men, and spoiled the abbeie.

The same wéeke, Edward Bruse marched to­wards Dublin, but herewith, turning to the castell of knoke, he entred the same, and tooke Hugh Tir­rell Hugh Tir­rell taken by the Scots. the lord thereof, togither with his wife, and ran­somed them for a summe of monie. The citizens of Dublin burnt all their suburbs for feare of a siege, and made the best purueiance they could to defend their citie, if the Bruse had come to haue besieged them: but he turning another waie, went vnto the towne of Naas, and was guided thither by the La­cies, contrarie to their oth. From thense he passed vnto Tristeldermot, and so to Baliganam, and to Callan, at length he came to Limerike, and there remained till after Easter. They of Ulster sent to the lord iustice lamentable informations of such cru­eltie as the enimies practised in those parts, besée­ching him to take some order for their reliefe in that their so miserable estate. The lord iustice deliuered [Page 68] to them the kings power with his standard, where­with The kings standard de­liuered to th [...] of Ul­ster. vnder pretense to expell the Scots, they got vp in armor, and ranging through the countrie, did more vexe and molest the subiects, than did the stran­gers. The Scots procéeded and spoiled Cashels, & wheresoeuer they lighted vpon the Butlers lands, they burnt and spoiled them vnmercifullie.

In this meane while had the lord iustice and Tho­mas Fitziohn earle of Kildare, Richard de Clare, and Arnold le Powre baron of Donnoill leui [...]d an 10 armie of thirtie thousand men, readie to go against the enimies, and to giue them battell, but no good was doone. For about the same time the lord Roger Mortimer was sent into Ireland as lord iustice, and landing at Yoghall, wrote his letters vnto the lord Roger Mor­timer iustice o [...] Ireland. Butler, & to the other capteins, willing them not to fight till he came with such power as he had brought ouer with him. Whereof the Bruse being warned, retired first towards Kildare. But yet after this he came within foure miles of Trim, where he laie in a 20 wood, and lost manie of his men through famine, and so at length about the beginning of Maie he retur­ned into Ulster.

The lord Edmund Butler made great slaughter of the Irish néere to Tristledermot, and likewise at Slaughter of Irishmen. Balithan he had a good hand of Omorch, and slue manie of his men. The lord Mortimer pacified the 1317 displeasure and variance betwixt Richard earle of The earle of Ulster deliue­red out of pri­son. Ulster, and the nobles that had put the said earle vn­der safe kéeping within the castell of Dublin, accu­sing 30 him of certeine riots committed to the preiudice and losse of the kings subiects, whereby the Scots in­creased in strength and courage, whose spoiling of the countrie caused such horrible scarsitie in Ulster, that the soldiors which the yeare before abused the Scarsitie of vittels in Ulster. kings authoritie, to purueie themselues of ouer fine diet, surfetted with flesh and Aqua vitae all the Lent long, prolled and pilled insatiablie wheresoeuer they came without need, and without regard of the poore people, whose onelie prouision they deuoured. These 40 people now liuing in slauerie vnder the Bruse, star­ued for hunger, hauing first experienced manie la­mentable shifts, euen to the eating of dead carcas­ses.

The earle of Ulster was deliuered by maine­prise The earle of Ulster deliue­red. and vpon his oth, by the which he vndertooke ne­uer to seeke reuenge of his apprehension otherwise than by order of law, and so had daie giuen him vnto the feast of the natiuitie of saint Iohn baptist: but he kept not his daie, whether for that he mistrusted to stand in triall of his cause, or through some other rea­sonable 50 let, I cannot tell. A great dearth this yeere Great dearth. afflicted the Irish people: for a measure of wheat called a chronecke was sold at foure and twentie shillings, & a chronecke of otes at sixteene shillings, and all other vittels likewise were sold according to the same rate; for all the whole countrie was sore wa­sted by the Scots and them of Ulster, insomuch that no small number of people perished through famine.

About the feast of Pentecost the lord iustice Mor­timer 60 tooke his iornie towards Drogheda, and sent to the Lacies, commanding them to come vnto him, but they refused so to do. Whervpon he sent sir Hugh Crofts vnto them, to talke with them about some a­gréement Sir Hugh Crofts slaine. of peace: but they slue the messenger, for whome great lamentation was made, for that he was reputed & knowne to be a right woorthie knight. The lord iustice sore offended herewith, gathereth an armie, & goeth against the Lacies, whome he chased out of Connagh, so that Hugh Lacie withdrew to Ulster, & there ioined himselfe with Edward Bruse. The Lacies reuolt to the Scots. Wherevpon, on the thursdaie next before the feast of saint Margaret, the said Hugh Lacie and also Wal­ter Lacie were proclamed traitors. This yeare pas­sed verie troublesome vnto the whole realme of Ire­land, as well through slaughter betwixt the parties enimies one to another, as by dearth and other mis­fortunes. Hugh Canon the kings iustice of his 131 [...] bench was slaine by Andrew Birmingham betwixt the towne of Naas and castell Marten. Also in the Bignor con­secrated arch­bishop of Du­blin. feast of the purification, the popes bulles were publi­shed, whereby Alexander Bignor was consecrated archbishop of Dublin. About the same time was great slaughter made of Irishmen, through a quar­rell betwixt two great lords in Connagh: so that there died in fight to the number of foure thousand men on both parties.

After Easter Walter Islep treasuror of Ireland Walter Islep treasuror of Ireland. was sent ouer into that realme, who brought let­ters to the lord Mortimer, commanding him to re­turne into England vnto the king: which he did, and departing foorth of Ireland, remained indebted to the citizens of Dublin for his prouision of vittels in the summe of a thousand pounds, wherof he paid not one farthing, so that manie a bitter cursse he carried with him to the sea, leauing William archbishop of Cashell lord chancellor gouernor of the land in his place: and so by this meane was the said archbishop both chancellor and iustice, and so continued till the feast of saint Michaell. At what time Alexander Big­nor archbishop of Dublin arriued at Yoghall, being constituted lord iustice, and came to Dublin on saint Denise daie, being the seauenth of October. But here is to be remembred, that a little before the de­parture The lord Ri­chard de Clare slaine. of the lord Mortimer foorth of Ireland, to wit, the fift of Maie, the lord Richard de Clare with foure knights, sir Henrie Capell, sir Thomas de Naas, sir Iames Caunton, and sir Iohn Caunton; also Adam Apilgard and others (to the number of foure score persons) were slaine by Obren and Mac Arthie. It was said that the enimies in despite cau­sed the lord Richards bodie to be cut in péeces, so to satisfie their malicious stomachs; but the same pée­ces were yet afterwards buried in the church of the friers minors at Limerike. Also before the lord Mor­timers returne into England, Iohn Lacie was had foorth of the castell of Dublin, and carried to Trim, where be was arreigned and adiudged to be pressed to death, and so he died in prison.

But now to returne vnto the dooings in time of The lord Birmingham and other capteins a­gainst the Scots. Bignors gouernmnent. Immediatlie vpon his ar­riuall, the lord Iohn Birmingham being generall of the field, and hauing with him diuerse capteins of worthie fame, namelie sir Richard Tute, sir Miles Uerdon, sir Hugh Trippetton, sir Herbert Sutton, sir Iohn Cusacke, sir Edmund Birmingham, sir William Birmingham, Walter Birmingham the primat of Armagh, sir Walter de la Pulle, and Iohn Maupas led forth the kings power, to the num­ber of one thousand thrée hundred foure and twentie able men against Edward Brus [...], who being accom­panied with the lord Philip Mowbraie, the lord Wal­ter de Soules, the lord Alaine Steward, with his thrée brethren, sir Walter, and sir Hugh, sir Robert, and sir Aimerie Lacies, and others, was incamped not past two miles from Dundalke with thrée thou­sand men, there abiding the Englishmen, to fight with them if they came forward: which they did with all conuenient spéed, being as desirous to giue bat­tell as the Scots were to receiue it.

The primat of Armagh personallie accompani­eng The primat of Armagh. the English power, & blessing their enterprise, gaue them such comfortable exhortation, as he thought serued the time yer they began to incoun­ter. The battell of Armagh. The Scots vanquished. Edward Bruse slaine. And herewith buckling togither, at length the Scots fullie and wholie were vanquished, and two thousand of them slaine, togither with their capteine Edward Bruse. Maupas that pressed into the [Page 69] throng to incounter with Bruse hand to hand, was found in the search dead alost vpon the slaine bodie of Bruse. The victorie thus obteined vpon saint Calixtus daie, made an end of the Scotish kingdome in Ireland, & lord Birmingham sending the head of Bruse into England, or as Marlburrow hath, being the messenger himselfe, presented it to king Edward, who in recompense gaue to him and his heires males the earledome of Louth, and the Birmingham made earle of Louth. Sir Richard de Clare slaine. 1319 baronie of Ardich and Athenrie to him and his heirs 10 generall for euer. Shortlie after sir Richard de Clare with foure other knights of name, and manie other men of warre were slaine in Thomond. The lord Ro­ger Mortimer came againe into Ireland to gouerne as lord iustice there now the second time, and the townes of Athessell and Plebs were burned by the lord Fitzthomas brother to the lord Maurice Fitz­thomas. And about this season the bridge of Kilco­lin was builded by Maurice Iakis.

In the yeare following, to wit, one thousand 20 1320 The earle of Kildare lord iustice. thrée hundred and twentie, which was the fouretéenth yeare of king Edwards reigne, Thomas Fitziohn earle of Kildare was made lord iustice of Ireland. Here is to be remembred, that about this time also Alexander Bignor archbishop of Dublin sent to pope In vniuersi­tie erected at Dublin. Iohn the two and twentith, for a priuilege to insti­tute an vniuersitie within the citie of Dublin, and his sute tooke effect: and the first thrée doctors of diui­nitie did the said archbishop himselfe creat, William Harditie a frier preacher, Henrie Cogie a frier mi­nor, 30 and frier Edmund Bernerden: and beside these one doctor of canonlaw, to wit, Richard archdeacon of saint Patrikes that was chancellor of the same vniuersitie, who kept their terms and commense­ments solemnlie: neither was this vniuersitie at a­nie time since disfranchised, but onlie through change of times discontinued, and now since the dissoluing of monasteries vtterlie decaied.

A motion was made (as Campion hath noted) in a parlement holden there, whilest sir Henrie Sid­neie 40 was the quéenes lieutenant, to haue it againe erected, by waie of contributions to be laid togither: the said sir Henrie offering twentie pounds lands, and an hundred pounds in monie. Other there were also, that according to their abilities and deuotions followed with their offers. The name was deuised; A worthie plantation of Plantagenet & Bullogne. But while they disputed of a conuenient place for it, and of other circumstances, they let fall the prin­cipall. 50

In the yeare one thousand three hundred twentie 1321 and one, there was a great slaughter made of the Oconhurs at Balibagan, by the English of Lein­ster and Meth. And Iohn Birmingham earle of Louth was lord iustice of Ireland. Unto this man, Rec. Turris. whilest he was lord iustice, the king wrote, comman­ding him to be with him at Carleill in the octaues of the Trinitie, in the fiftéenth yeare of his reigne, with thrée hundred men of armes, one thousand hobellars, and six thousand footmen, ech of them armed with an 60 aketon, a sallet, and gloues of maill, which number was to be leuied in that land: besides thrée hundred men of armes which the earle of Ulster was appoin­ted to serue within that iournie, which the king at that time intended to make against the Scots. The date of the letter was the third of Aprill. In the 1322 yeare one thousand thrée hundred twentie and two, diuerse nobles in Ireland departed this life, as the lord Richard Birmingham, the lord Edmund But­ler, and the lord Thomas Persiuall. Moreouer, the lord Andrew Birmingham, and sir Richard de la Lond were slaine by Onolan. In the eighteenth yéere of king Edward the second his reigne, the lord Iohn 1323 Iohn Darcie lord iustice. Darcie came into Ireland to be lord iustice, and the kings lieutenant there. In these daies liued in the The ladie A­lice Kettle ac­cused of force­rie. diocesse of Ossorie the ladie Alice Kettle, whome the bishop ascited to purge hir selfe of the same of in­chantment and witchcraft imposed vnto hir, and to one Petronill and Basill hir complices. She was charged to haue nightlie conference with a spirit cal­led Robin Artisson, to whome she sacrificed in the high waie nine red cocks, and nine peacocks eies. Also that she swept the streets of Kilkennie betwéene compleine and twilight, raking all the filth towards the doores of hir sonne William Outlaw, murmu­ring & muttering secretlie with hir selfe these words:

To the house of William my sonne,
Hie all the wealth of Kilkennie towne.

At the first conuiction they abiured & did penance, but shortlie after they were found in relapse, & then was Pentrouill burnt at Kilkennie, the other twaine might not be heard of. She at the houre of hir death accused the said William as priuie to their sorceries, whome the bishop held in durance nine wéeks, for­bidding his keepers to eat or to drinke with him, or to speake to him more than once in the daie. But at length, thorough the sute and instance of Arnold le Powre then seneschall of Kilkennie, he was deliue­red, and after corrupted with bribes the seneschall to persecute the bishop; so that he thrust him into prison for thrée moneths. In rifling the closet of the ladie, they found a wafer of sacramentall bread, hauing the diuels name stamped thereon in stéed of Iesus Christ, and a pipe of ointment, wherewith she grea­sed a staffe, vpon the which she ambled and gallopped thorough thicke and thin, when and in what maner she listed. This businesse about these witches trou­bled all the state of Ireland, the more; for that the ladie was supported by certeine of the nobilitie, and lastlie conueied ouer into England, since which time it could neuer be vnderstood what became of hir. In the yeare one thousand three hundred twentie and six, & last of king Edwards the seconds reigne, Richard Burgh earle of Ulster departed this life.

Edward the third.

VNneth was the businesse a­bout 1326 the witches at an end, when it was signified, that a gentleman of the familie of the Otoolies in Leinster, na­med Adam Duffe, possessed by some wicked spirit of error, 1327 denied obstinatelie the incar­nation of our sauior, the trinitie of persons in the v­nitie of the Godhead, & the resurrection of the flesh; as for the holie scripture, he said it was but a fable: the virgin Marie he affirmed to be a woman of dis­solute Adam Duffe an heretike. life, and the apostolike sée erronious. For such assertions he was burnt in Hogging greene beside Dublin. About the same time, Fitzarke Macm [...]rch, and sir Henrie Traherne were taken prisoners. In the yeare following, the lord Thomas Fitziohn erle of Kildare, and the lord Arnold Powre & William earle of Ulster were sent ouer into Ireland, & Ro­ger Outlaw prior of saint Iohns of Ierusalem in Ireland, commonlie called the prior of Kilmainan, was made lord iustice. This man by reason of vari­ance that chanced to rise betwixt the Giraldins, the The prior of Kilmainan lord iustice. Butlers, and Birminghams, on the one side; and the Powres & Burghs on the other, for terming the earle of Kildare a rimer, to pacifie the parties called a par­lement, wherein he himselfe was faine to make his purgation of a slander imposed to him, as suspected of heresie.

The bishop of Ossorie had giuen an information Arnold Powre accu­sed of heresie. against Arnold le Powre, conuented & conuicted in [Page 70] his consistorie of certeine hereticall opinions, but bi­cause the beginning of Powrs accusation concerned the iustices kinsman, and the bishop was mistrusted to prosecute his owne wrong, and the person of the man rather than the fault: a daie was limited for the iustifieng of the bill, the partie being apprehen­ded and respited therevnto. This dealing the bishop (who durst not stirre out of Kilkennie to prosecute his accusation) was reputed parciall: and when by meanes hereof the matter hanged in suspense, he infamed the said prior as an abbettor and fauourer 10 of Arnolds heresie. The prior submitted himselfe to the triall, and therevpon were seuerall proclama­tions made in court, that it should be lawfull to anie man to come into the court, and to inferre, accuse, and declare what euidence he could, against the lord iustice: but none came. Then passed a decrée by the councell, commanding all bishops, abbats, priors, and the maiors of Dublin, Corke, Limerike, Wa­terford, and Droghedagh, the shirifs, knights, & se­neschals 20 of euerie shire, to appeare at Dublin. From amongst all these, they appointed six inquisitors, which examining the bishops and other persons a­foresaid singularlie one by one, found that with an vniuersall consent they deposed for the prior, affir­ming that (to their iudgements) he was a zelous and a faithfull child of the catholike church. In the meane time, Arnold le Powre the prisoner deceased in the castell, & bicause he stood vnpurged, long he laie vn­buried. 30

In the yeare one thousand thrée hundred twentie and nine, Iohn de Birmingham earle of Louth, and 1329 The earle of Louth slaine. his brother Peter, with many other of that surname, and Richard Talbot of Malahide were slaine on Whitsun euen at Balibragan by men of the coun­trie. Also the lord Thomas Butler, and diuerse other The lord Butler slaine. noblemen were slaine by Mac Gogoghdan & other Irishmen néere to Molinger. For the Irish as well in Leinster as in Meth made insurrections in that season, and so likewise did they in Mounster vnder 40 the leading of Obren, whom William earle of Ul­ster and Iames earle of Ormond vanquished. So outragious were the Leinster Irish, that in one church they burnt foure score innocent soules, asking no more but the life of their priest then at masse, whome they notwithstanding sticked with their [...]aue­lins, spurned the host, and wasted all with fire: nei­ther forced they of the popes iuterdiction, nor anie ec­clesiasticall censures denounced against them (mat­ters of no small consideration among them name­lie in those daies) but maliciouslie perseuered in the 50 course of their furious rage, till the citizens of Wer­ford somewhat tamed them, and slue foure hundred of them in one skirmish, the rest flieng were all dren­ched in the water of Slane. In the yeare one thou­sand 1330 thrée hundred and thirtie, the earle of Ulster with a great armie made a iournie against Obren, and the prior of Kilmainan lord iustice put Maurice The prior of Kilmainan lord iustice. Fitzthomas earle of Desmond in prison in the mar­shalseie, out of the which he [...]éelie escaped, and the 60 lord Hugh Lacie returned into Ireland, and obtei­ned the kings peace and fauour.

In the yeare one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and one, the earle of Ulster passed ouer into Eng­land, 1331 and great slaughter was made vpon the Irish in Okenslie. Also the castell of Arclo was taken by the Irishmen, and great slaughter made of the Eng­lish in the Cowlagh by Otothell and others. Also the lord Anthonie Lucie was sent ouer lord iustice into Ireland, and great slaughter was made of the Irish Anthonie Lu­cie lord iu­stice. at Thurlis by the knights of the countrie, & at Fin­nath in Meth, there were manie of them slaine by the English; but yet was the castell of Fernis taken and burnt by the Irish. On the feast daie of the as­sumption of our ladie, which falleth on the fiftéenth of August, Maurice Fitzthomas earle of Desmond The earle of Desmond ap­prehended. was apprehended at Limerike by the lord iustice, and sent vnto the castell of Dublin. Moreouer, the lord iustice tooke sir William Birmingham at Clo­mell by a wile, whilest he was sicke in his bed, & sent him (togither with his sonne Walter Birmingham) vnto the castell of Dublin, the thirtith of Aprill. In the yeare one thousand three hundred thirtie and two 1332 William Bir­mingham exe­cuted. the said sir William was hanged at Dublin, but Walter was deliuered by reason he was within or­ders.

Campion following such notes as he hath séene, Campion. writeth that the death of this William Birming­ham chanced in time of the gouernement of Wil­liam Outlaw prior of Kilmainan, being lieutenant vnto Iohn lord Darcie, that was made lord iustice (as the said Campion hath noted) in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred twentie and nine. Although Marlburrow affirmeth that he came thither to beare that office, in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and two, after the lord Lucie was discharged, as hereafter shall be recited. But whensoeuer, or vn­der whome soeuer Birmingham was executed, he was accounted an od knight, and such a one as for his valiancie, his match was not lightlie to be anie where found. The castell of Clonmore was taken the same yeare by the Englishmen, and the castell of Bonrath was destroid by the Irish of Thomond. Al­so Henrie de Mandeuill was taken and sent priso­ner to be safelie kept in Dublin. Likewise Walter Burgh with two of his bretheren were taken in Connagh by the earle of Ulster, and sent to the ca­stell of Norburgh.

This yeare the lord Antonie Lucie was dischar­ged of his roome by the king, and so returned with his wife & children into England, and the lord Iohn The lord Darcie iustice Darcie was sent ouer lord iustice in Lucies place, and great slaughter was made vpon Bren Obren, and Mac Arthie in Mounster, by the English of that countrie. This Iohn Darcie (as should appeare by gifts bestowed vpon him by the king) was in singu­lar fauour with him. Amongst other things which he had of the kings gift, we find that he had the manors of Louth, and Baliogarie, and other lands in Ire­land The earl [...] of Ew. which belonged to the earle of Ew. And for that the said earle was a Frenchman, and tooke part with Philip de Ual [...]is the kings enimie, they were seized into the kings hand. The earle of Desmond 1333 [...] parlement. vpon suerties was set at libertie, and by the parle­ment holden at Dublin in this yeare 1333, was sent ouer into England vnto the king; and William erls of Ulster a yoong gentleman of twentie yeares of age, in going towards Knockfergus the seauenth of Iune, was slaine neere to the foords in Ulster, by his owne people, but his wife and daughter escaped into England: and the daughter was after maried vnto the lord Lionell the kings sonne. She deceased afterwards at Dublin, and left a daughter behind hir that was his heire, maried to Roger Mortimer earle of March, and lord of Trim.

This murther was procured by Robert Fitz­martine Mandeuill, who was the first that presumed to giue to the earle anie wound. To reuenge the The earle of Ulster slaine. death of this earle of Ulster (slaine as yee haue heard beside Knockfergus) the lord iustice Darcie with a great power went into Ulster, to pursue those that through Mandeuils seditious tumults had so traito­rouslie murthered their lord. At his setting forward, the said iustice Darcie appointed sir Thomas Burgh Sir Thomas Burgh. treasuror, to gouerne as lieutenant to him in his absence. When the lord iustice had punished the trai­tors in Ulster, he passed ouer into Scotland, there to The lord iu­stice inuadeth Scotland. make warre against the Scots that were enimies [Page 71] at that present to the king of England, and on the feast daie of saint Margaret, great slaughter was made of the Scots by the Irishmen: and so what by the king in one part, and the lord iustice of Ireland in another, Scotland was in maner wholie conque­red, and Edward Balioll was established king of Scotland. The lord iustice might haue possessed the Iles if they had béene worth the kéeping: into the which Iles, except the said Darcie and the earle of Sussex late lieutenant of Ireland, no gouernor at 10 anie time yet aduentured. At Darcies comming backe into Ireland, and exercising the office of lord iustice, he deliuered Walter Birmingham out of the castell of Dublin.

In the yeare 1336, and tenth of Edward the thirds 1336 reigne, on S. Laurence daie, the Irish of Connagh were discomfited and put to flight by the English­men of the countrie there, with the losse of one Eng­lishman, and ten thousand of the enimies. The lord Iohn Charleton baron came into Ireland to be lord 20 1337 Sir Iohn Charleton iustice. iustice, and with him his brother Thomas bishop of Hereford lord chancellor, and Iohn Rice lord treasu­ror, and two hundred Welshmen souldiors. The bi­shop was ordeined afterward lord iustice, in whose 1338 The bishop of Hereford lord iustice. time all the Irish of Ireland were at destance with the English, and shortlie brought againe into quiet by the earles of Kildare and Desmond. The lord Iohn Darcie by the kings letters patents was (du­ring 1340 Iohn Darcie lord iustice during life. life) ordeined lord iustice of Ireland, in the four­téenth yeare of king Edward the thirds reigne, 30 which king abused by euill counsell and sinister infor­mers, called in vnder his signet roiall, the franchises, Calling in of liberties. liberties and grants, whatsoeuer had béene deuised, made and ratified to the realme of Ireland, and to euerie each person thereof. This reuoking of liber­ties was displeasantlie taken. The English of birth and the English of bloud falling at words, were di­uided into factions about it, for which contention the Irish still waited, so as the realme was euen vpon the point to giue ouer all, and to rebell. For redresse 40 whereof, the lord iustice called a parlement at Du­blin, to the which the nobles refused to come, and in quiet wise assembled themselues togither at Kilken­nie, where they with the commons agréed vpon cer­teine questions to be demanded of the king by waie of supplication, signifieng in the same partlie their gréefes. Which questions were in effect as follow­eth.

1 How a realme of warre might be gouerned Articles or questions. by one both vnskilfull and vnable in all warlike ser­uice? 50

2 How an officer vnder the king, that entered verie poore, might in one yeare grow to more exces­siue wealth, than men of great patrimonie and liue­lihood in manie yeares?

3 How it chanced, that sith they were all called lords of their owne, that the souereigne lord of them all [...]as not a pennie the richer for them?

The cheefe of them that thus seemed to repine with the present gouernment, was Thomas Fitz­maurice 60 earle of Desmond, through whose mainte­nance and bearing out of the matter, the countrie was in great trouble; so as it had not lightlie béene séene, that such contrarietie in minds and disliking had appeared amongst those of the English ra [...]e, in that realme at anie time before. Héerewith Rafe Uffort was sent ouer lord iustice, who bringing his 1343 Rafe U [...]ort lord iustice. wife with him, the countesse of Ulster arriued about the thirtéenth of Iulie. This man was verie rigo­rous, and through persuasion (as was said) of his wife, he was more [...]treame and couetous than o­therwise he would haue béene, a ma [...]er not to be forgotten. For if this ladie had béene as readie to The countesse [...]. Ulster. mooue hit husband to haue shewed himselfe gentle and mild in his gouernement, as she was bent to pricke him forward vnto sharpe dealings and rigo­rous procéedings, she had beene now aswell repor­ted of, as she is infamed by their pens that haue re­gistred the dooings of those times. But to the purpose. This Uffort lord iustice, in paine of forfeiture of all his lands, commanded the earle of Desmond to The earle of Desmond. make his personall appearance at a parlement, which he called to be holden at Dublin, there to be­gin the seuenth of Iune. And bicause the earle refu­sed to come acording to the summons, he raised the kings standard, and with an armie marched into Mounster, and there seized the earles possessions in­to the kings hands, letting them foorth to farme for an annuall rent vnto other persons.

And whilest he yet remained in Mounster, he de­uised waies how to haue the earle of Desmond ap­prehended: which being brought to passe, he after­ward deliuered him vpon mainprise of these suerties whose names insue. William de Burgh earle of Suerties for the earle of Desmond. Ulster, Iames Butler earle of Ormond, Richard Lute, Nicholas Uerdon, Morice Rochford, Eustace le Powre, Gerald de Rochford, Iohn Fitzrobert Powre, Robert Barrie, Maurice Fitzgirald, Iohn Wellesleie, Walter le Fant, Richard Rokelleie, Henrie Traherne, Roger Powre, Iohn Lenfant, Roger Powre, Matthew Fitzhenrie, Richard Walleis, Edmund Burgh sonne to the earle of Ul­ster, knights: Dauid Barrie, William Fitzgirald, Foulke de Fraxinus, Robert Fitzmaurice, Henrie Fitzberkleie, Iohn Fitzgeorge de Roch, Thomas de Lees de Burgh. These (as yée haue heard) were bound for the earle. And bicause he made default, the lord iustice verelie tooke the aduantage of the bond a­gainst the mainpernours, foure of them onelie ex­cepted, the two earles and two knights.

The lord iustice is charged with strict dealing by Uffort [...] spoken of. writers in this behalfe, for that the same persons had assisted him in his warres against Desmond. But trulie if we shall consider the matter with indiffe­rencie, he did no more than law and reason requi­red. For if euerie suertie vpon forfeiture of his bond should be forborne, that otherwise dooth his duetie, what care would men haue either to procure suerties or to become suerties themselues? But such is the affection of writers, speciallie when they haue con­ceiued anie misliking towards those of whome they take occasion to speake, so as manie a worthie man hath béene defamed, and with slander greatlie defa­ced in things wherein he rather hath deserued singu­lar commendation. But howsoeuer this matter was handled touching the earle of Desmond, vpon the death of the lord iustice, which insued the next yeare, Ioie concei­ued for the death of the lord iustice Uffort. bonfiers were made, and great ioy shewed through all the rel [...] of Ireland. His ladie verelie (as should appeare) was but a miserable woman, procuring him to extortion and briberie. Much he abridged the prerogatiues of the church, and was so hated, that euen in the sight of the countrie he was robbed without rescue by Mac Cartie, notwithstanding he gathered power, and dispersed those rebels of Ulster. Robert Darcie was ordeined iustice by the councell till the kings letters came to sir Iohn Fitzmaurice, 1346 Robert Dar­cie lord iustice who released Fitzthomas earle of Kildare left in du­rance by Uffort at his death. Fitzmaurice conti [...] ­ed Iohn Fitz­morice iustice. L. Birming­ham iustice. not long, but was discharged, and the lord Wal­ter Birmingham elected to succeed in that roome, who procured a safe conduct for Desmond to plead his cause before the king, by whom he was liberallie in­treated, and allowed towards his expenses there twentie shillings a day at the princes charge. In con­sideration of which courtesie shewed to his kinsman, the earle of Kildare, accompanied with diuerse lords, knights, and chosen horssemen, serued the king at [Page 72] Calis, a towne thought impregnable, & returned af­ter the winning thereof in great pompe and [...]ollitie.

We find that Thomas Berkeleie, and Reinold 1347 Record. Tur. lord Cobham, and sir Morice [...] became mainpernours for the said earle of Desmond, that he should come into England, and abide such triall as the law would award. Iobn Archer prior of Kil­mainan 1348 The prior of Kilmainan. Baron Ca­rew iustice. Sir Tho­mas Rokes­bie iustice. Record. Tur. was substituted lieutenant to the lord iu­stice. To whom succéeded Baron Carew, and after Carew followed sir Thomas Rokesbie knight, vnto 10 whom was assigned aboue his ordinarie retinue of twentie men of armes, a supplie of ten men of armes, and twentie archers on horssebacke, so long as it should be thought néedfull. Great mortalitie chanced this yeare, as in other parts of the world, so especiallie in places about the seacoasts of England and Ireland. In the yeare following departed this 1349 life Alexander Bignor archbishop of Dublin. And the same yeare was Iohn de saint Paule consecra­ted Iohn de S. Paule arch­bishop of Dublin. archbishop of that see. This y [...]are deceased Kem­wrike 20 Shereman somtime maior of Dublin, a great benefactor to euerie church and religious house with­in 1350 Kemwrike Shereman. twentie miles round about the citie. His legacies to the poore and others, beside his liberalitie shewed in his life time, amounted to thrée thousand marks.

In this season dwelled in Ulster a we [...]hie knight one sir Robert Sauage, who the rather to preserue Sir Robert Sauage. his owne, began to wall and fortifie his manor hou­ses with castels and piles against the Irish enimie, erhorting his he [...]re Henrie Sauage to applie that 30 worke so beneficiall for himselfe & his posteritie. Fa­ther (quoth yoong Sauage) I remember the prouerbe Better a castell of bones than of stones. Where strength & courage of valiant men are prest to helpe vs, neuer will I (by the grace of God) cumber my selfe with dead walles. My fort shall be where soeuer yoong blouds be stirring, & where I find [...]oome to fight. The father in a fume let lie the building, and for­sware to go anie further forward in it▪ But yet the want therof and such like hath béene the decai [...] as 40 well of the Sauages, as of all the English, gentle­men in Ulster: as the lacke also of w [...]lled townes is one of the principall occasions of the rude wild­nesse in other parts of Ireland.

This Sauage, hauing prepared an [...]mie against the Irish, allowed [...] euerie sou [...]er before they should buckle with the enimie, a migh [...]ie draught of Aquavitae, wine▪ or old ale, and kille [...] inpro [...]sion for their returne, b [...]fe, venison, and [...]o [...], great plen­tie: which dooings [...] of his capteins [...]stiked, 50 bicause they considered the successe of warre to be [...]ncerteine, and therefore estéemed it better policie to poison the cates, or to doo them awaie, than to h [...]pe the same; and happilie to féed a sort of roge [...] with such princelie food, if [...]ught should happen to themselues in this aduenture of so few against [...]o [...] Herat sh [...]led the gentleman and said, ‘Tush [...]e are too full of [...] ▪ this world is but an in, to the which ye haue no speciall interest, but are one lie to­nants at will of the Lord. If it please him to com­mand 60 [...]s from it as it were from our lodging, and to f [...] other good fellowes in our [...]oomes, wh [...] [...] shall it be for vs to leaue them some meat for their [...] ▪ Let them hardlie win it & w [...]e it. If they [...]ter [...]r dwellings, g [...]d mane [...] would no lesse but [...] welcome them with such fa [...]e as the countrie brée­deth▪ and with all my heart much [...] may it d [...] them. Notwithstanding I presume [...]o [...] [...]on your noble courages, that verclie my mind giueth me we shall returne at night, & banke [...] ou [...] [...] with our owne store. And so did, hauing [...]in▪ [...] Irishm [...].’

In the yeare 1355 deceased Maurice Fitztho­ma [...] earle of Desmon [...]ord iustice of Ireland, who 1355 The earle of Desmond lord [...]stice deceased. Th [...]mas [...] lord iustice his sa [...]eng. had that office of the kings grant for ter [...]e of life. After him succéeded in that roome Thomas de Ro­kesbie, a knight, sincere and vpright of conscience, who being controlled for suffering himselfe to be ser­ued in tréene cups, answered: Those homelie cups & dishes paie trulie for that they conteine: I had ra­ther drinke out of tréene cups & paie gold and siluer, than drinke out of gold & make woodden paiment. 1357 Dissention betw [...]t the primat of Armagh, [...] the soure or­ders of [...] ▪ Thr [...] lord iust [...]s. This yeare began great variance betwixt Richard Rafe primat of Armagh, & foure orders of begging friers, which ended at length by the deaths of the said Richard Rafe, and Richard Kilminton, in the yeare 1360: Rafe deceasing in the popes court, and Kil­minton in England. Almerike de S. Amand, Iohn or (as other haue) Iames Butler earle of Ormond, and Maurice Fitzthomas earle of Kildare, were ap­pointed lord iustices of Ireland by turnes. In Or­monds Record. Tur. time, and in the thrée and twentith yeare of king Edward the thirds reigne, order was taken that the Irish lords should remaine and dwell in their houses on the marches, to defend the subiects from inuasions of enimies. And further, proclama­tion went foorth, that no méere Irish borne should be made maior, bailiffe, porter, officer, or minister in anie towne or place within the English dominions: nor that anie archbishop, abbat, prior, or anie other being of the kings allegiance, vpon forfeiture of all that he might forfeit, should aduance anie that was méere Irish borne to the roome of a canon, or to haue anie other ecclesiasticall benefice that laie among the English subiects.

To Maurice Thomas earle of Kildare, when he The earle of Kildare lord iustice. was ordeined lord iustice, the kings letters assigned in yearelie fee for his office 500 pounds, with condi­tion, that the said gouernour should find twentie great horsses to serue in the field, he himselfe to be the twentith man in going against the enimie: which allowance and conditions in those daies (so farre as Lionell duke of Clarence. I can gesse) should seeme to be ordinarie to the office. Lionell duke of Clarence sonne to king Edward the third, came ouer into Ireland to be lord iustice there, and was in right of his wife earle of Ulster. He published an inhibition to all of the Irish birth not once to approch his armie, nor to be in anie wise imploied in seruice of the wars. He vanquished O­ [...]ren, but yet sudenlie (no man vnderstanding how) an hundred of his souldiers were wanting as they laie in garrison, the losse of whom was thought to be occasioned by that displeasant decree afore rehear­sed. Wherevpon he tooke better aduise, and receiued the Irish into like fauour, as other lieutenants had them in before that present, shewing a tender loue towards them all, and so euer after prospered in his affaires. He created diuerse knights, as Preston, now knowne by the name of the familie of Gor­manston, Holiewood, Talbot, Cusac, de la Hide, Patrike, Robert and Iohn de Fraxinis: all these being gentlemen of worthie [...]ame in [...]iualrie. The excheker he rem [...]ed to Catherlagh, & [...] in furnishing that towne fiue hundred pounds.

In the yeare 1362 Iohn de S. Paule archbishop 1362 of Dublin departed this life the fi [...]t ides of Sep­tember. And in the yeare following was Thomas Min [...] [...] archbishop of that place. Girald 1367 The lord windsor lieu­tenant. [...] of Desmond was appointed lord iustice, vntill the comming of the lord Windsor, the first lieutenant in Ireland, who came ouer in the yeare 1369. This Windsore called a parlement a [...] 1369 Record▪ Turris A parlement, A subsidie. Kilkennie, in the which was granted to the king a subsidie of three thousand pounds to be leuied of the people, subiects to the king in that land. And in an other parlement holden by him at Balidoill they granted two thousand pounds to be likewise [...]. Which said sums were granted of the méere and frée good [...] of the nobles and communaltie of the [Page 73] land, towards the maintenance of the kings expen­ses in his warres. Yet the king in the three and for­ [...]ith yeare of his reigne, directing his letters vnto the said lord Windsor, cōmanded him to surceale from leuieng the foresaid monie, although afterwards he commanded againe that the arrerages should be le­uied and paid to his lieutenant the said Windsor.

The third pestilence in Ireland made awaie a M [...]alitie of [...]ople. 1370 great number of people. In the yeare 1370 the lord Gerald Fitzmorice earle of Desmond, and the lord 10 Iohn Fitzrichard, and the lord Iohn Fitziohn, and manie other noble men were slaine by Obren, and Mac Conmard of Thomond in the moneth of Iu­lie. Conh [...]. In the yeare 1372 sir Richard Ashton was sent ouer to be lord iustice in Ireland. In the yeare fol­lowing 1372 Sir Richard Ashton lord iustice. 1373 Slaughter. great warre was raised betwixt the Eng­lish of Meth, and Offeroll, in the which manie vpon both sides were slaine. In Maie, the lord Iohn Hus­seie baron of Galtrim, Iohn Fitzrichard shiriffe of Meth, and William Dalton were slaine in Kina­leigh. 20 In the yeare 1375 Thomas archbishop of 1375 Dublin departed this life, and the same yeare was Robert de Wikeford consecrated archbishop there▪

Richard the second.

EDmund Mortimer earle 1381 The earle of March the kings lieu­tenant. 1383 of March & Ulster was made the kings lieutenant in Ire­land. In the yeare 1383 a great mortalitie reigned in 30 that countrie. This was cal­led the fourth pestilence. In the yéere 1385 Dublin bridge 1385 fell. Beside Edmund Mortimer earle of March, Campion affirmeth, that in this Richard the seconds daies, there are iustices and lieutenants of Ireland speciallie recorded; Roger Mortimer sonne to the said Edmund, Philip Courtneie the kings cousine, Iames earle of Ormond, and Robert Uere earle of Oxford, marquesse of Dublin lord chamberleine, 40 who was also created duke of Ireland by parlement, and was credited with the whole dominion of the realme by grant for tearme of life, without paieng anie thing therefore, passing all writs, and placing all officers, as chancellor, treasuror, chiefe iustice, ad­merall, his owne lieutenant, and other inferiour charges vnder his owne Teste. In the yeare 1390, 1390 Robert de Wikeford archbishop of Dublin depar­ted this life, and the same yeare was Robert Wal­debie translated vnto the archbishop of Dublin an 50 Augustine frier.

In the yeare 1394, king Richard sore afflicted and 1394 king Richard goeth ouer in­to Ireland. troubled in mind with sorrow for the decease of his wife quéene Anne, that departed this life at Whit­suntide last past, not able without teares to behold his palaces and chambers of estate, that represented vnto him the solace past, & doubled his sorrow, sought some occasion of businesse: and now about Michael­mas passed ouer into Ireland, where diuerse lords and princes of Ulster renewed their homages, & pla­cing 60 Roger Mortimer erle of March his lieutenant, returned about Shrouetide. In the yeare 1397, Ri­chard Roger Mor­ [...]er lord lieutenant. Thom. Wals. de Northalis archbishop of Dublin departed this life, that was the same yeare from another see remooued thither: he was a frier of the order of the 1397 Carmelites.

The same yeare Thomas de Craulie was chosen and consecrated archbishop of Dublin. Also sir Tho­mas de Burgh, and sir Walter de Birmingham, Six hundred [...]shmen [...]e. slue six hundred Irishmen, with their capteine Mac­downe. Moreouer, Edmund earle of March lord de­putie of Ireland, with the aid of the erle of Ormond, wasted the countrie of an Irish lord called Obren, and at the winning of his chiefe house he made se­uen knights, to wit, sir Christopher Preston, sir Iohn Bedlow, sir Edmund Londores, sir Iohn Lon­dores, sir William Nugent, Walter de la Hide, and Robert Cadell. But after this it chanced, that on the Ascension daie, certeine Irishmen [...]ue fortie Eng­lishmen: and among them these were accounted as principall, Iohn Fitzwilliams, Thomas Talbot, and Thomas Cambrie. But shortlie after Roger Morti­mer earle of March and Ulster the kings lieutenant was slaine, with diuerse other, by Obren and other Irishmen of Leinster at Kenlis. Then was Roger Roger Gr [...]e lord iustice of Ireland. Greie elected Lord iustice of Ireland.

The same yeare on the feast daie of saint Marke the pope, the duke of Surreie landed in Ireland, and with him came sir Thomas Craulie the archbishop of Dublin. King Richard informed of the vnrulie parts and rebellious sturres of the Irishmen, min­ded 1398 King Richard passeth the se­cond time o­uer into Ire­land. to appease the same; and speciallie to reuenge the death of the earle of March: wherevpon with a na­uie of two hundred sails he passed ouer into Ireland, and landed at Waterford on a sundaie, being the morrow after saint Petronilla the virgins day. The fridaie after his arriuall at Ford in Kenlis within the towne of Kildare, there were slaine two hundred Irishmen by Ienicho de Artois a Gascoigne, and such Englishmen as he had with him: and the mor­row after, the citizens of Dublin brake into the countrie of Obren, slue thirtie & thrée of the enimies, and tooke fourescore men with children.

The fourth kalends of Iulie, king Richard came The king commeth t [...] Dublin. to Dublin, and remained there for a time; during the which diuerse lords and princes of the countrie came in and submitted themselues vnto him, by whome they were courteouslie vsed, and trained to honoura­ble demeanor and ciuilitie, as much as the shortnes Sée more hereof [...] England. of time would permit, as in the English historie you maie find set foorth more at large. Whilest king Ri­chard thus laie in Dublin to reduce Ireland into due subiection, he was aduertised that Henrie duke of Lancaster, that latelie before had béene banished, was returned, & ment to bereaue him of the crowne. The sonne of which duke, togither with the duke of Glocesters sonne, the king shut vp within the castell of Trim, and then taking the seas, he returned and landed in Wales, where he found his defense so weake, and vnsure, that finallie he came into his ad­uersaries hands, and was deposed by authoritie of parlement, and then was the said duke of Lancaster admitted to reigne in his place.

Henrie the fourth.

AT Whitsuntide in the 1400 yeare 1400, which was the first yeare of the reigne of Henrie the fourth, the cone­stable of Dublin castell, and diuerse other at Stanford in Ulster, fought by sea with Scots, where manie Eng­lishmen were slaine and drowned. In the second 1401 Sir Iohn Stanie [...]e lord lieutenant. yeare of king Henrie the fourth, sir Iohn Stanleie the kings lieutenant in Ireland returned into Eng­land, leauing his vnder lieutenant there sir Willi­am Stanleie. The same yeare on Bartholomew Sir Steph [...] Scroope. [...]uen, sir Stephan Scroope, deputie vnto the lord Thomas of Lancaster the kings brother, and lord lieutenant of Ireland, arriued there to supplie the r [...]e of Alexander bishop of Meth, that exercised the same office vnder the said lord Thomas of Lan­caster, before the comming of this sir Stephan Scroope; which sir Stephan for his violence and ex [...]or­tion before time vsed in the same office vnder king Richard, was [...]re cried out vpon by the voices of th [...] [Page 74] poore people, insomuch that the ladie his wife hearing of such exclamations, would in no wise continue with him there, except he would receiue a solemne oth on the bible, that wittinglie he should wrong no christian creature in that land, but dulie and trulie he should sée paiment made for all expenses: and hereof (she said) she had made a vow to Christ so de­terminatlie, that vnlesse it were on his part firmclie promised, she could not without perill of soule go with him. Hir husband assented and accomplished hir request effectuallie, recouered a good opinion for 10 his vpright deling, reformed his caters & purueiors, inriched the countrie, mainteined a plentifull house, remission of great offenses, remedies for persons indangered to the prince, pardons of lands and liues he granted so charitablie and so discréetlie, that his name was neuer recited among them without ma­nie blessings and praiers, and so chéerefullie they were readie to serue him against the Irish vpon all necessarie occasions. The lord Thomas of Lancaster the kings sonne, and lord lieutenant of Ireland, ar­riued 20 the same yeare at Dublin, vpon saint Brices daie.

The maior of Dublin Iohn Drake, with a band of his citizens neere to Bre, slue foure thousand of The Irish o­uerthrowne by the maior of Dublin. the Irish outlawes (as Campion noteth out of the records of Christs church) but Marlburrow speaketh onelie of 493, and these being all men of warre. The verie same daie that this victorie was atchiued, to wit, the eleuenth day of Iulie, the church of the friers prechers of Dublin was dedicated by the archbishop 30 of that citie. The same yeare in September, a parle­ment was holden at Dublin, during the which in Urgile sir Bartholomew Uerdon knight, Iames White, Stephan Gernon, and other their complices, slue the shiriffe of Louth Iohn Dowdall. In the yere 1403, in Maie, sir Walter Betterleie steward of 1403 Ulster, a right valiant knight was slaine, and to the number of thirtie other with him. The same yeare about the feast of saint Martin, the lord Thomas of Lancaster the kings sonne returned into England 40 leauing the lord Stephan Scroope his deputie there: who also in the beginning of Lent sailed ouer into Stephan Scroope. England, and then the lords of the land chose the earle of Ormond to be lord iustice. The earle of Ormond lord [...]. 1404 The archbi­shop of Ir­magh de­ceased.

In the fift yere of Henrie the fourth, Iohn Colton archbishop of Armagh the seuen & twentith of Aprill departed this life, vnto whom Nicholas Stoning suc­céeded. The same yeare on the daie of saint Uitale the martyr, the parlement of Dublin began before the earle of Ormond then lord iustice of Ireland, 50 where the statutes of Kilkennie and Dublin were confirmed, and likewise the charter of Ireland. In the sixt yeare of Henrie the fourth, in the moneth of 1405 Maie, thrée Scotish barks were taken, two at Green castell, and one at Alkeie, with capteine Macgolagh. The same yeare the merchants of Brodagh entered Scotland, and tooke preies and pledges. Also on the éeuen of the feast day of the seuen brethren, Oghgard was burnt by the Irish. And in Iune sir Stephan 60 Scroope that was come againe into Ireland, retur­ned estsoones into England, leauing the earle of Ormond lord iustice of Ireland. About the same time they of Dublin entered Scotland at saint Ni­nian, and valiantlie behaued themselues against the The citizens of Dublin in­uade Scot­land. They inuade waies. enimies, and after crossing the seas, directed their course into Wales, and did much hurt to the Welsh­men, bringing from thense the shrine of saint Cu­bins, & placed it in the church of the Trinitie in Dub­lin. Iames Butler earle of Ormond died at Bali­gam, whilest he was lord iustice, vnto whom succee­ded The earle of Ormond de­ceased. Gerald earle of Kildare.

In the seuenth yeare of king Henrie on Corpus Christi day, the citizens of Dublin with the countrie people about them, manfullie vanquished the Irish enimies, and slue diuerse of them, and tooke two en­signes or standards, bringing with them to Dublin the heads of those whom they had slaine. The same yeare the prior of Conall, in the plaine of Kildare, fought manfullie with the Irish, & vanquished two hundred that were well armed, slaieng part of them, and chasing the residue out of the field, and the prior had not with him past the number of twentie Eng­lishmen: but God (as saith mine author) assisted those Hen. Ma [...]. that put their trust in him. The same yeare after Mi­chaelmas, Stephan Scroope deputie iustice to the lord Thomas of Lancaster the kings sonne, and his lieutenant of Ireland, came againe ouer into Ire­land. And in the feast of saint Hilarie was a parle­ment A parlement at Dublin. holden at Dublin, which in Lent after was ended at Trim. And Meiler de Birmingham slue Cathole Oconhur about the end of Februarie. In the yere 1407, a certeine false and heathenish wretch an Irishman, named Mac Adam Mac Gilmore, 1407 that had caused fortie churches to be destroied, as he that was neuer christened, and therefore called Cor­bi, chanced to take prisoner one Patrike Sauage, Corbi what [...] signifieth. and receiued for his ransome two thousand markes, though afterwards he slue him, togither with his brother Richard.

The same yeare in the feast of the exaltation of the crosse, Stephan Scroope deputie to the lord Thomas of Lancaster, with the earles of Ormond and Des­mond, and the prior of Kilmainan, and diuerse other capteins and men of warre of Meth, set from Dub­lin, and inuaded the land of Mac Murch, where the Irish came into the field and skirmished with them, so as in the former part of the daie they put the Eng­lish power to the woorse; but at length the Irish were vanquished and chased, so that Onolan with his son and diuerse others were taken prisoners. But the English capteins aduertised here, that the Burkens and Okeroll in the countie of Kilkennie, had for the space of two daies togither doone much mischief, they rode with all spéed vnto the towne of Callan, and there incountering with the aduersaries, manfullie put them to flight, slue Okeroll, and eight hundred Okeroll slaine. others. There went a tale, and beleeued of manie, that the sunne stood still for a space that daie, till the Englishmen had ridden six miles: so much was it thought that God fauoured the English part in this enterprise, if we shall beléeue it.

The same yeare the lord Stephan Scroope passed once againe ouer into England, and Iames But­ler earle of Ormond was elected by the countrie lord iustice of Ireland. In the dais of this K. Henrie the fourth, the inhabitants of Corke being sore afflic­ted with perpetuall oppressions of their Irish neigh­bors, complained themselues in a generall writing directed to the lord Rutland and Corke, the kings deputie there, and to the councell of the realme then assembled at Dublin: which letter because it ope­neth a window to behold the state of those parties, and of the whole realme of Ireland in those daies, we haue thought good to set downe here, as it hath béene enterd by Campion, according to the copie de­liuered to him by Francis Agard esquire, one of the queenes maiesties priuie councell in Ireland.

A letter from Corke out of an old record that beareth no date.

IT may please your wisedomes to haue pittie on vs the kings poore sub­iects within the countie of Corke, or else we are cast awaie for euer. For where there are in this countie these lords by name, beside [Page 75] knights, esquiers, gentlemen, and yeomen, to a great number that might dispend yearelie eight hundred pounds, sixe hundred pounds, foure hun­dred pounds, two hundred pounds, one hundred pounds, an hundred markes, twentie markes, twen­tie pounds, ten pounds, some more, some lesse, to a great numbers, besides these lords. First the lord marques Caro, his yearelie reuenues was beside Dorseie hauen and other créekes, two thousand two hundred pounds sterling. The lord Barneuale of 10 Béerhauen, his yearelie reuenue was beside Bo­dre hauen and other créekes, one thousand six hun­dred pounds sterling. The lord Wogan of the great castell, his yearelie reuenue beside his hauens and I thinke ra­ther Gréene castell. créekes, thirtéene thousand pounds. The lord Bal­ram of Enfort, his yearelie reuenue beside hauens and creekes, one thousand thrée hundred pounds sterling. The lord Curcie of Kelbretton, his yeare­lie reuenue beside hauens and créekes, one thou­sand two hundred pounds sterling. The lord Man­deuile 20 of Barenstellie, his yearelie reuenue beside hauens and creekes, one thousand two hundred pounds sterling. The lord Arundell of the Strand, his yearelie reuenue beside hauens and créekes, one thousand fiue hundred pounds sterling. The lord Barod of the gard, his yearelie reuenues beside hauens & créekes one thousand one hundred pounds sterling. The lord Steineie of Baltmore, his yearelie reuenue beside hauens and créekes, eight hundred pounds sterling. The lord Roch of Poole castell, his yearelie reuenues besides hauens and 30 creekes, ten thousand pounds sterling. The kings maiestie hath the lands of the late yoong Barrie by forfeiture, the yearelie reuenue whereof, besides two riuers and créekes, and all other casualties, is one thousand eight hundred pounds sterling.

And that at the end of this parlement, your lord­ship, with the kings most noble councell may come to Corke, & call before you all these lords, and other Irishmen, and bind them in paine of losse of life, lands and goods, that neuer one of them doo make 40 warre vpon an other, without licence or comman­dement of you my lord deputie, and the kings coun­cell; for the vtter destruction of these parts is that onelie cause. And once all the Irishmen, and the kings enimies were driuen into a great vallie cal­led Clane onight, betwixt two great mounteines called Maccort, or the leprous Iland: and there they liued long and manie yeares with their white meat, till at the last these English lords fell at variance a­mong 50 themselues, and then the weakest part tooke certeine Irishmen to take their part, and so vanqui­shed their enimies. And thus fell the English lords at warre among themselues, till the Irishmen were stronger than they, and draue them awaie, and now haue the countrie whole vnder them; but that the lord Roch, the lord Barrie, and the lord Curcie one­lie remaine with the least part of their ancestors pos­sessions: and yoong Barrie is there vpon the kings portion, paieng his grace neuer a pennie rent. 60 Wherefore we the kings poore subiects of the citie of Corke, Kinsale, and Yoghall, desire your lordship to send hither two good iustices to sée this matter or­dred, and some English capteins with twentie Eng­lishmen that may be capteins ouer vs all: and we will rise with them to redresse these enormities all at our owne costs. And if you will not come nor send, we will send ouer to our liege lord the king, and complaine on you all. Thus far that letter.

And (as saith Campion) at this daie the citie of The citie of Corke. Corke is so incumbred with vnquiet neighbors of great power, that they are forced to gard their gates continuallie, & to kéepe them shut at seruice times, at meales, and from sun setting to sun rising, not suffering anie stranger to enter the towne with his weapon, but to leaue the same at a lodge appointed. They dare vnneth at anie time walke abroad far from the towne for their recreation, except at sea­sons; and then with strength of men furnished with armor and weapon for their safegard. They match in wedlocke among themselues, so that welnéere the whole citie is alied and ioined togither in consan­guinitie. But now to returne vnto the dooings of the earle of Ormond that was placed lord iustice in Scroops roome. We doo find that in the yeare 1408 1408 A parlement at Dublin. he called a parlement at Dublin, in which the sta­tutes of Kilkennie and Dublin were estsoones reui­ued, and certeine ordinances established vnder the great seale of England against purueiors. The same The lord Thomas of Lancaster commeth o [...]er into Ireland. yeare, the morrow after Lammas daie, the lord Thomas of Lancaster sonne to king Henrie the fourth, lord lieutenant of Ireland, landed at Car­lingford, and in the weeke following he came vnto Dublin, and put the earle of Kildare vnder arrest, comming to him with three of his familie. He lost all his goods, being spoiled & rifled by the lord lieute­nant his seruants, & himselfe kept still in prison in the castell of Dublin, till he had paid 300 marks fine.

On the daie of saint Marcell the martyr decea­sed The lord Scroope de­ceaseth. the lord Stephan Scroope at Tristeldermot. The same yeare also was the lord Thomas of Lan­caster at Kilmainan wounded (I know not how) and vnneth escaped with life, and after caused sum­mons to be giuen by proclamation, that all such as ought by their tenures to serue the king, should as­semble at Rosse. And after the feast of saint Hila­rie, he held a parlement at Kilkennie for a tallage The lord Thomas re­turneth into England. to be granted. And after the thirtéenth of March, he returned into England, leauing the prior of Kilmai­nan for his deputie in Ireland. This yeare also Hugh Macgilmore was slaine in Cragfergus with­in the church of the friers minors, which church he had before destroied, and broken downe the glasse windowes to haue the iron bars, thorough which his enimies the Sauages entred vpon him. This yeare being in the tenth of Henrie the fourth, in Iune, Ianico de Artois with the Englishmen 1409 Iames de Artois. The sword giuen to the citie of Dub­lin. Bailiffes changed into shiriffes. slue foure score of the Irish in Ulster. This yeare king Henrie gaue the sword to the citie of Dublin, which citie was first gouerned (as appeareth by their ancient seale called Signum praepositurae) by a prouost: and in the thirtéenth of Henrie the third by a maior and two bailiffes, which were changed into shiriffes, by charter granted by Coward the sixt, 1547.

This maioralitie, both for state and charge of office, and for bountifull hospitalitie, exceedeth anie citie in England, London excepted. In the yeare following, the one and twentith daie of Maie, a par­lement 1410 began at Dublin, which lasted thrée wéekes, the prior of Kilmainan sitting as lord iustice. The same yeare, the two and twentith of Iune, the same iustice tooke the castels of Mibraclide, Oferoll, and de la Mare. Ireland this yeare was sore afflicted for want of corne. The lord iustice entred into the land of Obren with 1500 Kernes, of which number eight A iournie made by the lord iustice. hundred reuolted to the Irish, so that if the power of Dublin had not beene there, it had gon euill with the lord iustice: and yet he escaped not without losse, for Iohn Derpatrike was slaine there. In the yeare 1411, mariages were celebrated among the no­bilitie in Ireland. William Preston maried the 1411 Mariages. daughter of Edward Paris, and Iohn Wogan matched with the eldest daughter of Christopher Pre­ston; and Walter de la Hide with the second daugh­ter of the same Christopher. In the yeare 1412, a­bout 1412 the feast of Tibertius and Ualerianus, which Oconthir. falleth on the tenth of Aprill, Oconthir did much mis­chiefe [Page 76] in Meth, and tooke 160 Englishmen. The same yeare Odoles a knight, and Thomas Fitz­morice fought togither, and either slue other. The The bishop of Meth decea­seth. The death of king Henrie the fourth. foure & twentith of Maie, Robert Mounteine bi­shop of Meth departed this life, to whome succéeded Edward de Audiscie sometime archdecon of Corn­wall. This yeare on saint Cutberts daie king Hen­rie the fourth departed this life.

Henrie the fift. 10

IN the first yeare of this king, the fiue and twentith of 1413 Iohn Stan­leie the kings lieutenant in Ireland. September, landed in Ire­land at Clawcarfe, Iohn Stanlie the kings lieutenant of that land. He departed this life the 18 of Ianuarie next insuing at Athird, in La­tine 20 called Atrium Dei. After his decease, Thomas Thomas Crauleie archbishop of Dublin. Crauleie archbishop of Dublin was chosen lord iu­stice of Ireland. Ianico de Artois led foorth a power against Maginors, a great lord of Ireland, but néere to a place called Inor manie Englishmen were slaine. The morrow after saint Matthias daie, A parlement. a parlement began againe at Dublin, which conti­nued for the space of fiftéene daies, in which meane time the Irish did much hurt by inuasions made in­to the English pale, and burning vp all the houses 30 afore them that stood in their waie, as their vsuall cu­stome was in times of other parlements: where­vpon a tallage was demanded, but not granted. In the yeare 1414, the Englishmen fought with 1414 the Irish neere to Kilka, and slue an hundred of the enimies, whilest the archbishop being lord iustice in Tristeldermot, went in procession with his clear­gie; praieng for the good spéed of his men and other of the countrie that were gone foorth to fight with the aduersaries. In the feast of saint Gordian and 40 Epimachus, to wit the tenth of Maie, were the Eng­lish of Meth discomfited by Oconthir and his Irish, where they slue Thomas Maureuar baron of Serin; and there were taken prisoners Christopher Fle­ming, Iohn Dardis, and diuerse others, beside ma­nie Englishmen slaine. that were slaine.

On saint Martins éeuen sir Iohn Talbot of Ho­lomshire, lord Furniuale landed at Dalkete, the Iohn lord Talbot of Sherfield. 1415 Robert Tal­bot deceaseth. kings lieutenant in Ireland, a man of great honor. In the yeere one thousand foure hundred and fiftéene 50 in Nouember, Robert Talbot, a right noble man that walled the suburbs of Kilkennie, departed this life. Also Patrike Baret bishop of Fernis decea­sed, and was buried among the canons at Kenlis. This yeare on the feast daie of Geruasius and Pro­thasius 1416 The archbi­shop of Ar­magh decea­seth. which falleth on the ninetéenth of Iune, the lord lieutenants wife the ladie Furniuall was brought to bed at Finglasse of a sonne named Tho­mas. About the same time also Stephan Fleming archbishop of Armagh departed this life, after 60 whome succéeded Iohn Suanig. On the daie of saint Laurence the lord Furniuals sonne Thomas Talbot that was borne at Finglasse in Nouember last past, departed this life, and was buried in the quéere of the friers preachers church in Dublin. A­bout the same time the Irish fell vpon the English­men, and slue manie of them, among other Thomas Balimore of Baliquelan was one. The parlement The parle­ment rem [...] ­ued to Trim. which the last yeare had beene called and holden at Dublin, was this yeare remooued to Trim, & there began the eleuenth of Maie, where it continued for the space of eleuen daies, in the which was granted to the lord lieutenant a subsidie in monie.

In the yeare following, the archbishop of Du­blin A subsidie. 1417 passed ouer into England, and deceased at Fa­ringdon, The archbi­shop of Du­blin deceased. but his bodie was buried in the new col­lege at Oxford. This man is greatlie praised for his liberalitie, he was a good almesman, a great clerke, a doctor of diuinitie, an excellent preacher, a great His praise. builder, beautifull, tall of stature, and sanguine of complexion. He was foure score and ten yeares of age when he died, and had gouerned the church of Du­blin in good quiet by the space of twentie yeeres. This yeare shortlie after Easter, the lord deputie spoiled 1418 the tenants of Henrie Crus, and Henrie Bethat. Also at Olane on the feast daie of saint Iohn and saint Paule, the erle of Kildare, sir Christopher Pre­ston, and sir Iohn Bedlow were arrested and com­mitted to ward within the castell of Trim, because they sought to commune with the prior of Kilmai­nan.

The nine and twentith of Iune Matthew Hu [...] ­seie baron of Galtrim deceased, & was buried at the friers preachers of Trim. In the yeare one thou­sand 1419 A councell o [...] parlement holden. foure hundred & ninetéene a roiall councell was holden at Naas, where was granted to the lord lieu­tenant a subsidie in monie. The same yeare vpon Cenethursdaie Othoell tooke foure hundred kine that belonged vnto Balimore, so breaking the peace contrarie to his oth. The fourth ides of Maie, Mac Murch chéefe capteine of his nation, and of all the Mac Murch taken priso­ner. Irish in Leinster was taken prisoner, and the same daie was sir Hugh Cokeseie made knight. The last of Maie the lord lieutenant, and the archbishop of Dublin with the maior rased the castell of Keni­nie. The morrow after the feast daie of Processus and Martinianus, that is the twentith of Iune, the lord William de Burgh and other Englishmen slue fiue hundred Irishmen, & tooke Okellie. On the feast Okellie ta­ken. daie of Marie Magdalen the lord lieutenant Tal­bot returned into England, leauing his deputie there the archbishop of Dublin. This yeare about saint Laurence daie, diuerse went foorth of Ireland The prior of Kilmainan went to ser [...]e the king in France. to serue the king in his warres of Normandie, as Thomas Butler that was prior of Kilmainan, and manie others. Iohn Fitzhenrie succéeded the said Butler in gouernment of the priorie of Kilmainan. The archbishop of Dublin that remained as lord de­putie slue thirtie Irishmen néere vnto Rodiston. Al­so the thirteenth of Februarie Iohn Fitzhenrie prior of Kilmainan departed this life, and William Fitzthomas was chosen to succeed in his place, and was confirmed the morrow after saint Ualentines daie.

Iames Butler earle of Ormond appointed the kings lieutenant in Ireland, in place of Iohn lord 1420 Iames But­ler erle of Or­mond lord lieutenant. Talbot and Furniuall, landed at Waterford a­bout the fourth ides of Aprill: and shortlie after his comming ouer, he caused a combat to be fought be­twixt two of his cousins, of whom the one was slaine in that place, and the other carried awaie sore woun­ded. On saint Georges daie, he held a councell in A parlement summoned. Dublin, & summoned a parlement to begin there the seuenth of Iune. In the meane while he fetcht great booties out of the countries of the Irish lords, Oralie, Mac Mahun, and Maginois. But first yer we go fur­ther to shew what Marlburrow hath noted of the doo­ings, whilest this earle of Ormond gouerned as the kings lieutenant in Ireland, we haue thought good to set downe what Campion also writeth thereof, as thus.

In the red moore of Athie (the sunne almost lod­ged Iames Yong an author al­leaged by Campion. The sunne staieth his course. in the west, and miraculouslie standing still in his epicicle by the space of thrée houres, till the feat was accomplished, and no hole nor quakemire in all that bog annoieng either horsse or man of his part) he vanquished Omore and his terrible armie with a few of his owne meinie, and with the like number [Page 77] he ouercame Arthur Mac Morogh, at whose might & p [...]sance all Leinster trembled. To the instruction of this mans worthinesse, the compiler of certeine pre­cepts touching the rule of a common-wealth exciteth his lord the said earle in diuerse places of that worke incidentlie, estsoons putting him in mind that the I­rish are false by kind, that it were expedient, and a worke of charitie to execute vpon them wilfull and malicious transgressors the kings lawes somewhat sharplie, that Odempsie being winked at a while, abused that small time of sufferance to the iniurie of 10 the earle of Kildare, intruding vniustlie vpon the castell of Leie, from whense the said deputie had iust­lie expelled him, and put the earle in possession there­of, that notwithstanding their oths and pledges, they are yet no longer true than they féele themselues the weaker. This deputie tamed the Brens, the Burghs, Mac Banons, Oghaghucaght, Moris Mac Mahun, all the capteins of Thomond: & all this he did in thrée months; the clergie twise euerie weeke in solemne procession praieng for his good succes against those 20 disordered persons, which now in euerie part of Ire­land degenerated from the English ciuilitie, to their old trade of life vsed in that countrie, repined at the English maner of gouernment. So far Campion.]

Diuerse parlements vpon prorogations were holden in time that this earle of Ormond was go­uernor. The first began at Dublin the seauenth of Iune in this yeare one thousand foure hundred and 1420 The parle­ment began. twentie, which continued about sixtéen daies. At this parlement was granted to the lord lieutenant a sub­sidie 30 of seauen hundred marks. At the sixtéene daies end this parlement was adiorned till the mondaie after saint Andrews daie. In the same parlement the debts of the lord Iohn Talbot, which were due to certeine persons for vittels and other things, taken vp whilest he was lord lieutenant there, were recko­ned vp; which lord Talbot verelie, for that he saw not the creditors satisfied before his comming awaie, was partlie euill spoken of in the countrie. The mor­row after the feast of Simon and Iude, the castell of 40 Colmolin was taken by Thomas Fitzgirald. And The castell of Colmolin. The earle of Ormonds son and heire borne. on saint Katharins eeuen, the sonne and heire of the earle of Ormond lord lieutenant was borne, for the which there was great reioising. In the parlement begun againe at Dublin the mondaie after saint Andrews daie, an other subsidie of thrée hundred marks was granted vnto the lord lieutenant. And after they had sat thirtéene daies, it was estsoons ad­iorned vntill the mondaie after saint Ambrose daie. 50 Then rumors were spred abrode, that Thomas Fitz, Iohn earle of Desmond was departed this life at Paris vpon saint Laurence daie, after whome suc­céeded his vncle Iames Fitzgirald, whome he had three seuerall times renounced, as one that was a waster of his patrimonie both in England and Ire­land, and not like to come to anie good proofe.

In the yeare one thousand foure hundred twen­tie and one, the parlement began againe vpon the 1421 [...] parlement. last prorogation, the mondaie after saint Ambrose 60 daie: in which parlement it was ordeined that cer­teine persons should be sent to the king, to sue that a reformation might be had in matters touching the state of the land. The [...]fe of those that were thus sent, were the archbishop of Armagh, and sir Christo­pher The bishop of Ca [...]ill ac­cused. Preston knight. Moreouer Richard Ohedian bishop of Cashill was accused by Iohn Gese bishop of Lismore and Waterford, who laid thirtie articles vnto his charge. Amongst other, one was for that he loued none of the English nation, and that he bestowed not one benefice vpon anie Englishman, and counselled other bishops that they should not be­stow anie within their diocesse vpon anie English­man. Moreouer, another article was for counter­feting the kings seale. And another, for that he went about to make himselfe king of Mounster, and had taken a ring from the image of saint Patrike (which the earle of Desmond had offered) and giuen it to his lemman. Manie other crimes were laid to him by the said bishop of Lismore and Warerford, which he exhibited in writing. Also in the same parlement there rose contention betwixt Adam Paine bishop of Clone, and another prelat, whose church he would haue annexed vnto his see. At length, after the parle­ment had continued for the space of eightéene daies, The duke of Clarence slaine in France. it brake vp. Herewith came news of the slaughter of the lord Thomas of Lancaster duke of Clarence, that had béene lord lieutenant of Ireland. And vpon the seuenth of Maie certeine of the erle of Ormonds men were ouerthrowen by the Irish, néere to the abbeie of Leis, and seuen and twentie Englishmen were slaine there: of whom the cheefe were two gen­tlemen, the one named Purcell, & the other Grant. Also ten were taken prisoners, and two hundred es­caped to the foresaid abbeie, so sauing themselues. About the fame time Mac Mahun an Irish lord did much hurt within the countrie of Urgile, by burn­ing Mac Mahun & wasting all afore him. Also vpon the morrow after Midsummer daie, the earle of Ormond lord lieutenant entred into the countrie about Leis vp­on Omordris, and for the space of foure daies to­gither did much hurt; in slaieng and spoiling the peo­ple, till the Irish were glad to sue for peace.

Henrie the sixt.

LIeutenants to Henrie the sixt ouer the relme of Ireland were these, Edmund earle of March, and Iames earle of Ormond his deputie; Iohn Sutton lord Dudle [...]e, and sir Thomas Strange knight his deputie; sir Thomas Stan­leie, and sir Christopher Plun­ket his deputie. This sir Thomas Stanleie on Mi­chaelmasse daie, in the twelfe yeare of king Henrie Here endeth Marlburrow, and all that followeth is taken out of Campion. the [...]xt, with all the knights of Meth & I [...]rell, fought against the Irish, slue a great number, & tooke Neill Odonell prisoner.]

Lion lord Wels, and the earle of Ormond his deputie. Iames earle of Ormond by himselfe, Iohn earle of Shrewesburie, and the archbishop of Dublin lord iustice in his absence. Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke, father to king Edward the fourth & earle of Ulster, had the office of lieutenant by the kings letters patents during the terme of tenne yeares, who appointed to rule vnder him as his de­puties at sundrie times the baron of Deluin, Ri­chard Fitzeustace knight, Iames earle of Ormond, and Thomas Fitzmorice earle of Kildare. To this Campion out of the records of Christs church. George duke of Clarence borne at Du­blin. Iacke Cade. Richard duke of Yorke and Ulster then resident in Dublin, was borne within the castell there his se­cond sonne the lord George that was after duke of Clarence. His godfathers at the fontstone were the earles of Ormond and Desmond. Whether the com­motion of Iacke Cade an Irishman borne, naming himselfe Mortimer, and so pretending cousinage to diuerse noble houses in this land, procéeded from some intelligence with the dukes fréends here in Ireland, it is vncerteine: but surelie the duke was vehementlie suspected, and immediatlie after began the troubles, which through him were raised. Which broiles being couched for a time, the duke held him­selfe in Ireland, being latelie by parlement ordeined protector of the realme of England: he left his agent in the court, his brother the earle of Salishurie, lord chancellor, to whom he declared the truth of the trou­bles [Page 78] then toward in Ireland: which letter exemplifi­ed by sir Henrie Sidneie lord deputie, a great sear­cher and preseruer of antiquities, as it came to Cam­pions hands, and by him set downe we haue thought good likewise to present it here to your view.

To the right worshipfull, and with all mine heart entierelie beloued brother, the earle of Salisburie. 10

RIght worshipfull, & with all my hart The copie of a [...]ter. entierelie beloued brother, I recommend me vnto you as heartilie as I can. And like it you to wit, sith I wrote last vnto the king our souereigne lord his highnesse, the Irish enimie, that is to saie Magoghigam, and with him thrée or foure Irish capteins, associat with a great fellowship of English rebels, notwithstanding that they were within the king our souereigne lord his peace, of great malice, and against all truth haue ma­ligned 20 against their legiance, and vengeablie haue brent a great towne of mine inheritance in Meth, called Ramore, and other villages thereabouts, and murthered and brent both men, women, and children, withouten mercie: the which enimies be yet assem­bled in woods and forts, awaighting to doo the hurt and gréeuance to the kings subiects, that they can thinke or imagine. For which cause I write at this time vnto the kings highnesse, and beseech his good grace for to hasten my paiment for this land, accor­ding 30 vnto his letters of warrant now late directed vnto the treasuror of England, to the intent I may wage men in sufficient number for to resist the ma­lice of the same enimies, & punish them in such wise, that other which would doo the same for lacke of resi­stance, in time maie take example. For doubtlesse, but if my paiment be had in all hast, for to haue men of warre in defense and safegard of this land; my power can not stretch to kéepe it in the kings obei­sance: and verie necessitie will compell me to come 40 into England to liue there vpon my poore liuelihood. For I had leauer be dead than anie inconuenience should fall thervnto by my default: for it shall neuer be chronicled nor remaine in scripture (by the grace of God) that Ireland was lost by my negligence. And therefore I beséech you right worshipfull bro­ther, that you will hold to your hands instantlie, that my paiment maie be had at this time in eschew­ing all inconueniences. For I haue example in o­ther places (more pitie it is) for to dread shame, and 50 for to acquit my troth vnto the kings highnesse, as my dutie is. And this I praie and exhort you good bro­ther, to shew vnto his good grace, and that you will be so good, that this language maie be inacted at this present parlement for mine excuse in time to come, and that you will be good to my seruant Roger Ro Roger Ro. the bearer of these, and to my other seruants, in such things as they shall pursue vnto the kings highnes, and to giue full faith and credence vnto the report of the said Roger, touching the said matters. Right 60 worshipfull, and with all my heart intierlie beloued brother, our blessed Lord God preserue and keepe you in all honour, prosperous estate, and felicitie, & grant you right good life and long.

Your faithfull true brother Richard Yorke.

Of such power was Magoghigam in those daies, who as he wan and kept it by the sword, so now his Magoghi­gam his power. successors in that state liue but as meane capteins, yéelding their winnings to the stronger. This is the miserie of lawlesse people, resembling the rudenesse of the rude world, wherein euerie man was richer and poorer than other, as he was in might and vio­lence more or lesse inabled. Here began factions of the nobilitie in Ireland, fauouring diuerse sides that stroue for the crowne of England. For the duke of Yorke, in those ten yeares of his gouernement, ex­céedinglie wan the hearts of the noblemen and gen­tlemen of that land, of the which diuerse were slaine with him at Wakefield; as the contrarie part was the next yeare by his sonne Edward earle of March at Mortimers crosse in Wales. In which meane time the Irish grew hardie, & vsurped the English coun­tries in sufficientlie defended, as they had doone by like oportunitie in the latter end of Richard the se­cond. These two seasons set them so af [...]ote, that henseforward they could neuer be cast out from their forcible possessions, holding by plaine wrong all Ul­ster, and by certeine Irish tenures no small portions of Mounster and Connagh, least in Meth and Lein­ster, where the ciuill subiects of the English bloud did euer most preuaile.

Edward the fourth and Edward the fift.

THomas Fitzmorice earle Lieutenants and deputies in king Ed­ward the fourth his daies. of Kildare, lord iustice till the third yeare of Edward the fourth, after which time the duke of Clarence, brother to the king, had the office of lieutenant while he liued, & made his deputies by sundry turnes, Thomas earle of Desmond, Iohn Tiptost earle of Worcester the kings cousine, Thomas earle of Kildare, and Henrie lord Greie of Ru [...]hin. Great was the credit of the Giraldins euer when the house of Yorke prospered, and likewise the Butlers thri­ued The But­lers. vnder the bloud of the Lancasters: for which cause the earle of Desmond remained manie yeres deputie to George duke of Clarence his good bro­ther: but when he had spoken certeine disdainefull words against the late marriage of king Edward with the ladie Elizabeth Greie, the said ladie being now queene, caused his trade of life after the Irish maner, contrarie to sundrie old statutes inacted in that behalfe, to be sifted and examined by Iohn erle of Worcester his successor; so that he was atteinted The earle of worcester. 1467 of treason, condemned, and for the same beheaded at Droghedagh.

Iames the father of this Thomas earle of Des­mond, Campion out of Sentleger in his collec­tions. being suffered and not controlled, during the gouernment of Richard duke of Yorke his godcept, and of Thomas earle of Kildare his kinsman, put vpon the kings subiects within the countries of Waterford, Corke, Kerrie, and Limerike, the I­rish Irish imposi­tions. impositions of quinio and liuerie, cartings, carriages, lodgings, cocherings, bonnaght, and such like, which customes are the verie bréeders, maintei­ners, and vpholders of all Irish enormities, wring­ing from the poore tenants euerlasting sesse, allow­ance of meat and monie, whereby their bodies and goods were brought in seruice and thraldome, so that the men of warre, horsses, and their Galloglasses lie still vpon the farmers, eat them out, begger the coun­trie, foster a sort of idle vagabonds, readie to rebell if their lord command them, euer nuzled in stealth and robberies.

These euill presidents giuen by the father, the son did exercise, being lord deputie, to whome the refor­mation of that disorder speciallie belonged. Not­withstanding the same fault being winked at in o­ther, and with such rigor auenged in him, was ma­nifestlie taken for a quarrell sought and procured. Two yeares after, the said earle of Worcester 146 [...] [Page 79] lost his head, whilest Henrie the sixt taken out of the tower was set vp againe, and king Edward procla­med vsurper, and then was Kildare inlarged, whom likewise atteinted, they thought also to haue rid, and shortlie both the earles of Kildare & Desmond were Restitution to bloud. 1470 Flatsburie. restored to their bloud by parlement. Sir Rowland Eustace, sometime treasuror and lord chancellor, was lastlie also lord deputie of Ireland. He founded saint Francis abbeie beside Kilcollen bridge. King Edward a yeare before his death honored his yoong­er 10 sonne (Richard duke of Yorke) with the title of lieutenant ouer this land, which he inioied till his vn­naturall vncle bereft both him and his brother king Edward the fift of their naturall liues.

Richard the third.

WHen this monster of na­ture & cruell tyrant Richard the third had killed his two yoong nephues, and taken vp­on 20 him the crowne & gouerne­ment of England, he prefer­red his owne sonne Edward to the dignitie of lord lieute­nant of Ireland, whose deputie was Girald earle of Kildare that bare that office all the reigne of king Richard, and a while in Henrie the seuenth his daies.

Henrie the seuenth.

TO which earle came the wi­lie 30 priest sir Richard Simon, bringing with him a lad that Henrie the se­uenth. Sir Richard Simon priest. Lambert counterfeit to be the earle of warwike. was his scholer, named Lam­bert, whome he feined to be the sonne of George earle of Cla­rence, latelie escaped foorth of the tower of London. And the boie could reckon vp his pedegrée so readilie, & had learned of the priest such princelie behauiour, that he lightlie mooued the said earle, and manie others the 40 nobles of Ireland (tendering as well the linage roi­all of Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke, and his sonne George their countrieman borne, as also ma­ligning the aduancement of the house of Lancaster in Henrie the seuenth) either to thinke or to faine, that the world might beléeue they thought verelie this child to be Edward earle of Warwike, the duke of Clarence his lawfull sonne.

And although king Henrie more than halfe mar­red their sport, in shewing the right earle through all 50 the stréets of London, yet the ladie Margaret duches of Burgongne, sister to Edward the fourth, hir ne­phue The lord Louell. Sir Thomas Broughton. Iohn de la Poole, the lord Louell, sir Thomas Broughton knight, and diuers other capteins of this conspiracie, deuised to abuse the colour of this yoong earles name, for preferring their purpose: which if it came to good, they agréed to depose Lambert, and to erect the verie earle indéed, now prisoner in the tow­er, for whose quarrell had they pretended to fight, 60 they déemed it likelie he should haue béene made awaie. Wherefore it was blazed in Ireland, that the king to mocke his subiects, had schooled a boie to take vpon him the earle of Warwikes name, and had shewed him about London, to blind the eies of the simple folke, and to defeat the lawfull inheritour of the good duke of Clarence their countriman and pro­tector during his life, vnto whose linage they also deriued title in right to the crowne.

In all hast they assembled at Dublin, and there Lambert crowned. in Christs church they crowned this idoll, honoring him with titles imperiall, feasting and triumphing, raising mightie shouts and cries, carrieng him from thense to the castell vpon tall mens shoulders, that he might be seene and noted, as he was sure an ho­norable child to looke vpon. Heerewith assembling their forces togither, they prouided themselues of ships, and imbarking therein, they tooke the [...]a, and landing in Lancashire, passed forwards, till they came to Newarke vpon Trent. Therevpon insued the battell of Stoke, commonlie called Martin Swarts field, wherein Lambert and his maister were taken, but yet pardoned of life, and were not executed. The erle of Lincolne, the lord Louell, Mar­tin Swart, the Almaine capteine, and Maurice Fitzthomas capteine of the Irish, were slaine, and all their power discomfited, as in the English histo­rie it may further appeare. Iasper duke of Bedford, 1460 Iasper duke of Bedford lieutenent. and earle of Penbroke lieutenant, and Walter arch­bishop of Dublin his deputie.

In this time befell another like Irish illusion, procured by the duchesse aforesaid, and certeine no­bles in England, whereby was exalted as rightfull king of England, and vndoubted earle of Ulster, the counterfeit Richard duke of Yorke, preserued from king Richards crueltie (as the adherents faced the matter downe) and with this maigame lord, named indéed Peter (in scorne Perkin) Warbecke, they flattered themselues manie yeares after. Then was Perkin War­becke. sir Edward Poinings knight sent ouer lord depu­tie, with commission to apprehend Warbecks princi­pall 1494 Sir Edward Poinings lord deputie. parteners in Ireland: amongst whom was na­med Girald Fitzgirald, whose purgation the king (notwithstanding diuerse surmising and auouching the contrarie) did accept. After much adoo, Perkin be­ing Perkin War­becke taken. taken, confessed by his owne writing the course of his whole life, and all his proceedings in this en­terprise, whereof in the English historie, as we haue borowed the same foorth of Halles chronicles, yee may read more, and therefore héere we haue omitted to speake further of that matter.

In the yeare 1501, king Henrie made lieutenant 1501 Henrie duke of yorke, after king Henrie the eight, lord lieutenant. of Ireland his second sonne Henrie, as then duke of Yorke, who after reigned by the name of Henrie the eight. To him was appointed deputie the foresaid Girald erle of Kildare, who accompanied with Iohn Blake maior of Dublin, warred vpon William le Burgh, Obren, and Mac Nemarre, O [...]arroull, and fought with the greatest power of Irishmen that had béene togither since the conquest, vnder the The field of Knocktow. hill of Knocktow, in English the hill of the axes, six miles from Galowaie, and two miles from Bel­liclare Burghes manour towne. Mac William and his complices were there taken, his souldiers that escaped the sword were pursued fleeing, for the space of fiue miles: great slaughter was made of them, and manie capteins caught, without the losse of one Englishman. The earle of Kildare at his returne was made knight of the noble order of the garter, The earle of Kildare, knight of the garter. and liued in worthie estimation all his life long, as well for this seruice, as diuerse other his famous ex­ploits.

Thus farre the Irish Chronicles continued and ended at Henrie the seauenth.

TO THE RIGHT HO­norable sir Henrie Sidneie knight, lord deputie of Ireland, lord president of Wales, knight of the most noble order of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell within hir realme of England.

HOw cumbersome (right honorable) and dangerous a taske it is, to ingrosse & divulge the dooings of others, especiallie when the parties registred or their issue are liuing: both common reason sufficientlie acknowledgeth, and dailie ex­perience infalliblie prooueth. For man by course of nature is so parciallie affected to himselfe and his bloud, as he will be more agreeued with the chronicler for recording a peeuish trespasse, than he will be offended with his friend for committing an heinous treason. Ouer this, if the historian be long, he is accompted a trifler: if he be short, he is taken for a summister: if he com­mend, he is twighted for a flatterer: if he reprooue, he is holden for a carper: if he be pleasant, he is noted for a iester: if he be graue, he is reckoned for a drooper: if he misdate, he is named a falsifier: if he once but trip, he is tearmed a stumbler: so that let him beare himselfe in his chronicle as vprightlie and as conscionablie as he may possible, yet he shall be sure to find them that will be more prest to blab foorth his pelfish faults, than they will be readie to blaze out his good deserts. Others there be, that although they are not able to reprooue what is written, yet they will be sure to cast in his dish what is forgotten. Heere, saie they, this exploit is omit­ted: there that policie is not detected: heere this saieng would haue beene inter­laced: there that trecherie should haue beene displaied. These & the like discom­modities, with which historiographers are vsuallie cloid, haue borne backe diuers and sundrie willing minds, who taking the waie to be thornie, the credit slipperie, the carpers to be manie, would in no case be medlers, choosing rather to sit by their owne fire obscurelie at home, than to be baited with enuious toongs openlie abroad.

Others on the contrarie side, being resolute fellowes, and trampling vnder foot these curious faultfinders, would not sticke to put themselues foorth in presse, and maugre all their hearts, to buskle forward, and rush through the pikes of their quipping nips, and biting frumps. But I taking the meane betweene both these ex­tremities, held it for better, not to be so faint and peeuish a meacocke, as to shrinke and couch mine head for euerie mizeling shoure, nor yet to beare my selfe so high [Page 81] in heart, as to pranse and iet like a proud gennet through the street, not weighing the barking of currish bandogs. And therefore, if I shall be found in mine historie sometime too tedious, sometime too spare, sometime too fawning in commending the liuing, sometime too flat in reproouing the dead: I take God to witnesse, that mine offense therein proceedeth of ignorance, and not of set wilfulnesse. But as for the passing ouer in silence of diuerse euents (albeit the law or rather the liber­tie of an historie requireth that all should be related, and nothing whusted) yet I must confesse, that as I was not able, vpon so little leasure, to know all that was said or doone; so I was not willing for sundrie respects, to write euerie trim tram that I knew to be said or doone. And if anie be ouerthwartlie waiwarded, as he will sooner long for that I haue omittted, than he will be contented with that I haue chroni­cled; I cannot deuise in my iudgement a better waie to satisfie his appetite, than with one Dolie, a peintor of Oxford, his answer: who being appointed to tricke out the ten commandements, omitted one, and pourtraied but nine. Which fault espied by his maister that hired him, Dolie answered, that in verie deed he peinted but nine: howbeit, when he vnderstood that his master had well obserued and kept the nine commandements that alreadie were drawne, he gaue his word at better leisure throughlie to finish the tenth. And truelie so must I saie: I haue laid downe heere to the reader his view, a breefe discourse, wherof I trust he shall take no great surfet. And when I am aduertised, that he will digest the thin fare that heere is disht before him: it may be (God willing) heereafter, that he shall find my booke with store of more licorous deinties farsed and furnished; leauing to his choise, either nicelie to pickle, or greedilie to swallow, as much as to his contentation shall best beseeme him. Wherefore my good lord, sith I may not denie, but that the worke is painfull, and I doo forecast that the misconstruction may be perilous: the toile­somnesse of the paine I refer to my priuat knowledge, the abandoning of the pe­rill, I commit to your honorable patronage, not doubting thereby to be sheel­ded against the sinister glosing of malicious interpretors. Thus betaking your lordship to God, I craue your attentiuenes, in perusing a cantell or parcell of the Irish historie that heere insueth.

RICHARD STANIHVRST.

A continuation of the Chronicles of Ireland, comprising the reigne of king Henrie the eight.

GIrald Fitz­girald earle of Kildare, son to Thomas Fitz­girald, of whō mention hath béene made in the latter end of the former storie, a migh­tie man of sta­ture, 10 full of ho­nor & courage, who had béene de [...]e [...] iustice of Ireland first & last 33 yéeres, 1514 deceased at Kildare the third of September, & lieth intoomed in the queere of Christes church at Dublin, in a chappell by him founded. Betwéen him & Iames Butler earle of Ormond (their owne gelousies fed with enuie & ambition, kindled with certeine lewd 20 factious abettors of either side) as generallie to all noblemen, so especiallie to both these houses verie incident, euer since the ninth yeare of Henrie the seuenth, bred some trouble in Ireland. The plot of The occasion of the dissen­tion betwéene Kildare and Ormond. which mutuall grudge was grounded vpon the fac­tious dissention, that was raised in England be­tweene the houses of Yorke & Lancaster, Kildare cleaning to Yorke, and Ormond relieng to Lanca­ster. To the vpholding of which discord, both these no­ble men laboured with tooth and na [...]e to ouercrow, 30 and consequentlie to ouerthrow one the other. And for somuch as they were in honour peeres, they wrought by hooke and by crooke to be in authoritie superiours. The gouernement therfore in the reigne of Henrie the seuenth, being cast on the house of Kil­dare; Iames earle of Ormond a deepe and a farre reaching man, giuing backe like a butting ram to strike the harder push, deuised to inueigle his aduer­sarie by submission & courtesie, being not then able 40 to ouermatch him with stoutnesse or preheminence. Wherevpon Ormond addressed his letters to the deputie, specifieng a slander raised on him and his, that he purposed to deface his gouernement, and to withstand his authoritie. And for the cleering of him­selfe and of his adherents, so it stood with the deputie his pleasure, he would make his spéedie repaire to Dublin, & there in an open audience would purge himselfe of all such odious crimes, of which he was 50 wrongfullie suspected.

To this reasonable request had the lord deputie no sooner condescended, than Ormond with a puis­sant armie marched towards Dublin, incamping Ormond marcheth to Dublin. in an abbeie in the suburbs of the citie, named saint Thomas court. The approching of so great an armie of the citizens suspected, and also of Kildares coun­cellors greatlie disliked, lastlie the extortion that the lawlesse souldiers vsed in the pale by seuerall com­plaints detected: these three points, with diuerse o­ther suspicious circumstances laid and put togither, did minister occasion rather of further discord, than of anie present agreement. Ormond persisting still in his humble sute, sent his messenger to the lord de­putie, declaring that he was prest and readie to ac­complish the tenour of his letters, and there did at­tend (as became him) his lordship his pleasure. And as for the companie, he brought with him from Mounster, albeit suspicious braines did rather of a malicious craftinesse surmise the worst, than of cha­ritable wisedome did iudge the best; yet notwithstan­ding, vpon conference had with his lordship, he would not doubt to satisfie him at full in all points, wherewith he could be with anie colour charged, and so to stop vp the spring, from whense all the enuious suspicions gushed. Kildare with this mild message intreated, appointed the méeting to be at saint Pa­trike his church: where they were ripping vp one to another their mutuall quarrels, rather recounting the damages they susteined, than acknowledging the iniuries they offered: the citizens and Ormond The citie in an [...]. his armie fell at some iar, for the oppression and ex­action with which the souldiers surcharged them. With whom as part of the citizens bickered, so a round knot of archers rushed into the church, mea­ning to haue murthered Ormond, as the capteine and belwedder of all these lawlesse rabble. The earle of Ormond suspecting that he had béene betraied, fled to the chapiter house, put to the doore, sparring it with might and maine. The citizens in their rage, imagining that euerie post in the church had beene one of the souldiers, shot hab or nab at randon vp to the roodlost and to the chancell, leauing some of their arrowes sticking in the images.

Kildare pursuing Ormond to the chapiter house doore, vndertooke on his honor that he should receiue no villanie. Whervpon the recluse crauing his lord­ships hand to assure him his life, there was a clift in the chapiter house doore, pearsed at a trise, to the end both the earles should haue shaken hands and be re­conciled. But Ormond surmising that this drift was intended for some further treacherie, that if he would stretch out his hand, it had béene percase chopt off, refused that proffer; vntill Kildare stretcht in his The earles reconciled. hand to him, and so the doore was opened, they both imbraced the storme appeased, and all their quarrels for that present rather discontinued than ended. In this garboile, one of the citizens, surnamed Blanch­field Blanchfield slaine. was slaine. This latter quarrell being like a greene wound, rether bungerlie botcht than soundlie cured, in that Kildare suspected that so great an ar­mie (which the other alledged to be brought for the [Page 83] gard of his person) to haue béene of purpose assem­bled, to outface him & his power in his owne coun­trie. And Ormond mistrusted, that this treacherous practise of the Dublinians was by Kildare deuised. These and the like surmises lightlie by both the no­ble men misdéemed, and by the continuall twatling of fliring clawbacks in their eares whispered, bred and fostered a malice betwixt them and their posteri­tie, manie yeeres incurable, which caused much stur and vnquietnesse in the realme, vntill the confusion 10 of the one house and the nonage of the other ended and buried their mutuall quarrels.

Ormond was nothing inferiour to the other in stomach, and in reach of policie far beyond him. Kil­dare The descrip­tion of Or­mond. The descrip­tion of Kil­dare. was in gouernement mild, to his enimies sterne, to the Irish such a scourge, that rather for de­spite of him than for fauor of anie part, they relied for a time to Ormond, came vnder his protection, serued at his call, performed by starts (as their man­ner is) the dutie of good subiects. Ormond was se­cret 20 and of great forecast, verie staied in spéech, dan­gerous of euerie trifle that touched his reputation. Kildare was open and plaine, hardlie able to rule himselfe when he were moued to anger, not so sharpe as short, being easilie displeased and sooner appeased. Being in a rage with certeine of his seruants for faults they committed, one of his horssemen offered master Boice (a gentleman that reteined to him) an Irish hobbie, on condition, that he would plucke an Boice. haire from the earle his beard. Boice taking the 30 proffer at rebound, stept to the earle (with whose good nature he was throughlie acquainted) parching in the heat of his choler, and said: ‘So it is, and if it like your good lordship, one of your horssemen promised me a choise horsse, if I snip one haire from your beard. Well quoth the earle, I agree thereto, but if thou plucke anie more than one, I promise thée to bring my fist from thine eare.’

The branch of this good nature hath beene deriued from him to an earle of his posteritie, who being in 40 a chafe for the wrong sawcing of a patridge, arose suddenlie from the table, meaning to haue reasoned the matter with his cooke. Hauing entred the kitch­en, drowning in obliuion his chalenge, he began to commend the building of the roome, wherein he was at no time before, & so leauing the cooke vncontrold, he returned to his ghests merilie. This old earle be­ing (as is aforesaid) soone hot and soone cold, was of the English well beloued, a good iusticier, a suppressor of the rebels, a warriour incomparable, towards the nobles that he fansied not somewhat headlong and 50 vnrulie. Being charged before Henrie the seuenth, for burning the church of Cashell, and manie wit­nesses prepared to aduouch against him the truth of that article, he suddenlie confessed the fact, to the great woondering and detestation of the councell. When it was looked how he wold iustifie the matter; By Iesus (quoth he) I would neuer haue doone it, had it not béene told me that the archbishop was within. And bicause the same archbishop was one of his bu­siest 60 accusers there present, the king merilie laughed at the plainnesse of the noble man, to sée him alledge that thing for excuse, which most of all did aggrauate his offense.

The last article against him they conceiued in these tearmes; Finallie all Ireland can not rule this earle. No? quoth the king: then in good faith shall this earle rule all Ireland. Thus was that accusation [...] retur­ [...] [...]. turned to a ieast. The earle returned to his countrie lord deputie, who (notwithstanding his simplicitie in peace) was of that valour and policie in war, as his name bred a greater terror to the Irish, than other mens armies. In his warres he vsed for policie a [...]ces poli­ [...] [...]. retchlesse kind of diligence, or a headie carelesnesse, to the end his souldiors should not faint in their at­tempts, were th'enimie of neuer so great power. Be­ing generall in the field of Knocktow, where in effect all the Irish rebels of Ireland were gathered against the English pale, one of the earle his capteins pre­sented him a band of Kerns, euen as they were rea­die to ioine battell, and withall demanded of the erle in what seruice he would haue them imploied? Marie (quoth he) let them stand by and giue vs the gaze. Such was his courage, that notwithstanding his enimies were two to one: yet would he set so good a face on the matter, as his souldiors should not once suspect, that he either néeded, or longed for anie fur­ther helpe.

Hauing triumphantlie vanquished the Irish in that conflict, he was shortlie after, as well for that, as other his valiant exploits, made knight of the 1514 garter: and in the fift yeare of Henrie the eight in that renowme & honour he died, wherein for the space of manie yeares he liued. No maruell if this successe were a corsie to the aduerse part, which the longer it held aloofe, and bit the bridle, the more egerlie it follo­wed the course, hauing once got scope and roome at will, as shall be hereafter at full declared. Ormond bearing in mind the treacherie of the Dublinians, The Dubli­nians accused. procured such as were the grauest prelats of his cler­gie, to intimate to the court of Rome the heathenish riot of the citizens of Dublin, in rushing into the church armed, polluting with slaughter the consecra­ted place, defacing the images, prostrating the re­liks, rasing downe altars, with barbarous outcries, more like miscreant Saracens, than christian catho­likes. Wherevpon a legat was posted to Ireland, A legat sent from Rome. bending his course to Dublin, where soone after hee was solemnelie receiued by Walter Fitzsimons, archbishop of Dublin, a graue prelat, for his lerning Walter Fitz­simons. and wisedome chosen to be one of king Henrie the seuenth his chapleins, in which vocation he continued twelue yeares, and after was aduanced to be archbi­shop of Dublin.

The legat vpon his arriuall indicted the citie for his execrable offense: but at length, by the procure­ment as well of the archbishop as of all the cleargie, he was weighed to giue the citizens absolution with Penance in­ioined to the citizens of Dublin. this caueat, that in detestation of so horrible a fact, and Ad perpetuam rei memoriam, the maior of Dublin should go barefooted thoroughout the citie in open procession before the sacrament, on Corpus Christi daie: which penitent satisfaction was after in euerie such procession dulie accomplished. Girald Fitzgi­rald, sonne and heire to the aforesaid erle of Kildare, The earle of Kildare lord deputie. was shortlie after his fathers decease constituted lord deputie of Ireland, before whome in the seuenth yeare of Henrie the eight, there was a parlement A parlement holden at Dublin. holden at Dublin, wherein it was established, that all such as bring out of England the kings letters of priuat seale, for particular causes against anie of the king his subiects in Ireland, should find sufficient suerties in the king his chancerie in Ireland; to bée bound by recognisance, that the plaintife shall satis­fie the defendant, that purgeth or acquiteth himselfe of the matter to him alledged, for his costs and da­mages susteined by such wrongfull vexation. This noble man being valiant and well spoken, was no­thing inferior to his father in martiall prowesse, cha­sing in the time of his gouernment the familie of the Tooles, battering Ocarrell his castels, and bringing in awe all the Irish of the land.

This earle of good meaning, to vnite the houses in friendship, matched his sister Margaret Fitzgi­rald Piers Butler and Marga­ret Fitzgirald espoused. with Piers Butler earle of Ossorie, whome he also helped to recouer the earldome of Ormond, into the which, after the decease of the earle Iames, a ba­stard Butler had by abatement intruded. Great and [Page 84] manifold were the miseries the ladie Margaret su­stemed, hir husband Piers Butler being so egerlie pursued by the vsurper, as he durst not beare vp hed, but was forced to houer and lurke in woods and for­rests. The noble woman being great with child, and vpon necessitie constreined to vse a spare diet (for hir onelie sustenance was milke) she longed sore for wine, and calling hir lord, and a trustie seruant of his, Iames White vnto hir, she requested them both Iames white to helpe hir to some wine, for she was not able anie longer to indure so strict a life. Trulie Margaret, 10 quoth the earle of Ossorte, thou shalt haue store of wine within this foure and twentie houres, or else thou shalt féed alone on milke for me.

The Next daie following, Piers hauing intelli­gence that his enimie the base Butler would haue trauelled from Donmore to Kilkennie, notwithstan­ding he were accompanied with six horssemen: yet Piers hauing none but his lackie, did forestall him in the waie, and with a couragious charge gored the The bastard Butler slaine. bastard through with his speare. This prosperous 20 calme succéeding the former boisterous storme, the ladie Margaret began to take heart, hir naturall stoutnesse floted, as well by the remembrance of hir noble birth, as by the intelligence of hir honorable match. Kildare all this while kept in authoritie, not­withstanding the pushes giuen against him by se­cret heauers that enuied his fortune, and sought to nourish the old grudge, was at length by their priuie packing fetched vp to the court of England by com­mission, Kildare sent for into Eng­land. and caused him to be examined vpon di­uerse 30 interrogatories touching the affaires of Ire­land.

He left in his roome Maurice Fitzthomas of Lac­kragh Maurice Fitzthomas lord iustice. Su [...]e lord lieutenant of Ireland. 1521 A parlement holden at Dublin. lord iustice: and shortlie after came ouer lord lieutenant Thomas Howard earle of Surreie, who was after duke of Norffolke, grandfather to the last duke, accompanied with two hundred yeomen of the crowne: before whome, shortlie after his repaire thither, there was a parlement holden at Dublin, in 40 which there past an act, that all wilfull burning of corne, as well in réekes in the fields, as also in villa­ges and townes, should be high treason. Item, an act against loding of woolles & flor, vpon paine of for­feiture of the double value of the same, the one halfe to the king, and the other halfe to him that will sue therefore. Item, that anie person seized of lands, rents, or tenements in possession or in vse, vnto the yearelie value of ten markes aboue the charges, in fee simple, fée taile, or for terme of life, copie hold, or 50 ancient demeane, shall passe in euerie atteint. While the lord lieutenant sat at dinner in the castell, of The Moores in rebellion. Dublin, he heard news that the Moors with a maine armie were euen at the entrie of the borders, readie to inuade the English pale. Immediatlie men were Iohn Fitz­simons. leuied by Iohn Fitzsimons then maior of Dublin, and the next morrow ioining them vnto his band, the lieutenant marched towards the frontiers of Leix.

The Moores vpon the lieutenant his approch, seue­red 60 themselues into sundrie companies, and vnder­standing that the cariage was dragging after the armie, and slenderlie manned, certeine of them char­ged the lieutenant his seruants, and such of the citi­zens as were appointed to gard the cariage. Patrike Fitzsimons, a strong sturdie yoonker, kept the eni­mies such tacke, as he chased part of them awaie, re­scued Patrike Fitzsimons. the cariage, slue two of the rebels, and brought the heads with him to maister maior his tent. The next morning, two of the lieutenant his men, that slunke awaie from Fitzsimons, thinking that the ca­riage had béene lost, aduertised their lord that Fitz­simons fled awaie; and the Moores were so manie in companie, as it had béene but follie for two to bicker with so great a number. The lieutenant possed in a rage to the maior his pauillion, telling him that his man Fitzsimons was a cowardlie traitor in run­ning awaie, when he should haue defended the ca­riage.

‘What am I, my lord (quoth Patrike Fitzsimons) skipping in his shirt out of the tent, with both the heads in his hand? My lord, I am no coward, I stood to my tacklings when your men gaue me the slip, I rescued the cariage, and haue here sufficient tokens of my manhood, tumbling downe both the heads. Saist thou so Fitzsimons, quoth the lieutenant?’ I crie thée mercie, and by this George, I would to God A baliant wish. it had beene my good hap to haue béene in thy compa­nie in that skirmish. So drinking to Fitzsimons in a boll of wine, and honourablie rewarding him for his good seruice, he returned to his pauillion, where hauing knowledge of Omore his recule, he pursued him with a troope of horsmen. The lieutenant thus The earle of Surreie in danger to haue béene slaine. passing forwards, was espied a gunner of Omors, who lodged close in a wood side, and watching his time, he discharged his péece at the verie face of the lieutenant, strake the visor off his helmet, and pear­sed no further, as God would.

This did he (retchlesse in maner what became of himselfe, so he might amaze the armie for a time) and surelie hereby he brake the swiftnesse of their following, & aduantaged the flight of his capteine, which thing he wan with the price of his owne bloud. For the souldiors would no further, till they had ran­sacked all the nookes of this wood, verelie suspecting some ambush thereabout, and in seuerall knots fer­retted out this gunner, whome Fitzwilliams and Fitzwilliams Bedlow. Bedlow of the Roch were faine to mangle and to hew in péeces, because the wretch would neuer yéeld. In the meane while, defiance was proclamed with 1523 Surreie sent for home. France and Scotland both at once, which mooued the king to call home Surreie out of Ireland, that he might imploie him in those wars. His prowesse, integritie, good nature, and course of gouernment, the countrie much commended. Piers Butler Piers But­ler earle of Ossorie lord deputie. earle of Ossorie was appointed lord deputie. In the meane time, Kildare attending the king his plea­sure for his dispatch, recouered fauour through the instance of the marques Dorset, whose daughter dame Elizabeth Greie he espoused, and so departed home. Now was partaker of all the deputies counsell one Robert Talbot of Belgard, whome the 1524 Robert Tal­bot of Bel­gard. Giraldines deadlie hated: him they procured to kéepe a kalendar of all their dooings, who incensed brother against brother. In which rage, Iames Fitz-Girald méeting the said gentleman beside Balli­more, slue him euen then vpon his iourneie toward the deputie to kéepe his Christmas with him.

With this despitefull murther both sides brake Margaret countesse of Ossorie. out into open enimitie, and especiallie the countesse of Ossorie, Kildare his sister, a rare woman, and a­ble for wisedome to rule a realme, had not hir sto­mach ouerruled hir knowledge. Here began infor­mations of new treasons, passing to and fro, with complaints and replies. But the marques Dorset had wrought so for his sonne in law, that he was suf­fered to rest at home, and onelie commissioners di­rected into Ireland, with authoritie to examine the root of their griefes: wherein if they found Kildare anie thing at all purged, their instructions were to depose the plaintiffe, and to sweare the other lord de­putie. Commissioners were these, sir Rafe Eger­ton, Commissio­ners sentis Ireland. a knight of Cheshire, Anthonie Fitzherbert, second iustice of the common plées, and Iames Denton, deane of Litchfield; who hauing exami­ned these accusations, suddenlie tooke the sword from the earle of Ossorie, sware Kildare lord deputie be­fore Kildare sworne lord deputie. whome Con Oneale bare the sword that [...].

[Page 85] Concerning the murtherer whom they might haue hanged, they brought him prisoner into England, presented him to the cardinall Wools [...]ie, who was said to hate Kildare his bloud: and the cardinall in­tending Cardinall wools [...]ie eni­m [...] to the Giraldines. to haue put him to execution, with more re­proch and dishonor to the name, caused him to be led about the streets of London haltered, and hauing a taper in his hand: which asked so long time, that the deane of Lichfield stepped to the king, and begged his pardon. The cardinall was sore inflamed here­with, 10 & the malice not hitherto so ranke, was through­lie Pardon gran­ted. ripened, & therfore henseforward Ossorie brought foorth diuerse proofes of the deputie his disorder, for Kildare accu­sed. The articles. that (as he alledged) the deputie should winke at the earle of Desmond, whome by vertue of the king his letters he ought to haue attached. Also, that he fought for acquaintance and affinitie with meere I­rish enimies, that he had armed them against him, then being the king his deputie; he hanged and headed good subiects, whome he mistrusted to leane 20 to the Butlers friendship. Kildare was therfore pre­sentlie commanded to appeare, which he did, leauing in his roome his brother Fitzgirald of Lexlip, whom Fitzgirald lord iustice. they shortlie deposed, and chose the baron of Del­uin, whome Oconor tooke prisoner, & then the earle of The earle of Ossorie cho­sen lord depu­tie. Ossorie (to shew his abilitie of seruice) brought to Dublin an armie of Irishmen, hauing capteins o­uer them Oconor, Omore, & Ocarroll, & at S. Ma­rie abbeie was chosen deputie by the kings councell.

In which office, being himselfe (saue onelie in 30 feats of armes) a simple gentleman, he bare out his honor, and the charge of gouernement verie worthi­lie, through the singular wisedome of his countesse, The Coun­tesse of Os­sorie. a ladie of such a port, that all estates of the realme crouched vnto hir; so politike, that nothing was thought substantiallie debated without hir aduise: manlike and tall of stature, verie liberall and boun­tifull; a sure friend, a bitter enimie, hardlie disliking where she fansied, not easilie fansieng where she dis­liked: the onelie meane at those daies whereby hir 40 husband his countrie was reclamed from [...]uttish­nesse and slouenrie, to cleane bedding and ciuilitie. But to these vertues was linked such a selfe liking, such an ouerwéening, and such a maiestie aboue the tenure of a subiect, that for assurance thereof, she sticked not to abuse hir husbands honor against hir brothers follie. Notwithstanding, I learne not that shée practised his vndooing (which insued, and was to hir vndoubtedlie great heauinesse, as vpon whome both the blemish thereof, and the substance of the greater part of that familie depended after) but that 50 she by indirect meanes lifted hir brother out of credit to aduance hir husband, the common voice, and the thing it selfe speaketh. All this while abode the earle of Kildare at the court, and with much adoo found shift to be called before the lords to answer sudden­lie. They sat vpon him diuerstie affected, and name­lie the cardinall lord chancellor misliking the earle Kildare con­uented before the councell. his cause, comforted his accusers, and inforced the articles obiected, in these words. 60

The cardinall lord chancellor chargeth Kildare.

I wot well (my lord) that I am not the méetest at this boord to charge you with these treasons, because it hath plesed some of your pufellows to report that I am a professed enimie to all nobili­tie, & namelie to the Giraldines: but séeing euerie curst boy can say as much when he is controlled, and séeing these points are so weightie, that they should not be dissembled of vs; and so apparant, that they can not be denied of you; I must haue leaue (not­withstanding your stale slander) to be the mouth of these honorable at this present, and to trumpe your treasons in your waie, howsoeuer you take me. First you remember, how the lewd earle of Des­mond your kinsman (who passeth not whome he ser­ueth, might he change his maister) sent his confe­derats with letters of credence vnto Francis the French king: and hauing but cold comfort there, went to Charles the emperor, prof [...]ering the helpe of Mounster and Connagh towards the conquest of Ireland, if either of them would helpe to win it from our king. How manie letters, what precepts, what messages, what threats haue bin sent you to appre­hend him, and yet not doone? Why so? Forsooth I could not catch him. Nay nay earle, forsooth you would not watch him. If he be iustlie suspected, why are you parciall in so great a charge? If not, why are you fearefull to haue him tried? Yea, for it will be sworne and deposed to your face, that for feare of meeting him, you haue winked wilfullie, shunned his sight, altered your course, warned his friends, stopped both eares and eies against his detectors, and when soeuer you tooke vpon you to hunt him out, then was he sure afore hand to be out of your walke.’

‘Surelie, this iugling and false plaie little be­came either an honest man called to such honor, or a noble man put in so great trust. Had you lost but a cow or a horsse of your owne, two hundred of your reteiners would haue come at your whistle to rescue the preie from the vttermost edge of Ulster: all the Irish in Ireland must haue giuen you the way. But in pursuing so néedfull a matter as this was, merci­full God, how nice, how dangerous, how waie­ward haue you béene? One while he is from home, another while he kéepeth home, sometimes fled, sometimes in the borders, where you dare not ven­ture. I wish my lord, there be shrewd bugs in the borders for the earle of Kildare to feare: the earle nay the king of Kildare; for when you are disposed▪ you reigne more like than rule in the land: where you are malicious, the truest subiects stand for Irish enimies: where you are pleased, the Irish foe stan­deth for a iust subiect: hearts & hands liues & lands are all at your courtesie: who fauneth not thereoncannot rest within your smell, and your smell is so ranke that you trake them out at pleasure▪’¶ Whilest the cardinall was speaking, the earle chafed and changed colour, and at last brake out, and interrup­ted him thus.

‘My lord chancellor, I beséech you pardon me, I Kildare inter­rupteth the cardinals tale. am short witted, and you I perceiue intend a long tale: if you procéed in this order, halfe my purga­tion will be lost for lacke of carriage. I haue no schoole trickes, nor art of memorie: except you heare me while I remember your words, your second processe will hammer out the former.’ The lords as­sociat, The lords tender Kil­dare. who for the most part tenderlie loued him, and knew the cardinall his manner of tawnts so lothsome, as wherewith they were inured manie yeares ago, humblie besought his grace to charge him directlie with particulars, and to dwell in some one matter, vntill it were examined throughlie. ‘That granted, it is good reason (quoth the earle) that He answereth the cardinals obi [...]on. your grace beare the mouth of this boord: but my lord, those mouths that put these things into your mouth, are verie wide mouths, such in déed as haue gaped long for my wracke; and now at length, for want of better stuffe, are faine to fill their mouths with smoke. What my cou [...]ne Desmond hath com­passed, as I know not, so I beshrew his naked heart for holding out so long. If he can be taken by mine a­gents that presentlie wait for him, then haue mine aduersaries bewraied their malice; and this heape of heinous words shall resemble a scarecrow, or a man of straw that séemeth at a blush to carrie some proportion, but when it is felt and peised, discouereth a vanitie, seruing onelie to feare crowes: and I [Page 86] verelie trust, your honors shall sée the proofe by the thing it selfe, within these few daies. But go to: suppose he neuer be had? What is Kildare to blame for it, more than my good brother of Ossorie, who notwithstanding his high promises, hauing also the kings power, is yet content to bring him in at lea­sure? Can not the erle of Desmond shift but I must be of counsell? Cannot he hide him except I winke? If he be close am I his mate? If he be freended am I a traitor? This is a doubtie kind of accusation, 10 which they vrge against me, wherein they are stabled and mired at my first deniall. You would not sée him (saie they.) Who made them so familiar with mine eiesight? Or when was the erle within my view? Or who stood by when I let him slip? Or where are the tokens of my wilfull hudwinke? But you sent him word to beware of you. Who was the messenger? Where are the letters? Conuince my negatiues, see how loose this idle geare hangeth togither. Des­mond is not taken. Well, you are in fault. Whie? 20 Because you are. Who prooueth it? No bodie. What coniectures? So it seemeth. To whome? To your enimies. Who told it them? They will sweare it. What other ground? None. Will they sweare it my lord? Whie then of like they know it, either they haue mine hand to show, or can bring foorth the mes­senger, or were present at a conference, or priuie to Desmond, or some bodie bewraied it to them, or they themselues were my carriers or vicegerents there­in: which of these parts will they choose, for I know 30 them too well. To reckon my selfe conuict by their bare words or headlesse saiengs, or frantike othes, were but mere mockerie. My letter were soone read, were any such writing extant, my seruants & fréends are readie to be sifted: of my cousine of Desmond they may lie lowdly, since no man here can well con­trarie them. Touching my selfe, I neuer noted in them much wit, or so fast faith, that I would haue ga­ged on their silence the life of a good hound, much lesse mine owne. I doubt not, may it like your honors to 40 appose them, how they came to the knowlege of those matters, which they are so readie to depose: but you shall find their toongs chained to another man his trencher, and as it were knights of the post, suborned to saie, sweare and stare the vttermost they can, as those that passe not what they saie, nor with what face they saie it, so they saie no truth. But of another side it gréeueth me that your good grace whom I take to be wise and sharpe, and who of your blessed disposi­tion wisheth me well, should be so farre gone in cre­diting 50 these corrupt informers that abuse the igno­rance of your state and countrie to my perill. Little know you (my lord) how necessarie it is, not onelie for the gouernor, but also for euerie noble man in Ireland to hamper his vnciuill neighbors at discre­tion, wherein if they waited for processe of law, and had not those liues and lands you speake of within their reach, they might hap to lose their owne liues and lands without law. You heare of a case as it were in a dreame, and féele not the smart that vexeth vs. In England there is not a meane subiect that 60 dare extend his hand to fillip a péere of the realme. In Ireland except the lord haue cunning to his strength, and strength to saue his crowne, and suffi­cient authoritie to take théeues & varlets when they In what case stand the no­ble men of Ireland with rebels. stir, he shall find them swarme so fast, that it will be too late to call for iustice. If you will haue our seruice take effect, you must not tie vs alwaies to these iudiciall procéedings, wherewith your realme (than­ked be God) is inured. Touching my kingdome, I know not what your lordship should meane thereby. If your grace imagine that a kingdome consisteth in seruing God, in obeieng the prince, in gouerning with loue the common-wealth, in shouldering sub­iects, in suppressing rebels, in executing iustice, in brideling blind affections, I would be willing to be inuested with so vertuous and roiall a name. But if therefore you terme me a king, in that you are per­suaded that I repine at the gouernment of my soue­reigne, or winke at malefactors, or oppresse ciuill li­uers, I vtterlie disclame in that odious terme, mar­ueling greatlie that one of your grace his profound wisedome, would séeme to appropriat so sacred a name to so wicked a thing. But howsoeuer it be (my lord) I would you and I had changed kingdoms but for one moneth, I would trust to gather vp more crummes in that space, than twise the reuenues of my poore earledome: but you are well and warme, and so hold you, and vpbraid not me with such an odi­ous terme. I slumber in an hard cabin, when you sléepe in a soft bed of downe: I serue vnder the king his cope of heauen, when you are serued vnder a ca­nopie: I drinke water out of my skull, when you drinke wine out of golden cups: my coursor is trai­ned to the field, when your genet is taught to amble: when you are begraced and belorded, & crouched and knéeled vnto, then find I small grace with our Irish borderers, except I cut them off by the knées.’

At these girds the councell would haue smiled, if they durst: but ech man bit his lip, & held his counte­nance, for howsoeuer some of them leaned to the erle of Ossorie, they all hated the cardinall, who percei­uing The cardi­nall not be­loued. that Kildare was no babe, rose in a fume from the councell table, committed the erle, & deferred the matter till more direct probations came out of Ire­land. The duke of Norffolke, who was late lieutenant in Ireland, perceiuing the cardinall to be sore bent The duke of Norffolke bound for Kil­dare. against the nobleman, rather for the deadlie hatred he bare his house, than for anie great matter he had wherewith to charge his person, stept to the king, and craued Kildare to be his prisoner, offering to be bound for his foorth comming, ouer and aboue all his lands, bodie for bodie. Wherevpon, to the cardinall his great griefe, the prisoner was bailed, and hono­rablie by the duke interteined. During his abode in the duke his house, Oneale and Oconor, and all 1528 The Irish in rebellion. their freends and alies, watching their time to an­noie the pale, made open insurrection against the earle of Ossorie then lord deputie of Ireland, inso­much that the noble man mistrusting the ficklenesse of Desmond on the one side, & the force of these new start vp rebels on the other side, stood halfe amazed, as it were betwéene fire & water. For remedie where­of, letters thicke and thréefold were addressed to the councell of England, purporting that all these late Kildare a­fresh impea­ched. hurlie burlies were of purpose raised by the meanes of Kildare, to the blemishing and staining of his bro­ther Ossoris his gouernment. And to put the mat­ter out of doubt, it was further added, that Kildare commanded his daughter Elice Fitzgirald, wife to the baron of Slane, to excite in his name the afore­said traitors to this open rebellion.

The cardinall herevpon caused Kildare to be examined before the councell, where he pressed him so déepelie with this late disloialtie, that the presumpti­on being (as the cardinall did force it) vehement, the treason odious, the king suspicious, the enimie eger, The earle of Kildare com­mitted. the fréends faint (which were sufficient grounds to o­uerthrow an innocent person) the earle was repri­ued to the tower. The nobleman betooke himselfe to God & the king, he was hartilie beloued of the lieu­tenant, pitied in all the court, and standing in so hard a case, altered little of his accustomed hue, comfor­ted other noble men prisoners with him, dissembling his owne sorrow. On a night when the lieutenant and he for their disport were plaieng at slidegrote or A mandatum, to execute Kildare. shoofleboord, suddenlie commeth from the cardinall a [Page 87] mandatum to execute Kildare on the morrow. The earle marking the lieutenants deepe sigh: By saint Bride lieutenant (quoth he) there is some mad ga [...]e in that seroll; but fall how it will, this throw is for an huddle. When the woorst was told him: Now I praie th [...]e (quoth he) doe no more but learne assured­lie from the king his owne mouth, whether his high­nesse be witting thereto or not? Sore doubted the lieutenant to displease the cardinall: yet of verie pure loue to his freend, he pos [...]eth to the king at mid­night, 10 and deliuered his errand: for at all houres of the night the lieutenant hath accesse to the prince vpon occasions. The king controlling the saucinesse The cardinall his presump­tuousnes bla­med of the [...]ing. of the priest (for those were his termes) deliuered to the lieutenant his signet in token of countermand, which when the cardinall had seene, he began to breath out vnseasoned language, which the lieutenant was loth to heare, & so left him pattring & chanting the diuell his Pater noster: Thus brake vp the storme 1529 Sir William Ske [...]fington deputie of Ireland. for that time, & the next yeare Woolseie was cast out 20 of fauour, and within few yeares sir William Skef­fington was sent ouer lord deputie, and brought with him the erle pardoned and rid from all his troubles.

When it was bruted, that Skeffington, the earle Edward Staples bi­shop of Meth of Kildare, and Edward Staples bishop of Meth landed néere Dublin, the maior and citizens met him with a solemne procession on saint Marie ab­beis gréene, where maister Thomas Fitzsimons re­corder of Dublin made a pithie oration to congratu­late Thomas Fitzsimons. the gouernor and the earle his prosperous arri­uall, 30 to whome Skeffington shaped an answere in this wise: ‘Maister maior and maister recorder, you Skelfington his answere. haue at length this noble man here present▪ for whom you sore longed, whilest he was absent. And after manie stormes by him susteined, he hath now to the comfort of his freends, to the confusion of his foes, subdued violence with patience, iniuries with suffer­ance, and malice with obedience: and such butchers He glanseth at the cardi­nall who was taken to be a butcher his sonne. as of hatred thirsted after his bloud, are now taken for outcast mastiues, littered in currish bloud. How 40 well my master the king hath beene of his gratious inclination affected to the earle of Kildare (his backe fréend, being by his iust desert from his maiestie wée­ded) the credit wherein this noble man at this present abideth, manifestlie declareth. Wherefore it resteth, that you thanke God and the king for his safe arri­uall. As for his welcome, maister recorder his cour­teous discourse, your great assemblies, your chéere­full countenances, your willing méetings, your so­lemne processions doo so far shew it, as you minister 50 me occasion on his lordship his behalfe, rather to thanke you for your courtesie, than to exhort you to a­nie further ceremonie.’

Hauing ended his oration, they rode all into the citie, where shortlie after the earle of Ossorie surren­dred the sword to sir William Skeffington. Du­ring the time that Kildare was in England, the sept of the Tooles making his absence their haruest, cea­sed not to molest and spoile his tenants, and therefore [...]dare in­ua [...]eth the Tooles. the erle meaning not to wrap vp so lightlie their ma­nifold 60 iniuries, was determined presentlie vpon his arriuall to crie them quittance: to the spéedinesse of which seruice he requested the aid of the citizens of Dublin: & expecting in Christs church their answere touching this motion, the maior & his brethren promi­sed to assist him with two hundred archers. The late co [...]e bishop of Meth being then present, mooued question, whether the citizens were pardoned for Meth his question. crowning Lambert contrarie to their dutie of alle­giance; and if they were not pardoned, he thought they might aduantage the king thereby. Whereat one of their sagest and expertest aldermen, named Iohn Fitz­simons an­sooereth Meth. Iohn Fitzsimons, stept foorth and said: My lord of Meth, may I be so bold as to craue what countrie­man you are? Marie sir (quoth the bishop) I would you should know it, I am a gentleman and an En­glishman. My lord (quoth Fitzsimons) my mean­ing is to learne, in what shire of England you were borne? In Lincolnshire good sir (quoth Staples.) Whie then my lord (quoth Fitzsimons) we are no traitors, because it was the earle of Lincolne and the lord Louell that crowned him: and therefore if you be a gentleman of Lincolnshire, sée that you be pardoned, for God and our king be thanked we haue néed of none. At this answer Meth was set, and such as were present were forced to smile, to sée what a round fall he caught in his owne turne.

In the second yeare of Skeffington his gouerne­ment, Henrie White raised an vp­rore in Du­blin. it happened that one Henrie White, seruant to Benet a merchant of Dublin, was pitching of a cart of haie in the high street; and hauing offered boies plaie to passengers that walked to and fro, he let a bottle of his haie fall on a souldiors bonet, as he passed by his cart. The souldior taking this knauish knacke in dudgeon, hurled his dagger at him, and hauing narrowlie mist the princo [...]ks, he sticked it in a post not farre off. White leapt downe from the cart, and thrust the souldior through the shoulder with his pike. Wherevpon there was a great vprore in the citie betwéene the souldiors and the apprentises, in­somuch as Thomas Barbie being the maior, hauing the king his sword drawne, was hardlie able to ap­pease Thomas Barbie ma­ior. the fraie, in which diuerse were wounded, and none slaine. The lord deputie issued out of the castell, and came as farre as the pillorie, to whome the maior posted thorough the prease with the sword naked vn­der his arme, & presented White that was the brewer White pardo­ned. of all this garboile to his lordship, whome the gouer­nour pardoned, as well for his courage in bickering as for his retchlesse simplicitie and pleasantnesse in telling the whole discourse. Whereby a man maie sée how manie bloudie quarels a bralling swashbuck­ler maie picke out of a bottle of haie, namelie when his braines are forebitten with a bottle of nappie ale.

About this time there was a great sturre raised in England, about the king his diuorse, who think­ing it expedient in so fickle a world to haue a sure post in Ireland, made Kildare lord deputie, Cromer the primat of Armagh lord chancellor, and sir Iames Kildare [...]ord Deputie. Cromer. Butler. Skeffington offended with Kildare. Butler lord treasuror. Skeffington, supposing that he was put beside the cushin by the secret canuas­sing of Kildare his friends, conceiued therof a great gelousie, being therein the deeper drenched, bicause that Kildare hauing receiued the sword, would per­mit Skeffington, who was late gouernour, now like a meane priuat person, to danse attendance a­mong other suters in his house at Dublin, named the Carbrie. Skeffington plaieng thus on the bit, He saileth in­to England. shortlie after sailed into England, vpon whose de­parture the lord deputie summoned a parlement at Dublin, where there past an act against leasers of 1532 A parlement summoned at Dublin. Uriell inua­ded by O­neale. corne: also for the vniting and appropriation of the parsonage of Galtrim to the prior [...]e of saint Peters by Trim. In the parlement time, Oneale on a sud­den inuaded the countrie of Uriell, rifling and spoi­ling the king his subiects, at which time also was the earle of Ossorie greatlie vered by the Giraldins, by reason of the old quarrels of either side afresh reui­ued.

The next yeare, the lord deputie going against Kildare hurt. Ocarroll, was pitifullie hurt in the side with a gun, at the castell of Birre; so that he neuer after inioied his lims, nor deliuered his words in good plight, otherwise like inough to haue béene longer forborne in consideration of his manie noble qualities, great good seruices, and the state of those times. Straight­wais complaints were addressed to the king of these [Page 88] enormities, and that in most heinous maner that Kildare ac­cused. could be deuised, boulting out his dooings as it were to the last brake of sinister surmises, turning euerie priuat iniurie to be the king his quarrell, & making euerie puddings pricke as huge in shew as Sam­son his piller. Wherevpon Kildare was commanded He is sent for to England. by sharpe letters to repaire into England, leauing such a person for the furniture of that realme, and the gouernance of the land in his absence, for whose doo­ings he would answer. Being vpon the sight of this letter prepared to saile into England, he sat in coun­cell 10 at Dublin, and hauing sent for his sonne & heire the lord Thomas Fitzgirald (a yoong strippling of one Thomas Fitzgirald. and twentie yeares of age, borne in England, sonne to the lord Zouch his daughter, the earle of Kildare his first wife) in the hearing of the whole boord thus he spake.

The earle of Kildare his exhortation to his sonne the lord Thomas. 20

SOnne Thomas, I doubt not, but you know that my souereigne lord the king hath sent for me into England, and what shall betide me God knoweth, for I know not. But howsoeuer it falleth, both you and I know that I am well stept in yeares: and as I maie shortlie die, for that I am mortall, so I must in hast decease, bicause I am old. Wherefore in somuch as my winter is welneere ended, and the spring of your age now buddeth, my will is that you behaue 30 your selfe so wiselie in these your greene yeares, as that to the comfort of your friends you maie inioie the pleasure of summer, gleane and reape the fruits of your haruest, that with honour you maie grow to the catching of that hoarie winter, on which you sée me your father fast pricking. And wheras it plea­seth the king his maiestie, that vpon my departure here hense, I should substitute in my roome such one, for whose gouernement I would answer: albeit I know, that your yeares are tender, your wit not set­led, 40 your iudgement not fullie rectified, and therefore I might be with good cause reclamed from putting a naked sword in a yoong mans hand: yet not with­standing, forsomuch as I am your father, and you my sonne, I am well assured to beare that stroke with you in steering your ship, as that vpon anie in­formation I maie command you as your father, and correct you as my sonne for the wrong handling of your helme. 50

There be here that sit at this boord, far more suffici­ent personages for so great charge than you are. But what then? If I should cast this burthen on their shoulders, it might be that hereafter they would be so farre with enuie carried, as they would percase hazzard the losse of one of their owne eies, to be assu­red that I should be depriued of both mine eies. But forsomuch as the case toucheth your skin as néere as mine, and in one respect nigher than mine, bicause (as I said before) I rest in the winter, and you in the 60 spring of your yeares, and now I am resolued daie by daie to learne rather how to die in the feare of God, than to liue in the pompe of the world, I thinke you will not be so brainesicke, as to stab your selfe thorough the bodie, onelie to scarifie my skin with the point of your blade. Wherefore (my sonne) consi­der, that it is easie to raze, and hard to build, and in all your affaires be schooled by this boord, that for wisedome is able, and for the entier affection it bea­reth your house, will be found willing, to lesson you with sound and sage aduise. For albe it in authoritie you rule them, yet in councell they must rule you. My sonne, you know that my late maimes stifleth my talke: otherwise I would haue grated longer on this matter. For a good tale maie be twise to id, and a sound aduise (estsoones iterated) taketh the dee­per impression in the attentiue hearer his mind. But although my fatherlie affection requireth my dis­scourse to be longer, yet I trust your good inclinati­on asketh it to be shorter; and vpon that assurance, here in the presence of this honourable assemblie, I deliuer you this sword. ¶ Thus he spake for his last Kildare fal­leth into England. farewell with trickling teares, and hauing ended, he stood, imbrased the councell, committed them to God, and immediatlie after he was imbarked.

But although with his graue exhortation the fro­sen hearts of his aduersaries for a short spirt thawed, yet notwithstanding they turned soone after all this gaie Gloria patri vnto a further fetch; saieng that this His oration misconstrued. was nothing else but to dazell their eies with some iugling kn [...]ke, to the end they should aduertise the king of his loiall spéeches: adding further, that he was too too euill that could not speake well. And to force the prepensed treasons they laied to his charge, with further surmises they certified the councell of England, that the earle before his departure furni­shed He is accused for taking the king his ar­tillerie his owne piles and forts with the king his artil­lerie and munition taken foorth of the castell of Du­blin. The earle being examined vpon that article be­fore the councell, although he answered that the few potguns and chambers he tooke from thense, were placed in his castell to strengthen the borders a­gainst the inrodes of the Irish enimie; and that if he intended anie treason, he was not so foolish, as to fortifie walles and stones, and to commit his naked bones into their hands: yet notwithstanding he deli­uered his spéeches by reason of his palseie, in such staggering and making wise, that such of the coun­cell as were not his friends, persuading the rest that he had sunke in his owne tale, by imputing his li­sping and dragging answer rather to the gilt of con­science, than to the infirmitie of his late maime, had him committed, vntill the king his pleasure were Kildare com­mitted. further knowne.

But before we wade anie further in this matter, for the better opening of the whole ground, it would be noted, that the earle of Kildare, among diuerse hidden aduersaries, had in these his later troubles foure principall enimies that were the chiefe means Kildare his chiefe eni­mies. Iohn Alen archbishop of Dublin. & causes of his ouerthrow, as in those daies it was commonlie bruted. The first was Iohn Alen archbi­shop of Dublin, a gentleman of a good house, chap­leine to cardinall Wolseie, & after by the cardinall his means constituted archbishop of Dublin, a lear­ned prelat, a good housholder, of the people indiffe­rentlie beloued, and more would haue béene, had he not ouerbusied himselfe in supplanting the house of Kildare. And although it were knowne, that his first grudge towards the Giraldins procéeded from the great affection he bare his lord and master the cardi­nall, insomuch as he would not sticke, were he able, for the pleasuring of the one to vndoo the other; yet such occasions of greater hatred after insued (name­lie for that he was displaced from being lord chancel­lor, & Cromer the primat of Armagh by Kildare his drifts setled in the office) as notwithstanding the car­dinall his combe was cut in England, yet did he per­sist in pursuing his woonted malice toward that sée.

The second that was linked to this confederacie, Sir Iohn Alen knight. was sir Iohn Alen knight, first secretarie to this archbishop, after became maister of the rolles, lastlie lord chancellor. And although sir Iohn Alen were not of kin to the archbishop, but onelie of the name; yet notwithstanding the archbishop made so great rec­koning of him, as well for his forecast in matters of weight, as for his faithfulnesse in affaires of trust, as what soeuer exploit were executed by the one, was [Page 89] foorthwith déemed to haue béene deuised by the other. The third of this crew was Thomas Canon, secreta­rie Thomas Canon. to Skeffington, who thinking to be reuenged on Kildare for putting his lord and master beside the cushin, as he surmised, was verie willing to haue an ore in that bote. The fourth that was suspected to make the muster, was Robert Cowlie, first bailiffe Robert Cow­lie. in Dublin, after seruant to the ladie Margaret Fitz­girald, countesse of Ormond and Ossorie, lastlie ma­ster of the rolles in Ireland, and finallie he deceased 10 at London.

This gentleman for his wisdome and policie was well estéemed of the ladie Margaret countesse of Ossorie, as one by whose aduise she was in all hir af­faires directed. Wherevpon some suspicious persons were persuaded and brought in mind, that he was the sower of all the discord that rested betwéene the two brethren Kildare and Ossorie: as though he could not be rooted in the fauour of the one, but that he must haue professed open hatred vnto the other. 20 These foure, as birds of one feather, were supposed to be open enimies to the house of Kildare, bearing that swaie in the commonwealth, as they were not occasioned (as they thought) either to craue fréend­ship of the Giraldines, or greatlie to feare their ha­tred and enimitie. There were beside them diuerse o­ther secret vnderminers, who wrought so cunning­lie vnder the thumbe, by holding with the hare, and running with the hound, as if Kildare had prospe­red, they were assured, their malice would not haue 30 béene in manner suspected: but if he had béene in his affaires stabled, then their fine deuises for their fur­ther credit should haue beene apparented. Wherefore the heauing of his backe fréends not onelie surmi­sed, but also manifested by Kildare, the lord Tho­mas being iustice or vicedeputie in his fathers ab­sence, The lord Thomas in­kindleth the Alens against him. fetcht both the Alens so roundlie ouer the hips, as well by secret drifts as open taunts, as they were the more egerlie spurd to compasse his confusion. For the lord iustice and the councell, with diuerse of 40 the nobilitie, at a solemne banket discoursing of the anciencie of houses, and of their armes, sir Iohn A­len spake to the lord iustice these words.

My lord, your house giueth the marmoset, whose The proper­tie of the marmoset. propertie is to eat his owne taile. Meaning thereby (as the lord Thomas supposed) that Kildare did vse to pill and poll his fréends, tenants & reteiners. These words were no sooner spoken, than the lord Thomas striking the ball to Alen againe, answered, as one that was somewhat slipper toonged, in this wise. ‘You 50 saie truth sir, indéed I heard some saie, that the mar­moset eateth his owne taile. But although you haue béene fed by your taile, yet I would aduise you to be­ware, that your taile eat not you.’ Shortlie after this quipping gamegall, the lord iustice and the councell rode to Drogheda, where hauing for the space of three or foure daies soiourned, it happened that the councellors awaited in the councell chamber the go­uernour his comming, vntill it was hard vpon the stroke of twelue. The archbishop of Dublin rawlie 60 digesting the vicedeputie his long absence, said: My lords, is it not a prettie matter, that all we shall staie thus long for a boie? As he vttered these speeches, the lord iustice vnluckilie was comming vp the staires, and at his entrie taking the words hot from the bi­shop his mouth, and iterating them verie coldlie, he said: My lords, I am heartilie sorie, that you staied The archbi­shop h [...]s taunt thus lon [...] for a boie. Whereat the prelat was appal­led, to see how vnhappilie he was gald with his owne caltrop. These & the like cutting spéeches inkindled such coles in both their stomachs, as the flame could not anie longer be smouldered, but at one clift or o­ther The enimies conspire the ouerthrow of the Giraldins must haue fumed. The enimies therefore hauing welnigh knedded the dough that should haue béene baked for the Giraldines bane, deuised that secret rumors should sprinkle to and fro [...], that the earle of The occasion of Thomas Fitzgirald his rebellion. Kildare his execution was intended in England; and that vpon his death the Lord Thomas and all his bloud should haue beene apprehended in Ireland. As this false muttering fiue abroad, it was holpen for­ward by Thomas Canon, and others of Skeffing­ton his seruants, who sticked not to write to certeine of their fréends, as it were, verie secret letters, how that the earle of Kildare their maister his secret eni­mie (so they tooke him, bicause he got the gouerne­ment ouer his head) was alreadie cut shorter, as his issue presentlie should be: and now they trusted to sée their maister in his gouernment, after which they sore longed, as for a preferment that would in short space aduantage them. Such a letter came vnto the hands of a simple priest, no perfect Englishman, who for hast hurled it amongest other papers in the chim­nies end of his chamber, meaning to peruse it bet­ter at more leisure. The same verie night, a gentle­man reteining to the lord Thomas, the lord iustice or vicedeputie, as is before specified, tooke vp his lodg­ing with the priest, and sought in the morning when he rose for some paper, to draw on his strait stock­ings; and as the diuell would, he hit vpon the letter, bare it awaie in the heele of his stocke, no earthlie thing misdéeming. At night againe he found the pa­per vnsretted, and musing thereat he began to pore on the writing, which notified the earle his death, and the apprehension of the lord Thomas. To horsse go­eth he in all hast, brought the letter to Iames de la Iames de la Hide. Hide, who was principall councellor to the lord Tho­mas in all his dooings. De la Hide hauing scantlia ouerread the letter, making more hast than good spéed, posted to the lord Thomas, imparted him that letter, and withall putting fire to flax, before he diued to the bottome of this trecherie, he was contented to swim on the skum and froth thereof, as well by soo­thing vp the tenor of the letter, as by inciting the lord Thomas to open rebellion, cloking the odious name of treason with the zealous reuengement of his fathers wrongfull execution, and with the warie defense of his owne person.

The lord Thomas being youthfull, rash, and head­long, and assuring himselfe that the knot of all the force of Ireland was twisted vnder his girdle, was by de la Hide his counsell so far caried, as he was resolued to cast all on six and seauen. Wherefore ha­uing confedered with Oneale, Oconor, and other Irish potentats, he rode on saint Barnabies daie, accompanied with seauen score horssemen in their shirts of maile, through the citie of Dublin, to the Dam his gate, crost ouer the water to saint Marie abbeie, where the councell according to appointment waited his comming, not being priuie to his in­tent: onelie Cromer the lord chancellour excepted, who was secretlie aduertised of his reuolt, and there­fore was verie well prouided for him, as heereafter shall be declared. This Cromer was a graue Cromer lord chan­cellor. prelat, and a learned, well spoken, mild of nature, no­thing wedded to factions, yet a welwiller of the Giraldines, as those by whose means he was aduan­ced to dignitie. When the lord Thomas was set in councell, his horssemen and seruants rusht into the councell chamber armed and weaponed, turning their secret conference to an open parlée. The coun­cell here at amazed, and silence with securitie com­manded, the lord Thomas in this wise spake.

Thomas Fitzgirald his rebellious oration.

HOwsoeuer iniuriouslie we be hand­led, and forced to defend our selues in armes, when neither our seruice nor our good meaning towards our prince his [Page 90] crowne aua [...]leth: yet saie not héereafter, but in this open hostilitie which héere we professe and proclame, we haue shewed our selues no villaines nor churles, but warriours and gentlemen. This sword of estate is yours, and not mine; I receiued it with an oth, and haue vsed it to your benefit. I should staine mine ho­nour, if I turned the same to your annoiance. Now haue I need of mine owne sword, which I dare trust. As for the common sword, it flattereth me with a painted scabberd, but hath indéed a pestilent edge, al­readie 10 bathed in the Giraldines bloud, and now is newlie whetted in hope of a further destruction. Therefore saue your selues from vs, as from open enimies, I am none of Henrie his deputie, I am his fo, I haue more mind to conquer than to gouerne, to meet him in the field than to serue him in office. If all the hearts of England and Ireland, that haue cause thereto, would ioine in this quarrell (as I hope they will) then should he soone abie (as I trust he shall) for his crueltie and tyrannie, for which the age 20 to come may lawfullie score him vp among the an­cient tyrants of most abhominable and hatefull memorie.

Hauing added to this shamefull oration manie other slanderous and foule tearmes, which for diuerse respects I spare to pen, he would haue surrendered the sword to the lord chancellor, who (as I said before) being armed for the lord Thomas his comming, and also being loath that his slacknesse should séeme dis­loiall 30 in refusing the sword, or his frowardnesse ouer cruell in snatching it vpon the first proffer, tooke the lord Thomas by the wrist of the hand, and requested him for the loue of God, the teares trilling downe his chéekes, to giue him for two or thrée words the hearing, which granted, the reuerend father spake as insueth.

The chancellor his oration.

MY lord, although hatred be common­lie 40 the handmaiden of truth, bicause we sée him that plainelie expresseth his mind, to be for the more part of most men dis­liked: yet notwithstanding I am so well assured of your lordship his good inclination towards me, and your lordship so certeine of mine entire affection to­wards you, as I am imboldned, notwithstanding this companie of armed men, fréelie and frankelie to vtter that, which by me declared, and by your lord­ship 50 followed, will turne (God willing) to the auaile of you, your friends, alies, and this countrie. I doubt not (my lord) but you know, that it is wisedome for anie man to looke before he leape, and to sowne the water before his ship hull thereon, & namelie where the matter is of weight, there it behooueth to follow sound, sage, and mature aduise. Wherefore (my lord) sith it is no maigame for a subiect to leuie an armie against his prince: it lieth your lordship in hand to breath longer on the matter, as well by forecasting 60 the hurt whereby you may fall, as by reuoluing the hope wherwith you are fed. What should mooue your lordship to this sudden attempt, I know not. If it be the death of your father, it is as yet but secretlie muttered, not manifestlie published. And if I should grant you, that your zeale in reuenging your father his execution were in some respect to be commen­ded: yet reason would you should suspend the re­uenge vntill the certeintie were knowne. And were it, that the report were true, yet it standeth with the dutie and allegiance of a good subiect (from whom I The subiects dutie to­wards his [...]ing. hope in God you meane not to disseuer your selfe) not to spurne and kicke against his prince, but con­trariwise, if his souereigne be mightie, to feare him: if he be profitable to his subiects, to honour him: if he command, to obeie him: if he be kind, to leue him: if he be vicious, to pitie him: if he be a tyrant, to beare with him: considering that in such case it is better with patience to bow, than with stubburn­nesse to breake. For sacred is the name of a king, and odious is the name of a rebellion: the one from The name of a king sacred. heauen deriued, and by God shielded; the other in hell forged, and by the diuell executed. And therefore Rebellion from whense it springeth. who so will obserue the course of histories, or weigh the iustice of God in punishing malefactors, shall ea­silie sée, that albeit the sunne shineth for a time on them that are in rebellion: yet such swéet begin­nings are at length clasped vp with sharpe & sowre ends.

Now that it appeareth, that you ought not to beare armour against your king, it resteth to dis­cusse whether you be able (though you were willing) to annoie your king. For if among meane and pri­uat foes it be reckoned for folie, in a secret grudge to professe open hatred, and where he is not able to hinder, there to shew a willing mind to hurt: much more ought your lordship in so generall a quarell as this, that concerneth the king, that toucheth the no­bilitie, that apperteineth to the whole commonwelth, to foresée the king his power on the one side, & your force on the other, and then to iudge if you be able to cocke with him, and to put him beside the cushion; and not whilest you striue to sit in the saddle, to lose to your owne vndoing both the horsse and the saddle.

King Henrie is knowne to be in these our daies so puissant a prince, and so victorious a worthie, that he is able to conquer forren dominions: and thinke you that he cannot defend his owne? He tameth kings, and iudge you that he may not rule his owne subiects? Suppose you conquer the land, doo you imagine that he will not recouer it? Therefore (my lord) flatter not your selfe ouermuch, repose not so great affiance either in your troope of horssemen, or in your band of footmen, or in the multitude of your partakers. What face soeuer they put now on the matter, or what successe soeuer for a season they haue, bicause it is easie for an armie to vanquish them that doo not resist: yet hereafter when the king shall send his power into this countrie, you shall see your adherents like slipper changelings plucke in their hornes, and such as were content to beare you vp by the chin as long as you could swim, when they espie you sinke, they will by little and little shrinke from you, and percase will ducke you ouer head and eares. As long as the gale puffeth full in your sailes, doubt not but diuerse will anerre vnto you and féed on you as crowes on carion: but if anie storme hap­pen to bluster, then will they be sure to leaue you post alone sticking in the mire or sands, hauing least helpe when you haue most néed. And what will then insue of this. The branches will be pardoned, the root apprehended, your honour distained, your house at­teinted, your armes reuersed, your manours razed, your doings examined; at which time God knoweth what an hartburning it will be, when that with no colour may be denied, which without shame cannot be confessed. My lord, I powre not out oracles as a soothsaier, for I am neither a prophet, nor the sonne of a prophet. But it may be, that I am some frantike Cassandra being partener of hir spirit in fortelling Cassandras prophesie. the truth, and partaker of hir misfortune in that I am not (when I tell the truth) beléeued of your lord­ship, whom God defend from being Priamus.

Weigh therefore (my lord) the nobilitie of your ancestors, remember your father his late exhorta­tion, forget not your dutie vnto your prince, con­sider the estate of this poore countrie, with what heaps of cursses you shall be loden, when your soul­di [...]rs [Page 91] shall ris [...]e the poore subiects, & so far indamage the whole relme, as they are not yet borne that shall hereafter féele the smart of this vprore. You haue not gone so far but you may turne home, the king is mercifull, your offense as yet not ouer heinous, cleaue to his clemencie, abandon this headlong fol­lie. Which I craue in most humble wise of your lord­ship, for the loue of God, for the dutie you owe your prince, for the affection you beare the countrie, and for the respect you haue to your owne safetie, whom 10 God defend from all traitorous & wicked attempts.

Hauing ended his oration, which he set foorth with such a lamentable action, as his chéekes were all be­blubbered with teares, the horssemen, namelie such as vnderstood not English, began to diuine what the lord chancellor ment with all this long circumstance; some of them reporting that he was preaching a ser­mon, others said that he stood making of some heroi­call poetrie in the praise of the lord Thomas. And 20 thus as euerie idiot shot his foolish bolt at the wise councellor his discourse, who in effect did nought else but drop pretious stones before hogs, one Bard de Bard de Nelan. Nelan, an Irish rithmour, and a rotten shéepe able to infect an whole flocke, was chatting of Irish ver­ses, as though his toong had run on pattens, in com­mendation of the lord Thomas, inuesting him with the title of Silken Thomas, bicause his horssemens Silken Thomas. iacks were gorgeouslie imbrodered with silke: and in the end he told him that he lingred there ouer­long. 30 Whereat the lord Thomas being quickned, did cast his eie towards the lord chancellor, & said thus.

The replie of Silken Thomas.

MY lord chancellor, I come not hi­ther to take aduise what I should doo, but to giue you to vnderstand what I mind to doo. It is easie for the sound to counsell the sicke: but if the 40 sore had smarted you as much as it festereth me, you would be percase as impatient as I am. As you would wish me to honour my prince, so dutie wil­leth me to reuerence my father. Wherefore he that will with such tyrannte execute mine innocent pa­rent, and withall threaten my destruction, I may not, nor will not hold him for my king. And yet in truth he was neuer our king, but our lord, as his Henrie lord of Ireland. progenitors haue beene before him. But if it be my hap to miscarie, as you séeme to prognosticat, catch 50 that catch may, I will take the market as it riseth, and will choose rather to die with valiantnesse and li­bertie, than to liue vnder king Henrie in bondage and villanie. And yet it may be, that as strong as he is, and as weake as I am, I shall be able like a fleshworme to itch the bodie of his kingdome, and force him to scratch déepelie before he be able to pike me out of my seame. Wherefore my lord, I thanke you for your good counsell, and were it not that I am too crabbed a note in descant to be now tuned, it 60 might be that I would haue warbled swéeter har­monie than at this instant I meane to sing. ¶ With Thomas rendereth vp the sword. these words he rendered vp the sword, and flung a­waie like a bedlem, being garded with his brutish droue of brainesicke rebels.

The councell sent secretlie vpon his departure to master maior and his brethren, to apprehend (if they conuenientlie might) Thomas Fitzgirald and his confederats. But the warning was so Skarborrow, the enimie so strong, the citie (by reason of the plage that ranged in towne and in countrie) so dispeopled, as their attempt therein would seeme but vaine and friuolous. Ouer this, the weaker part of the rebels would not pen vp themselues within the citie wals, but stood houering aloofe off toward Ostmantowne gréene, on the top of the hill where the gallowes stood (a fit centre for such a circle) till time they were ad­uertised of their capteine Thomas his returne. This open rebellion in this wise denounced; part of the councell, namelie Alen archbishop of Dublin & Fin­glasse Alen. Finglasse▪ Iohn wal­ter. chiefe baron hied with bag and baggage to the castell of Dublin, whereof Iohn White was consta­ble, who after was dubbed knight by the king in England, for his worthie seruice doone in that vp­rore.

Thomas & his crew, supposing that in ouerruning the whole land, they should find no blocke to stumble at sauing the earle of Ossorie, agreed to trie if by a­nie allurements he could be traind to their confede­racie. And forsomuch as the lord Iames Butler was linked with Thomas Fitzgirald in great amitie and friendship, it was thought best to giue him the onset, who if he were woon to swaie with them, they would not weigh two chips the force of his father the earle of Ossorie. Thomas foorthwith sent his messengers and letters to his cousine the lord Butler, couenan­ting to diuide with him halfe the kingdome, would he associat him in this enterprise. Wherevpon the lord Butler returned Thomas his brokers with this letter.

The lord Butler his letter to Thomas Fitzgirald.

TAking pen in hand to write you my resolute answer, I muse in the verie fir [...] line by what name to call you, my lord, or my cousine: séeing your notorious treason hath distained your honour, and your despe­rate lewdnesse shamed your kindred. You are so li­berall in parting stakes with me, that a man would wéene you had no right vnto the game: so importu­nat in crauing my companie, as if you would per­suade me to hang with you for good fellowship. Doo you thinke that Iames was so mad, as to gape for gogions; or so vngratious, as to sell his truth for a péece of Ireland? Were it so (as it cannot be) that the chickens you reckon, were both hatched and fea­thered: yet be thou sure, I had rather in this quarell die thine enimie, than liue thy partener. For the kind­nesse you proffer me, and good loue in the end of your letter, the best waie I can I purpose to requite, that is, in aduising you, though you haue fetcht your feaze, yet to looke well yer ye leape. Ignorance and errour, with a certeine opinion of dutie, haue caried you vn­awares to this follie, not yet so ranke but it maie be cured. The king is a vessell of bountie & mercie, your words against his maiestie shall not be accounted malicious, but rather belched out for heat and impo­tencie, except your selfe by heaping offenses discouer a mischeefous and wilfull meaning. Farewell.

Thomas Fitzgirald netled with this round an­swer, was determined to inuade the countrie of Kilkennie, first forcing an oth vpon the gentlemen of the pale: and such as would not agree thereto he tooke prisoners. Fingall, which was not before ac­quainted with the recourse of the Irish enimie, was Fingall spoiled. left open to be preided and spoiled by the Tooles, who were therein assisted by Iohn Burnell of Balgriffin, a gentleman of a faire liuing, setled in a good battle Iohn Burnel o [...] Belg [...]. soile of Fingall, taken for one not deuoid of wit, were it not that he was ouertaken with this trea­son. The Dublinians hauing notice that the enimie made hau [...]cke of their neighbors of Fingall, issued out of the citie, meaning to haue intercepted them at the bridge of Kilmainan. And hauing incounte­red [Page 92] with the Irish néere the wood Salcocke, what for The Dubli­nians discom­fited. the number of the rebels, and the lacke of an expert capteine to lead the armie of Dublin in battell raie, there were fourescore of the citizens slaine, and the preide not rescued. In this conflict, Patrike Fitz­simons, with diuerse other good housholders, mis­caried. Patrike Fitz­simons slaine.

This victorie bred so great an insolencie in Tho­mas Messengers sent from Thomas to Dublin. Fitzgirald, as he sent his messengers to the ci­tie, declaring that albeit they offred him that iniurie, 10 as that he could not haue frée passage with his com­panie to & fro in the pale, & therefore would he vse the benefit of his late skirmish, or be answerable in iust reuenge to their due desert, he might by law of armes put their citie to fire and sword: yet this not­withstanding, if they would but permit his men to laie siege to the castell of Dublin, he would enter in league with them, and would vndertake t [...] backe them in such fauourable wise, as the stoutest cham­pion in his armie should not be so hardie, as to offer 20 the basest in their citie so much as a fillip. The citi­zens considering that the towne by reason of the sickenesse was weakened, and by this late ouer­throw greatlie discouraged, were forced to make a vertue of necessitie, by lighting a candle before the diuell, till time the kings pleasure were knowne; to whom with letters they posted one of their aldermen named Francis Herbert, whom shortlie after, the king for his seruice dubbed knight, infeoffing him Francis Her­bert sent into England. Eustace of Balicu [...]lan. with part of Christopher Eustace of Balicu [...]lan his 30 lands, who had vnaduisedlie a foot in this rebellion. But before the citizens would returne answer to Thomas as touching this message, they secretlie ad­uertised maister Iohn White conestable of the castell of this vnlawfull demand.

The conestable weighing the securitie of the citie, little regarding the force of the enimie, agreed wil­linglie therto, so that he might be sufficientlie stored with men and vittels. Iohn Alen archbishop of Dub­lin, fearing that all would haue gone to wracke in 40 The archbi­shop of Dub­lin meaneth to saile into England. Bartholmew Fitzgirald. Ireland, being then in the castell, brake his mind touching his sailing into England, to one of his ser­uants named Bartholomew Fitzgirald, whom not­withstanding he were a Giraldine, he held for his trustiest and inwardest councellor. Bartholomew vndertaking to be the archbishop his pilot, vntill hée were past the barre, incouraged his maister to im­barke himselfe hard by the Dams gate. And as they were hulling in the channell that euening, they were not warie, vntill the barke strake on the sands néere 50 Clontarfe.

The archbishop with his man stale secretlie to Tartaine, there meaning to lurke vntill the wind had serued to saile into England, where he scarselie six houres soiourned, when Thomas Fitzgirald knew of his arriuall, and accompanied with Iames de la Hide, sir Iohn Fitzgirald, Oliuer Fitzgirald his vncles, timelie in the morning, being the eight and twentith of Iulie, he posted to Tartaine, beset 1534 Teling. Waffer. the house, commanded Iohn teling and Nicholas 60 Waffer to apprehend the archbishop, whome they haled out of his bed, brought him naked in his shirt, barefooted, and bareheaded, to their capteine. Whom when the archbishop espied, incontinentlie he knéeled and with a pitifull countenance & lamentable voice, he besought him for the loue of God not to remember former iniuries, but to weigh his present calamitie, and what malice soeuer he bare his person, yet to re­spect his calling and vocation, in that his enimie was a christian, and he amongst christians an archbi­shop.

As he spake thus, bequeathing his soule to God, his bodie to the enimies mercie, Thomas being stri­ken with some compassion, & withall inflamed with desire of reuenge, turned his horsse aside, saieng in Irish (Bir wem è boddeagh) which is as much to saie in English, as Away with the churle, or Take the churle from me: which doubtles he spake, as after he decla­red, meaning the archbishop should be deteined as prisoner. But the caitifs that were present, rather of malice than of ignorance, misconstruing his words, murthered the archbishop without further delaie, Alen archbi­shop of Dub­lin murthered at Tartaine▪ brained and hacked him in gobbets, his bloud with Abell crieng to God for reuenge, which after befell to all such as were principals in this horrible murther. The place is euer since hedged and imbaied on eue­rie side, ouergrowne and vnfrequented for detesta­tion of the fact. This Alen (as before is declared) was in seruice with cardinall Woolseie, of deepe iugement in the law canon, the onelie match of Ste­phan Gardiner, an other of Woolsei [...]s chapleins, for auoiding of which emulation he was preferred in Ireland, rough and rigorous in iustice, deadlie hated of the Giraldines for his maisters sake & his owne, as he that crossed them diuerse times, and much brideled both father and son in their gouernements, not vnlike to haue promoted their accusations, and to haue béene a forger of the letter before mentioned, which turned to his finall destruction.

The rebels hauing in this execrable wise imbrued their hands in the archbishop his bloud, they rode to Houth, tooke sir Christopher lord of Houth prisoner, The lord of Houth taken prisoner. Iustice Lut­trell taken. & vpon their returne from thense, they apprehended maister Luttrell chiefe iustice of the common plées, conueieng him with them as their prisoner. The Dublinians during this space, hauing respit to pause sent into the castell by night sufficient store of vittels, at which time, Iohn Fitzsimons, one of their alder­men, Iohn Fitz­simons. sent to master conestable twentie tun of wine, foure & twentie tun of [...]éere, two thousand drie ling, sixtéens hogsheads of poudered beefe, and twentie chambers, with an iron chaine for the draw bridge of the castell that was newlie forged in his owne house for the auoiding of all suspicion. The castell being with men, munition, and vittels abundantlie furni­shed, The castell of Dublin besieged. answer was returned to Thomas Fitzgirald, purporting a consent for the receiuing of his souldi­ors. Which granted, he sent thither Iames Field of Luske, Nicholas Waffer, Iohn Teling, Edward Field. Waffer. Teling. Roukes. Rouks (who was likewise a pirat scowring the coast, and greatlie annoieng all passengers) Broad and Pursell, with an hundred souldiors attendant on them, as on their capteins. These valiant Rutter­kins planted néere Preston his innes, right ouer a­gainst the castell gate two or three falcons, hauing with such strong rampiers intrenched their compa­nie, as they litle weighed the shot of the castle. And to withdraw the conestable from discharging the ordi­nance, they threatened to take the youth of the citie, and place them on the top of their trenches for mai­ster conestable to shoot at, as at a marke he would be loth to hit.

The English pale in this wise weakened, the ci­tizens appeased, and the castell besieged, Thomas Fitzgirald and his confederats were resolued to trie Thomas Fitzgirald in­uadeth the countrie of Kilkennie. if the lord Butler would stand to his doughtie letter; and sith he would not by faire means be allured, hée should be (maugre his head) by foule means compel­led to assist them in this their generall attempt. Tho­mas vpon this determination, being accompanied with Oneale, diuerse Scots, Iames de la Hide, his principall councellour, Iohn de la Hide, Edward Fitzgirald his vncle, sir Richard Walsh parson of Loughsewdie, Iohn Burnell of Balgriffin, Iames Gernon, Walter Walsh, Robert Walsh, Maurice Walsh, with a maine armie, inuaded the erle of Os­sorie and the lord Butler his lands burnt and wasted the countrie of Kilkennie to Thomas towne, the [Page 93] poore inhabitants being constreined to shunne his force, rather than to withstand his power.

Fitzgirald his approch towards these confines bruted, the earle of Ossorie, and his son the lord But­ler, with all the gentlemen of the countrie of Kilken­nie, assembled néere Ieripon, to determine what or­der they might take, in withstanding the inuasion of the rebels. And as they were thus in parlee, a gentle­man of the Butlers accompanied with sixtéene hors­men, departed secretlie from the folkemote, & made 10 towards Thomas Fitzgirald and his armie, who was then readie to incampe himselfe at Thomas towne. When the chalenger was escried, and the cer­teine number knowne, sixtéene of Fitzgirald his horssemen did charge him, and presentlie followed them seuen score horssemen, with two or thrée ban­ners displaied, pursuing them vntill they came to the hill where all the gentlemen were assembled, who The earle of Ossorie fléeth. The lord Butler wounded. being so suddenlie taken, could not stand to bicker; but some fled this waie, some that waie, the earle 20 was scattered from his companie, and the lord But­ler vnwares was hurt: whom when such of the rebels knew as fauoured him, they pursued him but coldlie, and let him escape on horssebacke, taking his waie to Downemore (néere Kilkennie) where he laie at surgerie.

During the time that Thomas with his armie was ransacking the erle of Ossorie his lands, Fran­cis Francis He­rebert retur­neth from England. Shilling­forth. Herebert returned from England to Dublin with the king and councels letters to maister Shil­lingforth 30 then maior, and his brethren, with letters likewise to maister White the constable, to with­stand (as their dutie of allegiance bound them) the traitorous practises of Thomas and his complices, and that with all spéed they should be succored vpon the sight of these letters. Maister Thomas Fitz­simons Thomas Fitzsimons. recorder of the citie, a gentleman that shew­ed himselfe a politike and a comfortable councellor in these troubles, paraphrasing the king his gratious No league to be kept with traitors. The Dublini­ans breake with Tho­mas Fitzgi­ral [...]. letters, with diuerse good and sound constructions, 40 imboldened the citizens to breake their new made league, which with no traitor was to be kept. The aldermen and communaltie, with this pithie persua­sion easilie weighed, gaue forthwith order, that the gates should be shut, their percullices dismounted, the traitors that besieged the castell apprehended, flags of defiance vpon their wals placed, and an o­pen breach of truce proclamed.

Field and his companies (who did not all this while batter aught of the castell, but onelie one hole 50 that was bored through the gate with a pellet, which lighted in the mouth of a demie canon, planted with­in the castell) vnderstanding that they were betraied, began to shrinke their heads, trusting more to their heeles than to their weapons: some ran one way, some another, diuerse thought to haue béene housed Field and his companie ta­ken. and so to lurke in Lorels den, who were thrust out by the head and shoulders: few of them swam ouer the Liffie, the greater number taken and imprisoned. Forthwith post vpon post rode to Thomas Fitz­girald, 60 who then was rifling the countrie of Kil­kennie, certifieng him that all was mard, the fat was in the fire, he brought an old house about his owne eares, the Paltocks of Dublin kept not touch with him, the English armie was readie to be shipt, Herebert with the king his letters returned; now it stood him vpon to shew himselfe a man or a mouse. Thomas with these tidings amazed, made spéedie repaire to Dublin, sending his purseuants before him, to command the gentlemen of the English pale to méete him with all their power néere Dub­lin. And in his waie towards the citie, his compa­nie The youth of Dublin taken prisoners. tooke diuerse children of the Dublinians, that kept in the countrie (by reason of the contagion that then was in the towne) namelie Michaell Fitzsi­mons, Patrike Fitzsimons, William Fitzsimons, all sons to Walter Fitzsimons late maior, at which time was also taken Iames Stanihurst, with di­uerse other yoonglings of the citie.

Hauing marched néere Dublin, he sent doctor Messengers sent to Dublin Trauerse. Lince. Grace. Trauerse, Peter Lince of the Knoke, and Oliuer Grace, as messengers (for I maie not rightlie tearme them ambassadors) to the citizens, who cros­sing the Liffie from the blacke friers to the keie, ex­planed to the maior and aldermen their errand, the effect whereof was, either to stand to their former promise, or else to restore to their capteine his men, whom they wrongfullie deteined in goale. The first and last point of this request flatlie by the citizens denied, the messengers returned, declaring what cold interteinment they had in Dublin. Thomas Dublin besie­ged. herewith frieng in his grease, caused part of his ar­mie to burne the barke wherin Herebert sailed from England: which doone without resistance, the vessell road at anchor néere saint Marie abbeie, they in­deuored to stop all the springs that flowed vnto the towne, and to cut the pipes of the conduits, where­by they should be destitute of fresh water. Shortlie after, they laid siege to the castell in the Shipstréet, The ship­street fired. from whense they were hastilie by the ordinance feazed, and all the thatcht houses of the stréet were burnt with wild fire, which maister White deuised, because the enimie should not be there rescued.

When no butter could sticke on their bread, in in that part of the citie, the greater number of the rebels assembled to Thomas his court, and marched to saint Thomas his street, rasing downe the parti­tions of the row of houses before them on both sides of the street, finding none to withstand them: for the inhabitants fled into the citie, so that they made a long lane on both the sides like a gallerie, couered all ouer head, to shield as well their horssemen as their footmen from gunshot. This doone they burnt the new street, planted a falcon right against the new gate, and it discharged, pearsed the gate, and kild an apprentise of Thomas Stephans alderman, as he went to bring a bason of water from the high pipe, which by reason the springs were damd vp, was Richard Stanton. at that time drie. Richard Stanton, commonlie called Dicke Stanton, then gailor of the new gate, a good seruitor, an excellent markeman, as his va­liant seruice that time did approue. For besides that he gald diuers of the rebels as they would skip from house to house, by causing some of them with his peece to carrie their errands in their buttocks; so he perceiued one of the enimies, leueling at the win­dow or spike at which he stood: but whether it were, that the rebell his pouder failed him, or some gimboll or other was out of frame, Stanton tooke him so trulie for his marke, as he strake him with his bul­let full in the forehead vnder the brim of his scull, and withall turned vp his héeles.

Stanton not satisfied with his death, issued out at the wicket, stript the varlot mother-naked, and brought in his péece and his attire. The desperat­nesse of this fact disliked of the citizens, and great­lie stomached by the rebels, before Stanton retur­ned to his standing, the enimies brought faggots & fiers to the new gate, and incontinentlie fired them. Faggots lai [...] vnto the new gate. The townesmen perceiuing that if the gate were burnt, the enimies would be incouraged vpon hope of the spoile, to venter more fiercelie, than if they were incountred without the wals, thought it expe­dient presentlie to charge them. To this exploit they were the more egerlie mooued, because that notwith­standing Thomas his souldiors were manie in number; yet they knew that the better part of his companie bare but hollow hearts to the quarrell: [Page 94] for the number of the wise gentlemen of the pale did little or nothing incline to his purpose. And there­fore when he besieged the citie, the most part of those arrowes, which were shot ouer the walles, were vn­headed, and nothing annoied them: some shot in let­ters, and foretold them of all the treacherous stra­tagems that were in hammering.

That espied the citizens, and gathering the faint­nesse of his souldiors thereby, blazed abroad vpon the walles triumphant newes, that the king his ar­mie 10 was arriued: and as it had béene so in déed, sud­denlie The citizens bicker with the rebels. to the number of foure hundred rushed out at the new gate, through flame and fire vpon the re­bels, who at the first sight of armed men) wéening no lesse but the truth was so, otherwise assured, that the citie would neuer dare to reincounter them, gaue ground, forsooke their capteins, dispersed and scattered into diuerse corners, their falcon taken, an hundred of their stoutest Galloglasses slaine. Tho­mas Fitzgirald fled to the graie friers in S. Fran­cis 20 his stréet, there coucht that night, vnknowen to Thomas Fitzgirald fleeth. the citie, vntill the next morning he stale priuilie to his armie not far off, who stood in woonderfull feare that he was apprehended. Thomas his courage by this late ouerthrow somewhat cooled, and also being assuredlie told, that a fleete was espied a farre off, bearing full saile towards the coast of Ireland, he was soone intreated, hauing so manie irons in the fire, to take egs for his monie: & withall, hauing no forren succor, either from Paulus tertius, or Charles 30 the fift, which dailie he expected, he was sore quailed, being of himselfe, though strong in number of soul­diors, yet vnfurnished of sufficient munition and ar­tillerie, to stand & withstand the king his armie in a pitcht field, or a maine battell. Upon this & other con­siderations, to make as faire weather as he could, he sent Iames de la Hide, Lime of the Knocke, William Bath of Dollarstowne, doctor Trauerse, Thomas Field of Painstowne, as messengers to Dela Hide. Lime. Bath. Trauerse. Field. the citizens, to treat with them of a truce, who be­ing 40 let in at the new gate, repaired to William Kellie his house, where maister maior and his bre­thren were assembled. The articles propounded by them to the citizens, were these. The articles propounded to the citizens.

  • 1 That Thomas Fitzgirald his men, who were deteined in prison, should be redeliuered.
  • 2 Item, that the citizens should incontinentlie deliuer him at one paiment, a thousand pounds in monie.
  • 3 Item, that they should deliuer him fiue hun­dred 50 pounds in wares.
  • 4 Item, to furnish him with munition and artil­lerie.
  • 5 Item, to addresse their fauorable letters to the king for their capteine his pardon, and all his con­federats.

The maior and aldermen, hauing ripelie debated the tenour of these articles, agréed, that maister The citizens answer these articles. Fitzsimons their recorder should answer vnto the first, that they would not sticke to set his seruants at libertie, so he would redeliuer them the youth of the 60 citie, which was nothing else in effect, but tit for tat. As for the second and the third demand, they were so greatlie by his warres impouerished, as they might hardlie spare monie or wares. And as tou­ching implements for warre, they were neuer such fond niddicockes, as to offer anie man a rod to beat their owne tailes, or to betake their mastiues vnto the custodie of the woolues, maruelling much that their capteine would so farre ouershoot himselfe, as to be taken with such apparant repugnancie. For if he intended to submit himselfe to the king his mer­cie, and to make them humble meanes to his high­nesse for the obteining of his pardon, he ought ra­ther to make sute for some good de [...]am parchment for the ingrossing thereof, than for munition and ar­tillerie to withstand his prince. Wherfore, that thrée vnlawfull demands reiected, they would willing­lie condescend to the first and last: as well requesting him to deliuer them the youth of the citie, as to sub­mit himselfe and his companie to the king his mer­cie: promising not onelie with their fauourable let­ters, but also with their personall presences to fur­ther, as far as in them laie, his humble sute to the king and councell.

As they parled thus to and fro, William Bath William Bath. of Dollarstowne a student of the common lawes spake: My maisters, what néedeth all this long circumstance? Let vs all drinke of one cup. Which words were shortlie after vpon Skeffington his ar­riuall so crookedlie glosed, as by drinking of a sowre cup he lost the best ioint of his bodie. For albeit vp­on his triall he construed his words to import an v­niforme consent towards the obteining of Fitzgi­rald his pardon; yet all this could not colour his mat­ter in such wise, but that he and Eustace of Balicut­lan Eustace of Balicutlan. were executed at the castell of Dublin. The mes­sengers knowing their capteine to be at a low eb, were agréed to take the offers of the first & last con­ditions, and that to the accomplishing of these arti­cles hostages should be giuen of either part. The messengers deliuered to the citizens doctor Trauers Hostages taken. Doctor Tr [...] ­uerse. Talbot. Rochford. Rerrie. Dauid Su [...] ­ton. & others, the citizens deliuered them Richard Talbot, Aldreman, Rochford, & Rerrie. These were commit­ted to the custodie of Dauid Sutton of Rabride, who redeliuered them to the citizens immediatlie after vpon the certeine rumor of Skeffington his repaire.

Thomas growne to this point with the Dubli­nians raised his siege, caused his artillerie to be con­ueied to Houth, marching after with his armie, to the end he might as well bulch the English ships if they durst anerre the coast, as to bicker with the sol­diors vpon their arriuall. But before he tooke his iorneie vnto Houth, he rode to Mainoth, to see that the castell should be of all sides fortified, where being The white cotes landed at Dublin. doone to vnderstand, that a companie of white cotes with red crosses landed at Dublin secretlie in the dead of the night, and also that another band arriued at Houth, and were readie to march towards Du­blin, he posted incontinentlie with two hundred horssemen towards the water side, incountred néere Clontarfe, the Hamertons, two valiant and coura­gious The Hame [...] ­tons slaine. gentlemen, hauing in their companie foure score souldiors, where they fought so valiantlie for their liues, as so few footmen could haue doone a­gainst so great a troope of horssemen: for they did not onlie mangle and hacke diuerse of the rebels, but also one of the Hamertons wounded Thomas Fitz­girald Thomas Fitzgirald wounded. Musgrau [...]. in the forehead. Some report that one of the Musgraues, who was of kin to Fitzgirald, was slaine in this conflict, whose death he is said to haue taken greatlie to hart. The rebelles fleshed with the slaughter of the English, hied with all spéed to Houth, shot at the ships that rode at anchor, caused them to flée from thense, & to make towards Sker­rish, where landed both the Eglebées, and the Da­cres, Eglebées. Dacres. with their horssemen. Rauks, Fitzgirald his pirat, was sent to scowre the coast, who tooke an Eng­lish barke laden with verie faire geldings, and sent English gel­dings taken. them to his capteine. After that Thomas had retur­ned with this bootie, and the spoile of such as were slaine to Mainoth, sir William Brereton knight, Sir William Brereton. Iohn Brere­ton. Salisburie. with his sonne Iohn Brereton, was inshored at Houth with two hundred & fiftie soldiors verie well appointed, and maister Salisburie with two hundred archers.

Lastlie landed at the slip, neare the bridge of Sir William Skeffington, lord deputie landeth. Dublin, sir William Skeffington knight lord de­p [...]tie, [Page 95] whome the Irish call the gunner, because he was preferred from that office of the king his mai­ster gunner to gouerne them, and that they can euill brooke to be ruled of anie that is but meanlie borne. The maior and aldermen receiued the gouernor with shot, and great solemnitie, who yéelding them hartie thanks for their true and loiall seruice, deliuered them the king and councell his letters, purporting Letters of thanks from the king to the Dublini­ans. The lord of Trimle­stowne sur­rendreth the sword. the same effect in writing that he before expressed in words. Barnwell lord of Trimlestowne, who had 10 the custodie of the sword, did surrender it to sir Wil­liam Skeffington, according to the meaning of the king his letters patents on that behalfe.

Thomas Fitzgirald hauing intelligence that the whole armie was arriued, warded the castell of Mai­noth so stronglie, as he tooke it to be impregnable. And to the end he might giue the gouernor battell, he rode towards Connagh, to leuie all such power of the Irish, as either for wages, or for goodwill he Thomas Fitzgirald goeth toward Connagh. The castell of Mainoth be­ [...]ged. could win to assist him. The lord deputie forewar­ned 20 of his drift, marched with the English armie, and the power of the pale to Mainoth, and laid siege to the castell on the north side towards the parke. But before anie péece was discharged, sir William Brereton, by the deputie his appointment, did sum­mon Sir William Brereton summoneth the castell. the castell, offering such as kept it to depart with bag and baggage, and besides their pardon to be liberallie rewarded for their good and loiall ser­uice. But such as warded the castell, scornefullie scoffing the knight his offer, gaue him hartie thanks 30 for his kindnesse which they said procéeded rather of his gentlenesse than of their deseruing, wishing him to kéepe vp in store such liberall offers for a déere yeare, and to write his commendations home to his fréends, and withall, to kéepe his head warme, for at their hands he was like to haue but a cold sute. Fi­nallie not to take such kéepe of their safetie, in that they were assured, that he and his fellowes should be sooner from the siege raised, than they from the hold remooued. 40

Upon this round answere she ordinances were planted on the north side of the castell, which made no great batterie for the space of a fortnight: yet the ca­stell so warilie on ech side inuironed, as the rebelles were imbard from all egresse and regresse. Christo­pher Parese fosterbrother to Thomas Fitzgirald, to Christopher Parese be­traieth the castell of Mainoth Profered ser­uice stinketh. whome of speciall trust the charge of the castell was chieflie committed, profering his voluntarie seruice (which for the more part is so thanklesse and vnsauo­rie as it stinketh) determined to go an ase beyond his fellows, in betraieng the castell to the gouernor. 50 In this resolution he shot a letter indorsed to the lord deputie, the effect whereof was, that he would deuise means the castell should be taken, so that he might haue a summe of monie for his paines, and a compe­tent staie during his life. This motion by letters to and fro agréed vpon, Parese caused such as kept the ward, to swill and boll so much, as they snorted all the night like grunting hogs, litle misdéeming that whi­lest they slept, anie Iudas had beene waking within the castell. 60

The occasion of this extraordinarie excéeding was colored, for snatching into the castell a field péece the daie before from the armie, for which they kept such pot-reuels, and triumphant carousing, as none of them could discerne his beds head from the beds feet: Parese, taking his tide and time, made signe to the armie, betwéene the twilight and dawning of the daie, who hauing scaling ladders in a readinesse, would not ouerslip the oportunitie offered. Holland, petit capteine to Salisburie, was one of the for­wardest Holland petit capteine to Salisburie. The castell [...]ken. in this exploit, who leaping downe from the wall, fell by mishap into a pipe of feathers, where he was vp to the arme pits, so stiffelie sticking therein, and also vnwealdie in his armor, as there could not helpe himselfe neither in nor out. Sir William Bre­reton Brereton sca­leth the wals. and his band hauing scaled the wals cried on a sudden, saint George, saint George. Thrée drunken swa [...]s that kept the castell thought that this showt was nought else but a dreame, till time they espied the walles full of armed men, and one of them with­all perceiuing Holland thus intangled in the pipe, be­stowed an arrow vpon him, which by good hap did misse him. Holland foorthwith rescued by his fellows, shot at the other, and strake him so full vnder the skull, as he lest him spralling. The resistance was faint, when the souldiors entered, some yeelding themselues, others that withstood them slaine. Sir Brereton ad­uanceth his Standard. William Brereton ran vp to the highest turret of the castell, & aduanced his standard on the top there­of, notifieng to the deputie, that the fort was woone. Great and rich was the spoile, such store of beds, so manie goodlie hangings, so rich a wardrobe, such braue furniture, as trulie it was accounted (for hous­hold stuffe and vtensiles) one of the richest earle his houses vnder the crowne of England. The lord de­putie The lord de­putie entere [...] the castell. Iames de la Hide. Haiward. entred the castell in the after noone, vpon whose repaire, Iames de la Hide, and Haiward, two sing­ing men of the earle his chappell, that were taken prisoners, prostrated themselues on the ground, pi­tifullie warbling a soong, named Dulcis amica.

The gouernour rauished with the swéet and deli­cat voices, at the instance of Girald Ailmer chiefe Girald Ail­mer. iustice, and others of the councell pardoned them. Christopher Parese not misdoubting but that he should haue beene dubd knight for his seruice doone that daie, presented himselfe before the gouernour, with a cheerefull and familiar countenance: as who Parese com­meth before the gouernor. should saie, Here is he that did the déed. The deputie verie coldlie & halfe sternelie casting an eie towards him said: ‘Parese, I am to thanke thee on my ma­ster the king his behalfe, for this thy proffered seruice which I must acknowledge to haue béene a sparing of great charges, and a sauing of manie valiant sol­diors liues to his highnesse: and when his maiestie shall be thereof aduertised, I dare be bold to saie that he will not sée thée lacke during thy life. And bicause I maie be the better instructed how to reward thée during my gouernement, I would gladlie learne, what thy lord and master bestowed on thee.’ Parese set a gog with these mild spéeches, and supposing the more he recited, the better he should be rewarded, left not vntold the meanest good turne that euer he receiued at his lords hands. ‘Why Parese (quoth the deputie) couldest thou find in thine heart to betraie his castell, that hath beene so good lord to thée? Tru­lie, thou that art so hollow to him, wilt neuer be true to vs. And therewithall, turning his talke to his of­ficers, he gaue them commandement to deliuer Parese the summe of monie that was promised him vpon the surrender of the castell, and after to chop off A notable iudgement. his head. Parese at this cold salutation of Farewell & be hanged, turning his simpering to wimpering said: My lord, had I wist that you would haue dealt so streictlie with me, your lordship should not haue woone this fort with so little bloudshed as you did.’

Whereat master Boise, a gentleman of worship, Boise. and one that reteined to that old earle of Kildare, standing in the preasse, said in Irish, Antragh, which Antragh. is as much in English, as Too late, wherof grew the Irish prouerbe, to this daie in the language vsed, The prouerbe Too late quoth Boise. Too late quoth Boise, as we saie, Beware of had I wist, or After meat mustard, or You come a daie af­ter the faire, or Better doone than said. The deputie asked them that stood by what was that he spake? Master Boise willing to expound his owne words, slept foorth and answered; My lord, I said nothing, but that Parese is seized of a towne néere the water [Page 96] side named Baltra, and I would gladlie know how Baltra. he will dispose it before he be executed. The gouer­nour not mistrusting that master Boise had glosed (for if he vnderstood the true signification of the terme, it was verie like that too late had not beene so sharpe to Parese, but too soone had beene as sowre to him) willed the monie to be told to Parese, and pre­sentlie caused him to be cut shorter by the head: de­claring thereby, that although for the time he imbra­ced the benefit of the treason, yet after he could not Parese behea­ded. digest the treacherie of the traitor. 10

The deputie hauing left a garrison in the castell, The deputie returneth to Dublin. Thomas Fitzgirald marcheth to­wards Mai­noth. returned with the armie triumphantlie to Dublin. Thomas Fitzgirald not misdoubting but such as he left in the castell were able to stand to their tackle, lenied a huge armie in Oconhur his countrie, and in Connagh, to the number of seuen thousand, march­ing with them towards Mainoth, minding to haue remooued the king his armie from the siege: but be­ing certified, that Parese his fosterbrother yéelded vp the castell to the deputie, the better part of his 20 companie gaue him the slip. All this notwith­standing he made with such as would sticke to him to Clane. The lord deputie hauing intelligence of his approch, left sir William Brereton at Dublin to de­fend Brereton left to defend Du­blin. the citie, & marched with the armie to the Naas, where he tooke seuen score of Thomas his Galloglas­ses, Galloglasses taken and slaine. and lead them all vnarmed toward Iohnstowne. The scoutwatch espieng Thomas to march néere, im­parted it to the gouernour, who presentlie comman­ded each man to kill his prisoner before the charge, 30 which was dispatcht; only Edmund Oleine escaping mother naked by flight to Thomas his companie, Edmund O­leine escapeth. leauing his shirt in his kéepers hands. Both the ar­mies aduanced themselues one against the other, but the horssemen of either side could not charge, by reason of a marish or quakemire that parted them. Wherfore the deputie caused two or thrée field péeces to be discharged, which scattered Thomas and his ra­blement, insomuch as he neuer in such open wise Thomas and his companie fléeth. durst after beare vp head in the English pale, but ra­ther 40 by starts and sudden stratagems would now and then gall the English. As when she castell of Ra­thimgan Fitzgirald his strata­gems. was woone, which was soone after the sur­render of Mainoth, he caused a droue of cattell to ap­peare timelie in the morning hard by the towne. Such as kept the fort, suspecting it to be a bootie, were trained for the more part out of the castell, who were surprised by Thomas, that laie hard by in ambush, and the greater number of them slaine. 50

Another time he fired a village hard by Trim, and deuised such of his horssemen that could speake English, being clad and horssed like northerne men, to ride to Trim, where a garrison laie with hue and crie, saieng that they were capteine Salisburie his souldiors, and that the traitor Thomas Fitzgirald was burning a village hard by. The souldiors sus­pecting no cousinage issued out of the towne, who were by his men charged, & a great number of them slaine, some chased to the towne, and forced to take 60 sanctuarie in the churchyard, which in those daies was highlie reuerenced. These and the like knacks vsed Thomas, being for his owne person so well gar­ded, and for defect of a maine armie so naked, as nei­ther he was occasioned to feare the English, nor the English forced to weigh him. During this time, William Sentlo. Rice Mans­well. Edward Griffith. there arriued with a fresh supplie of horssemen & ar­chers, sir William Sentlo knight & his son, sir Rice Manswell knight, sir Edward Griffith knight, who were dispersed to sundrie parts of the pale to defend the countrie from the enimies inuasion. When the heat of this rebellion was in this wise asswaged, the lord deputie finding out no deuise to apprehend the capteine, imploied his industrie to intrap his confe­derats. Burnell of Falgriffin perceiuing all go to Burnell of Falgriffin taken and executed. Trauers executed. wracke fled to Mounster, where he was taken by the lord Butler vicount Thurles, and being conueied to England was executed at Tiburne. Doctor Tra­uers, who was left as hostage with the citizens, was by them deliuered to the lord deputie, and after with Rouks the pirat executed at the gallows on Ost­mantowne Rouks exe­cuted. gréene.

Sir Walter de la Hide knight and his wife the Walter de la Hide and his ladie Gennet Eustace ap­prehended. ladie Gennet Eustace were apprehended, & brought as prisoners by master Brabson vicetreasuror from their towne of Moiclare to the castell of Dublin, bi­cause their sonne and heire Iames de la Hide was the onelie bruer of all this rebellion: who as the go­uernor suspected, was set on by his parents, & name­lie by his moother. The knight & his wife, lieng in du­resse for the space of twelue moneths, were at seue­rall times examined, & notwithstanding all presump­tions and surmises that could be gathered, they were in the end found giltlesse of their sonne his follie. But the ladie was had in examination apart, and in­tised by meanes to charge hir husband with hir sonne his rebellion, who being not woone thereto with all the meanes that could be wrought, was menaced to be put to death, or to be rackt; and so with extremitie to be compelled, whereas with gentlenesse she could not be allured to acknowledge these apparent trea­sons, that neither hir husband nor she could without great shew of impudencie denie.

The gentlewoman with these continuall storms heartbroken, deceased in the castell: from thense Gennet Eu­stace dieth. hir bodie was remooued vnto the greie friers with the deputie his commandement, that it should not be interred, vntill his plesure were further knowne; adding withall, that the carcase of one who was the moother of so arrant an archtraitor, ought rather to be cast out on a dunghill to be carrion for rauens and dogs to gnaw vpon, than to be laid in anie chri­stian graue. The corps lieng foure or fiue daies in this plight, at the request of the ladie Gennet Gol­ding, wife to sir Iohn White knight, the gouernor, licenced that it should be buried. Sir William Skef­fington a seueare and vpright gouernour died short­lie Skeffington deceased. after at Kilmainan: to whome succeeded lord de­putie the lord Leonard Greie, who immediatlie vp­on Leonard Greie lord deputie. the taking of his oth marched with his power to­wards the confines of Mounster, where Thomas Fitzgirald at that time remained. With Fitzgirald sir William Brereton skirmished so fiercelie, as both Brereton skirmisheth with Fitz­girald. the sides were rather for the great slaughter disad­uantaged, than either part by anie great victorie fur­thered. Master Brereton therefore perceiuing that rough nets were not the fittest to take such peart birds, gaue his aduise to the lord deputie to grow with Fitzgirald by faire means to some reasonable composition. The deputie liking of the motion, cra­ued a parlée, sending certeine of the English as ho­stages to Thomas his campe with a protection direc­ted vnto him, to come and go at will and pleasure. Being vpon this securitie in conference with the Thomas Fitzgirald submitteth himselfe to the deputie. lord Greie, he was persuaded to submit himselfe to the king his mercie, with the gouernours faithfull and vndoubted promise that he should be pardoned vpon his repaire into England. And to the end that no trecherie might haue beene misdéemed of either side, they both receiued the sacrament openlie in the The sacra­ment receiued. campe, as an infallible seale of the couenants and conditions of either part agreed.

Héerevpon Thomas Fitzgirald sore against the willes of his councellors, dismist his armie, & rode Thomas sal­leth into England. 1535 with the deputie to Dublin, where he made short a­bode when he sailed to England with the fauourable letters of the gouernour and the councell. And as he would haue taken his iourneie to Windsore, where [Page 97] [...]he court laie, he was intercepted contrarie to his [...] is com­mitted to the tower. expectation in London waie, and conueied with hast to the tower. And before his imprisonment was bruted, letters were posted into Ireland, streictlie commanding the deputie vpon sight of them, to ap­prehend Thomas Fitzgirald his vncles, and to sée them with all speed conuenient shipt into England. Which the lord deputie did not slacke. For hauing feasted thrée of the gentlemen at Kilmainan, imme­diatlie after their banket (as it is now and then séen, 10 Thomas his vncles taken. that swéet meat will haue sowre sauce) he caused them to be manacled, and led as prisoners to the ca­stell of Dublin: and the other two were so roundlie snatcht vp in villages hard by, as they sooner felt their owne captiuitie, than they had notice of their brethrens calamitie. The next wind that serued into England, these fiue brethren were imbarked, to wit Iames Fitzgirald, Walter Fitzgirald, Oliuer Fitzgirald, Iohn Fitzgirald, and Richard Fitzgi­rald. Thrée of these gentlemen, Iames, Walter, and 20 Richard, were knowne to haue crossed their nephue Thomas to their power in his rebellion, and therfore were not occasioned to misdoubt anie danger. But such as in those daies were enimies to the house, in­censed the king so sore against it, persuading him, that he should neuer conquer Ireland, as long as anie Giraldine breathed in the countrie: as for ma­king the pathwaie smooth, he was resolued to lop off as well the good and sound grapes, as the wild and fruitlesse beries. Whereby appeareth how dangerous it is to be a rub, when a king is disposed to swéepe 30 an alleie.

Thus were the fiue brethren sailing into Eng­land, among whom Richard Fitzgirald being more bookish than the rest of his brethren, & one that was much giuen to the studies of antiquitie, wailing his inward griefe, with outward mirth comforted them with chéerefulnesse of countenance, as well persua­ding them that offended to repose affiance in God, and the king his mercie, and such as were not of that conspiracie, to relie to their innocencie, which they 40 Innocencie a strong fort. should hold for a more safe and strong barbican, than anie rampire or castell of brasse. Thus solacing the sillie mourners sometime with smiling, sometime with singing, sometime with graue and pithie a­pophthegmes, he craued of the owner the name of the barke; who hauing answered, that it was called the Cow, the gentleman sore appalled thereat, said: The Cow. ‘Now good brethren I am in vtter despaire of our returne to Ireland, for I beare in mind an old pro­phesie, 50 that fiue earles brethren should be caried in a Cowes bellie to England, and from thense neuer to returne.’

Whereat the rest began afresh to howle and la­ment, which doubtlesse was pitifull, to behold fiue valiant gentlemen, that durst méet in the field fiue as sturdie champions as could be picked out in a realme, to be so suddenlie terrified with the bare name of a woodden cow, or to feare like lions a sillie cocke his combe, being mooued (as commonlie the 60 whole countrie is) with a vaine and fabulous old wines dreame. But what blind prophesie soeuer he read, or heard of anie superstitious beldame touch­ing a cow his bellie, that which he foretold them was found true. For Thomas Fitzgirald the third of Fe­bruarie, 1536 Thomas Fitzgirald & his vncles executed. and these fiue brethren his vncles, were drawne, hanged, and quartered at Tiburne, which was incontinentlie bruted as well in England and Ireland, as in foren soiles. For Dominicke Powre, that was sent from Thomas to Charles the fift, to Dominicke Powre. craue his aid towards the conquest of Ireland (like as Chale in Grauill, otherwise called Charles Rei­nold, Charles Rei­nold. was directed to Paulus tertius) presenting the emperour with twelue great haukes and foureteene faire hobbies, was aduertised by his maiestie that he came too late, for his lord and master and fiue of his vncles were executed at London the third of Fe­bruarie: howbeit the emperour procured king Hen­rie to pardon Dominicke Powre. Which notwith­standing he obteined, yet would he not returne to Ireland, but continued in Portingale, hauing a duc­ket a daie of the emperour during his life, which he ended at Lisborne.

Iames de la Hide the chiefe councellor of Tho­mas Iames de l [...] Hide. Fitzgirald, fled into Scotland and there de­ceased. To this miserable end grew this lewd rebel­lion, which turned to the vtter vndooing of diuers an­cient gentlemen, who trained with faire words into a fooles paradise, were not onelie dispossessed of their lands, but also depriued of their liues, or else forced to forsake their countries. As for Thomas Fitzgi­rald, Thomas Fitzgirald was not earle of Kildare. who (as I wrote before) was executed at Ti­burne, I would wish the carefull reader to vnder­stand that he was neuer earle of Kildare, although some writers, rather of errour than of malice, terme I. St. pag. 434. him by that name. For it is knowne that his father liued in the tower, when he was in open rebellion, where for thought of the yoong man his follie he died; and therefore Thomas was attainted in a parle­ment holden at Dublin, as one that was déemed, reputed, and taken for a traitour before his fathers decease, by the bare name of Thomas Fitzgirald. For this hath béene obserued by the Irish historio­graphers euer since the conquest, that notwithstand­ing No earle of Kildare bare armour at a­nie time a­gainst his prince. all the presumptions of treason, wherewith anie earle of Kildare could either faintlie be suspected or vehementlie charged; yet there was neuer anie erle of that house read or heard of, that bare armour in the field against his prince. Which I write not as a barrister hired to plead their cause, but as a chroni­cler moued to declare the truth.

This Thomas Fitzgirald (as before is specified) was borne in England, vpon whom nature powred The descrip­tion of Tho­mas Fitzgi­rald. beautie, and fortune by birth bestowed nobilitie: which had it béene well emploied, & were it not that his rare gifts had béene blemished by his later euill qualities, he would haue proued an impe worthie to be ingraffed in so honorable a stocke. He was of sta­ture tall and personable, in countenance amiable, a white face, and withall somewhat ruddie, delicatlie in each lim featured, a rolling toong & a rich vtterance, of nature flexible and kind, verie soone caried where he fansied, easilie with submission appeased, hardlie with stubbornnesse weied, in matters of importance an headlong hotspur: yet neuerthelesse taken for a yoong man not deuoid of wit, were it not (as it fell out in the end) that a foole had the keeping thereof.

But to returne to the course of the historie. When The aduen­tures of the yoong Fitz­girald son to the ladie Grey countesse of Kildare. Thomas and his vncles were taken, his second bro­ther on the father his side, named Girald Fitzgirald (who was after in the reigne of quéene Marie resto­red to the earledome of Kildare, in which honour as yet he liueth) being at that time somewhat past twelue, and not full thirteene yeares of age, laie sicke of the small pocks in the countie of Kildare, at a towne named Donoare, then in the occupation of Donoare. Thomas Leurouse. Girald Fitzgirald. Thomas Leurouse, who was the child his schoolemaster, and after became bishop of Kildare, mistrusting vpon the apprehension of Tho­mas & his vncles, that all went not currant, wrapt the yoong patient as tenderlie as he could, and had him conueied in a cléefe with all spéed to Ophalie, where soiourning for a short space with his sister the ladie Marie Fitzgirald, vntill he had recouered his perfect health, his schoolemaster caried him to Odon his countrie, where making his aboad for a quarter of a yeare, he trauelled to Obren his countrie in Mounster, and hauing there remained for halfe a [Page 98] yeare, he repaired to his aunt the ladie Elenor Fitz­girald, Elenor Fitz­girald. who then kept in Mac Cartie Reagh hir late husband his territories.

This noble woman was at that time a widow, alwaies knowne and accounted of each man, that was acquainted with hir conuersation of life, for a paragon of liberalitie and kindnesse, in all hir acti­ons vertuous and godlie, and also in a good quarell rather stout than stiffe. To hir was Odoneil an im­portunate suiter. And although at sundrie times be­fore 10 she seemed to shake him off, yet considering the distresse of hir yoong innocent nephue, how he was forced to wander in pilgrimwise from house to house, eschuing the punishment that others deserued, smarted in his tender yeares with aduersitie, before he was of discretion to inioie anie prosperitie, she began to incline to hir wooer his request, to the end hir nephue should haue béene the better by his coun­tenance shouldered, and in fine indented to espouse him; with this caueat or prouiso, that he should safe­lie shield and protect the said yoong gentleman in 20 this calamitie. This condition agréed vpon, she rode with hir nephue to Odoneil his countrie, and there had him safelie kept for the space of a yeare.

But shortlie after the gentlewoman either by some secret friend informed, or of wisedome gathe­ring that hir late maried husband intended some treacherie, had hir nephue disguised, storing him like a liberall and bountifull aunt with seuen score porte­guses, The ladie E­lenors libera­litie. not onelie in valour, but also in the selfe same coine, incontinentlie shipped him secretlie in a Bri­tons 30 vessell of saint Malouse, betaking him to God, and to their charge that accompanied him, to wit, Fiztgirald saileth to France. master Leuro [...]se, and Robert Walsh sometime ser­uant to his father the earle. The ladie Elenor ha­uing thus to hir contentation bestowed hir nephue, she expostulated verie sharpelie with Odoneil as touching his villanie, protesting that the onlie cause of hir match with him procéeded of an especiall care to haue hir nephue countenanced: and now that he was out of his lash that minded to haue betraied 40 him, he should well vnderstand, that as the feare of his danger mooued hir to annere to such a clownish curmudgen: so the assurance of his safetie should cause hir to sequester hirselfe from so butcherlie a cut [...]hrote, that would be like a pelting mercenarie patch hired, to sell or betraie the innocent bloud of his nephue by affinitie, and hirs by consanguinitie. And in this wise trussing vp bag and baggage, she forsooke Odoneil and returned to hir countrie.

The passengers with a prosperous gale arriued 50 at saint Malouse, which notified to the gouernour of Britaine, named monsieur de Chasteau Brian, he Chasteau Brian. sent for the yoong Fitzgirald, gaue him verie hartie interteinement during one moneths space. In the meane season the gouernour posted a messenger to the court of France, aduertising the king of the ar­riuall of this gentleman, who presentlie caused him to be sent for, and had him put to the Dolphin named Henrie, who after became king of France. Sir Iohn Wallop (who was then the English ambassa­dour) 60 Sir Iohn wallop deni­deth Fitzgi­rald. vnderstanding the cause of the Irish fugitiue his repaire to France, demanded him of the French king, according to the new made league betweene both the princes: which was, that none should kéepe the other his subiect within his dominion, contrarie to either of their willes; adding further, that the boie was brother to one, who of late notorious for his re­bellion in Ireland was executed at London.

To this answered the king, first that the ambassa­dor had no commission from his Prince to demand The king de­nieth him. him, & vpon his maiestie his letter he should know more of his mind: secondlie that he did not deteine him, but the Dolphin staied him: lastlie, that how grieuouslie soeuer his brother offended, he was well assured, that the sillie boy neither was nor could be a traitor, and therefore there rested no cause whie the ambassador should in such wise craue him; not doub­ting that although he were deliuered to his king, yet he would not so far swarue from the extreame rigor of iustice, as to imbrue his hands in the innocent his bloud, for the offense that his brother had perpe­trated. Maister Wallop herevpon addressed his let­ters to England, specifieng vnto the councell the French kings answer. And in the meane time the yoong Fitzgirald hauing an inkling of the ambassa­dor Fitzgirald fleeth to Flan­ders. his motion, fled secretlie to Flanders, scantlie reaching to Ualencie, when Iames Sherelocke, one Iames Sher­locke pursueth Fitzgirald. of maister Wallop his men, did not onelie pursue him, but also did ouertake him as he soiourned in the said towne.

Wherevpon maister Leurouse, and such as ac­companied the child, stept to the gouernor of Ualen­cie, complaining that one Sherelocke a sneaking spie, like a pikethanke promoting varlet, did dog their master from place to place, and presentlie pur­sued him to the towne: and therefore they be sought the gouernour, not to leaue such apparant villanie vnpunished, in that he was willing to betraie not onelie a guiltlesse child, but also his owne coun­triman, who rather ought for his innocencie to be pi­tied, than for the desert of others so egerlie to be pur­sued. The gouernor vpon this complaint sore incen­sed, sent in all hast for Sherelocke, had him suddenlie examined, and finding him vnable to color his lewd practise with anie warrantable defense, he laid him Sherelock [...] unprisoned. vp by the héeles, rewarding his hot pursute with cold interteinment, and so remained in gaole, vntill the yoong Fitzgirald requiting the prisoner his vnnatu­rall Crueltie re­quired with courtesie. crueltie with vndeserued courtesie, humblie be­sought the gouernor to set him at libertie. This brunt escaped, Fitzgirald trauelled to Bruxels, where the emperour kept his court.

Doctor Pates being ambassador in the low coun­tries, demanded Fitzgirald of the emperour on his Doctor Pates maister the king of Englands behalfe. The emperor hauing answered that he had not to deale with the boy, and for ought that he knew was not minded to make anie great abode in that countrie, sent him to the bishop of Liege, allowing him for his pension an hundred crownes monethlie. The bishop interteined The emperor bestoweth a pension on Fitzgirald. him verie honorablie, had him placed in an abbeie of moonks, & was so carefull of his safetie, that if anie person suspected had trauelled within the circuit of his gléebe, he should be streictlie examined whither he would, or from whense he came, or vpon what occa­sion he trauelled that waie. Hauing in this wise re­mained at Liege for halfe a yere, the cardinall Poole Cardinall Poole sendeth for Fitzgi­rald. (Fitzgirald his kinsman) sent for him to Rome, Whervpon the gentleman as well with the emperor his licence, as with surrendring his pension, trauelled to Italie, where the cardinall would not admit him to his companie, vntill he had atteined to some knowledge in the Italian toong. Wherfore allowing him an annuitie of thrée hundred crownes, he placed him with the bishop of Uerona, and the cardinall of Mantua, and after with the duke of Mantua. Leu­rouse Leurouse pla­ced in the English hos­pitall. in the meane while was admitted through the cardinall Poole his procurement, to be one of the English house in Rome, called saint Thomas his hospitall.

Robert Walsh, vpon his maisters repaire to Italie, returned to Ireland. Fitzgirald hauing con­tinued Robert Walsh returneth to Ireland. with the cardinall, and the duke of Mantua, a yeare and an halfe, was sent for by the cardinall Poole to Rome, at which time the duke of Mantua gaue him for an annuall pension 300 crownes. The cardinall greatlie reioised in his kinsman, had him [Page 99] carefullie trained vp in his house, interlacing with Cardinall Poole his or­der in trai­ning yoong Fitzgirald. such discretion his learning and studies with exerci­ses of actiuitie, as he should not be after accounted of the learned for an ignorant idiot, nor taken of ac­tiue gentlemen for a dead and dumpish meacocke. If he had committed anie fault, the cardinall would secretlie command his tutors to correct him, and all that notwithstanding, he would in presence dandle the boie, as though he were not priuie to his punish­ment; & vpon his complaint made, he vsed to checke Fitzgirald his maister openlie for chastising so se­uerelie 10 his pretie darling.

In this wise he rested thrée yeares togither in the cardinall his house, and by that time hauing stept so far in yéers (for he was pricking fast vpon nintéene) as he began to know himselfe, the cardinall put him to his choise, either to continue his learning, or by trauelling to seeke his aduentures abrode. The yoong strip [...]ng (as vsuallie kind dooth créepe) rather of na­ture addicted to valiantnes, than wedded to bookish­nesse, choosed to be a traueller: and presentlie with the 20 cardinall his licence repaired to Naples: where fal­ling in acquaintance with knights of the Rhodes, Fitzgirald trauelleth to Naples. he accompanied them to Malta, from thense he sai­led to Tripolie (a fort apperteining to the aforesaid order, coasting vpon Barbarie) and there he abode Tripolie. six weekes with Mounbrison, a commander of the Rhodes, who had the charge of that hold. Mounbrison.

At that time the knights serued valiantlie against the Turks and miscreants, spoiled and sacked their villages and townes that laie neere the water side, 30 tooke diuerse of them prisoners, and after sold them to the christians for bondslaues. The yoong Fitzgi­rald returned with a rich bootie to Malta, from thense Fitzgirald re­turneth to Rome. to Rome, hauing spent in this voiage not fullie one yeare. Proud was the cardinall to heare of his pro­sperous exploits: and for his further aduancement The cardinall inhanseth Fizgiralds pension. he inhansed his pension of thrée hundred crownes, to three hundred pounds, ouer and aboue thrée hundred crownes that the duke of Mantua allowed him. Shortlie after he preferred him to the seruice of the 40 duke of Florence, named Cosmo, with whom he con­tinued maister of his horsse thrée yeares, hauing also of the duke thrée hundred duckets for a yearelie pen­sion He is master of the horsse to the duke of Florence. during life, or vntill he were restored; in like maner as the cardinall Poole and the duke of Man­tua in their annuities had granted him.

During the time that he was in seruice with the duke of Florence, he trauelled to Rome a shrouing, of set purpose to be merrie: and as he rode on hun­ting with cardinall Ferneise the pope his nephue, it 50 happened that in chasing the bucke he fell into a pit nine and twentie fatham déepe, and in the fall forsa­king He falleth in­to a déepe pit. his horsse within two fathams of the bottom, he tooke hold by two or three roots, griping them fast, vn­till his armes were so wearie, as he could hang no longer in that paine. Wherefore betaking himselfe to God, he let go his gripe by little and little, and fell softlie on his horsse, that in the bottom of the pit laie starke dead, and there he stood vp to the ancles in 60 water for the space of thrée houres. When the chase was ended, an exceeding good greihound of his na­med Grifhound, not finding his maister in the com­panie, followed his tract vntill he came to the pit, His grei­hound findeth him out. and from thense would not depart, but stood at the brim incessantlie howling. The cardinall Ferneise and his traine missing Fitzgirald, made towards the dog, and surueieng the place, they were ve­relie persuaded that the gentleman was squised to death.

Hauing therefore posted his seruants in hast to a village hard by Rome (named Trecappan) for Tr [...]cappan. ropes and other necessaries, he caused one of the companie to glide in a basket downe to the bottome of the hole. Fitzgirald reuiued with his presence, and willing to be remooued from so darkesome a dongeon to the open aire, besought the other to lend him his roome, wherevpon he was haled vp in the basket: as well to the generall admiration of the whole companie, as to the singular gratulation of the cardinall and all his friends, rendering most har­tie thankes vnto God his diuine maiestie, for pro­tecting the gentleman with his gratious guerdon. And thus surceassing to treat anie further of his ad­uentures, vntill the date of time traine my pen to a longer discourse, I will returne to the inhabitants of the English pale, who after the death of Thomas Fitzgirald, through rigor of iustice and the due ex­ecution of lawes were greatlie molested. For ouer this, that such as were knowne for open and appa­rant traitors in the commotion, were for the more part executed, or with round sums fined, or from the realme exiled: certeine gentlemen of worship were sent from England, with commission to examine Commissio­ners sent to Ireland. each person suspected with Thomas his treason, and so according to their discretion, either with equitie to execute, or with clemencie to pardon all such as they could proue to haue furthered him in his disloi­all commotion. Commissioners were these: sir Anthonie Sentleger knight, sir George Paulet Their names knight, maister Moile, and maister Barnes. Much about this time was there a parlement holden at A parlement▪ 1539 Dublin before the lord Leonard Greie lord deputie, beginning the first of Maie, in the eight and twen­tith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight.

In this parlement there past these acts following.
  • An act For the attaindor of the earle of Kildare, and Thomas Fitz­girald, with others.
  • An act For the succession of the king & queene Anne.
  • An act Of absenties, wherein was granted to the king the inhe­ritance of such lands in Ire­land, wherof the duke of Norf­folke & George Talbot earle of Waterford & Salop were seized, with the inheritances of diuerse other corporations and couents demurrant in England.
  • An act For the repeale of Poinings act.
  • An act Authorising the king his heirs and successors to be supreame head of the church of Ireland.
  • An act That no subiects or resiants of Ireland shall pursue or com­mense, vse or execute anie ma­ner of prouocations, appeales or other processe from the see of Rome, vpon paine of incur­ring the premunire.
  • An act Against such as slander the king, or his heires apparant.
  • An act For the first fruits.
  • An act Of sir Walter de la Hide knight his lands in Carbeire granted to the king.
  • An act How persons robbed shall be re­stored to their goods.
  • An act Restreining tributs to be gran­ted to Irishmen.
  • [Page 100] An act Against proctors to be any mem­ber of the parlement.
  • An act Against marieng or fostering with or to Irishmen.
  • An act Against the authoritie of the see of Rome.
  • An act For the twentith part.
  • An act For the English order, habit, and language. 10
  • An act For the suppressing of abbeis.
  • An act For the lading of wooll & flockes.
  • An act For the proofe of testaments.
  • An act Of faculties.
  • An act Declaring th'effect of Poinings act.
  • An act Of penall statutes.
  • An act For the weres vpon Baron, and other waters in the countrie of Kilkennie. 20
  • An act For the personage of Donga­ran.
  • An act For leasers of corne.

As for the old earle of Kildare, who in this parle­ment was atteinted for diuerse presumptions, in the preamble of the said act rehearsed, certeine it is, that the reuolt of his sonne Thomas Fitzgirald smot him so déepelie to the heart, as vpon the report 30 The old earle of Kildare his wish before his death. thereof he deceased in the tower, wishing in his death-bed that either he had died before he had heard of the rebellion, or that his brainelesse boy had ne­uer liued to raise the like commotion. This earle, of such as did not stomach his procéedings, was taken for one that bare himselfe in all his affaires verie honorablie, a wise, deepe, and far reaching man: in war valiant without rashnesse, and politike with­out treacherie. Such a suppressor of rebels in his gouernement, as they durst not beare armor to the 40 His seruice. annoiance of anie subiect, whereby he heaped no small reuenues to the crowne, inriched the king his treasure, garded with securitie the pale, continued the honor of his house, and purchased enuie to his person. His great hospitalitie is to this daie rather of each man commended, than of anie one follow­ed. His hospita­litie and de­uotion. He was so religiouslie addicted vnto the ser­uing of God, as what time soeuer he trauelled to a­nie part of the countrie, such as were of his chap­pell should be sure to accompanie him. Among o­ther rare gifts, he was with one singular qualitie 50 indued, which were it put in practise by such as are of his calling, might minister great occasion as well to the abandoning of flattering carrie tales, as to the staied quietnesse of noble potentates.

For if anie whispered, vnder Benedicite, a sinister report or secret practise, that tended to the distaining of his honor, or to the perill of his person, he would strictlie examine the informer, whether the matter he reported were past, or to come. If it were said or 60 doone, he was accustomed to laie sore to his charge, where, and of whome he heard it, or how he could iustifie it. If he found him to halt in the proofe, he would punish him as a pikethanke makebate, for being so maliciouslie caried, as for currieng fauour to himselfe, he would labor to purchase hatred to an­other. But if the practise were future, and hereaf­ter to be put in execution, then would he suspend the credit, vsing withall such warie secrecie, as vntill the matter came to the pinch, the aduersarie should thinke that he was most ignorant, when he was best prouided. As being in Dublin forewarned, that Iohn Olurkan with certeine desperate varlets con­spired The old earle of Kildare his policie when his death was conspired. his destruction, & that they were determined to assault him vpon his returne to Mainoth, he had one of his seruants named Iames Grant, that was much of his pitch, and at a blush did somewhat re­semble him, attired in his riding apparell, and name­lie Iohn Olur­kan. Iames Grant. in a scarlet cloake, wherewith he vsed to be clad. Grant in this wise masking in his lords attire, rode as he was commanded in the beaten high waie to­wards Mainoth, with sf the earle his feruants attending vpon him. The conspirators awaiting towards Lucan the comming of the earle, incoun­tered the disguised lord, and not doubting but it had béene Kildare, they began to charge him: but the o­ther amazed therewith, cried that they tooke their marke amisse; for the earle rode to Mainoth on the further side of Liffie. Wherewith the murtherers appalled, fled awaie, but incontinentlie were by the earle apprehended, susteining the punishment that such caitifes deserued.

This noble man was so well affected to his wife the ladie Greie, as he would not at anie time buy a sute of apparell for himselfe, but he would sute hir with the same stuffe. Which gentlenesse she recom­pensed with equall kindnesse. For after that he deceased in the tower, she did not onelie euer after The ladie Greies kind­nesse to hir husband liue as a chast and honorable widow; but also night­lie before she went to bed, she would resort to his picture, & there with a solemne congée she would bid hir lord goodnight. Whereby may be gathered with how great loue she affected his person, that had in such price his bare picture. An other act that did passe in this parlement touching absenties, procéeded of this occasion. Maister Girald Ailmer, who first Girald Ail­mer. was chiefe baron of the excheker, after chiefe iustice of the common plees, was occasioned, for certeine his affaires, to repaire vnto the court of England. Where being for his good seruice greatlie counte­nanced by such as were in those daies taken for the pillers of the weale publike, namelie of the lord Cromwell; it happened that through his lordship his earnest meanes, the king made maister Ailemer chiefe iustice of his bench in Ireland. This aduance­ment disliked by certeine of Waterford and Weis­ford, that were not friended to the gentleman, they debased him in such despitefull wise, as the earle of Shrewesburie, who then was likewise earle of Wa­terford, was by their lewd reports caried to chalenge the king, so far as with his dutie of allegiance he durst, for bestowing so weightie an office vpon so light a person, being such a simple Iohn at Stile as he tearmed him, no wiser than Patch the late lord cardinall his foole.

The king herevpon expostulated with the lord Cromwell, who being throughlie acquainted with the gentleman his rare wisedome, answered: that if it would stand with his maiesties pleasure to en­ter into conference with him, he should be sure to find him no babe, notwithstanding the wrong infor­mations of such as labored to thwart or crosse him. Whereto the king vpon further leasure agréed, and shortlie after (according to his promise) bestowed two or thrée houres with maister Ailmer: who vpon the lord Cromwell his forewarning, was so well armed for his highnesse, as he shewed himselfe in his dis­course, by answering Adomnia quare, to be a man woorthie to supplie an office of so great credit. In this conference the king demanded him, what he tooke to be the chiefe occasion of disorder in Ireland, and how he thought it might best be reformed? Tru­lie and it like your maiestie (quoth Ailmer) among sundrie reasons that might be probablie alleged for the decaie of that your kingdome, one chiefe occa­sion is, that certeine of your nobilitie of this your realme of England are seized of the better part of your dominion in Ireland, whereof they haue so lit­tle [Page 101] kéepe, as for lacke of their presence, they suffer the said lands to be ouerrun by rebels and traitors. Wherefore if your highnesse would prouide by act of parlement, that all such lands, which by reason of their absence may not be defended, should be to your highnesse by the consent of the nobilitie and commu­naltie granted, you might thereby inrich your crowne, represse rebels, and defend your subiects from all traitorous inuasion.

The king tickled with this plausible deuise, yéel­ded maister Ailmer hartie thanks for his good coun­sell, 10 and in this parlement had the tenure thereof put in effect. Which redounded chéeflie to the lord of Shrewesburie his disaduantage, as one that was possessed of diuerse ancient lordships and manors in that countrie. Soone after this parlement, Oneale imagining that he was able to make his partie good Oneale re­belleth. against the English pale, conspired with Odoneale Maggadnesh, Ocaghan, Mac Kwilen, Ohanlan, and other Irish lords, and on a sudden inuaded the pale, came to the Nauan, burnt all the townes of 20 ech side confining, after marched to Taragh, muste­ring with great pride his armie vpon the top of the hill: and hauing gathered togither the spoile of the pale without resistance, he began to recule north­wards, making his full account to haue gone his waie scotfrée.

The lord Leonard Greie being then lord depu­tie, forecasting the worst, certified the king & coun­cell of Oneale his rebellion, and withall humblie be­sought 30 a fresh supplie of souldiors to assist the pale in resisting the enimie, and that sir William Brereton (who was discharged & returned to England) should be sent into Ireland, as one that for his late ser­uice was highlie commended of the countrie. The Sir william Brereton sent for into Ireland. king and councell condescending to the deputie his request, appointed sir William Brereton to hie thi­ther with speed, hauing the charge of two hundred and fiftie souldiors of Cheshiremen. In which ser­uice Sir william Brereton sent into Ire­land. the gentleman was found so prest and readie, 40 that notwithstanding in mustering his band he fell by his mishap off his horsse, and therewithall brake his thigh in two places, yet rather than he would re­tire homewards, he appointed the mariners to hale him vp to their barke by pullies, and in such impotent wise arriued in Ireland, suppressing the féeblenesse of his bodie with the contagious valor of his mind.

The lord deputie in the meane while marched with the force of the pale, the maior & the citizens of Du­blin to Drogheda: from thense likewise accompani­ed with the maior & townesmen, he marched north­ward 50 to Bellahoa, where Oneale & his companie on The foord of Bellahoa. the further side of the water laie incamped with the spoile of the pale. The deputie by spies and secret mes­sengers hereof certified, caused the armie to trauell the better part of the night, insomuch as by the daw­ning of the daie they were neere to the riuers side: where hauing escried the enimies, namlie Maggad­nesh, and the Galloglasses that were placed there to kéepe the streicts (for Oneale with a maine armie 60 lurked not farre off) they began to set themselues in battell arraie, as men that were resolued with all hast and good speed to supprise the enimie with a sud­den charge.

At which time Iames Fleming baron of Slane Iames Fle­ming baron of Slane. (commonlie called Blacke Iames) garded with a round companie, as well of horssemen as of foot­men, humblie besought the deputie to grant him that daie the honor of the onset. Whereto when the lord Greie had agréed, the baron of Slane with chéerefull countenance imparted the obteining of his sute, as plesant tidings to Robert Halfepennie, who with his ancestors was standardbearer to the house of Slane. But Halfepennie séeing the fur­ther Robert Halfe­pennie. side of the water so beset with armed Galloglas­ses as he tooke it, as likelie an attempt to rase down the strongest fort in Ireland with a fillip, as to rush through such quicke iron walles, [...]latlie answered the baron, that he would rather disclame in his of­fice, than there to giue the onset where there rested no hope of life, but an assured certeintie of death. And therefore he was not as yet so wearie of the world, as like an headlong hotspur, voluntarilie to run to his vtter and vndoubted destruction. Where­fore he besought his lordship to set his heart at rest, and not to impute his deniall to basenesse of corage, but to warinesse of safetie, although he knew none ofstaied mind, but would sooner choose to sléepe in an whole shéepe his pelt, than to walke in a torne lion his skin, namelie when all hope of life was abando­ned, and the certeintie of death assuredlie promised.

The baron with this answer at his wits end rode Robert Be­toa. to Robert Betoa of Downore, brake with him as touching Halfepennie his determination, & withall requested him (as he did tender his honor) now at a pinch to supplie the roome of that dastardlie coward, as he did terme him. Betoa to this answered, that though it stood with good reason, that such as hertofore tasted the sweet in peace, should now be contented to sip of the sowre in war: yet notwithstanding, rather than the matter should to his honor lie in the dust, he promised to breake through them, or else to lie in the water; & withall being surpassinglie mounted (for the baron gaue him a choise horsse) he tooke the standard, & with a sudden showt, hauing with him in the fore­ranke Mabe of Mabestowne slaine. Mabe of Mabestowne (who at the first brunt was slaine) he floong into the water, and charged the Irish that stood on the further shore. After followed the gentlemen and yeomen of the pale, that with as great manhood charged the enimies, as the enimies with corage resisted their assault. To this stoutnesse were the enimies more boldlie pricked, in that they had the aduantage of the shore, and the gentlemen of the pale were constreined to bicker in the water.

But the longer the Irish continued, the more they were disaduantaged; by reason that the English were so assisted with fresh supplies, as their enimies could not anie longer withstand them, but were com­pelled to beare backe, to forsake the banke, and to giue the armie free passage. The English taking hart vpon their faintnesse, brake through the Gallo­glasses, slue Maggadnesh their capteine, pursued The Irish discomfited. Oneale put to flight. Oneale with the remnant of his lords, leauing be­hind them for lacke of safe carriage the spoile of the pale, scantlie able to escape with his owne life, be­ing egerlie pursued by the armie vntill it was sunne set. In this hot conflict Matthew King, Patrike Barnewall of Kilmallocke, sir Edward Basnet King. Barnewall. Basnet. Fitzsimons. priest, who after became deane of saint Patriks in Dublin, and was sworne one of the priuie councell, and Thomas Fitzsimons of Curdnffe, were repor­ted to haue serued verie valiantlie. Moreouer, Iames Fitzsimons maior of Dublin, Michaell The maiors of Dublin and Drogheda dubbed knights. Ailmer. Talbot. The valiant­nesse of the lord Greie. Curseie maior of Drogheda, Girald Ailmer cheefe iustice, and Thomas Talbot of Malahide, were dub­bed knights in the field.

But of all others, the lord Greie then lord depu­tie, as he was in authoritie superior to them all, so in courage and manlinesse he was inferior to none. He was noted by the armie to haue indured great toile and paine before the skirmish, by posting bare­headed from one band to an other, debasing the enimies, inhansing the power of the pale, depres­sing the reuolt of rebellious traitors, extolling the good quarell of loiall subiects, offring large rewards, which with as great constancie he performed, as with liberalitie he promised. Ouer this, he bare him­selfe so affable to his souldiors, in vsing them like [Page 102] fréends and fellows, and terming them with courte­ous names, and moouing laughter with pleasant conceipts, as they were incensed as well for the loue of the person, as for the hatred of the enimie, with resolute minds to bicker with the Irish. In which conflict the deputie was as forward as the most, and bequit himselfe as valiant a seruitor as the best.

The gouernor, turning the oportunitie of this skirmish to his aduantage, shortlie after rode to the north, preiding & spoiling Oneale with his confede­rats, 10 who by reason of the late ouerthrow were able to make but little resistance. In this iornie he ra­sed saint Patrike his church in Downe, an old anci­ent citie of Ulster, and burnt the monuments of Patrike, Brigide, and Colme, who are said to haue beene there intoomed, as before is expressed in the description of Ireland. This fact lost him sundrie harts in that countrie, alwaies after detesting and The lord Greie accu­sed. abhorring his prophane tyrannie, as they did name it. Wherevpon conspiring with such of Mounster 20 as were enimies to his gouernment, they booked vp diuerse complaints against him, which they did exhi­bit to the king and councell. The articles of greatest importance laid to his charge were these.

1 Inprimis, that notwithstanding he were strict­lie The articles that were laid to his charge. commanded by the king his maiestie, to appre­hend his kinsman the yong Fitzgirald, yet did he not onlie disobeie the kings letters as touching that point by plaieng bopéepe, but also had priuie confe­rence with the said Fitzgirald, and laie with him 30 two or three seuerall nights before he departed into France.

2 Item, that the cheefe cause that mooued him to inuegle Thomas Fitzgirald with such faire promi­ses, procéeded of set purpose to haue him cut off, to the end there should be a gap set open for the yoong Fitz­girald to aspire to the earledome of Kildare.

3 Item, that he was so greedilie addicted to the pilling and polling of the king his subiects, namelie of such as were resiant in Mounster, as the beds he 40 laie in, the cups he dranke in, the plate with which he was serued in anie gentlemans house, were by his seruants against right and reason packt vp, and car­ried with great extortion awaie.

4 Item, that without anie warrant from the king or councell, he prophaned the church of saint Patrikes in Downe, turning it to a stable, after plucked it downe, and shipt the notable ring of bels that did hang in the steeple, meaning to haue sent them to England: had not God of his iustice pre­uented 50 his iniquitie, by sinking the vessell and pas­sengers wherein the said belles should haue béene conueied.

These and the like articles were with such odious presumptions coloured by his accusers, as the king and councell remembring his late faults, and forget­ting his former seruices (for commonlie all men are of so hard hap, that they shall be sooner for one tres­passe condemned, than for a thousand good deserts commended) gaue commandement that the lord 60 The lord Greie be­headed. Greie should not onelie be remooued from the go­uernment of the countrie, but also had him beheaded on the tower hill the eight and twentith of Iune. 1541 But as touching the first article, that brought him The lord Greie guilt­lesse of the first article. most of all out of conceipt with the king, I mooued question to the erle of Kildare, whether the tenor ther­of were true or false? His lordship thereto answered Bona fide, that he neuer spake with the lord Greie, ne­uer sent messenger to him, nor receiued message or letter from him. Whereby maie be gathered, with The dangers that happen to gouernors of prouinces. how manie dangers they are inwrapped that go­uerne prouinces, wherein diligence is twhackt with hatred, negligence is loden with tawnts, seueritie with perils menaced, liberalitie with thanklesse vn­kindnesse contemned, conference to vndermining framed, flatterie to destruction forged, each in coun­tenance smiling, diuerse in heart pouting, open faw­ning, secret grudging, gaping for such as shall suc­céed in gouernment, honouring magistrates with cap and knée as long as they are present, and carping them with toong and pen as soone as they are ab­sent.

The lord Leonard Greie (as is aforesaid) dischar­ged, Sir William Brereton lord iustice. sir William Brereton was constituted lord iu­stice, whose short gouernement was intangled with no little trouble. For albeit he and Oneale fell to a reasonable composition, yet other of the Irish lor­dings, namelie Oconhur and his adherents, that are content to liue as subiects, as long as they are not able to hold out as rebels, conspired togither, and determined to assemble their power at the hill of Fowre in west Meth, and so on a sudden to ran­sacke the pale. The lord iustice foorthwith accompa­nied with the armie, and with two thousand of the pale, of which no small number were ecclesiasticall persons, made towards the rebels, who vpon the ap­proch of so great an armie gaue ground, and disper­sed themselues in woods and marishes. The lord iu­stice this notwithstanding inuaded Oconhur his countrie, burnt his tenements, & made all his tren­ches with the multitude of pioners so passable, as foure hundred carts, beside light carriage, were led without let thorough the countrie. Oconhur soone Oconhur sub­mitteth him­selfe to the lord iustice. Sir Antho­nie Sentleger lord deputie. Sir William Brereton lord high marshall. after submitted himselfe, & sent his sonne Cormach to the lord iustice as hostage for his future obedience and loialtie to the king his highnesse. After this iour­nie was ended, sir Anthonie Sentleger knight of the order was constituted lord deputie, and sir Wil­liam Brereton lord high marshall, who within one halfe yeare after he was preferred to be marshall, trauelling by the lord deputie his appointment to Limerike, to bring in Iames earle of Desmond, who stood vpon certeine tickle points with the gouer­nor, ended his life in that iournie, and lieth intoomed He dieth. at Kilkennie in the quier of saint Kennie his church. In the thrée and thirtith yeare of the reigne of Hen­rie 154 [...] the eight, there was a parlement holden at Du­blin before sir Anthonie Sentleger, in which there passed these statutes following; namelie.

  • An act That the king and his successors to be kings of Ireland.
  • An act For graie merchants.
  • An act That the plantife maie abridge his plaint in assise.
  • An act That consanguinitie or affinitie being not within the fift de­gree, shall be no principall cha­lenge.
  • An act That maketh it felonie to anie man to run awaie with his master his casket.
  • An act For the adnihilating of precon­tracts in marriage.
  • An act For all lords to distreine vp­on the lands of them holden, & to make their auowrie, not naming the tenant, but their land.
  • An act For capacities.
  • An act For seruants wages.
  • An act For ioint-tenants.
  • An act For recouerie in auoiding leases.
  • An act For tithes.
  • An act For atturnements.

This parlement was proroged vntill the fiftéenth of Februarie, and after was continued at Limerike [Page 103] before she said deputie, at which time there passed

  • An act For the adiournment of the par­lement, and the place to hold the same, and what persons shall be chosen knights and burgeses.
  • An act For the election of the lord iu­stice.
  • An act Touching mispleding and ieoy­failes. 10
  • An act For lands giuen by the king.
  • An act For the suppression of Kilmai­nan and other religious hou­ses.

This parlement was likewise proroged, and af­ter was continued and holden before the said gouer­nour 1543 at Dublin, the sixt daie of Nouember, in the foure and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, wherein there passed these acts; namelie: 20

  • An act For the diuision of Meth into two shires.
  • An act For persons standing bound in a­ny court for their appeerance, and being in seruice, to be dis­charged by writ.

This parlement was further proroged vntill the seuentéenth of Aprill, and at that time before the said gouernor it was holden and ended, in which there pas­sed 30 an act touching the manour and castell of Don­garuan to be vnited and annexed to the crowne for euer. To this parlement resorted diuerse of the I­rish lords, who submitting themselues to the deputie his mercie, returned peaceablie to their countries. But Iames earle of Desmond sailed into Eng­land, Iames earle of Desmond. and before the king and councell purged him­selfe of all such articles of treason as were falselie laid to his charge: whose cleare purgation and hum­ble submission the king accepted verie gratefullie. 40 Shortlie after Desmond his returne homeward, the Oneale earle of Tiron. great Oneale was created earle of Tiron, and his base sonne Matthew Oneale baron of Dongaruan. For in those daies Iohn Oneale, commonlie called Shane Oneale, the onelie sonne lawfullie of his bo­die begotten, was little or nothing estéemed.

Oneale hauing returned to Ireland with this honour, and the king his fauor, Obren with certeine other Irish lords sailed into England, submitting their liues and lands to the king his mercie. This 50 Obren was at that time created earle of Clencare, Obren crea­ted earle of Clenclare. 1544 The I [...]rish sent for to the siege of Bul­longue. in which honour his posteritie hitherto resteth. Short­lie after the returne of these lords to their countrie, king Henrie being fullie resolued to besiege Bul­longne, gaue commandement to sir Anthonie Sent­leger deputie, to leuie an armie of Irishmen, and with all expedition to send them to England. To these were appointed capteins the lord Powre, who after was dubd knight, Surlocke & Finglasse, with diuerse others. They mustered in saint Iames his 60 parke seuen hundred. In the siege of Bullongne they stood the armie in verie good sted. For they were not onelie contented to burne and spoile all the villa­ges thereto adioining; but also they would range twentie or thirtie miles into the maine land: and ha­uing taken a bull, they vsed to tie him to a stake, and Their policie in purueieng for the armie. scorching him with faggots, they would force him to rore, so as all the cattell in the countrie would make towards the bull, all which they would lightlie lead awaie, and furnish the campe with store of béefe.

If they tooke anie Frenchman prisoner, lest they should be accounted couetous, in snatching with them his entier bodie, his onelie ransome should bée no more but his head. The French with this strange kind of warfaring astonished, sent an ambassador to king Henrie, to learne whether he brought men with him or diuels, that could neither be woone with rewards, nor pacified by pitie: which when the king had turned to a ieast, the Frenchmen euer after, if they could take anie of the Irish scatering from the companie, vsed first to cut off their genitals, and after to torment them with as great and as linge­ring paine as they could deuise.

After that Bullongne was surrendred to the king, A French chalenger vanquished. there incamped on the west side of the towne be­yond the hauen an armie of Frenchmen, amongst whome there was a Thrasonicall Golias that depar­ted from the armie, and came to the brinke of the hauen, and there in ietting and daring wise chalen­ged anie one of the English armie that durst be so hardie, as to bicker with him hand to hand. And al­beit the distance of the place, the depth of the hauen, the néernesse of his companie imboldened him to this chalenge, more than anie great valour or pith Nicho [...] Welsh. that rested in him to indure a combat; yet all this notwithstanding, an Irishman named Nicholl Welsh, who after reteined to the earle of Kildare, loathing and disdaining his proud brags, flung into the water, and swam ouer the riuer, fought with the chalenger, strake him for dead, and returned backe to Bullongne with the Frenchman his head in his mouth, before the armie could ouertake him. For which exploit, as he was of all his companie highlie [...] [...]ended, so by the lieutenant he was bountiful­le re [...]arded.

Such about this time the earle of Lennor, verie wrongfullie inquieted in Scotland, and forced to for­sake 1545 The earle of Lennox as­sisted by king Henrie. his countrie, became humble petitioner to king Henrie, as well to reléeue him in his distressed calamitie, as to compasse the means how he might be restored to his lands & liuing. The king his high­nesse mooued with compassion, posted the earle ouer to Ireland, with letters of especiall trust, command­ing sir Anthonie Sentleger then deputie, to assist and further the Scotish outcast, with as puissant an armie as to his contentation should séeme good. The Iames Bu [...] ­ler earle of Ormond. deputie, vpon the receipt of these letters, sent for Iames Butler earle of Ormond and Osserie, a no­ble man, no lesse politike in peace, than valiant in warres, made him priuie to the king his pleasure; and withall in his maiesties name did cast the charge hereof vpon the said earle, as one that for his tried loialtie was willing, and for his honour and valour able to attempt and atchiue so rare and famous an exploit. The lord of Ormond as willing to obeie, as the gouernour was to command, leuied of his te­nants and reteiners six hundred Gallowglasses, foure hundred Kearnes, thrée score horssemen, and foure hundred and fortie shot: so in the whole he mu­stered on Osmantowne greene néere Dublin, fif­téene hundred souldiours.

The lord deputie yéelding his honour such thanks in words, as he deserued indéed, leuied in the pale fifteene hundred souldiours more, to be annexed to Sir Iohn Tr [...]auers knight. the earle his companie. Ouer them he constituted sir Iohn Trauers capteine, but the erle of Ormond was made generall of the whole armie. When the souldiours were with munition and victuals aboun­dantlie furnished, the earle of Ormond and the earle of Lennox tooke shipping at Sherise, hauing in their companie twentie and eight ships well rigged, suffi­cientlie manned, and stronglie appointed. From thense they sailed northwards, and rode at anchor without the hauen of Oldfléet beyond Karregfer­gus. The earle of Ormond and the earle of Lennox in danger to be drowned. Where hauing remained hulling without the mouth of the hauen, contrarie to the aduise of the ma­sters of their ships (who prognosticated the spéedie ap­proch of a storme, and therefore did wish them to [Page 104] take a good harbrough) it hapned that the said night there arose so boisterous a tempest, that the whole fleet was like to haue béene ouerwhelmed. The ma­riners betaking their passengers and themselues to the mercie of God, did cut their maine masts, let slip their anchors, and were weather driuen to the hauen of Dunbritaine in Scotland, whereas they were like to run their ships on ground, and consequent­lie they all should either haue béene plunged in the water, or else haue béene slaine on the land by a great 10 number of Scots that awaited their approach. God with his gratious clemencie preuenting their immi­nent calamitie, sent them not onelie a wished calme, but also a prosperous gale of wind, that blew them backe in safetie to the Irish coast, from whense they were scattered.

The earle of Lennox aduertised by certeine of his fréends that met with him on the sea, that the Scots (contrarie to their promise) dealt verie doublie with him (for although they gaue their word to surrender 20 vp to him the castell of Dunbritaine, yet they did not onelie fortifie that hold, but also were readie to in­counter with his souldiors vpon their arriuals) he concluded to returne to Ireland. The earle of Or­mond verie loath that so great an attempt should take so little effect, dealt with him verie earnestlie, notwithstanding his counsell were bewraied to in­uade his enimies, and his lordship should be sure to find the armie so forward in assisting him in so fa­mous an enterprise, as they would shew [...] 30 more willing to bicker with his foes in [...] than without skirmishing to returne to Ireland [...] the earle of Ormond was of this nature, that as he The earle of Ormond his propertie. would not begin anie martiall broile rashlie or vn­aduisedlie, so he would not séeme to put it vp lightlie or easilie.

Further, whereas the earle of Lennox stood in hope, that the lord of the out Iles would aid him, it was thought by Ormond not to be amisse, to expect his comming; and so ioining his companie to the ar­mie, 40 there rested no doubt, but that the Scotish eni­mies would be forced to plucke in their hornes, al­though at the first blush they séeme to set a good face on the matter. Lennox some what with this persuasi­on carried, gaue his consent to expect the lord of the The lord of the out Iles faileth to the earle of Len­nox. out Iles determination, who notwithstanding all the fetth of the enterprise were descried, would not slip from his word, but personallie sailed to the Irish fléet, with thrée gallies well appointed. The noble man with such martiall triumphs was receiued, as 50 warlike souldiors could on the sea afoord him. But of all others, both the earls gaue him heartie intertein­ment for his true & honorable dealing, that to be as good as his word, would not séeme to shrinke from his fréend in this his aduersitie. And shortlie after as they craued his aduise what were best to be doone, ei­ther to land in Scotland, or else to returne home­ward, his flat resolution was at that time to retire, bicause their drift was detected, their feined friends fainted, the castels were fortified, and the shoares on 60 all parts with swarms of Scots peopled. Wherefore he thought it better policie to giue out in open ru­mors, that they meant not at anie hand to inuade Scotland, but to retire to their countrie.

And after that the Scotish souldiors should be dis­mist, which would be incontinent vpon their returne, by reason of the excessiue charges: then might the earle of Lennox with lesse preparation, and more se­crecie giue a fresh onset, that the enimies should soo­ner féele his force, than heare of his arriuall. Or­mond and Lennox vpon this determination landed Ormond and Lennox land. with the greater part of the armie, and appointed the ships to bend their course to Dublin. The lord of the out Iles and his three gallies sailed with the fléet, for he was not able by reason of the féeblenesse of his bodie to traueli by land, or [...] t [...]e further to pro­long The lord of the o [...]t Iles d [...]eth. his life, which he ended at [...]uth presentlie vpon his arriuall, and was with great solemnitie buried in saint Patrike his church at Dublin, vpon whose death this epitaph following was framed:

Viquee manúque meapatriae dum redditur exsul,
Exsul in externa cogor & ipse mori.
His epitaph.

Both the earles marched with the armie on fóot [...]o Carreg [...]ergus, where they brake companie. For Lennox and sir Iohn Trauers taking as he thought The Irish [...]rinish with the earle of Lennox. the shorter but not the safer waie, trauelled through the Ardes with the number of fine hundred souldi­ers, where the Irish inhabitants skirmished with them, and put them to such streict plunges (for they would gladlie haue seene what a clocke it was in their budgets) as they wished they had not parted from the rest of the armie. The earle of Ormond with his souldiers (which were a thousand fiue hun­dred, as before is expressed) marched on foot to Bele­fast, which is an arme of the sea, a quarter of a mile broad or little lesse. And albeit their wether were bit­ter and ouernipping, and no small parcell of the wa­ter were congeled with frost, yet the earle and his ar­mie The earle of Ormond his toilsome tra­uell. waded ouer on foot, to the great danger as well of his person, as of the whole companie, which doubt­lesse was a valiant enterprise of so honorable a per­sonage. From thense he passed to Strangford, and through Lecale to Dondalke, where he discharged his souldiers, and hauing presented himselfe to the gouernour at Dublin, he rode homewards to the countie of [...]ilkennie.

Shortlie after fix Anthonie Sentleger lord depu­tie and the earle of Ormond fell at debate, insomuch The deputie and Ormond at debate. as either of them laid articles of treason one to the others charge. The chiefe occasion of their mutuall grudge procéeded of certeine new and extraordina­rie impositions, wherewith the deputie would haue charged the subiects. Whereat the earle of Ormond as a zelous defendor of his countrie began to kicke, & in no sort could be woone to agree to anie such vn­reasonable demand. Herevpon Ormond, percei­uing that the gouernour persisted in his purpose, ad­dressed letters of complaint to such as were of the Ormond his letters inter­cepted. priuis councell in England: which letters were by one of sir Anthonie his friends intercepted at sea, and presented to him to be perused. Sir Anthonie hauing ouer read the writings, sent master Basnet in post hast with the packet to Kilkennie, where the earle of Ormond kept his Christmasse, requesting his lordship to take in good part the opening of his letters. Which was doone rather to learne the effect of his complaint, than in anie sort to imbar his wri­tings from comming to the councels hands.

The earle answered that his quarell was so good, his dealing so open, as he little weighed who tooke a view of his letters. And for his part what he wrote he meant not to vnwrite; but in such sort as they came from the gouernour, they should be sent to the councell: and if their honours would allow anie sub­iect to be so hardie, as to intercept and open letters that were to them indorsed, he could not but digest anie such iniurie that they would seeme to beare. With this answer Basnet returned, and the earle performed his promise. Wherevpon the gouernour The lord de­putie and Or­mond sent for to England. and he were commanded to appeare before the pri­uie councell in England, where they were sundrie times examined, and their accusations ripelie deba­ted. In fine, the councell equallie to both parts in their complaints affected, and weighing withall ra­ther the due desert of both their loiall seruices, than the vaine presumption of their mutuall accusations, wrapped vp their quarels & made them both fréends, with such indifferencie, as neither part should be They are made fréends. [Page 105] either with anie conquest exalted, or with anie foile deb [...]sed.

And for so much as sir Iohn Alen knight then Sir Iohn A­ [...]rd chan­ [...]t cōmit­t [...]d to the [...]. lord chancellor of Ireland, was found to limpe in this controuerste, by plaieng (as it was supposed) more craftilie than wiselie, with both the hands, in that he séemed to be rather a fosterer of their malice, than an appeaser of their quarels, he was likewise sent for into England; and being tript by the coun­cell in his tale, was committed to the Fleet, wherin 10 he remained a long time. In this trouble the earle of Ormond was greatlie aided by sir William Wife knight a worshipfull gentleman, borne in the Sir William Wise knight. citie of Waterford, who deseruing in déed the praise of that vertue, whereof he bare the name, grew to be of great credit in the court, and stood highlie in king Henrie his grace, which he wholie vsed to the furthe­rance of his friends, and neuer abused to the annoi­ance of his foes. This gentleman was verie well spoken, mild of nature, with discretion stout, as one 20 that in an vpright quarell would beare no coles, sel­dome in an intricate matter grauested, being found at all assaies to be of a pleasant and present wit. Ha­uing lent the king his signet to seale a letter, who ha­uing powdred erimites ingrailed in the seale; Why how now Wise (quoth the king) what, hast thou lice here? And if it like your maiestie, quoth sir Willi­am, a louse is a rich cote, for by giuing the louse, I part armes with the French king, in that he giueth the floure de lice. Whereat the king hartilie laugh­ed, 30 to heare how pretilie so biting a taunt (namelie procéeding from a prince) was suddenlie turned to so pleasant a conceipt.

Anon after the agreement made betwéene Or­mond and Sentleger, the earle his seruants (which he kept at that time in his liuerie to the number of fiftie) besought his lordship to take at the Limehouse his part of a supper, which they prouided for him. The noble man with honour accepting their dutifull of­fer, supped at their request, but not to their conten­tation 40 at the place appointed. For whether it were that one caitife or other did poison the meat, or that some other false measures were vsed (the certeintie The earle of Ormond de­ceaseth. with the reuenge whereof to God is to be referred) the noble man with thirtie and fiue of his seruants presentlie that night sickened: one Iames White the earle his steward, with sixteene of his fellowes died, the remnant of the seruants recouered. But their lord, whose health was chieflie to be wished, in the floure of his age deceased of that sickenesse at Elie house in Holborne, much about the eight and 50 1546 twentith of October, and was buried in saint Tho­mas of Acres his church, whose death bred sorrow to his friends, little comfort to his aduersaries, great losse to his countrie, and no small griefe to all good men.

This earle was a goodlie and personable noble His descrip­tion. man, full of honour, which was not onelie lodged in­wardlie in his mind, but also he bare it outwardlie in countenance: as franke & as liberall as his cal­ling required, a deepe and a farre reaching head. In 60 a good quarell rather stout than stubborne, bearing himselfe with no lesse courage when he resisted, than with honorable discretion where he yéelded. A fauou­rer of peace, no furtherer of warre, as one that pro­cured vnlawfull quietnesse before vpright troubles, being notwithstanding of as great wisedome in the one, as of valour in the other. An earnest and a zea­lous vpholder of his countrie, in all attempts rather respecting the publike weale than his priuat gaine. Whereby he bound his countrie so greatlie vnto him, that Ireland might with good cause wish, that either he had neuer beene borne, or else that he had neuer deceased; so it were lawfull to craue him to be immortall, that by course of nature was framed mortall. And to giue sufficient proofe of the entire affection he bare his countrie, and of the zealous care he did cast thereon, he betooke in his death-bed his soule to God, his carcase to christian buriall, and his hart to his countrie; declaring therby, that where his mind was setled in his life, his hart should be there intoomed after his death. Which was accor­ding to his will accomplished. For his hart was con­ueied to Ireland, and lieth ingraued in the quéere of the cathedrall church in Kilkennie, where his ance­stors for the more part are buried. Upon which kind & louing legacie this epitaph following was deuised:

Corpatriae fixum viuens, iam redditur illi
Post mortem, patriae quae peracerba venit.
His epitaph.
Non fine corde [...]let mortalis viuere quisquam,
Vix tuagens vita permanet absque tua.
Quae licèt infoelix extincto corde fruatur,
Attamen optato viuere corde nequit.
Ergò quid haec faciat? Quem re non possit amorem
Cordi vt tam charo reddere corde velit?

The effect of which said epitaph is thus Englished:

The liuing hart where laie ingrauen the care of countrie deere,
To countrie liuelesse is restord and lies ingrauen here.
None hartlesse liues, his countrie then alas what ioie is left,
Whose hope, whose hap, whose hart he was till death his life bereft.
And though the soile here shrowds the hart, which most it wisht t'enioie,
Yet of the change from nobler seat, the cause dooth it annoie.
What honour then is due to him, for him what worthie rite?
But that ech hart with hartiest loue, his worthiest hart may quite?

This earle was of so noble a disposition, as he The kindnes of Iames erle of Ormond to his friends. would sooner countenance and support his poore well willer in his aduersitie, than he would make or fawne vpon his wealthie friend in prosperitie. Ha­uing bid at London (not long before his death) the ladie Greie countesse of Kildare to dinner, it happe­ned that a souldier, surnamed Powre, who latelie re­turned fresh from the emperour his warres, came to take his repast with the earle before the messen­ger. When the earle and the countesse were set, this toisting Rutterkin wholie then standing on the sol­dado hoigh, placed himselfe right ouer against the countesse of Kildare, hard at the earle of Ormond his elbow, as though he were haile fellow well met. The noble man appalled at the impudent saucinesse of the malapert soldier (who notwithstanding might be borne withall, bicause an vnbidden ghest know­eth not where to sit) besought him courteouslie to giue place. The earle, when the other arose, taking vpon him the office of a gentleman vsher, placed in Powre his seat, his cousine Edward Fitzgirald, Edward Fitzgirald. now lieutenant of hir maiesties pensioners, who at that time being a yoong stripling, attended vpon his mother the countesse, and so in order he set euerie gentleman in his degrée, to the number of fifteene or sixteene: and last of all the companie, he licenced Powre, if he would, to sit at the lower end of the ta­ble, where he had scantlie elbow roome.

The countesse of Kildare, perceiuing the noble man greatlie to stomach the souldior his presumptu­ous boldnesse, nipt him at the elbow, and whispering softlie, besought his lordship not to take the matter so hot, bicause the gentleman (she ment Powre) knew that the house of Kildare was of late attein­ted, and that hir children were not in this their cala­mitie in such wise to be regarded. No ladie (quoth the [Page 106] earle with a lowd voice, and the tears trilling downe his léeres, saie not so, I trust to sée the daie, when my yoong cousin Edward, and the remnant of your chil­dren (as little reckoning as he maketh of them) shall disdaine the companie of anie such skipiacke. Which prophesie fell out as trulie as he foretold it, onelie sauing that it stood with God his pleasure to call him to his mercie before he could sée that daie after which doubtlesse he longed and looked, I meane the restitu­tion of the house of Kildare. 10

After this noble earle his vntimelie decease, sir Anthonie Sentleger was returned to Ireland lord Sir Anthonie Sentleger re­turneth lord deputie. deputie, who was a wise and a warie gentleman, a valiant seruitor in war, and a good iusticer in peace, properlie learned, a good maker in the English, ha­uing grauitie so interlaced with pleasantnesse, as with an excéeding good grace he would atteine the one without pouting dumpishnesse, and exercise the other without loathsome lightnesse. There fell in his time a fat benefice, of which he as lord deputie had 20 the presentation. When diuerse made suit to him for the benefice, and offered with dishonestie to [...]ie that which with safetie of conscience he could not sell, he answered merilie, that he was resolued not to commit simonie: yet notwithstanding he had a nag in his stable that was worth fortie shillings, and he that would giue him fortie pounds for the nag, should Sentleger his simonie. be preferred to the benefice. Which he rather of plea­sure vttered, than of anie vnconscionable meaning purposed to haue doone.

His gouernement had beene of the countrie ve­rie well liked, were it not that in his time he began to assesse the pale with certeine new impositions, not so profitable (as it was thought) to the gouernors, as it was noisome to the subiects. The debating of which I purpose to referre to them, who are discoursers of publike estates, and the reformers of the common­wealth, praieng to God, that he with his grace direct them so faithfullie to accomplish the duties of good magistrates, that they gouerne that poore battered Iland to his diuine honour, to hir maiesties conten­tation, to the suppressing of rebels, to the vpholding of subiects, and rather to the publike weale of the whole countrie, than to the priuat gaine of a few persons, which oftentimes falleth out in proofe to the ruine and vndooing of the séeker.

Thus farre (gentle reader) as mine instructions directed me, and my leasure serued me, haue I continued a parcell of the Irish historie, and haue stretched it to the reigne of Ed­ward the sixt. Wherevpon I am forced to craue at thine hands pardon and tollerance: pardon for anie error I shall be found to haue commited, which vpon friendlie ad­monition I am readie to reforme: tollerance, for that part of the historie which is not continued, till time I be so furnished and fraught with matter, as that I maie emploie my trauell to serue thy contentation.

FINIS.

THE SVPPLIE OF THIS Irish Chronicle, continued from the death of king Henrie the eight, 1546, vntill this present yeare 1586, in the 28 yeare of hir maiesties reigne, sir Iohn Perot residing deputie in Ireland.

AS from the time of Giraldus Cambren­sis (the best deserued and exact writer of the conquest and state of Ireland in his time, few or none haue followed and continued any per­fect course of that historie vntill the death of king Henrie the eight, and the begin­ning of king Edward the sixt 1546; and therefore no certeine knowledge nor assurance can be yelded, nor set downe either of the quiet gouernement in time of peace, or of the troublesome state in time of warres and rebellions; but that which is collected either out of the records, which were verie slenderlie & disorderlie kept, or out of some priuat mens collections and pamphlets, remaining in some od and obscure places: euen so the like from that time vnto these presents hath happened and is fallen out, euerie gouernour neglecting, and verie few others for want of due ob­seruations willing, to commit vnto writing what was doone, and woorthie the memoriall; sauing the things so latelie doone are not altogither out of remembrance, and some yet liuing that can remember some things doone in their times. And yet that is so vncerteine, and euerie man so varieth one from the others reports, that no man can well therevpon set downe a perfect and so exact a course as the nature of an historie requireth, and as it ought to be doone. He therefore that vpon such vncerteinties shall intermedle [Page 108] and vndertake the penning, much more the printing of such an vncerteine, confused, and intricate discourse, must looke and be assured to be subiect to manie cauils and reproches: which thing discouraged me the writer here­of to intermedle at all in this historie. Neuerthelesse, this worke re­quiring a supplie, and my selfe being earnestlie required to doo something herein, haue aduentured the matter, and by all the meanes I could, haue searched and collected to set downe in this short discourse and rhapsodie, what by writings or reports I could learne and find to be true, and worthie the memoriall: which albeit, it be not so full as the worke requireth, nor so sufficient as to the satisfaction of the reader, nor yet so answerable to the nature of an historie as is necessarie and requisit: yet let the good will of the writer be his discharge from reproch, and be an occasion to the learned to amend the thing thus in a good affection begun, and to reduce it to a more full measure in matter and truth: that this historie may haue his perfection, the reader satis­fied, and this writer acquited.

Iohn Hooker, aliâs Vowell.

THE SVPPLIE OF THE Irish Chronicles extended to this present yeare of our Lord 1586, and the 28 of the reigne of queene Elisabeth.

AFter the death of king Henrie Sir Antho­nie Sentleger reuoked. the eight, sir An­thonie Sentleger knight, was re­uoked; who deliue­red vp the sword at his departure vnto sir William Brabston knight; 10 and he was lord iustice, vntill such time as sir Edward Bellingham was sent ouer to 1547 Sir Edward Bellingham made lord de­putie. be deputie. This man was seruant to king Ed­ward the sixt, and of his priuie chamber: a man verie well learned, graue and wise, and therewith stout & valiant, and did verie worthilie direct his gouern­ment. In his time there was a mint kept in the ca­stell A mint in Dublin. of Dublin, which being at his commandement, he was the better able to doo good seruice to the king 20 his maiestie, and to the benefit of that realme. In the ciuill gouernment he was carefull to place lear­ned and wise magistrats, vnto whome he had a spe­ciall Sir Edward Bellinghams carefulnesse in gouernement. eie for the dooing of their offices; as he had the like care for good and expert capteins, to serue in the martiall affaires. And for the more spéedie seruice to be doone therein at all times needfull, he kept sun­drie stables of horsses: one at Leighlin, one at Lex, and some in one place and some in another, as he Sundrie sta­bles of horsses kept. thought most méet for seruice. And whatsoeuer he 30 had to doo, or what seruice soeuer he meant to take in hand, he was so secret, and kept the same so priuie, as none should haue anie vnderstanding thereof, His secrecie in his seruice. before the verie instant of the seruice to be doone; and for the most part, whensoeuer he tooke anie iournie in hand, his owne men knew not whither, or to what place he would ride, or what he would doo. It happe­ned that vpon some occasion he sent for the earle of Desmond, who refused to come vnto him. Where­vpon 40 calling vnto him his companie as he thought good, and without making them acquainted what he minded to doo, tooke horsse & rode to Leighlin bridge. Leighlin ab­be [...]e inclosed with a wall and made a fort. The abbeie there (being suppressed) he caused to be in­closed with a wall, and made there a fort. In that house he had a stable of twentie or thirtie horsses, and there he furnished himselfe and all his men with horsses and other furniture, and foorthwith rode in­to Mounster, vnto the house of the earle, being then Christmas; and being vnlooked and vnthought of, The earle of Desmond ta­ken in his house. he went in to the earle, whome he found sitting by the fire, and there tooke him, and caried him with him to Dublin.

This earle was verie rude both in gesture and The earle is rude without nurture. in apparell, hauing for want of good nurture as much good maners as his Kerns and his followers could teach him. The deputie hauing him at Dublin, did so instruct, schoole, and informe him, that he made a The earle in­structed in ci­uilitie. new man of him, and reduced him to a conformitie in maners, apparell, and behauiours apperteining to his estate and degree; as also to the knowledge of his dutie and obedience to his souereigne & prince; and made him to knéele vpon his knées sometimes an houre togither, before he knew his dutie. This though it were verie strange to the earle, who ha­uing not béene trained vp in anie ciuilitie, knew not what apperteined to his dutie and calling: nei­ther yet of what authoritie and maiestie the king his souereigne was; yet when he had well digested and considered of the matter, he thought himselfe most happie that euer he was acquainted with the said deputie, and did for euer after so much honor him, as that continuallie all his life time at euerie The earle praieth for [...] Edward Bel­lingham. dinner and supper, he would praie for the good si [...] Edward Bellingham: and at all callings he was so obedient and dutifull, as none more in that land.

This sir Edward lord deputie, when and where soeuer he trauelled, he would be chargeable to no man; but would be at his owne charge. It happe­ned that trauelling the countrie, he was lodged on The lord de­putie would be chargeable to none. a night in vicount Baltinglasses house, where all things were verie plentifullie prouided for him: which the vicount thought to haue giuen and bestow­ed vpon his lordship: but at his departure, he com­manded his steward to paie & discharge all things, thanking the vicount for his courtesie, but refused his interteinement; saieng: The king my maister hath placed me here to serue him, and alloweth me therein for my charges and expenses: wherefore, I neither maie nor will be burdenous nor chargable to anie other man. He was verie exquisit & carefull in the gouernement, as few before him the like; as­well The good go­uernment of this deputie. in matters martiall, as politike, magnani­mous and couragious: in the one, to the appalling of the enimie; and as seuere & vpright in the other, to the benefit of the commonwelth. For neither by flat­terie could he be gained, nor by briberie be corrup­ted; [Page 110] he was feared for his seueritie, and beloued for his integritie; and no gouernor for the most vniuer­saliie Sir Edward [...]ngham well beloued. better reported of than was he. But as ver­tue hath the contrarie to enimie, so he found it true: for he was so enuied at, and that rebellious nation not brooking so woorthie a man, who trauelled all the waies he could to reduce them to the knowledge of themselues, and of their duties; and also to reforme that corrupt state of gouernement, that great prac­tises and deuises were made for his reuocation; and matters of great importance informed and inforced 10 against him. Wherevpon, before two yeares en­ded of his gouernement, he was reuoked, and sir Francis Brian made lord iustice. At his comming 1548 Sir Francis Brian lord iustice. into England, great matters were laid vnto his charge: but he so effectuallie did answer the same, that his maiesties doubtfulnesse was resolued; & he not onelie cléered, but also better liked than euer he was before, & should haue béene sent backe againe, had he not alleged his infirmitie; the which was a fistula, and other good reasons, which were accepted 20 for his excuse. Sir Francis Brian had maried the countesse of Ormond, and by that meanes he was Sir Francis Brian maried the countes of Ormond, died and was bu­ried at Water­ford. a dweller in that land: where he died & was buried in the citie of Waterford. His time of iusticeship was but short, & no great matters could in so short a time be doone by him. After his death, sir William Brab­ston had the sword deliuered vnto him, and he conti­nued 1549 Sir William Brabston lord iustice. lord iustice, vntill that sir Anthonie Sentleger came ouer, who was now lord deputie the second time: who notwithstanding by his knowledge & ex­perience 30 1550 Sir Anthonie Sentleger lord deputie the second time. he had good skill and did well gouerne: yet there remained some coles of the fire in his first go­uernement vnquenched; and within a shorter time than thought of, he was reuoked: and sir Iames Crofts was sent ouer to supplie the place; his euill 1551 Sir Iames Crofts lord deputie. successes in good attempts did not answer his va­lour and good deserts.

And albeit the time of his gouernement were not long, yet it continued vntill the death of king 40 Edward the sixt, and then he was called home, and sir Thomas Cusacke and sir Gerard Elmer were appointed lords iustices, who iointlie gouerned the estate, vntill quéene Marie sent ouer sir Anthonie 1552 Sir Antho­nie Sentle­ger lord depu­tie the third time. Sentleger; who now the third time was lord depu­tie. This man ruled and gouerned verie iustlie and vprightlie in a good conscience, and being well ac­quainted in the courses of that land, knew how to meete with the enimies, and how to staie all magi­strates and others in their duties and offices: for 50 which though he deserued well, and ought to be belo­ued and commended: yet the old practises were re­newed, and manie slanderous informations were made and inueighed against him: which is a fatall destinie, and ineuitable to euerie good gouernor in A fatall desti­nie to euerie good gouernor to be slande­red. that land. For the more paines they take in tillage, the worsse is their haruest; and the betterbe their ser­uices, the greater is the malice and enuie against them; being not vnlike to a fruitefull apple trée, which the more apples he beareth, the more cudgels be hur­led 60 at him. Well, this man is called home, and the lord Thomas Fitzwaters was made lord deputie. At sir Anthonies comming ouer, great matters 1555 The lord Fitzwaters made lord de­putie. were laid to his charge, and manie heauie aduersa­ries he had, which verie eagerlie pursued the same a­gainst him: wherein he so answered, that he was not onelie acquited; but also gained his discharge for euer to passe ouer anie more into so vnthankefull a land.

The lord Fitzwaters being lord deputie, after a short time of his being there, was sent for into Eng­land. And in in his absence, sir Henrie Sidneie 1555 Sir Henrie Sidneie and Corwen lords iustices. then treasuror at warres, and doctor Corwen, were for a time ioint lords iustices: but verie shortlie af­ter, a commission was sent to sir Henrie Sidneie to be sole lord iustice, and so continued alone vntill the lord Fitzwaters, now earle of Sussex, came againe and resumed his former office of deputie. After that he was come ouer, he had somewhat to doo with the Oneile. For the whole north part of Ireland be­gan The Oneile and all the north be vn­quiet. to be vnquieted, and for preuenting of sundrie inconueniences, which might grow by the Scotish Ilanders in aiding the said Oneile, the lord depu­tie made a iourneie and voiage into the said Iles, to ioine them into his friendship. In his absence, he constituted sir Henrie Sidneie lord iustice; but after that he had doone his businesse, he returned a­gaine to Dublin, where he remained and continued in his office vntill the death of quéene Marie, and then he passed ouer into England, and left sir Hen­rie 1556 Sir Henrie Sidneie lord iustice the fourth time. Sidneie to be lord iustice now the fourth time. And after some time spent there, and quéene Elisa­beth now setled in the imperiall crowne of Eng­land, she sent ouer the said earle as lieutenant of 1557 The earle of Sussex lord lieutenant. The Oneile taken and kept in prison. Ireland to performe those seruices, which before he had taken in hand: who did verie great good ser­uice against the Irishrie, and by meanes he tooke the Oneile, and kept him prisoner in the castell of Dublin: but yet before he could or did bring the same to perfection, he was reuoked into England, and left the land in a verie broken state; which was committed to sir Nicholas Arnold, & he was made 1564 Sir Nicho­las Arnold lord iustice. lord iustice. But his gouernement being not well liked, choise was made by hir maiestie and the councell of sir Henrie Sidneie, now knight of the 1565 Sir Henrie Sidneie lord deputie. honorable order of the garter, to supplie that place, who then was lord president of Wales.

This man had béene before a long seruitour in that realme, hauing for sundrie yeares béene trea­suror at warres, which is the second office vnder the lord deputie in that land; as also had béene lord iu­stice solie and iointlie foure times. Great was his knowledge, wisedome, and experience both of that land, and of the nature, manners, and disposition of the people: wherein the more he excelled anie others in those daies, the more apt and fit was he to haue the gouernement of them. He was therefore called from out of Wales, where he then resided in his go­uernement vnto the court: and there after confe­rence Sir Henrie Sidneie lord president of Wales. had with hir highnesse, and with the councell; he was appointed to be lord deputie of Ireland, be­ing the seuenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, in the yeare of our Lord 1565. And then he receiued of hir maiestie a booke of instructions signed with hir A booke of ar­ticles deliue­red to sir Hen­rie Sidneie for his go­uernement. owne hand, dated the fist of October 1565, the seuenth yeare of hir reigne aforesaid, concerning the principall articles for his gouernement & direc­tion, which chieflie consisted in these points.

First, that there should be a bodie of a councell established, to assist him being lord deputie, in the A councell to be established. gouernement of the same realme in times of peace and of warre; and whose names were then particu­larlie set downe: and order giuen, that euerie of Euerie coun­cellor to be sworne. them should before their admission be sworne by the said lord deputie, according to the accustomed man­ner: with an exhortation, that for somuch as hir maiestie had reposed a speciall trust and confidence in their wisedomes, aduises, good counsels, and ser­uices: he the lord deputie should vse their aduises, assistance, and counsels in all matters of treatie and consultation, concerning the state of that realme.

And they likewise, considering the place and au­thoritie wherevnto hir maiestie had called the said sir Henrie Sidneie, to hold hir place in that realme: they should yéeld that obedience and reuerence vnto him, as to such a principall officer dooth apperteine. And then they both togither, to haue a speciall care and regard to the gouernement, which was compri­sed [Page 111] in foure articles that doo orderlie hereafter fol­low.

The said foure articles were these.

1 FIrst, that they should faithfullie and Gods lawes to be kept, and christian reli­gion to be vsed. earnestlie regard the due and reue­rend obseruation of all Gods lawes and ordinances, made and established for the maintenance of the true christian faith and religion among hir people; and that all meanes 10 should be vsed, aswell by doctrine and by teaching, as by good examples, that deuotion and godlinesse might increase, and contempt of religion might be restreined, punished, and suppressed. That learning Learning of the scriptures to be maintei­ned. in the scriptures might be mainteined and increased among the cleargie, and that for the reliefe of the ec­clesiasticall state, no alienations nor wasts of the lands perteining to anie church or college, should be alienated: neither anie impropriations of benefi­ces The church lands not to be alienated. be put in vre: besides sundrie other articles in­cident 20 to this effect.

2 The second was, that the administration of law The lawes to be dulie admi­nistred. and iustice should dulie and vprightlie be executed, without respect of persons: that inquirie be made what notable faults are in anie of the iudges, or o­ther ministers of the law: that vnfit persons maie be remoued from their places, and some sufficient persons of English birth be chosen to supplie the Shirifies to be apointed in euerie shire. same. That shiriffes be appointed and renewed in euerie countie, and to execute their offices vpright­lie, 30 according to the lawes of England.

3 The third, that the garrisons and men of warre The garisons to be looked vnto. be well ordered to the benefit of the realme, and re­pressing of disordered subiects and rebels: that they doo liue according to the orders appointed, without oppression of the good and true subiects. That there shall be once within a moneth at the least a muster A muster to be kept euerie moneth. made either by the lord deputie, or by such commis­sioners as he shall appoint méete and indifferent for that purpose; who shall make inquirie of the num­ber 40 of the souldiors vnder euerie capteine; for the sufficiencie of their persons, their horsses, armors, and weapons, and other their necessaries: and how they were paied of their wages, and whether they were Englishmen or not.

4 The fourth article was, whether there had béene [...]rie regard to be had of hir maiesties reuenues. had a due care & regard to the preseruation of the reuenues of the crowne, & for the recouerie of that which is withdrawne. And whether euerie of the offi­cers appointed for the receiuing of anie part of the 50 said reuenues, as namelie the receiuers of rents, That euerie officer of re­ceipts doo yearelie make his account. shiriffes, exchetors, collectors of the subsidies, cu­stomors, clerks of the crowne, of the hamper, and of the first fruits, and the farmers of customes and such others, did yearelie make and answer their ac­counts; and besides sundrie other articles incident to euerie of these principals.

After that he had receiued this booke, and his com­mission, he prepared himselfe with all the expedition 60 Sir Henrie Sidneie ta­keth his leaue of the quéene and councell. he could, to follow the great charge committed vnto him: which being doone, he repaired to hir maie­stie and tooke his leaue: and to his farewell, she gaue him most comfortable spéeches and good counsels, promising hir fauor and countenance to all his well dooings, and a consideration for the same when time should serue. The like leaue he tooke also of the lords of the councell, who in like order gaue him the like farewell: and these things doone, be departed towards the sea side, where after he had taried a long time for a good wind and passage, he tooke ship, and arriued in Ireland the thirtéenth of Ianuarie, about fiue miles from Dublin, and from thense he trauel­led to Dublin; where he was most honorablie recei­ued Sir Henrie Sidneie ioi­fullie receiued into Dublin. by sir Nicholas Arnold then lord iustice, and the whole councell; togither with the maior and his bre­thren of that citie. And the people in great troops came and saluted him, clapping and shooting with all the [...]oie that they could deuise.

The next sundaie then next following, being the seuenth daie of his arriuall, and the twentith of the moneth, he accompanied with the lord iustice and councell, repaired to the high church in the citie na­med Christes church; where after that the diuine ser­uice was doone, be tooke his oth, receiued the sword, and assumed vpon him the gouernement: and wher­with he made a most pithie, wise, and eloquent ora­tion, which consisted vpon these speciall points. The first, what a pretions thing is good gouernement, The benefit of good gouerne­ment. and how all realmes, commonwealths, cities, and countries doo flourish and prosper, where the same is orderlie, in equitie, iustice, and wisedome, directed & gouerned. Secondlie, what a continuall care the queenes highnesse hath had, and yet hath, not onelie The quéenes maiesties con­tinuall care for Ireland. for the good guiding & ruling of the realme of Eng­land, but also of Ireland; which she so earnestlie de­sireth, and wisheth to be preserued, as well in peace as in warre: that she hath made great choise from time to time of the most graue, wise, and expert councellors for the one; and the most valiant, skil­full, and expert men of armes for the other: that both in peace and warres, the publike state of the commonwealth, and euerie particular member therein might be conserued, defended, and kept in safetie vnder hir gouernement. And for the per­formance thereof, hir maiestie ouer and besides the reuenues of the crowne of Ireland, did yearelie The quéens maiestie ex­pendeth year [...] out of hir owne co­fers for Ire­land sundrie thousands of pounds. far aboue anie of hir progenitors, expend of hir owne cofers out of England, great masses of mo­nie, amounting to manie thousand pounds. All which hir excessiue expenses and continuall cares she made the lesse account of; so that hir realme and subiects of Ireland might be preserued, defended, and gouerned.

Lastlie, notwithstanding hir maiestie might haue made better choise of manie others, who were bet­ter able to hold hir place in this realme; both for ho­nor, wisedome, and experience: yet hir pleasure was now to cast this heauie charge and burden vp­on him. Which he was the more vnwilling to take vpon him, because the greater the charge was, the more vnable & weake he was to susteine the same. Neuerthelesse, being in good hope, and well promised of hir highnesse fauor and countenance in his well dooings, and hauing his confidence in them hir high­nesse councellors associated vnto him, to ioine, aid, and assist him in this gouernement: he was and is the more readie to take the sword in hand; in hope that this his gouernement shall be to the glorie of God, the honor of hir maiestie, the benefit of the com­monwelth, and the preseruation of the whole realme and people of the same. And so making his earnest request to the said lords present, for their conjoining with him, and the aiding and assisting of him in this hir maiesties seruice, he made an end of his speeches.

The said councellors, hauing well considered the great value and weight of this his graue and wise o­ration, did most humblie thanke his lordship for the same, and promised in all dutifulnesse, faith, and o­bedience to performe and attend whatsoeuer to them in anie wise should apperteine. These things doone, they all condu [...]ed the said lord deputie in all honora­ble The congra­tulation of the people. manner vnto the castell of Dublin: the common people in euerie street and corner meeting him, and with great acclamations and ioie did congratulat vnto his lordship his comming among them in that office. Immediatlie after the performance of all [Page 112] the solemnities, perteining to these actions, he called and assembled all those persons which hir highnesse had appointed, admitted, and allowed to be of hir ma­iesties priuie councell for that realme, and did sweare them according to the accustomed manner. Then from time to time they assembled and met, consul­ting and deliberating what waie and order were best to be taken for reparing of that broken common­weale The broken state of Ire­land. and ruinous state, being as it were a man al­togither infected with sores and biles, and in whose 10 bodie from the crowne of the head to the sole of the foot there is no health. And surelie if the state of that land was euer miserable and in perill to be ouer­throwne: it was neuer more like than at these pre­sents; for as for the English pale, it was ouerwhel­med The English pale wasted and spoiled. with infinite numbers of caterpillers, who dai­lie by spoiles and robberies haue deuoured and wa­sted the same: whereby the people vniuersallie were so poor, eand the commons in such extreame penurie, that they had not horsses, armor nor weapons to de­fend 20 them, nor apparell, vittels, nor anie other neces­saries to reléeue them; the soldiors so beggerlie that The soldiors beggerlie and out of order. they were most intolerable to the people, and so roo­ted in insolencie, loosenesse and idlenesse, that vnlesse the remedie were the more speedie, they would bée past correction: and so much the worsse, bicause ma­nie of them were alied in mariage, and companies of the Irish: who the more they were affected to them, their truth and seruice more doubtfull to hir maie­stie. The prouince of Leinster and they altogither The misera­ble state of Leinster. most miserable, the Tools, Obrines, Kinshelaghes, 30 Odoiles, Omoroughs, Carenaughs, the Moores, and the residue in their accustomable manners who­lie bent to spoiles and all mischiefs, no place of anie safetie remaining for the good subiect; especiallie in the countie of Kilkennie, which being sometimes a The fertile soile of the countie of Kilkennie made wast. fertile rich soile, and well manured and inhabited, be­came of all others most desart and beggerlie, verie few being left to inhabit the same.

Mounster, the inhabitants there likewise for the Mounster by ciuill war de­stroied. most part being followers to the earle of Desmond, 40 and following his wars against the erle of Ormond, made that prouince, and especiallie the counties of Tipporarie and Kirrie, being wealthie and rich, to become bare and beggerlie; and verie few of whom hir maiestie was or could be assured. Notwithstand­ing experience had taught them, and they assured, that no waie was for their recouerie and safetie so good and assured, as to humble themselues, and to be­come hir highnesse loiall and obedient subiects: yet 50 as swine delighting in their dirt and puddles, con­tented themselues rather with a beggerlie life to be miserable, than in dutifull obedience to be at peace and assured. The prouinces also of Thomond altogi­ther almost wasted by the warres betwéene the earle Thomond all wasted by ci­uill warres. there and sir Donell Obrien. Ormond likewise by reason of dissention betwéene the earles of Des­mond and Ormond, and by the dailie inuasions and preies of Piers Grace was almost wasted and vn­habited. 60

Connagh, one of the goodliest, pleasantest, and most fertile soiles of that land, & in times past verie Connagh de­uoured by ci­uill warres. rich and wealthie, and well inhabited, is wasted with the wars betwéene the erle of Clanrichard and Mac William Enter: the Irish countries all wasted and impouerished, partlie by reason of their dissimu­lations, societies, and conferences with the rebelles, and partlie by the particular discords among them­selues. Finallie, all the gentlemen throughout, The gentle­men all impo­uerished. woont in times past to be kéepers of hospitalitie, were by the dailie preies made vpon them and their tenants so impouerished & distressed, that they were not able to mainteine and reléeue themselues nor their families. The prouince of Ulster for wealth Ulster weal­thie and rich. and plentie was well stored, not onlie of themselues, but by reason that it was the receptacle and place of receipt of all the preies and spoiles from out of the o­ther prouinces: but as for loialtie, dutifulnesse, and obedience to hir maiestie, they were most disloiall, rebellious, and disordered. For after that Shane O­neile Shane O­neile. by blood and murther had gotten the maisterie, he alone then ruled the rost, who in pride exceeded all the men vpon the earth, abiding no superior, nor al­lowing anie equall. And héere it were not amisse, The cause of Shane O­neiles rebel­lion. but verie expedient to set downe the first origin and cause whie the said Shane did first breake out from his due obedience, and did shake off the gouerne­ment of hir maiestie, which (as farre as the writer hereof hath gathered and collected) is as here follo­weth.

Con Oneile, the first earle of Tiron, had two sonnes, Matthew and this Shane or Iohn. And king Henrie the eight hauing good liking of this Con Oneile, and to reteine and keepe him a good subiect, he being a mightie man, and of great power in his countrie, he made and created him earle of Tiron, Con Oneile made earle of Tiron. and his eldest son Matthew he made baron of Dun­ganon, and the remainder of the said earledome to the said Matthew, and to the heirs male of his bodie. This Shane being the second brother, and of an as­piring mind, enuied his elder brother, and in no wise could he brooke him, but from time to time séeketh occasions to quarell and fall out with him, and in the end most traitorouslie and vnnaturallie murthered him: their father yet liuing, who did not so much la­ment and bewaile the same, but began much more to distrust of his owne safetie. Neuerthelesse, it is not knowen that the said Shane did offer him anie violence, but when he was dead, although he had no right to succéed into the earledome, by reason that Matthew his elder brother had left sons behind him, who by the letters patents and course of the com­mon law were to succeed the grandfather: yet Shane vsurped the name of Oneile, and entred into his fa­thers Shane vsur­peth the name of Oneile. The Irish custome in succession: inheritance according to the Irish manner, a­mong whome the custome is, that the eldest in years of the name of anie house or familie dooth succéed his ancestor, vnlesse at the time of his death he had a son of the full age of one and twentie yéers. And thus ha­uing perforce entred into his fathers inheritance, he scorneth at the English gouernement, and after the Irish manner proclameth himselfe Oneile, and the capteine of his countrie, refuseth likewise all obe­dience Shane O­neile breaketh into rebellion. to hir maiestie, and breaketh out into open rebellion.

Sir Henrie Sidneie then lord iustice, in the ab­sence of the erle of Sussex, being aduertised of these stirs, taketh aduise of the councell what was best to be doone. And then it was agreed, that the said lord iustice should take his iorneie towards Dundalke, for the fortifieng of the English pale, and should send a messenger to Shane Oneile, who then laie at a lordship of his about six miles from Dundalke, and to will him come to Dundalke to his lordship: which was doone. But Shane returned his answer, praieng pardon, and also most humblie requested his lordship that it would please him to christen a son of his, & be Shane O­neile praieth sir Henrie Sidneie to be his gossip. his gossip, & then he would come to his lordship to doo all things in seruice for hir maiestie, as his lordship should command and appoint. This answere at the first was not thought good, nor yet honorable to the lord iustice so to doo, vntill the said Shane had first come and submitted himselfe. But when it was con­sidered what great inconueniences might insue, if his request were denied; it was agréed that the said lord iustice should condescend vnto his request. And accordinglie vpon the last of Ianuarie, one thousand 1558 fiue hundred fiftie and eight, he went vnto the said, [Page 113] Shanes house, and there his lordship and Iaques Wingfield were godfathers, and hauing performed the baptising of the child, they both had conference of the matter: where the said Shane, to excuse his doo­ings, Shane excu­ [...]th himselfe whichée came not to the lord iustice. did allege for his defense sundrie articles as fo­loweth.

First, he said that Matthew baron of Dungan­non was the sonne of one Kellaie of Dundalke, a smith by occupation, begotten and borne during the Matthew was Kellaies sonne. spousals of the said Kellaie, and one Alson his wife, 10 and that the said Matthew was alwaies taken and reputed to be the sonne of the said Kellaie, vntill he The ob [...]ctios of Shane Oneil against the title of Matthew to be Oneile. was of the age of sixtéene yeares or thereabouts: at which time Con Oneile his father, vpon the saieng of the said Alson, that he was the father of the said Matthew, did accept and take the said Matthew to be his sonne, & gaue him the name of Fardarough. And here vnderstand you the wickednesse of this The wicked custome of the Irishrie. countrie; which is, that if anie woman doo mislike hir husband, and will depart from him, he shall haue 20 all such children as were borne of hir bodie during their abode togither, except such as she shall name to be begotten by anie other man: which man so named shall by their custome haue the said child: and so it should séeme to be meant of this point. Also the said Matthew did vpon this the affirmation of Matthew seeketh the seigniorie of Oneile. his mother séeke to vsurpe the name of a segniorie of the Oneiles, and the dominions apperteining to that segniorie and surname. Also that there be aboue a hundred of that name, which will not in anie wise 30 yéeld to this the clame of Matthew, although he for his owne part would be contented therewith. Also he saith that the letters patents (if anie such be) that should intitle the sonne of the said baron to the said lands are vtterlie void, because that Con Oneile father to the said Shane had no other right nor inter­est to that countrie, but during his owne life: and therefore without the consent of the lords and inha­bitants of that countrie, could make no surrender nor conueiance, wherby he might be inabled to take 40 and haue the said lands by force of letters patents.

Also he saith, that by the lawes in the English pale of Ireland, no letters patents, made to anie person, be of anie force or value, vntill that an inqui­sition be taken of the lands so giuen before that the letters patents doo passe: which in this case neither was, nor could be doone, sith the countrie of Tiron is no shire ground. Also if the said lands should accor­ding to the quéens lawes descend to the right heire, then in right it ought to descend to him, as next heire being mulierlie borne; and the other not so borne. 50 Also he saith, that vpon the death of his father lord of the countrie, the whole countrie according to the custome of the countrie did assemble themselues to­gither, and by a common consent did elect and choose (without anie contradiction) him the said Shane to be Oneile, as the most worthie and ablest of that countrie. Which election by the custome of the coun­trie hath beene alwaies vsed without anie confirma­tion, asked of the kings and quéenes of England. Also he saith that as Oneile he clameth such authori­ties, 60 iurisdictions, and duties vpon his men & coun­trie, as are due time out of mind to his predecessors, and which duties for the most part are recorded, and remaine in writing. When the lord iustice had at full heard these articles, and considered well of them togither with the councell, made answer vnto Shane that the matter was of great weight and impor­tance, & which neither he nor the councell cold deter­mine of themselues, before hir maiestie were made priuie and acquainted therewith; and therefore in the meane time willed and required him to be quiet, and to shew himselfe a dutifull subiect vnto hir maiestie, nothing doubting but that he should haue and re­ceiue at hir hands, what should be found méet, right, and iust.

And so hauing vsed manie good and freendlie Shane O­neile pro [...] ­seth to be quitt. spéeches and exhortations vnto him, she said Shane promised to vse and behaue himselfe well and ho­nestlie, & as to his dutie should apperteine: they de­parted in verie freendlie manner. And thus in such wisedome and politike manner the lord iustice hand­led the matter, that by temporising and gaining of time all matters were pacified, and so continued vn­till the comming ouer of the earle of Sussex lord de­putie: who then of a new tooke the matter in hand, and he did so streictlie and seuerelie follow the same, that he ouermatched Shane Oneile. But it so gree­ued the said Shane, that notwithstanding he dissem­bled and gaue a good countenance, & promised well, yet in the end being once at libertie, he performed nothing: but as the woolfe which often casteth his haires but neuer changeth his conditions, was one Shane One [...] is become a tyrant and a reb [...]ll. and the same man or rather worse, and thenseforth tyrannized and vsed most crueltie, and of all others most disloiall and disobedient; to the deputie would he not come, nor would he in anie wise confer with him, but at his owne pleasure.

The quéenes maiestie in some termes he would honor, but indéeds he denied all obedience, subtill and crastie he was especiallie in the morning: but in the residue of the daie verie vncerteine and vn­stable, and much giuen to excessiue gulping and sur­fetting. And albeit he had most commonlie two Shane Oneil a drunkard and a surfe [...] ­ter. hundred tunnes of wines in his cellar at Dun­drun, and had his full fill therof, yet was he neuer sa­tisfied, till he had swallowed vp maruellous great quantities of Uske bagh or Aqua vite of that coun­trie: wherof so vnmeasurablie he would drinke and bouse, that for the quenching of the heat of the bodie, which by that meanes was most extremelie infla­med and distempered, he was eftsoones conueied (as the common report was) into a déepe pit, and stan­ding Shane One [...] buried in the ground after his drunken­nesse. vpright in the same, the earth was cast round about him vp to the hard chin, and the [...]e he did re­maine vntill such time as his bodie was recouered to some temperature: by which meanes though he came after in some better plight for the time, yet his manners and conditions dailie worse. And in the end his pride ioined with wealth, drunkennesse, and insolencie, he began to be a tyrant, and to tyrannize ouer the whole countrie; greatlie it was feared that his intent was to haue made a conquest ouer the whole land. He pretended to be king of Ulster, euen as he said his ancestors were, and affecting the ma­ner of the great Turke, was continuallie garded Shane O­neils force. with six hundred armed men, as it were his Ianisa­ries about him, and had in readinesse to bring into the fields a thousand horssemen, and foure thousand footmen. He furnished all the pesants and husband­men The pesants in Ulster trai­ned vp in warre. of his countrie with armour and weapons, and trained them vp in the knowledge of the wars: and as a lion hath in awe the beasts of the field, so had he all the people to his becke and commandement, be­ing feared and not beloued.

Diuerse meanes and waies were practised and vsed by the lord deputie and councell for the pacifieng and recouerie of him, and commissioners from time to time sent vnto him; for and about the same, who sometimes would be verie flexible, but foorthwith as backwards and vntoward. Of all the residue of Ire­land there was the lesse doubt to recouer them, by reason that they by their owne ciuill wars had con­sumed and spoiled the one and the other: but of this man, small or no hope at all, vnlesse he might be cha­stised, and with force be reduced to conformities. Which in the end it pleased the Lord God to take the matter in hand, and to performe the same by taking [Page 114] of him awaie. And bicause in these troublesome times, it were méet aduertisements should go to and from hir maiestie and councell to the lord deputie, & so likewise from his lordship to them, order was ta­taken for the more spéedie conueiance of letters Posts set be­twéene Ire­land & Lon­don. reciproke, there should be set posts appointed be­tweene London and Ireland. This was then the pre­sent state of all Ireland, altogethers denoured with robberies, murders, riots, treasons, ciuill and inte­stine The misera­ble state of Ireland. warres, and few or none assured and faithfull 10 to hir highnesse out of the English pale, and out of cities and townes: and yet the one being gentle­men and liuing by their lands, by continuall spoiles and robberies were decaied; the other by the losse of their traffike being merchants impouerished, and brought to such extremities, as not able to relieue and mainteine themselues.

And among all other the most intollerable mise­ries vniuersallie reigning, this one excéeded all No God nor religion in Ireland. the rest, that there was scarse a God knowen; and if 20 knowen, not all honored in the land, for the churches for the most part were all destroied & vncouered, the clergie scattered, the people vntaught, and as shéepe without their pastour wandering without know­ledge and instruction. Then where neither God is knowen, the prince obeied, no lawes currant, no go­uernement accepted, and all things infolded in most extreme miserie; how lamentable and dolefull is that state and kingdome? Wherfore sir Henrie Sid­neie now lord deputie, & the councell pondering this 30 distressed state, and the great burden which laie them vpon to helpe and redresse the same, dailie assem­bled themselues; & deuised the best waie what might be to be taken herein. Wherin his lordships cause so much was the weaker, as that such as were chiefest of the councell, then ioined to assist him in councell and seruice, were for the most part spent and decaied men; and the lord deputie himselfe driuen to deuise, to inuent, to dispose, and in the end to execute all himselfe. Well, neuerthelesse it was concluded and 40 agréed, that the English pale should be fortified and defended from the inuasion of the Oneile and all his complices; and that the deuises set downe for the staie and recouerie of the rest of the land should be followed from time to time, as matter, time, and o­portunitie would serue therevnto.

At this present time the earles of Ormond and Desmond were in England, and the quarrels and controuersies growen betwaene them were dailie examined before the lords of the councell, and their allegations produced in writing by the one against 50 the other. And bicause their assertions were so con­trarious and vncerteine in denieng and affirming, as no procéeding could be had for a finall end and or­der, it was thought good and necessarie that their complaints and answers should be examined in the realme of Ireland, where their dooings were best knowen, and where their misorders were commit­ted. And then by the aduise of the councell both the said earles submitted themselues to the quéenes ma­iesties 60 The earles of Ormond and Desmond submit them­selues to the quéens order. order & determination: and for performance thereof, they both by waie of recognisance in the chancerie were bound ech of them in twentie thou­sand pounds. And then a commission vnder hir high­nesse broad seale of England was sent to the lord deputie for taking of the forsaid examinations. But in the meane time whilest these things were in doo­ing in England, sir Iohn of Desmond, in verie out­ragious and disordered manner, fired & spoiled the te­nements Sir Iohn of Desmond spoileth the earle of Or­monds lands. of the earle of Ormond, which things were verie shortlie after appeased. In these troublesome daies Mac Artimore an ancient gentleman of the Irish race, and principall man of his sept in Moun­ster, hauing verie great possessions, and laie still in peace and did nothing at all, neither tooke he partie with one whom he liked not, neither holpe he the o­ther whom he feared not, but to the outward appée­rance misliked both their dooings.

This man made his humble sute to hir maiestie, that he might surrender all his lands, possessions and Mac Arti­more surren­dereth all his lands to the quéene & ta­keth it of [...]. territories vnto hir maiesties highnesse, and to re­cognise his dutie and allegiance to hir, and so to re­sume and haue a new estate therof from hir againe, according to the orders and laws of England. Which hir maiestie did accept, and foorthwith made him a new estate of inheritance: and for the better his state in all obedience and dutie to hir crowne, did for the worthinesse of his bloud & stocke, & for the great­nesse of his gouernement make him a baron of the Mac Arti­more made earle of Clan­care. parlement in that relme; & for his further aduance­ment created him an earle vnder hir letters patents by the name of the earle of Clancare. These newes being reported to Shane Oneile, he scoffed at it, no­thing Shane O­neile scotteth at the earle of Clancare. liking the choise of hir hignesse in aduansing such a one to that honour, and enuied and maligned him that he was so honored. And therefore not long after, when the commissioners were sent to intreat with him vpon sundrie points, they found him most arrogant & out of all good order, braieng out spéeches not méet nor séemelie. For (saith he) you haue made a wise earle of Mac Artimore, I kéepe as good a man as is he. And albeit I confesse the quéene is my soue­reigne ladie, yet I neuer made peace with hir, but at hir séeking. And where he had required to haue his parlement robes sent vnto him as earle of Tiron, The proud taunts of Shane O­neile. which title he claimed and required (which if it were denied him, then he required a triall to be made in parlement) yet now he cared not for so meane an ho­nour as to be an earle, except he might be better and higher than an erle. For I am (saith he) in bloud and power better than the best, and I will giue place to none of them; for mine ancestors were kings of Ul­ster. And as Ulster was theirs, so now Ulster is mine and shall be mine: with the sword I wan it, and with the sword I will kéepe it. Which his words Shane O­neile for his pride and ty­rannie beco­meth hatefull before God & man. fell out true, though long he inioied not the same: and foorthwith he fell into most horrible tyrannies and cruelties, wherby he became execrable and hate­full vnto all his people and countrie who were wea­rie of him.

Now hir maiestie, being gréeued and annoied with his treasons and rebellions of long time, was fullie minded either to haue him clearelie rooted out, or chastised: but therein she was staied, being borne in hand that the best waie to bring him to reforma­tion, was to yéeld to him in sundrie things of him de­sired. But now she seeing him to haue manifested himselfe a notorious traitor, and past all grace; she gaue commandement to the lord deputie to im­ploie his whole care, consideration, and wisedome, how such a cankred and dangerous rebell might be vtterlie extirped. And séeing the matter also to haue so manie accidents and circumstances belonging vnto it, as which by letters to and fro could not bée well concluded: therefore she sent ouer sir Francis Knolles vice chamberleine, to conferre with the lord deputie, who arriued at Dublin the seuenth of Maie Sir Francis Knolies sent into Ireland, 1566 1566, aswell concerning these matters of warre, as the whole state and gouernment of this realme. Who when he was arriued, and hauing at large conferred with him about the same, the time betwéene them was concluded and appointed, that the seruice should be in the winter; & accordinglie things necessarie, as well monie, men, munitions, and vittels were sent ouer, and Edward Randolph coronell of the footmen, and sundrie other capteins arriued with their souldi­ers from out of England, and all things were dispo­sed both for the garrison and the campe, as it was [Page 115] conuenient to be.

Likewise the archtraitor knowing what prepara­tion was made against him, he dooth the like also on his part against hir maiestie; and at a lordship or ma­nour of his, about six miles out of Dundalke, he mu­streth all his whole armie, which was of foure thou­sand footmen, and seuen hundred horssemen. And glo­rieng much in himselfe of such his great force and puissance, which he thought to suffice to haue conque­red all Ireland withall, and that no man durst to ad­uenture 10 vpon him: he marcheth vnto the towne of Dundalke, where he incampeth himselfe, & beseegeth Shane Oneil besiegeth Dundalke, & is repelled. the same. He was no more busie to giue sundrie at­tempts of inuasion, and to enter the towne, but the souldiers within were as valiant to resist and de­fend: which in the end turned to his reproch, and hée had the repulse, being with shame driuen to raise his siege, and to depart with the losse.

The like successe he had at Whites castell, and when he made his rode and inuasion into the Eng­lish 20 pale, when his great multitude stood him not in so much stead, as a farre smaller companie of the English souldiers deserued commendation: which perforce and maugre of his téeth compelled him to retire with shame, and to returne with losse. About this time in the moneth of Iulie 1565, and the first yeare of the deputation of sir Henrie Sidneie, Ed­ward 1565 Randolph, a verie expert and a valiant soul­dier, was sent ouer out of England, and arriued at Coronell Ran dolph arriueth at the Dirrie where he intrencheth himselfe. the Dirrie with seuen hundred men vnder his re­giment, and he himselfe by the councell in England 30 appointed to be the coronell. This man as seone as he was landed, intrenched himselfe at the Dirrie, where he remained in garrison without dooing of a­nie thing, vntill the comming of the lord deputie from Dublin, with the residue of hir maiesties for­ces, appointed to be ioined with the said coronell, for the better seruice against the arrogant traitour Shane Oneile.

And after that the said lord deputie was come, and had staid there about six daies, and had set all things 40 The lord de­putie cōmeth to the Dirrie and setteth all things in or­der for the seruice. in such good order as that seruice required; he retur­ned backe to Dublin through Odonels countrie, and so thorough Connagh, leauing the coronell ac­companied with one band of fiftie horssemen vnder the leading of capteine George Heruie the elder, and with seuen companies or hundreds of footmen vnder the charges of capteine Robert Cornewall, and capteine Iohn Ward, and others; all well furni­shed, both with munitions, vittels, and all other ne­cessaries 50 méet and requisit. Shane Oneile who knew well of the garrisons, of their forces & numbers, and he not minding that they should there rest in peace, but standing now vpon his honor and reputation, Oneil incam­peth néere the Dirrie and offereth sair­ [...]sh. incamped himselfe about two miles from the gar­rison, hauing then in his armie a thousand fiue hun­dred footmen, and thrée hundred horsmen. And from daie to daie he would continuallie with his horsse­men houer and range the fields, and shew himselfe readie to trie the matter if the Englishmen durst to 60 aduenture the same

The coronell not liking these dailie offers, and thinking it to be a verie great dishonour vnto him, and all the English nation, which were come ouer to serue against him, and now would doo nothing, but were dailie bearded by the enimie: notwithstanding that his forces when they were at the best, were but small in respect of the enimie; and by reason of the sicknesse in the campe, that his small companie was much weakened and vnable to serue: yet he was de­termined with a full resolution to take the offer of the enimic, and either he would lose his life, or re­mooue him from his so neere a seat. Wherevpon he drew out of his companie to [...]he number of thrée hundred men, whome he thought most méet to serue, The corone ll prepareth to fight with Oneile. and being accompanied with fiftie horssemen vnder capteine George Heruie, marched toward Oneils campe, who pretending a great ioy to sée the for­wardnesse of the Englishmen, he with all his forces issued out, and with spéed prepared to incounter with them; persuading himselfe that he should that daie be maister of the field, and haue a conquest to his hearts desire.

The coronell made choise of the ground to fight in, and prepared himselfe to stand and abide their charge. Oneile in great furie, and with a great mul­titude charged the coronels footmen, and his maine battell; but he was so receiued with the English shot and so galled, that he made some staie. Wherevpon capteine Heruie taking his oportunitie, most vali­antlie The valiant seruice of cap­teine George Heruie. with his small band of horssemen brake in to the battell of Oneile. Likewise coronell Randolph with his few horssemen gaue the charge vpon the left wing of them. The one of them being well follo­wed and accompanied with his band, did the seruice which he desired: but the coronell verie valiantlie The coronell Randolph is slaine. making waie through the enimies, and no man fol­lowing him, was in fighting wounded to death, and whereof immediatlie he died. The rebels being asto­nied and amazed at the valour of the Englishmen, Oneile and his companie flie, and are pursued, killed & hur [...] about 800. fled and turned their backs, whome the souldiers fol­lowed, and had the slaughter of them so long as their weapons lasted in this conflict. The rebels were slaine that daie in this chase aboue foure hundred persons, besides the like number of such as were hurt and wounded. The coronell onelie was slaine, but capteine Heruie and diuerse of the horssemen were verie sore hurt and wounded.

After the death of this valiant coronell, whose fu­nerall The lord de­putie keepeth the coronell Randolphs funerals. the lord deputie did afterwards celebrate with great honour at Dublin, Edward Sentlow was made coronell: vnder whose gouernement the gar­rison liued verie quietlie. For this last ouerthrow so quailed the spirits and courages of Oneile and his companie, that they had no desire of anie further in­countering with the Englishmen. And thus all the winter following little was doone: and being deter­mined in the spring to aduenture some péece of ser­uice, but the lord otherwise appointed it. For about the foure and twentith of Aprill, by a misfortune ne­uer The Dirrie and all the vittels and munitions are burned. yet knowne by what means, the fort and towne of the Dirrie was all burned, and the storehouses where the munitions and vittels laie were blowne vp with the gunpowder, and twentie men killed with the same: and so manie of the souldiers as laie sicke there were burned in their beds. Wherevpon the coronell calling all his capteins togither, and considering the distresse which they now were in, by the losse of their vittels and munitions, and not knowing where to be furnished otherwise, they The coronell abandoneth Dirrie, and returneth to Dublin by seas. Capteine George Her­uie returneth by land in great danger. all concluded and determined to abandon that place, and to imbarke themselues for Dublin, which immediatlie they all did, sauing capteine George Heruie: for he rather did choose to hazard his life to returne by land, than to impouerish his souldiers by killing their horsses (which perforce they must needs haue doone) for want of shipping. And therefore euen almost against all hope he returned towards Dub­lin through the enimies countrie, who followed and chased him foure daies togither without intermissi­on, both with horssemen and footmen: but at length he recouered Dublin, not without great woonder and admiration. The lord deputie he wanted not his espials, both about Oneile, and in all places through­out Ulster: and thereby knew the forces, bent, and determinations of euerie of them, whereby he knew how to meet with them euerie waie for the best ser­uice of hir maiestie. And yet considering the great [Page 116] importance of the seruice, he could not be satisfied The lord de­putie maketh a iournie into Ulster. herein, but that he would make a iournie into Ulster himselfe. And being accompanied with the earle of Kildare, and certeine of the councell, and with such capteins and souldiers as he thought good: he ad­uanced & set foorth out of Drogheda the seuentéenth of September 1566, and incamped that night at 1566 Rosse Keagh, & so from thense he trauelled through­out Ulster, and passed thense vnto Athlon in Con­nagh, where he came the six and twentith of Oc­tober. 10

In this iournie the rebell neuer durst (for all his The pusilla­nimitie of the Oneile. brags) once to shew his face, nor to offer anie fight at all: sauing once at and néere a wood not far from Glogher, where he offered a skirmish, and gaue the charge with horssemen, footmen, and certeine Sco­tish shot: which continued a good space, and sundrie hurt on both sides, but none died of his lordships men. He shewed himselfe also once with a great multitude of horssemen and footmen, not farre from the castell of Tirlough Lenough, called the Sal­mon, 20 but tooke his ease and durst not to giue the ad­uenture. In this iournie the lord deputie restored Odonell to the possession of his lands and castels, Odonell re­stored vnto his possessi­ons. The lord de­putie recoue­reth a great countrie in Ulster vnto the crowne. kept by Oneile from him; & sundrie lords and men of the best sort submitted themselues. By which this his lordships iournie he recouered to hir highnesse a countrie of foure score miles in length, and eight and fortie miles in bredth, without losse of anie man sa­uing Mac Gwier, who being sicke died in this iour­nie; and sauing a few persons which by the waie vp­on 30 an occasion would aduenture the winning of a certeine Iland in the middle of a lough, wherein was supposed to be great store of wealth and vittels of the enimies, and in assailing of it they were drowned.

Immediatlie vpon the discharge of the armie at Athlon, the lord deputie fortified all the frontiers of the English pale with garrisons sufficient for the same. And as concerning the troublesome state of Mounster, the earle of Desmond was in the field 40 The earle of Desmond is in campe and doth no hurt. with two thousand men, and incamped himselfe in places indifferent to annoie at his pleasure the earle of Ormond, the lord Barrie, the lord Roch, and sir Moris Fitzgirald of the Decies; but he did not hurt anie man at all: sauing one Mac Donogh a rebell and a disloiall sauage man. The lord deputie being ouerlaied with the continuall cares to resist Onelle, could not in person trauell into Mounster, nor yet without great perill diuide his armie: wherefore he 50 sent capteine Herne constable of Leighlin vnto the said earle, whereby he might be aduertised of his in­tendement and meaning: which appeared to be but a méere insolencie and an outrage to be reuenged vp­on the earle of Ormond, although the rumor was, that he would conioine with Oneile. Which report when it came to his eares, and being aduertised that the lord deputie was offended with him that he had The earle of Desmond ma­keth his re­paire to the lord deputie. gathered such a force, and was in the fields. He for his purgation herein, without further delaie, tooke 60 his horsse, and hauing in his companie onelie the ba­ron of Dunboine, and capteine Herne, with their companies, made hast to present himselfe before the lord deputie: where and before whome for purging of himselfe, and to declare his dutie, he offered himselfe to his lordships deuotion, either to go and attend him vnto Ulster in that sort as he then was, or else to follow him with all such force as he could get; the lord deputie finding him vittels: and then to abide & serue in Ulster in despite of Shane Oneile; or else that he would in his lordships absence remaine vp­on the borders there, with such a number of horsse­men, as should be appointed vnto him; shewing al­so and pretending such dutifulnesse to hir maiestie, as was méet for a subiect to shew to his souereigne. The deputie hauing some liking of his offers, and considering the fickle state of these presents, accep­teth his last offer, willing him to go backe againe, The earle of Desmond serueth in the English pale. and to prepare a crew of one hundred horssemen, at the least, and so to returne againe within fouretéene daies: which he did, and with him came sir Iohn Desmond, his vncle the baron of Dunboine, the lord Powre and others: who accompanied with the baron of Deluin, sir Warham Sentleger, and cap­teine Herne, did remaine vpon the borders, vntill his lordships returne from out of his iournie in Ul­ster.

And as the realme at large was much infested with the cruell warres of Oneile and the troubles in Mounster; so also there wanted no daily complaints of griefs vnto the lord deputie of sundrie persons one against an other. For Oliuer Sutton, a gentle­man Oliuer Sut­ton complai­neth against the earle of Kildare. dwelling in the English pale, did exhibit a cer­teine booke in writing, conteining an information of sundrie notorious disorders in that realme, hurt­full to the good policie of the same, and contrarie to sundrie good lawes and acts of parlement, whereof a great part did touch the earle of Kildare. The mat­ter was referred by hir maiesties order to the hea­ring of the lord deputie and councell. Likewise sir The ladie of Dunboine complaineth against the Butlers. Edmund Butler and Piers his brother were gree­uouslie complained vpon by the ladie of Dunboine, Mac Brian Arra, Oliuer Fitzgirald, sir William Occarell, and others; for their dailie outrages, rob­beries, murthers, preies, and spoiles taken. For the hearing and appeasing of such matters, and for the better ministration of iustice, the lord deputie had béene a long sutor to hir maiestie and councell for a chancellor to be sent ouer, who at length were resol­ued vpon doctor Weston, deane of the arches, who arriued at Dublin in Iulie 1567, a notable and a 1567 Doctor we­ston is made lord chancel­lor of Ire­land. singular man, by profession a lawyer, but in life a diuine, a man so bent to the execution of iustice, and so seuere therein, that by no meanes would he be se­duced or auerted from the same: and so much good in the end insued of his vpright, diligent, and dutifull seruice, as that the whole realme found themselues most happie and blessed to haue him serue among them. Now he taking vpon him to deale in all mat­ters of complaints, both eased the lord deputie of a great burthen, and did most good to the countrie, and acquited himselfe against hir maiestie.

But to returne to the L. deputie, who immediatlie vpon the dismissing of the armie at Athlon, he tooke order (as is aforesaid) for placing of his garrisons in such conuenient places vpon the frontiers, as then apperteined and was most méet & conuenient. The rebell on his part leaueth nothing vndoon, which might be for the furtherance of his enterprises: and being in great iollitie of himselfe deuised manie things; and to make some shew of his abilitie, ente­red The Oneile entereth the English pale with sword and fire. The Oneile besiegeth Dundalke the second time, and dexarted with great dishonor. The Oneile forsaken of friends. into the English pale, with sword and fire wa­sted the countrie, slue manie of hir maiesties sub­iects, and in the end besieged hir highnesse towne of Dundalke: where his pride and treason were iust­lie scourged, who came not with so much glorie to be­siege it, as he did returne with shame to leaue and loose it. The lord deputie not abiding the same, nor sleeping his matters, determined to make a new rode vpon him: and in the meane time, he so hand­led the matter, that he had vnfethered him of his best friends, aids, and helps. For besides the whole countrie, as is before said, gained from him the last iournie, Mac Gwier, a mightie man in his countrie Mac Gwier forsaketh O­neile, and s [...] doo the Scots. forsooke him, and submitted himselfe to hir maiestie, offering all loiall obedience and faithfull seruice, and to receiue his lands and countrie at hir highnesse hands.

[Page 117] Alexander Og and Mac Donell offer to serue hir maiestie, with all the Scots vnder them against the rebell. Con Odonell late deliuered from the re­bell, offereth seruice against him. Tirlogh Lenough with the helps of his neighbours dailie backed the said Oneile, that his force was quailed that waie. The lord deputie had continuallie foure regiments residing neere the English pale, who continuallie as it were by turnes were occupied in persecuting of the rebell: & his lordship being at Drogheda did also issue out, and in one morning tooke a preie of two 10 The lord de­putie taketh a great preie vpon the Oneile. thousand kine, 500 garrons, and innumerable other small beasts and cattell. The rebell seeing himselfe thus distressed of his goods, and forsaken of his helps and followers, his men, some by Odonell, and some by others to the number of thrée or foure thousand persons at times slaine, himselfe discomfited, his passages stopped, and all places of his refuge preuen­ted, The Oneile distressed of all comfort is in doubt what to doo. and now but one poore castell left wherein he tru­sted to commit himselfe vnto; he being thus weake­ned, 20 and beholding his declination and fall towards, was fullie bent and determined to disguise himselfe, and so as not knowne to come with a collar or halter about his necke to the presence of the lord deputie, and in all humble and lowlie maner to submit him­selfe: hoping that by this kind of humilitie to find Oneile his owne consci­ence condem­neth him to seeke submis­sion. mercie at hir maiesties hands. But his conscience was so cauterised, and his hands so imbrued with in­finit and most horrible murthers, bloudsheds, trea­sons, whoredomes, drunkennesse, robberies, bur­nings, spoiles, oppressions, and with all kinds of wic­kednesse, 30 that his heart was ouerlaied and ouerla­den with an vtter despaire to obteine anie grace or fauor: and therefore was the more easilie persua­ded by those whome he tooke to be his friends, to trie first and to intreat the Scots for friendship, and that they would ioine and aid him in his most wicked re­bellion. Wherevpon he tooke his iournie towards Clandeboie, where Alexander Og and his companie, to the number of six hundred persons, were then in­camped: 40 Onelie sée­keth for helpe of the Scots. and for the better gaining of his purpose, he had a little before inlarged Charleie Boie brother to the said Alexander, and who had béene prisoner with him.

The Scots disguised the matter with him, preten­ding and promising him aid and assistance: which The Scots doo disguise with Oneile. they ment not. For assoone as Oneile togither with Odonels wife, whom he kept, & the small companie which he brought with him were come into the tent, and they assured of him; they called to remembrance 50 the manifold iniuries which they had receiued at his hands, and namelie the murthering of one Iames Mac Conell, & one Mac Guillie their néere cousins and kinsmen: and being inflamed with malicious minds to reuenge their deths, they fell to quarelling with the said Shane Oneile, and with their slaugh­ter Shane Oneil slaine by the Scots by a draught made by capteine Piers. swords hewed him to peeces, and slue all those of his companie that were with him: his bodie they wrapped in a Kernes shirt, and so without all honor was carried to a ruinous church not farre off, and 60 there interred; but after a few daies he was taken vp againe by capteine Piers, by whose deuise this stratagem or rather tragedie was practised, and his head was sundred from the bodie, and sent to the lord Shane O­neils head set vpon the top of the castell of Dublin. deputie, who caused the same to be set vpon a stake or pole on the top of the castle of Dublin. A fit end for such a beginning, and a iust reward for such a wicked traitor and sacrileger: who began his tyrannie in bloud, did continue it with bloud, and ended it with bloud. The lord deputie being then at Drogheda, and aduertised of the death of this Shane, and of the iust iudgements of God laid vpon him; for the same pro­strated himselfe before the high and eternall God, and gaue his most humble and hartie thanks for the deliuerie of that land from so wicked a tyrant, sacri­liger and traitor; and with all the conuenient spéed The quéene aduertised of Shane O­neils death. that might be, he dispatched the messengers to hir maiestie and councell, aduertising this hap and good successe. Which doone, his lordship with all spéed made his repaire into Ulster, and incamped himselfe in the middle and heart of the countrie, vnto whome all the noblemen and gentlemen of Tiron being glad that they were deliuered from the tyrant, made their repaire vnto his lordship: and especiallie all they The noblmen of Ulster, be­ing glad of Oneils death▪ doo submit themselues. which were competitors of the capteinrie of Tiron, who most humblie and obedientlie presented and submitted themselues vnto hir highnesse. And when his lordship had set all things in such order as the time required, he assembled all the gentlemen of the countrie, and most pithilie and effectuallie instruc­ted and persuaded them to obedience, teaching them the great blessings of God which commeth thereby, as also putteth them in mind what inconueniences, miseries and calamities they had felt by the contra­rie: and for their greater quietnesse and peace, he promised shortlie to send commissioners amongst them, who should haue authoritie to decide all con­trouersies betweene partie and partie (title of land and death of man excepted.)

Also he proclamed and commanded hir maiesties Orders giuen by the lord de­putie to the noble men of Ulster. peace to be kept, and commanded all churchmen and husbandmen to returne to their accustomed ex­ercises: and that all men of warre should liue vpon their owne, or vpon that which their fréends with a good will would giue them: and so publishing peace vniuersallie, euerie man departed home [...]fullie. The lord deputie likewise returned to Dublin, and Oneils sonne is cōmitted to safe custodie. commanded the sonne of the late rebell, who laie for an hostage of his father, to be safelie kept in the ca­stell of Dublin, according to hir maiesties letters of commandement in that behalfe, dated the sixt of Iulie 1567. The quéenes maiestie being deliuered from this traitorous rebell, and hauing all Ulster at hir commandement and disposition, was verie desirous to haue a true plot of the whole land, wher­by she might in some sort see the same, & did send ouer Robert Léeth sent into Ire­land to draw a true plot of the whole land. into Ireland one Robert Léeth, skilfull in that art, and that he should make the perfect descriptions of the same. Likewise also she being aduertised of the outragious dealings of the earle of Desmond, in mainteining proclamed rebels, and continuing of warres against the earle of Ormond (whose inso­lencie to séeke to be reuenged vpon the said earle, was the disturbance of the whole realme, the spoile of the whole countrie, and the onelie cause of great murthers, bloudshed, and vndooing of manie people) she willed the lord deputie by▪ hir letters to appre­hend The earle of Desmond committed to ward, and sent to the tower, togither with his brother sir Iohn Des­mond. the said Desmond, and to commit him to the castell of Dublin, which was so doone. And after both he and his brother sir Iohn of Desmond were sent into England, and there committed to the tower.

After all the foresaid broiles and ciuill wars were appeased, and the realme set in quietnesse and good or­der, the lord deputie hauing receiued hir maiesties letters for his repaire into England vnto hir pre­sence, 1567 Doctor we­ston and sir william Fitz­williams made lords iustices. he did accordinglie prepare himselfe there vn­to, and by a commission vnder hir brode seale of Ire­land did appoint doctor Weston then lord chancellor, and sir William Fitzwilliams treasuror at wars, to be lords iustices in his absence: the one of them being verie well learned, iust, and vpright; the other verie wise, & of great knowledge and experience, in the affaires of that land. Both which two being like well minded to doo hir maiestie seruice, did most louinglie and brotherlie agree therein, each one adui­sing and aduertising the other according to the seue­rall gifts which God had bestowed vpon them: by which meanes they passed their gouernment verie [Page 118] well and quietlie to the great contentation of hir maiestie, the commendation of themselues, and the Sir Henrie Sidneie [...]ord deputie pas­seth into England, and caried with him the earle of Desmond. common peace of the countrie; and so the said sir Henrie hauing placed the said iustices, he passed the seas into England, and carried with him the earle of Desmond and Oconnor Sligo, he was with great honor receiued at the court, and the other was sent to the tower. Hir maiestie lay at this time at Hamp­ton court, and looking out at a window, she saw him to come in with two hundred men attending vpon 10 him, and not knowing at the first sight who it was, Ed. Mulineux. it was told hir that it was sir Henrie Sidneie hir deputie in Ireland. Then it is well (quoth she) for he hath two of the best offices in England. So he pre­sented himselfe before hir highnesse, and was wel­come to hir. Neuerthelesse, after his departure, the particular grudges betwéene some certeine men, brake out into great and outragious disorders, as sir Edmund Butler with great hostilitie maketh inua­sion Sir Edmund Butler brea­keth out into outrages. vpon Oliuer Fitzgirald, being accompanied 20 with Piers Grace. The outlawes of the Oconnors and Omores proclamed traitors, and hauing in the field a thousand of Gallowglasses, horssemen, and Kernes, threaten to burne the towne of Kilken­nie, and spoile Ocarell of his countrie. But they as also Oliuer Fitzgirald, a man not apt in times past to complaine, but rather bent to satisfie himselfe with double reuenge, leauing to séeke reuenge by armes, made their recourses to the lords iustices, and by law requested redresse. The erle of Clancart was 30 puffed vp with such insolencie, that he named him­selfe king of Mounster, and did confederate with the The pride of Mac Artie More earle of Clancart. Mac Swaines, Osoliuan More, and others of the Irishrie of that prouince, and in warlike manner and with banners displaied inuadeth the lord Ro­ches countrie, and in burning of his countrie, he The earle of Clancart ma­keth warres vpon the lord Roch. Iames Fitz­moris maketh warre vpon the baron of Lixenew. destroied all the corne therein, seuen hundred shéepe, and a great number of men, women and children, and carried awaie fiftéene hundred kine, and a hun­dred garons. Also Iames Fitzmoris of Desmond maketh cruell warres against the lord Fitzmoris 40 baron of Lixenew, which albeit they were but pri­uie displeasures, yet troublesome to the whole coun­trie: and the lords iustices being not prepared to stop the same, they did yet so temporise with them, as they gained time, till further order might be taken vpon aduertisement of hir maiesties pleasure here­in. About this time one Morice a runnigate préest, hauing latelie béene at Rome, and there consecra­ted by the popes bull archbishop of Cashell, arriued into Ireland, and made chalenge to the same see: 50 which being denied vnto him by the archbishop which The archbi­shop of Cashell in danger to be killed. was there placed by hir maiestie, the said supposed bishop suddenlie with an Irish skaine wounded the bishop, and put him in danger of his life.

This yeare sir Peter Carew of Mohonesotreie in the countie of Deuon knight, one descended of a noble and high parentage, whose ancestors for sun­drie hundred of yeares were not onelie barons of Sir Peter Carew ma­keth sute to hir maiestie for the recoue­rie of his lands in Ire­land. Carew in England; but marquesses of Corke, ba­rons of Odron, and lords of Maston Twete; and 60 sundrie other segniories in Ireland. When he had loo­ked into his euidences, and had found how by right these great inheritances were descended vnto him: he made the quéens maiestie and councell acquain­ted therewith, and praied that with their fauor and furtherance he might haue libertie to follow, and by order of law to recouer the same. Which was gran­ted vnto him, as also he had hir highnesse and their lordships seuerall letters to them, then lords iustices and officers there to that effect: and willing them to aid and assist him with all such hir maiesties euiden­ces remaining in the records of the castell of Dub­lin, or else where in that land; and by all such other good meanes they might. Wherevpon he sent the writer hereof to be his agent: who hauing by search found his title to be good, and confirmed by sundrie records and presidents, found in hir maiesties trea­surie and castell of Dublin, answering and agréeing with the euidences of sir Peter Carew: then the said sir Peter passed in person into Ireland, and made title and claime to the lordship of Maston, then Sir Peter Carew passeth into Ireland. in the possession of sir Christopher Chiuers knight, and to the baronie of Odron, then in the occupation of the Cauenaughs.

The first, when it was found good in law, and sir Christopher Chiuers yéelded, and compounded for it: the other was trauersed before the lord deputie and councell, and vpon good and substantiall euiden­ces, records, and proofes; a decrée passed by the lords of the councell, in the behalfe of sir Peter Carew, and the same confirmed by the lord deputie, and by Sir Peter Carew by a decrée recoue­reth the baro­nie of Odron. that meanes he recouered the possession of the baro­nie, which was before taken from his ancestors; as the records doo impart, about the eighteenth yeare of king Richard the second. But as for the mar­queship of Corke, being a matter of great weight and importance, and the prouince of Mounster then not setled in anie quietnesse: he would not as then nor yet thought it good to deale therein. Sir Hen­rie 1568 Sir Henrie Sidneie re­turneth lord deputie. Sidneie, hauing spent a long time in England, was commanded to returne to his charge in Ire­land, where he arriued at Crag Fergus, in Septem­ber 1568: and tooke the sword of gouernement vp­on him, and so discharged the lords iustices. And then he and the councell by their letters of the fourth of Nouember 1568, did aduertise hir maiestie of the state that the said realme of Ireland then stood in. Which in briefe consisted in these points imme­diatlie following.

That sir Edmund Butler had made a preie in The state that Ireland stood in. Shilelagh vpon Oliuer Fitzgarret, and doone sun­drie murders, burnings, and great spoiles vpon his countrie: who was forthwith sent for, and refuseth to come, excusing that he had businesse about the exe­cution of certeine seruices in the counties of Kil­kennie, and Tiporarie, and that the residue of all Leinster was quiet. That Connagh was in indif­ferent Connagh in reasonable peace. good order, sauing some contention betwéene the earle of Clanricard, and Mac William En­ter; and an old controuersie renewed betwéene O­donell and Oconner Sligo for the title of a rent in Enter, Connaghs countrie. In Thomond great complaints made against the earle thereof, by O­shaghnes, who by reason of the oppression of the said earle, he was compelled with his followers to for­sake his countries. As for Mounster, it was all in Mounster out of order. disorder by the warres of Iames Fitzmoris of Des­mond, against Fitzmoris baron of Lixenew: and of the earle of Clancart, against the baron of Roch: and also by the disorders of Edward Butler, who be­ing combined with Piers Grace and certeine out­lawes, did disorderlie spoile and preie the countries to féed their bellies.

The present state of Ulster the lord deputie be­ing desirous to know the certeintie thereof, imme­diatlie vpon his landing in Ireland he made a iour­neie throughout the same, and found the Irishrie to stand in wauering terms: wherevpon he sent for Turlogh Lenogh Oneile, who yéelding himselfe somewhat guiltie, because he somewhat swarued from his dutie, and differed from the articles in his lordships absence before, concluded with him in ma­king Turlogh Le­nogh breaketh the peace, but submitteth himselfe. a iourneie vpon Ferneie, and in combining with the Scots, of whome he had in retinue about one thousand; he desired pardon: which it was long and verie hardlie obteined, and not vntill his lord­ship had caused the pledges to be executed, which the [Page 119] Scots had put in for their loialtie. Odoneile quiet­lie possessed the countrie of Trireconell, and conti­nued a dutifull subiect to hir maiestie; sauing the old grudge betwéene him and Turlogh did rather in­crease than decaie. Ochan lord of the land betwéene Loghfoile and the Ban, being for the same some­time molested by Turlogh Lenogh, did beare with all iniuries, and desired to be exempted from Tur­logh, and to hold the same of the queenes maiestie. The like did the two principall men, eligible for the 10 capteinrie of Tiron, desire for their parts all the residue of Ulster in good staie and quietnesse.

The lord deputie after this iourneie returned to Dublin, and there, when by the aduise of the coun­cell he had disposed all things in good order concer­ning the gouernement: he caused the writs for sum­mons of the parlement to be awarded out vnto eue­rie noble man for his appéerance; & to euerie shiriffe for choosing of knights and burgesses for their like appéerance at Dublin the seuentéenth of Ianuarie, 20 in the eleuenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne; at A parlemnt summoned at Dublin. which time and daie appéerance was then and there made accordinglie. On the first daie of which par­lement, the lord deputie, representing hir maie­sties person, was conducted and attended in most honorable manner vnto Christes church, and from thense vnto the parlement house: where he sat vn­der the cloth of estate, being apparelled in the prince­lie robes of crimson veluet doubled or lined with ermin. And then & there the lord chancellor made a 30 verie eloquent oration, declaring what law was, of The lord chancellor his oration. what great effect and value, how the common socie­tie of men was thereby mainteined, and each man in his degrée conserued; as well the inferior as the su­perior, the subiect as the prince: and how carefull all good common-wealths in the elder ages haue béene in this respect: who considering the time, state, and necessitie of the common-wealth, did from time to time ordeine and establish most holsome lawes, either of their deuises, or drawen from some other 40 good common-wealth: and by these meanes haue prospered and continued.

And likewise, how the quéenes most excellent maiestie, as a most naturall mother ouer hir chil­dren, and as a most vigilant prince ouer hir sub­iects, hath béene alwaies, & now presentlie is verie carefull, studious, & diligent in this behalfe: hauing caused this present parlement to be assembled, that by the councell and aduise of you hir nobilitie, & you hir knights and burgesses, such good lawes, orders, 50 and ordinances maie be decréed, as maie be to the honor of almightie God, the preseruation of hir maiestie, and of hir imperiall crowne of this realme, and the safetie of the common-wealth of the whole realme: for which they were not onelie to be most thankefull; but also most carefull to doo their duties in this behalfe. And then he the lord speaker direc­ting his speeches to the knights and burgesses, who were there in the behalfe of the whole commons of the realme, willed them that for the auoiding of confusion, and for an orderlie procéeding in this ac­tion: 60 they should assemble them selues at and in the house appointed for that assemblie; and there to make choise of some wise and sufficient man to be their mouth & speaker. And then concluding with an exhortation of obedience and dutifulnesse, he ended, and the court adiourned vntill thursdaie next, the twentith of Ianuarie. In the meane time, the knights and burgesses met in the lower house, and Stanihurst chosen to be speaker of the lower house. appointed for their speaker one Stanihurst, recorder of the citie of Dublin, a verie graue, wise, and lear­ned man; who vpon thursdaie aforesaid was pre­sented to the lord deputie, and to the lords of the high­er house: & then he hauing doone most humblie his obedience and dutie, made his oration and speech; Stanihursts oration. first abasing himselfe, being not a man sufficient­lie adorned and furnished with such gifts of know­ledge and learning, as to such an office and calling dooth apperteine: wherein he was so much the more vnfit, as the cause he had in hand was of great weight and importance. And therefore he wished, if it might so séeme good to his lordship, some man of more grauitie, and of better experience, knowledge, and learning might supplie the place. Neuerthelesse, for somuch as he might not refuse it, he was the more willing, because he did well hope his seruice being doone with his best good will, and in all duti­fulnesse, it would be accepted. And againe his com­fort was the more, because he had to deale in such a cause, as was for the establishing of some good and holsome lawes, whereof he was a professor.

And herevpon he tooke an occasion, according to the argument that was before handled by the lord chancellor, speaker in the higher house, to discourse of the nature and good effect of lawes, and what good successe there insueth to all such realmes, countries, and common-wealths, as by lawes are well ruled & gouerned. And when he had spoken at large here­of, there he declared what great causes that realme of Ireland had, to giue for euer most hartie thanks and praises to God for his goodnesse, in sending such a vertuous, noble, and a most godlie prince, as was hir maiestie; who not onlie was carefull by the sword to stand in their defense against all enimies, trai­tors, and rebels, in times of wars and rebellions: but also for their conseruation in times of peace would haue such lawes, statutes, and ordinances to be made in a parlement of themselues, as should be most ex­pedient for the common-wealth of the same land. When he had at large discoursed of this matter, then he concluded with an humble petition, that it might please hir maiestie to grant vnto them their liberties and fréedoms of old belonging to euerie assemblie of a parlement. The first was, that euerie man being The requests of the speaker for allowance of the liberties of the parle­ment house. a member of the lower house, should and might haue frée comming and going to and from the parle­ment: and during their abode at the same without molestation or impeachment of anie person or per­sons, or for anie matter then to be laid against anie of them. The second, that they and euerie of them might haue libertie to speake their minds fréelie to anie bill to be read, & matter to be proposed in that parlement. Thirdlie, that if anie of the said house shuld misorder and misbehaue himselfe in anie vnde­cent manner, or if anie other person should euill in­treat or abuse anie of the said house, that the correc­tion and punishment of euerie such offendor should rest and remaine in the order of the said house. When he had ended his spéech, and in most humble maner doone his obeisance; the lord deputie hauing paused vpon the matter, made answer to euerie particular The lord deputie an­swereth Sta­nihursts oration. point in most eloquent and effectuall manner, which consisted in these points: Nothing misliking with the speaker for so much abasing of himselfe, because he knew him to be both graue, wise, and learned, and verie sufficient for that place, doubting nothing but that he would performe the same in all dutifulnesse, as to him apperteined. And concerning the benefit which groweth to all nations and common-wealths by the vse of the lawes; besides that dailie experi­ence did confirme the same generallie, so no one na­tion particularlie could better auouch it than this realme of Ireland: and therefore he did well hope that they would accordinglie frame themselues to liue accordinglie, and also to praie for hir maies­ties safetie and long life, whereby vnder hir they might inioie a peaceable and a quiet life in all pros­peritie. And concerning the priuileges, which they [Page 120] requested to be allowed, forsomuch as the same at the first were granted to the end that they might the better and more quietlie serue hir highnesse in that assemblie, to hir honor, and to the benefit of the com­mon-wealth, it pleased hir maiestie so long as she were not impeached, nor hir imperiall state dero­gated, that they should inioie the same. And so after a long time spent in this oration the court was ad­iourned.

The next daie following being fridaie the lower 10 house met; and contrarie to the order of that house, and dutie of that companie, in stéed of vnitie there began a diuision, and for concord discord was recei­ued. For all, or the most part of the knights and bur­gesses of the English pale, especiallie they who dwel­led within the counties of Meth and Dublin, who seeing a great number of Englishmen to haue place A mutinie in the lower house. in that house began to except against that assemblie as not good, nor warranted by law. Their vantpar­ler was sir Christopher Barnwell knight, who being 20 somewhat learned, his credit was so much the more, Sir Christo­pher Barn­well excepteth against the choise of the burgesses. and by them thought most méetest and worthie to haue béene the speaker for that house. And he being the spokesman alleged three speciall causes, whie he and his complices would not yéeld their consents. The first was, because that there were certeine bur­gesses returned for sundrie townes, which were not corporat, and had no voice in the parlement. The second was, that certeine shiriffes, and certeine ma­iors of townes corporat had returned themselues. 30 The third and chéefest was that a number of Eng­lishmen were returned to be burgesses of such towns and corporations, as which some of them ne­uer knew, and none at all were resiant & dwelling in the same, according as by the lawes is required.

These matters were questioned among them­selues in the lower house for foure daies togither, and no agreement: but the more words, the more choler; and the more spéeches, the greater broiles; vn­till in the end, for appeasing the matter, the same 40 was referred to the lord deputie and iudges of the realme: vnto whom the said speaker was sent to de­clare the whole matter, and to know their resoluti­ons. And they hauing at large discoursed and confer­red of this matter, returned their answer; that con­cerning the first and second exceptions, that the bur­gesses returned for townes not corporat, and for such The resoluti­on of the iud­ges. shiriffes, maiors, and souereignes as haue retur­ned themselues, shall be dismissed out of the same: but as for such others as the shiriffes and maiors had 50 returned, they should remaine, and the penaltie to rest vpon the shiriffes for their wrong returnes. The messenger of this answer, howsoeuer he were liked, his message could not be receiued nor allowed: which The disliking of the iudges opinions. being aduertised vnto the lord deputie and the iudg­es, then Lucas Dillon hir maiesties attorneie ge­nerall was sent vnto them, to ratifie and confirme their resolutions: and yet could not he be credited, The selfewill and froward­nesse of the burgesse of the English pale. neither would they be satisfied, vnlesse the iudges themselues would come in persons and set downe 60 this to be their resolutions. Upon this answer the speaker commanded a bill to be read, but the foresaid persons would not suffer nor abide the reading there­of: but rose vp in verie disordered manner, farre differing from their duties in that place, and as con­trarie to that grauitie and wisedome, which was or should be in them. Wherefore, for pacifieng of the same, the chéefe iustices of the quéenes bench, and the chéefe iustice of the common plées: the queenes ser­geant, attorneie generall, and sollicitor, the next daie following came to the lower house, and there did af­firme their former resolutions, which thought it might haue sufficed. Yet certeine lawiers who had place in that house, did not altogither like thereof.

And albeit this matter were orderlie compassed, and sufficient to haue contented euerie man: yet the same was so stomached, that the placing of the En­glishmen to be knights and burgesses, could not be digested, as did appéere in the sequele of that assem­blie, where euerie bill furthered by the English gen­tlemen was stopped and hindered by them. And especiallie sir Edmund Butler, who in all things which tended to the quéenes maiesties profit or com­mon-wealth, Sir Edmund Butler misli­keth with the parlement. he was a principall against it: fearing that their capteinries should be taken awaie, and coine, and liuerie be abolished, and such other like disorders redressed, which he and his complices misli­king, it did euen open it selfe of a rebellion then a brewing and towards. Which in déed followed. For immediatlie after the parlement, he returned home with a discontented mind, and gathered his forces, and followed his purpose. But to the purpose.

There were two billes put in of moment & great consequence. The one was concerning the repeale The repeale of Poining [...] act. of an act for that sessions, onelie made in the time of sir Edward Poinings lord deputie, in the tenth yere of king Henrie the seuenth, which though it were meant most for their owne benefit and common­wealth of that realme: yet so gelous they were, that they would not in long time enter into the conside­ration thereof. The other was for the granting of the impost for wines then first read. And in this mat­ter The act for imposts of wines. they shewed themselues verie froward & so vn­quiet, that it was more like a bearebaiting of disor­dered persons, than a parlement of wise and graue men. Wherewith a certeine English gentleman (the writer hereof) being a burgesse of the towne of Athenrie in Connagh, who had before kept silence, and still so meant to haue doone; when he saw these foule misorders and ouerthwarting, being gréeued, stood vp, and praied libertie to speake to the bill, who made a preamble, saieng, that it was an vsage in Pithagoras schooles, that no scholers of his should for certeine yeares reason, dispute, or determine, but giue eare and keepe silence: meaning that when a man is once well instructed, learned, and aduised, and hath well deliberated of the things he hath to do, he should with more discretion and wisdome, speake, order, and direct the same. Notwithstanding, now he being but a man of small experience, and of lesse knowledge in matters of importance, and therefore once minded to haue beene altogither silent, is in­forced euen of a verie zeale and conscience, and for the discharge of his dutie, to praie their patience, and to beare with his speeches. And then vpon occasion of the bill read, and matter offered, he entred into the discourse what was the office & authoritie of a prince, and what was the dutie of a subiect: and lastlie, how the queenes maiestie had most honorablie and care­fullie performed the one, and how vndutifullie they had considered the other: for that she neither found that obedience in that land, which still liued in rebelli­on against hir; neither that beneuolence of the bet­ter sort, which for hir great expenses spent for their defenses and safeties they ought to haue yéelded vn­to hir. It appeered manifest in sundrie things, and speciallie in this present assemblie, namelie one bill concerning the repeale of Poinings act, for this time onelie meant for your owne benefit, and for the common-wealth of this realme: and the other con­cerning the bill now in question, the one by you de­nied, and the other liketh you not. And yet hir ma­iestie, of hir owne roiall authoritie, might and may establish the same without anie of your consents, as she hath alreadie doone the like in England; sauing of hir courtesse it pleaseth hir to haue it passe with your owne consents by order of law, that she might thereby haue the better triall and assurance of your [Page 121] dutifulnesse and goodwill towards hir. But as she hath and dooth find your bent farre otherwise, so dooth the right honorable the lord deputie find the like. For notwithstanding his long seruices in times past, his continuall and dailie trauels, iorneies, and hastings, with the great perill of his life against the rebels for your sake and safetie; and his endlesse turmoiles and troubles in ciuill matters and priuat sutes for your quietnesse, and to you well known, he hath de­serued more than well at your hands: yet as the vn­thankfull 10 Israelites against Moses, the vnkind Ro­mans against Camillus, Scipio, and others: and as the vngratefull Atheniens against Socrates, The­mistocles, Meltiades, and others; you haue and doo most vngratfullie requite and recompense this your noble gouernor: against whome and his dooings you doo kicke and spurne what in you lieth. But in the end it will fall vpon you, as it hath doone vnto others to your owne shame, ouerthrow, and confusion. And when he had spent a long time in this matter, and 20 prooued the same by sundrie histories of other nati­ons, he procéeded to the bill, which by sundrie reasons and arguments he prooued to be most necessarie, and méet to be liked, allowed, and consented vnto.

Now when he had thus ended his spéeches, he sat downe, the most part of the house verie well liking and allowing both of the person and of the matter; sauing the persons before named, who did not heare the same so attentiuelie as they did digest it most vnquietlie, supposing themselues to be touched here­in. 30 And therfore some one of them rose vp and would haue answered the partie, but the time and daie was so far spent aboue the ordinarie houre, being well néere two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the speker and the court rose vp and departed. How­beit such was the present murmurings and threat­nings breathed out, that the said gentleman for his safetie was by some of the best of that assemblie con­ducted to the house of sir Peter Carew, where the said gentleman then laie and resided. The lord depu­tie 40 in the meane time, hearing that the lower house were so close, and continued togither so long aboue the ordinarie time, he doubted that it had béene con­cerning the questions before proponed, and therefore did secretlie send to the house to learne and know the cause of their long sitting. But by commande­ment of the speaker, order was giuen to the doore­kéepers, that the doores should be close kept, & none to be suffered to come in or out, so long as the gen­tleman was in deliuerie of his speeches; and after the court was ended, it was aduertised to the said 50 lord deputie, who thanked God that had raised vp vn­knowen fréends vnto him in that place.

The next daie following being fridaie, assoone as the court of the lower house was set, sir Christopher Barnewell, and the lawiers of the English pale, who had conferred togither of the former daies spéeches, stood vp and desired hearing: who leauing the matter in question, did in most disorderlie man­ner inueigh against the said gentleman, affirming, 60 anouching, and protesting, that if the words spoken had béene spoken in anie other place than in the said house, they would rather haue died than haue borne withall. Wherevpon the speaker by consent of the residue of the house commanded them to silence, and willed that if they had anie matter against the said gentleman, they should present and bring it in writing against mondaie then next following. And for somuch as their dealings then were alto­gither disordered, being more like to a bearebaiting of lose persons than an assemblie of wise and graue men in parlement; motion and request was made to the speaker, that he should reforme those abuses and disordered behauiours; who not onelie promised so to doo, but also praied assistance, aduise, and coun­sell for his dooings therein, of such as were acquain­ted with the orders of the parlements in England. A booke of the orders of a parlement house imprin­ted for Ire­land. Which was promised vnto him and performed, and also promised that a booke of the orders of the parle­ments vsed in England should in time be set forth in print, which the said gentleman did, and presented & bestowed the same among them in forme following.

¶ The order and vsage how to keepe a parlement in England in these daies, collected by Iohn Vowell aliàs Hooker gentleman, one of the citizens for the citie of Excester at the parlement holden at Westminster, Anno Do­mini 1571, & Elisabethae Reg. decimo tertio▪ and the like vsed in hir maiesties realme of Ireland.

And here you must note, that what the kings and queenes of England do in their persons in Eng­land, the same is done in Ireland by the lord de­putie, and who in the like parlement robes and vnder the like cloth of estate representeth hir maiestie there in all things.

By whom and for what cause a parle­ment ought to be summoned and called.

THe king, who is Gods annointed, being the head and chiefe of the whole realme, and vpon whom the gouernement and estates thereof doo wholie and onelie de­pend, hath the power and authoritie to call and as­semble his parlement, and therein to séeke and aske the aduise, counsell, & assistance of his whole realme, and without this his authoritie no parlement can properlie be summoned or assembled. And the king, hauing this authoritie, ought not to summon his parlement but for weightie and great causes, and in which he of necessitie ought to haue the aduise and counsell of all the estates of his realme, which be these and such like as foloweth.

First for religion, forsomuch as by the lawes of God and this realme, the king next and immediat­lie vnder God is his deputie and vicar in earth, and the chiefest ruler within his realms and dominions: his office, function, and dutie is, aboue all things to seeke and sée that God be honored in true religion and vertue, and that he and his people doo both in pro­fession and life liue according to the same.

Also that all idolatries, false religions, heresies, schismes, errors, superstitions, & whatsoeuer is con­trarie to true religion, all disorders and abuses, ei­ther among the cleargie or laitie, be reformed, orde­red, and redressed.

Also the assurance of the kings and queenes per­sons, and of their children, their aduancement & pre­ferment in mariages, the establishing of succession, the suppression of traitors, the auoiding or eschew­ing of warres, the attempting or moouing of wars, the subduing of rebels, and pacifieng of ciuill wars and commotions, the leuieng or hauing anie aid or subsidie for the preseruation of the king and publike estate: also the making and establishing of good and wholesome lawes, or the repealing and debatting of former lawes, as whose execution may be hurtfull or preiudiciall to the estates of the prince or com­monwealth.

For these and such like causes, being of great weight, charge and importance, the king (by the ad­uise of his councell) may call and summon his high court of parlement, and by the authoritie therof esta­blish and order such good lawes and orders as then shall be thought most expedient and necessarie.

The order and maner how to summon the parlement.

THe king ought to send out his writs of sum­mons to all the estates of his realme, at least fortie daies before the beginning of the parlement; first to all his lords and barons, that is to wit, arch­bishops, bishops, dukes, marquesses, earls, vicounts and barons; and euerie of these must haue a speciall writ. Then to the clergie, and the writ of their sum­mons 10 must be addressed to euerie particular bishop for the clergie of his diocesse. All these writs which are for the clergie, the king alwaies sendeth to the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke, and by them they are sent and dispersed abroad to euerie particu­lar bishop within their seuerall prouinces, and so the bishops giue summons to the clergie.

Lastlie, for the summoning of the commons, he sendeth his writ to the lord warden of the fiue ports, for the election of the barons thereof, and to euerie 20 seuerall shiriffe for the choise and election of knights, citizens, and burgesses within his countie.

How and what persons ought to be chosen for the clergie, and of their allowances.

THe bishop ought vpon the receipt of the writ sent vnto him for the summoning of his clergie, foorthwith to summon and warne all deanes and 30 archdeacons within his diocesse to appéere in proper person at the parlement, vnlesse they haue some suf­ficient and reasonable cause of absence, in which case he may appéere by his proctor, hauing a warrant or proxie for the same.

Then must he also send the like summons to the deane and chapter of his cathedrall church, who shall foorthwith assemble their chapter, and make choise of some one of themselues to appéere in their behalfe, and this man thus chosen must haue their commissi­on 40 or proxie.

He must also send out his summons to euerie archdeaconrie and peculiar, requiring that the whole clergie doo appeere before him, his chancellor or offi­cer, at a certeine daie, time, and place: who being so assembled, shall make choise and election of two men of the said clergie to appéere for them, and these shall haue their commission or proxie for the same.

These proctors thus to be chosen ought to be graue, wise, and learned men, being professors either of di­uinitie 50 or of the ecclesiasticall lawes; and that can, will, and be able to dispute in cause of controuersie, conuincing of heresies, appeasing of schismes, and de­uising of good and godlie constitutions concerning true religion and orders of the church.

These proctors (thus elected) ought to haue resona­ble allowances for their charges, according to the state, qualitie, or condition of the person, as also a re­spect had to the time. The proctors of the deane and chapter are to be paid out of the excheker of the ca­thedrall 60 church. The proctors of the clergie are to be paid of the clergie, among whom a collection is to be leuied for the same, according to an old order vsed a­mong them.

How and whatmaner of knights, ci­tizens, and burgesses ought to be chosen, and of their allowances.

THe shiriffe of euerie countie, hauing receiued his writs, ought foorthwith to send his precepts and summons to the maiors, bailiffes, and head offi­cers of euerie citie, towne corporate, borough, and such places as haue béene accustomed to send bur­gesses within his countie, that they doo choose and e­lect among themselues two citizens for euerie citie, and two burgesses for euerie borough, according to their old custome and vsage. And these head officers ought then to assemble themselues & the aldermen and common councell of euerie citie or towne, and to make choise among themselues of two able and sufficient men of euerie citie or towne, to serue for and in the said parlement.

Likewise at the next countie daie to be holden in the said countie after the receipt of this writ, the shi­riffe ought openlie in the court of his shire or coun­tie, betwéene the houres of eight and nine of the fore­noone, make proclamation; that euerie freeholder shall come into the court, and choose two sufficient men to be knights for the parlement; & then he must cause the writ to be openlie & distinctlie read. Where­vpon the said freeholders, then and there present, ought to choose two knights accordinglie, but he himselfe cannot giue anie voice, neither be chosen.

These elections aforesaid so past and doone, there ought to be seuerall indentures made betwéene the shiriffe & the fréeholders of the choise of the knights, and betwéene the maior and the head officers of eue­rie particular citie & towne of the choise of their ci­tizens & burgesses & of their names, & of their main­perners and suerties. Of these indentures, the one part being sealed by the shiriffe, ought to be retur­ned to the clerke of the parlement; and the other part of the indentures, sealed by such as made choise of the knights, & such as made choise of the citizens & bur­gesses vnder the seuerall common seales of their ci­ties and townes, ought to remaine with the shiriffe, or rather with the parties so elected and chosen.

The charges of euerie knight and citizen was woont to be a like, which was thirtéene shillings and foure pence by the daie: but now by the statute it is but eight shillings, that is, to euerie knight and eue­rie citizen foure shillings, and to euerie burgesse the old vsage to haue fiue shillings: but now it is but thrée shillings and foure pence limited by the sta­tute, which allowance is to be giuen from the first daie of their iourneie towards the parlement, vntill the last daie of their returne from thense. Prouided, that euerie such person shall be allowed for so manie daies as by iourneieng six and twentie miles euerie daie in the winter, and thirtie miles in the summer, he may come & returne to and from the parlement.

In choise of these knights, citizens, and burgesses, good regard is to be had that the lawes and customs of the realme be herein kept and obserued: for none ought to be chosen, vnlesse he be resiant and dwel­ling within the shire, citie, or towne for which he is chosen. And he ought to be graue, wise, learned, skilfull, and of great experience in causes of policie, and of such audacitie as both can and will boldlie vt­ter and speake his mind according to dutie, and as occasion shall serue; for no man ought to be silent or dum in that house, but according to his talent he must and ought to speake in the furtherance of the king and commonwealth.

And the knights also ought to be skilfull in mar­tiall affaires, and therfore the words of the writs are that such should be chosen for knights as be Cincti gladio: not bicause they shall come into the parle­ment house in armour, or with their swords: but bi­cause they should be such as haue good experience and knowledge in feats of warre and martiall affaires, whereby they may in such cases giue the king and relme good aduise and counsell. Likewise they ought to be laie men, and of good fame, honestie, and credit, being not outlawed, excommunicated, or periured, or otherwise infamous: for such persons ought not to haue place or be admitted into the parlement house.

The degrees of the parlement.

IN times past there were six degrées or estates of the parlement, which euerie of them had their seue­rall officers and ministers of attendance; but now the same are reduced into foure degrées.

The first is the king, who in his personage is a full and whole degrée of himselfe, and without whom no­thing can be doone.

The second degree is of the lords of the clergie and of the temporaltie, and are all called by the names 10 of barons.

The third is of knights, citizens, and burgesses, & these be called by the names of the communaltie.

The fourth is of the clergie, which are called by the name of conuocation, & these persons haue no voice in the parlement; neither can they doo anie thing o­ther than to intreat in causes of religion, which from them is to be commended to other estates.

Of the places and houses of 20 the parlement.

AS it lieth in the king to assigne and appoint the time when the parlement shall begin, so that he giue at the least fortie daies summons: so likewise he maie name and appoint the place where it shall be kept. But wheresoeuer it be kept, the old vsage and maner was, that all the whole degrees of the parle­ment sat togither in one house; and euerie man that had there to speake, did it openlie before the king and his whole parlement. But here of did grow manie 30 inconueniences, and therfore to auoid the great con­fusions which are in such great assemblies, as also to cut off the occasions of displeasures which estsoones did happen, when a meane man speaking his consci­ence fréelie, either could not be heard, or fell into the displeasure of his betters; and for sundrie other great gréefs, did diuide this one house into thrée houses, that is to wit, the higher house, the lower house, and the conuocation house.

In the first sitteth the king, and his lords spirituall 40 and temporall, called by the name of barons, and this house is called the higher house.

The second is where the knights, citizens and bur­gesses doo sit, and they be called by the name of com­mons, and this house is called the lower house.

The third is, where the prelats and the proctors of the cleargie, being called by the name of the cleargie, and this house is called the conuocation house. Of euerie of these houses, their orders and of ficers, we will bréeflie subnect and declare particular­lie 50 in order as followeth.

Of the higher house.

THe higher house (as is said) is where the king and his barons doo sit in parlement, where the king sitteth highest, and the lords & barons beneath him, each man in his degrée: the order is this. The house is much more in length than in breadth, and the higher end thereof in the middle is the kings seat 60 or throne hanged richlie with cloth of estate, and there the king sitteth alwaies alone. On his right hand there is a long bench next to the wall of the house, which reacheth not so farre vp as the kings seat, and vpon this sit the archbishops and bishops, euerie one in his degrée. On his left hand there are two like benches, vpon the inner sit the dukes, marquesses, earles and vicounts. On the other, which is the hin­dermost & next to the wall, sit all the barons euerie man in his degree. In the middle of the house, be­twéene the archbishops seat and the dukes seat, sit­teth the speaker, who commonlie is lord chancellor, or keeper of the great seale of England, or the lord chiefe iustice of England, as pleaseth the king, who dooth appoint him: and he hath before him his two clerks sitting at a table before them, vpon which they doo write and laie their bookes. In the middle roome beneath them sit the chiefe iustices and iudges of the realme, the barons of the excheker, the kings serge­ants, and all such as be of the kings learned councell, either in the common lawes of the realme, or of the ecclesiasticall laws, and all these sit vpon great wooll sacks, couered with red cloth.

At the lower end of all these seats is a barre or raile, betwéene which & the lower end of the house is a void roome seruing for the lower house, and for all sutors that shall haue cause and occasion to repaire to the king or to the lords. This house as it is distinct from the others, so there be distinct officers to the same belonging and apperteinng, which all be assig­ned and appointed by the king, and all haue allowan­ces for their charges at the kings hands, of which of­ficers what they are, what is euerie of their offices, and what allowances they haue, shall be written in order hereafter.

Of the officers of the higher house, and first of the speaker, and of his office.

THe chéefest officer of the higher house is the spea­ker, who is appointed by the king, and common­lie he is the lord chancelor or keeper of the great seale, or lord chéefe iustice of England, his office consisteth in diuerse points.

First, he must on the first daie of the parlement make his oration in the higher house, before the king, his lords and commons; and then and there de­clare the causes why the king hath summoned that parlement, exhorting and aduising euerie man to doo his office and dutie, in such sort as maie be to the glo­rie of God, honor of the king, and benefit of the com­monwealth.

Also he must make one other oration, but in waie of answer to the speakers oration, when he is presen­ted to the king.

Likewise he must make the like on the last daie of the parlement. And you shall vnderstand, that vpon these three daies he standeth on the right hand of the king neere to his seat, at a barre there appointed for him; but at all other times he sitteth in the middle of the house, as is before said.

When he hath ended his oration vpon the first day, he must giue order vnto the lower house in the kings behalfe, willing them to repaire vnto their house, and there (according to their ancient orders and cu­stoms) make choise of their speaker.

All bils presented vnto the higher house he must receiue, which he hath foorthwith to deliuered vnto the clearks to be safelie kept.

All bils he must cause to be read twise before they be ingrossed, and being read thrée times he must put the same to question.

If anie bill put to question doo passe with their con­sent, then the same must be sent to the lower house, vnlesse it came first from thense, and in that case it must be kept vntill the end of the parlement.

If anie bill be denied, impugned, and cléere ouer­throwne, the same is no more to be thensefoorth re­ceiued.

If any bill be put to question, & it be doubtfull whe­ther side is the greater, & giueth most voices; then he must cause the house to be diuided, and then iudge of the bill according to the greater number.

If anie bill be vnperfect, or requireth to be amen­ded, he must choose a certeine number of that house, as he shall thinke good, and to them commit that bill to be reformed and amended.

[Page 124] If anie bill or message be to be sent to the lower house, it is his office to make choise of two of the kings learned councell there being, to be the messen­gers thereof.

If any bill or message be sent from the lower house, he must come from his place to the bar, and there re­ceiue the same; and being returned to his place, and euerie stranger or messenger departed, he must dis­close the same to the lords.

Item, if anie disorder be committed or doone in the 10 house by anie lord or other person, he ought with the aduise of the lords to reforme the same: but if it be a­mong the lords, and they will not be reformed, then he must foorthwith aduertise the king.

Item, he ought at the beginning of the parlement, to call by name all the lords of the parlement, & like­wise at other times as he séeth occasion, whose de­faults ought to be recorded, & they to paie their fines, vnlesse they be dispensed withall by speciall licence from the king, or haue some iust and reasonable cause 20 of absence.

Item, he must see and cause the clearks to make true entries & true records of all things doone there, and to see that the clearks doo giue and deliuer the copies of all such bils there read, to such as demand for the same.

Item, he shall keepe the secrets, & cause & command euerie man of ech degrée in that house to doo the like.

Also he ought not to go anie where, but the gentle­man sergeant ought to attend vpon him, going be­fore 30 him with his mace, vnlesse he be the lord chan­cellor, for then he hath a sergeant of his owne.

His allowance that he hath is at the kings char­ges.

Also for euerie priuat bill that passeth and is enac­ted, he hath ten pounds for his part.

Of the chancellor of the higher house.

THe chancellor is the principall clearke of the 40 higher house, and his charge is safelie to kéepe the records of the parlement, & the acts which be past.

All such statutes as be enacted, he must send to the kings seuerall courts of records to be inrolled, as namelie the Chancerie, the Kings bench, the Com­mon plees, and the Excheker.

All such acts as are to be imprinted, he must send to the printer.

All such priuat acts as are not imprinted, if anie 50 man will haue the same exemplified, he must trans­mit the same to the lord chancellor to be ingrossed and sealed, and for the same he to take the fees ap­pointed and accustomed.

He hath for his allowance an ordinarie fée for terme of life of the king.

Of the clearks of the parlement.

THere be two clearks, the one named the clearke 60 of the parlement, & the other named the clearke of the crowne. The clearke of the parlement his of­fice is to sit before the lord speaker, and to read such bils presented as he shall be commanded.

He must kéepe true records, and true entries of all things there doone and to be entred.

If anie require a copie of anie bill there, he ought to giue the same, receiuing the ordinarie fees.

If anie bill after his ordinarie readings be to be in­grossed, he must doo it.

The councell of the house he maie not disclose.

At the end of the parlement he must deliuer vp vnto the chancellor all the acts and records of that house, sauing he may keepe a transumpt and a copie thereof to himselfe.

He hath his allowance of the king.

Also for euerie priuat bill which is enacted, he hath thrée pounds.

Also for euerie bill whereof he giueth a copie, he hath for euerie ten lines a penie, according to the custome.

¶ The clearke of the crowne, his office is to supplie the place and roome of the clearke of the parlement in his absence, & hath in all things the like charges and profits as the clearke ought to haue.

He must giue his attendance to the higher house from time to time, & doo what shall be inioined him.

All such acts as be not imprinted, if anie man will haue them exemplified vnder the brode seale, he must exemplifie them, and haue for the same his or­dinarie fées.

These two clearks, at the end of the parlement, ought to be present in the house, and within the lower bar at a boord before them, their faces towards the king: and there the one must read the bils which are past both houses, and the other must read the consent or disagréement of the king.

Of the sergeants or porters of the higher house.

THere is but one sergeant, which hath the charge of keeping of the doores: for though there be di­uerse doores, yet the kéepers thereof are at his as­signment.

He ought to sée the house be cleane & kept swéet.

He ought not to suffer anie maner of person to be within the house, so long as the lords be there sitting, other than such as be of the learned councell, and of that house; and except also such as come in message from the lower house with bils or otherwise, and ex­cept also such as be sent for, and be admitted to haue anie thing there to doo.

Also he must attend and go alwaies with his mace before the speaker, vnlesse he be lord chancellor, or kéeper of the great seale: for then he hath a serge­ant of his owne.

He ought to kéepe safelie such prisoners as be com­manded to his ward, and to fetch or send for such as he shall be commanded to fetch.

This porter or sergeant hath (besides his ordinarie fée) a standing allowance for euerie daie of the parle­ment.

Also he hath for euerie priuat bill which is enacted, fortie shillings.

Also he hath for euerie prisoner committed to his ward, a certeine allowance for his fées.

Also he hath of euerie baron or lord of that house, a certeine reward.

Of the lower house.

THe lower house (as is said) is a place distinct from the others, it is more of length than of breadth, it is made like a theater, hauing foure rowes of seates one aboue an other round about the same. At the higher end in the middle of the lower row, is a seat made for the speaker, in which he al­waies sitteth: before it is a table boord, at which sit­teth the clarke of the house, and therevpon laieth his bookes, and writeth his records. Upon the lower row on both sides the speaker, sit such personages as be of the kings priuie councell, or of his chiefe of­ficers; but as for anie other, none claimeth, nor can claime anie place; but sitteth as he commeth, sauing that on the right hand of the speaker, next beneath the said councels, the Londoners, and the citizens of Yorke doo sit, and so in order should sit all the citi­zens accordinglie. Without this house is one other, [Page 125] in which the vnder clearks doo sit, as also such as be sutors and attendant to that house. And when soeuer the house is diuided vpon anie bill, then the roome is voided; and the one part of the house commeth downe into this to be numbered.

The office of the speaker of the lower house.

THe chiefe or principall officer of this house is the speaker, and is chosen by the whole house, 10 or the more part of them; he himselfe being one of the same number, and a man for grauitie, wise­dome, experience, and learning, chosen to supplie that office, during the time of the parlement; and is to be presented to the king the third daie folowing.

His office is to direct and guide that house in good order; and to sée the ordinances, vsages, and customs of the same to be firmelie kept and obserued.

When he is presented vnto the king, sitting in his estate roiall in the parlement house for the purpose, 20 he must then and there make his oration in com­mendation of the lawes and of the parlement; which doone, then he hath (in the name of the house of the commons) to make to the king three requests.

First, that it maie please his maiestie to grant, that the commons assembled in the parlement, may haue and inioie the ancient priuileges, customes, and liberties, as in times past haue apperteined, and béene vsed in that house.

Then, that euerie one of that house maie haue li­bertie 30 of spéech, and fréelie to vtter, speake, and de­clare his mind and opinion to anie bill or question to be proponed.

Also, that euerie knight, citizen, and burgesse, and their seruants, maie haue free comming and going to and from the said parlement, as also during the said time of parlement; & that they, nor anie of their seruants or retinue to be arrested, molested, sued, imprisoned, or troubled by anie person or persons.

And lastlie, that if he or anie other of that com­panie, 40 béeing sent or come to him of anie message, and doo mistake himselfe in dooing thereof; that his maiestie will not take the aduantage thereof, but gratiouslie pardon the same.

He must haue good regard, and sée that the clearke doo enter and make true records, and safelie to kéepe the same, and all such bils as be deliuered into that house.

He must on the first and third daie, and when soe­uer he else will, call the house by name, and record 50 their defaults.

All bils, to be brought and to be presented into that house, he must receiue & deliuer to the clearke.

He ought to cause and command the clearke to reade the bils brought in, plainelie, and sensiblie; which doone, he must bréeflie recite and repeat the ef­fect and meaning thereof.

Of the bils brought in he hath choise, which and when they shall be read: vnlesse order by the whole 60 house be taken in that behalfe.

Euerie bill must haue thrée readings, and after the second reading he must cause the clearke to in­grosse the same, vnlesse the same be reiected and da­shed.

If anie bill or message be sent from the lords, he ought to cause the messengers to bring the same vn­to him, and he to receiue the same openlie; and they being departed and gone, he ought to disclose and open the same to the house.

If when a bill is read, diuerse doo rise at one instant to speake to the same, and it cannot be discerned who rose first; then shall he appoint who shall speake: ne­uerthelesse, euerie one shall haue his course to speake if he list.

If anie speake to a bill and be out of the matter, he shall put him in remembrance, and will him to come to the matter.

If anie bill be read thrée times, and euerie man haue spoken his mind; then shall he aske the house whether the bill shall passe or not? saieng thus: As manie as will haue this bill passe in maner & forme as hath béene read; saie Yea: then the affirmatiue part saie Yea. As manie as will not haue this bill passe in maner and forme as hath beene read, saie No. If vpon this question the whole house, or the more part, doo affirme and allow the bill: then the same is to be sent to the higher house to the lords. But if the whole house, or the more part doo denie the bill; then the same is to be dashed out, and to be reiected: but if it be doubtfull vpon giuing voices, whether side is the greater; then must a diuision be made of the house, and the affirmatiue part must arise and depart into the vtter roome, which (by the sergeant) is voided before hand of all persons that were there. And then the speaker must assigne two or foure to number them first which sit within, and then the other which be without, as they doo come in, one by one: and as vpon the triall the bill shall be allowed or disallowed by the greater number: so to be aceepted as is before said.

If vpon this triall the number of either side be like, then the speaker shall giue his voice, and that onelie in this point; for otherwise he hath no voice.

Also if anie of the house doo misbehaue himselfe, & breake the order of the house: he hath to reforme, correct, and punish him, but yet with the aduise of the house.

If anie forren person doo enter into that house, the assemblie thereof being sitting, or doo by arresting anie one person thereof, or by anie other meanes breake the liberties and priuileges of that house, he ought to sée him to be punished.

Also during the time of the parlement, he ought to sequester himselfe from dealing or intermedling in anie publike or priuat affaires, and dedicat and bend himselfe wholie to serue his office and function.

Also he ought not to resort to anie noble man, councellor, or other person, to deale in anie of the par­lement matters: but must and ought to haue with him a competent number of some of that house, who maie be witnesses of his dooings.

Also during the time of parlement, he ought to haue the sergeant of armes with his mace to go be­fore him.

Also he hath libertie to send anie offendor, either to sergeants ward, or to the tower, or to anie other prison at his choise, according to the qualitie and quantitie of the offense.

He hath allowance for his diet one hundred pounds of the king for euerie sessions of parlement.

Also he hath for euerie priuat bill passed both hou­ses, and enacted, fiue pounds.

At the end, and on the last daie of the parlement, he maketh his oration before the king in most hum­ble maner, declaring the dutifull seruice and obedi­ence of the commons then assembled to his maie­stie: as also most humblie praieng his pardon, if a­nie thing haue beene doone amisse.

Of the clearke of the lower house.

THere is onelie one clearke belonging to this house, his office is to sit next before the speaker at a table, vpon which he writeth & laieth his bookes.

He must make true entrie of the records and bils of the house, as also of all the orders thereof.

The bils appointed vnto him by the speaker to be [Page 126] read: he must read openlie, plainelie, and sensiblie.

The billes which are to be ingrossed, he must doo it.

If anie of the house aske the sight of anie bill there, or of the booke of the orders of the house; he hath to deliuer the same vnto him.

If anie desire to haue the copie of anie bill, he ought to giue it him, receiuing for his paines after ten lines a pennie.

He maie not be absent at anie time of sitting, 10 without speciall licence.

He ought to haue for euerie priuat bill passed and enacted, fortie shillings.

He hath allowed vnto him for his charges (of the king) for euerie sessions, ten pounds.

Of the sergeant or porter of the lower house.

THe sergeant of this house is commonlie one of 20 the kings sergeants at armes, and is appoin­ted to this office by the king. His office is to kéepe the doores of the house: and for the same he hath o­thers vnder him, for he himselfe kéepeth the doore of the inner house, where the commons sit, and séeth the same to be cleane.

Also he maie not suffer anie to enter into this house, during the time of the sitting there; vnlesse he be one of the house, or be sent from the king or the lords, or otherwise licenced to come in. 30

If anie such person doo come, he ought to bring him in, going before him with his mace vpon his shoulder.

If anie be committed to his ward, he ought to take charge of him, and to kéepe him in safetie vn­till he be required for him.

If he be sent for anie person, or to go in anie mes­sage, he must leaue a substitute behind him, to doo his office in his absence.

He must alwaies attend the speaker, and go be­fore 40 him, carieng his mace vpon his shoulder.

His allowance (during the time of the parlement) is twelue pence the daie of the kings charges.

Also he hath of euerie knight and citizen, two shillings six pence; and of euerie burgesse, two shil­lings.

If anie be commanded to his ward, he hath of euerie such prisoner, by the daie, six shillings and eight pence.

If anie priuat bill doo passe and be enacted, he hath 50 for euerie such bill, twentie shillings.

Of the conuocation house.

THe conuocation house is the assemblie of the whole clergie, at and in some peculiar place ap­pointed for the purpose.

But as the barons and lords of the parlement haue their house seuerall and distinct from the com­mons: euen so the archbishops and bishops doo se­quester themselues, and haue a house seuerall from 60 the residue of the clergie. And this their house is cal­led the higher conuocation house, the other being named the lower conuocation house. Both these houses haue their seuerall officers, orders, and vsa­ges; and each officer hath his peculiar charge and function; as also certeine allowances, euen as is vsed in the parlement houses of the lords and com­mons.

The archbishops and bishops doo sit all at a ta­ble, and doo discourse all such causes and matters as are brought in question before them, either of their owne motions, or from the higher court of parle­ment, or from the lower house of conuocation, or from anie priuat person. Euerie archbishop and bi­shop sitteth & taketh place according to his estate and degrée, which degrees are knowne by such degrées & offices in the church as to euerie of them is assigned: for one hath the personage of a priest, an other of a deacon, this is a subdeacon, he is a sexton, and so foorth, as such officers were woont to be in the church.

The bishops doo not sit at forenoone, but onelie at afternoone, because they, being barons of the higher house of parlement, doo resort and assemble themselues there at the forenoones with the tempo­rall lords.

The conuocation house of the rest of the clergie doo obserue in a manner the like orders as the lower house of the commons doo vse. For being assembled togither on the first daie, with the bishops, are by them willed to make choise of a speaker for them, whom they call the proloquutor: when they haue cho­sen him, they doo present him vnto the bishops: and he thus presented, maketh his oration, and dooth all things as the speaker of the lower house for the com­mons dooth, as well for the ordering of the clergie & of the house, as for the order in sitting, the order in speaking, the order of recording things doone a­mong them, and all other such like things.

And this is to be vnderstood, that the whole cler­gie can deale and intreat but onlie of matters of re­ligion, and orders of the church, which their dooings and conclusions can not bind the whole realme, vn­lesse they be confirmed by act of parlement: but yet sufficient to bind the whole clergie to the kéeping thereof; so that the king (who is the supreme gouer­nor of both estates) doo consent and confirme the same. And forsomuch as by knowing the orders of the parlement house, you may also know the orders of both the conuocation houses, which are like & cor­respondent to the others: these shall suffice for this matter.

Of extraordinarie persons which ought to be summoned to the parlement.

BEsides the personages of the former degrées, which ought to be summoned to the parlement: the king also must warne and summon all his coun­cellors both of the one law and of the other; and these haue their places onelie in the higher house, name­lie the two chéefe iustices and their associats of the kings bench and the common plées, the barons of the excheker, the sergeants, the attorneie, the sollici­tor, the maister of the rolles, and his fellows of the chancerie.

The offices of these personages are to giue coun­cell to the king and parlement, in euerie doubtfull cause according to the lawes.

Also if anie bill be conceiued and made disorderlie, they ought to amend and reforme the same, vpon or­der and commandement to them giuen.

Also they must attend to come and go at the com­mandement of the king and parlement.

Also they may not speake nor giue aduise, but when they be asked and put to question.

Also they haue no voice in parlement, because they are commonlie councellors to the same.

They are all reteined at the kings charges.

Likewise all officers of the parlement are to be summoned, as namelie the chancellor of the parle­ment, the clerks, the sergeants, the porters, and such others, who likewise are reteined at the kings costs. Of their offices and charges it is alreadie particu­larlie declared.

Of the daies and houres to sit in parlement.

ALl daies of the wéeke are appointed, sauing and excepted the sundaies and all principall feasts, as namelie the feast of Alhallowes daie, Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, and saint Iohn the baptists daie, and also such other daies as the parlement by consent shall appoint and assigne.

The beginning is at eight of the clocke in the mor­ning, 10 and dooth continue vntill eleuen of the clocke.

They doo not sit at afternoones, for those times are reserued for committées and the conuocation house.

In the morning they beginne with the common praier and the letanie, which are openlie read in the house.

Of the king, his office and authoritie.

HAuing declared of all the estates, degrees, and 20 personages of the parlement, it resteth now to speake also of the king, and of his office, who is all in all, the beginning and ending, and vpon whome res­teth and dependeth the effect & substance of the whole parlement. For without him and his authoritie no­thing can be doone, and with it all things take effect. Neuerthelesse, when he calleth & assembleth his par­lement, there are sundrie orders which of him are to be obserued, and which he ought to see to be kept and executed; or else the parlement ceasseth to be a parle­ment, 30 and taketh not his effect, of which orders these be the chéefe which doo insue.

First, the king ought to send out his summons to all the estates of his realme, of a parlement, assig­ning and appointing the time, daie, and place.

Also his summons must be at the least fortie daies before the beginning of his parlement.

Also he must appoint and prouide all such officers as ought to attend the parlement, who must be found at his charges. 40

Also the king ought not to make anie choise, or cause anie choise to be made of any knight, citizens, burgesses, proctors of the clergie, speaker of the com­mon house, or proloquutor of the conuocation house: but they must be elected and chosen by the lawes, or­ders, and customs of the realme, as they were woont and ought to be, and the kings good aduise yet not to be contemned.

Also the king ought to grant, permit, and allow to all and euerie of the estates, and to euerie parti­cular 50 man lawfullie elected, and come to the parle­ment, all and euerie the ancient freedoms, priuile­ges, immunities, and customs, during the parle­ment; as also during the times and daies, comming and going to and from the parlement: but yet the same humblie to be requested of his highnesse by the speaker in his oration at the beginning of the parle­ment.

Also the king in person ought to be present in the parlement thrée daies at the least, during the time of 60 the parlement; that is to saie, the first daie, when the whole estates according to the summons make their appearance, which is called the first daie of the parle­ment. On the second daie, when the speaker of the common house is presented, which is counted the be­ginning of the parlement. And the third daie, which is the last day, when the parlement is proroged or dis­solued: for vpon these daies he must be present, vn­lesse in case of sicknes, or absence out of the realme, for in these cases the king may summon his parle­ment by commission, and the same is of as good ef­fect as if he were present in person: and as for anie other daies, he is at his choise and libertie to come or not to come to the parlement.

Also the king ought to propone to the parlement house in writing all such things & matters of charge, as for which he calleth the said parlement. And accor­dinglie as the same shall then by the consent of all estates be aduised, concluded, and agréed: so the king either hath to allow or disallow the same, for he can (of himselfe) neither adde nor diminish anie bill; but accept the same as it is presented vnto him from the estates of the parlement, or else altogither reiect it.

Also the king as he dooth prefix and assigne the daie and time when the parlement shall begin; so also he must assigne & appoint the time when the same shall be proroged or dissolued: which ought not to be as long as anie matters of charge, weight, or impor­tance be in question, and the same not decided nor determined.

Of the dignitie, power, and authoritie of the parlement, and of the orders of the same.

THe parlement is the highest, cheefest, and great­est court that is or can be within the realme: for it consisteth of the whole realme, which is diuided in­to thrée estates; that is to wit, the king, the nobles, and the commons, euerie of which estates are subiect to all such orders as are concluded and established in parlement.

These thrée estates may iointlie and with one con­sent or agreement establish and enact anie lawes, or­ders, and statutes for the common wealth: but being diuided, and one swaruing from the other, they can doo nothing. For the king, though he be the head, yet alone can not make anie law; nor yet the king and his lords onelie, nor yet the king and his commons alone; neither yet can the lords and the commons without the king doo anie thing of auaile. And yet neuerthelesse, if the king in due order haue summo­ned all his lords and barons, and they will not come, or if they come they will not yet appéere; or if they come and appeere, yet will not doo or yéeld to any thing, then the king with the consent of his com­mons (who are represented by the knights, citizens, and burgesses) may ordeine and establish anie act or law, which are as good, sufficient, and effectuall, as if the lords had giuen their consents.

But of the contrarie, if the commons be summo­ned and will not come, or comming will not appéere, or appéering will not consent to doo anie thing, alle­ging some iust, weightie, and great cause; the king (in these cases) cannot with his lords deuise, make, or establish anie law, the reasons are these. When par­lements were first begun & ordeined, there were no prelats or barons of the parlement, and the tempo­rall lords were verie few or none, and then the king and his commons did make a full parlement, which authoritie was hitherto neuer abridged. Againe, e­uerie baron in parlement dooth represent but his owne person, and speaketh in the behalfe of himselfe alone.

But in the knights, citizens, and burgesses are represented the commons of the whole realme; and euerie of these giueth not consent onlie for himselfe, but for all those also for whome he is sent. And the king with the consent of his commons had euer a sufficient and full authoritie to make, ordeine, and e­stablish good and wholesome lawes for the common­wealth of his realme. Wherfore the lords being law­fullie summoned, and yet refusing to come, sit, or consent in parlement, can not by their follie abridge the king and the commons of their lawfull procée­ding in parlement.

The lords and commons in times past did sit all in one house, but for the auoiding of confusion they [Page 128] be now diuided into two seuerall houses, and yet ne­uerthelesse they are of like and equall authoritie, eue­rie person of either of the said houses being named and counted a péere of the realme (for the time of the parlement) that is to saie, equall: for Par is equall. And therefore the opinion, censure, and iudgement of a meane burgesse, is of as great auaile as is the best lords, no regard being had to the partie who speaketh, but the matter that is spoken.

They be also called péers, as it were fathers, for 10 Pier is a father, by which is meant that all such as be of the parlement should be ancient, graue, wise, ler­ned, and expert men of the land: for such were the se­nators of Rome, and called Patres conscripti, for the wisedome and care that was in them in gouerning of the common-wealth. They are also called coun­cellors, because they are assembled and called to the parlement for their aduise and good councell, in ma­king and deuising of such good orders and lawes as may be for the commonwealth.

They therefore which make choise of knights, citi­zens 20 and burgesses, ought to be well aduised that they doo elect and choose such as being to be of that as­semblie, and thereby equall with the great estates, should be graue, ancient, wise, learned, expert and carefull men for their commonwealth, and who (as faithfull and trustie councellors) should doo that which should turne and be for the best commoditie of the commonwealth, otherwise they doo great iniurie to their prince and commonwealth.

Also euerie person of the parlement, during the 30 times of the parlement, and at his comming and go­ing from the same, is frée from all troubles, arrests and molestations: no action or sute taking effect which during that time is begun, entred, or commen­sed against him, in what court so euer the same be, except in causes of treason, murther, and fellonie, and except also executions in law, awarded and granted before the beginning of the parlement.

Also euerie person hauing voices in parlement, hath free libertie of speach to speake his mind, opini­on, 40 and iudgement, to anie matter proponed; or of himselfe to propone anie matter for the commodi­tie of the prince and of the commonwealth: but ha­uing once spoken to anie bill, he may speake no more for that time.

Also euerie person once elected & chosen a knight, citizen or burgesse, and returned, cannot be dismissed out of that house; but being admitted, shall haue his place and voice there, if he be a laieman. But if by errour a man of the cleargie be chosen, then he 50 ought and shall be dismissed; also if he be excommu­nicated, outlawed, or infamous.

Also euerie one of these houses ought to be incor­rupt, no briber nor taker of anie rewards, gifts, or monie, either for deuising of anie bill, or for speaking of his mind; but to doo all things vprightlie, and in such sort as best is for the king and commonwealth.

Also euerie one ought to be of a quiet, honest and gentle behauiour; none taunting, checking, or misu­sing 60 an other in anie vnséemelie words or deeds: but all affections set apart, to doo and indeuour in wise­dome, sobrietie and knowledge, that which that place requireth.

Also if anie one doo offendor misbehaue himselfe, he is to be corrected and punished by the aduise and order of the residue of the house.

Also all the prisons, wards, gailes, within the realme and the kéepers of the same are at the com­mandement of the parlement, for the custodie and safekeeping or punishment of all and euerie such pri­soners, as shall be sent to anie of them by the said parlement houses, or anie of them: howbeit most commonlie the tower of London is the prison which is most vsed.

Also if anie one of the parlement house be serued, sued, arrested, or attached by anie writ, attachment, or minister of the Kings bench, Common plees, Chancerie, or what court so euer within this realme: the partie so troubled and making complaint there­of to the parlement house: then foorthwith a sarge­ant at armes is sent to the said court, not onelie ad­uertising that the partie so molested is one of the parlement house; but also inhibiting and command­ing the officers of the said court to call in the said processe, and not to deale anie further against the said partie: for the parlement being the hiest court, all other courts as inferior yéeld and giue place to the same.

Also as euerie one of the parlement house is free for his owne person, for all manner of sutes to be commensed against him: so are also his seruants frée, and not to be troubled nor molested; but being troubled, haue the like remedie as the maister hath or may haue.

Also no manner of person, being not one of the parlement house, ought to enter or come within the house, as long as the sitting is there, vpon paine of imprisonment, or such other punishment as by the house shall be ordered and adiudged.

Also euerie person of the parlement ought to kéepe secret, and not to disclose the secrets and things spo­ken and doone in the parlement house, to anie man­ner of person, vnlesse he be one of the same house, vp­on paine to be sequestred out of the house, or other­wise punished, as by the order of the house shall be appointed.

Also none of the parlement house ought to depart from the parlement, without speciall leaue obteined of the speaker of the house, and the same his licence be also recorded.

Also no person, being not of the parlement house, ought to come into the same, during the time of the sitting: so euerie one comming into the same oweth a dutie and a reuerence, to be giuen when he entreth and commeth in.

If a baron or a lord come and enter into the high­er house, he ought to doo his obeisance before the cloth of estate, and so to take his place.

Also when he speaketh, he must stand bareheaded, and speake his mind plainlie, sensiblie, & in decent order.

If anie come in message or be sent for to the high­er house, they must staie at the inner doore vntill they be called in, and then being entred, must first make their obeisance; which doone, to go to the lower end of the house, and there to staie vntill they be called: and being called, they must first make one lowe courte­sie and obeisance, and going forwards must in the middle waie make one other lowe courtesie; and then being come foorth to the barre, must make the third courtesie; the like must be doone at the depar­ture.

Also when anie knight, citizen or burgesse dooth enter and come into the lower house, he must make his dutifull and humble obeisance at his entrie in: and then take his place. And you shall vnderstand, that as euerie such person ought to be graue, wise, and expert; so ought he to shew himselfe in his appa­rell. For in time past, none of the councellors of the parlement came otherwise than in his gowne, and not armed nor girded with weapon. For the parle­ment house is a place for wise, graue, and good men; to consult, debate, and aduise, how to make lawes and orders for the commonwealth, and not to be ar­med as men readie to fight, or to trie matters by the sword. And albeit the writ for the election of the knights haue expresse words to choose such for [Page 129] knights as be girded with the sword: yet it is not meant thereby that they should come and sit armed, but be such as be skilfull in feats of armes, and be­sides their good aduises can well serue in martiall af­faires. And thus the Romane senators vsed, who being men of great knowledge and experience, as well in martiall affaires, as in politike causes, sat al­waies in the senat house and places of councell in their gownes and long robes. The like also was al­waies and hath béene the order in the parlements of 10 this realme, as long as the ancient lawes, the old customes, and good orders thereof were kept and ob­serued.

Also if anie other person or persons, either in message or being sent for, d [...]o come: he ought to be brought in by the sergeant, and at the first entring must (following the sergeant) make one lowe obei­sance, and being past in the middle waie, must make one other; and when he is come before the speaker, he must make the third, and then do his message; the like 20 order he must kéepe in his returne. But if he doo come alone, or with his learned councell, to plead a­nie matter, or to answer to anie obiection: he shall enter, and go no further than to the bar within the doore, and there to doo his three obeisances.

Also when anie bill is committed, the committées haue not authoritie to conclude, but onelie to order, reforme, examine, and amend the thing committed vnto them, and of their dooings they must giue re­port to the house againe, by whome the bill is to be 30 considered.

Also euerie bill which is brought into the house, must be read three seuerall times, and vpon thrée se­uerall daies.

Also euerie bill, which vpon anie reading is com­mitted and returned againe, ought to haue his thrée readings, vnles the committées haue not altered the bill in anie substance or forme, but onelie in certeine words.

Also when anie bill vpon anie reading is altogi­ther 40 by one consent reiected, or by voices after the third reading ouerthrown, it ought not to be brought anie more to be read, during the sessions of parle­ment.

Also if anie man doo speake vnto a bill, and be out of his matter; he ought to be put in remembrance of the matter by the speaker onelie and by none o­ther, and be willed to come to the matter.

Also whensoeuer anie person dooth speake to anie bill, he ought to stand vp, and to be bareheaded, and 50 then with all reuerence, grauitie, and séemelie spéech to declare his mind. But whensoeuer anie bill shall be tried either for allowances, or to be reiected: then euerie one ought to sit, bicause he is then as a iudge.

Also euerie knight, citizen, and burgesse, before he doo enter into the parlement, and take his place there, ought to be sworne and to take his oth, ac­knowledging the king to be the supreme and onelie gouernour of all the estates within this realme, as also to renounce all forren potentates. 60

The order of the beginning and ending of the parlement.

ON the first daie of the summons for the parle­ment, the king in proper person (vnlesse he be sicke or absent out of the realme) being apparelled in his roiall and parlement robes, ought to be conduc­ted and brought by all his barons of the cleargie and laitie, and the commons summoned to the parle­ment, vnto the church, where ought a sermon to be made by some archbishop, bishop, or some other fa­mous learned man. The sermon ended, he must in like order be brought to the higher house of parle­ment, and there to take his seat vnder the cloth of estate: likewise euerie lord and baron (in his degree) ought to take his place.

This doone, the lord chancellor, or he whom the king appointeth to be the speaker of that house, maketh his oration to the whole assemblie, declaring the cau­ses whie and wherefore that parlement is called and summoned, exhorting and persuading euerie man to doo his best indeuour in all such matters as shall be in the said parlement proponed, as shall be most ex­pedient for the glorie of God, the honor of the king, and the commonwealth of the whole realme. Then he directeth his talke vnto the knights, citizens, and burgesses, aduertising them that the kings pleasure is, that they doo repaire to their house; and there ac­cording to the old and ancient custome, doo choose and elect some one, wise, graue, and learned man among themselues to be speaker for them, and giueth them a daie when they shall present him to the king. And these things thus doone, the king ariseth, and euerie man departeth. This is accounted for the first daie of the parlement.

The second or third daie after, when the speaker is to be presented: the king with all his nobles (in like order as before) doo assemble againe in the high­er house, and then come vp all the commons of the lower house, and then and there doo present their spea­ker vnto the king. The speaker foorthwith maketh his dutifull obeisances; beginneth and maketh his ora­tion before the king, and prosecuteth such matters as occasion serueth, and as is before recited in the of­fice of the speaker; and this doone, euerie man depar­teth. And this is accounted for the beginning of the parlement, for before the speaker be presented, and these things orderlie doone, there can no bils be put in, nor matters be intreated of.

Lastlie when all matters of weight be discussed, ended, and determined, the king commandeth an end to be made. And that daie the king, his nobles, and commons doo againe assemble in the higher house in their robes, and in like order as is before re­cited, where the speaker maketh his oration, and is answered by the lord chancellor or speaker of the higher house. Then all the bils concluded and past in both houses, that is to saie, in the higher house of the lords, and in the lower house of the commons, are there read by the titles: and then the king giueth his consent or dissent to euerie of them as he thinketh good. And when the titles of all the bils are read, the lord chancellor or lord speaker, by the kings com­mandement, pronounceth the parlement to be pro­roged or cleane dissolued. And this is called the last daie or the end of the parlement, and euerie man is at libertie to depart homewards.

The mondaie following, sir Christopher Barne­well and his complices, hauing better considered of themselues, were quiet and contented, and the parle­ment begun with some troubles had his continu­ance and end with better successe. In the time of this parlement, and after the same, sundrie grieuous complaints were exhibited to the lord deputie and councell by the late wife of the deceased baron of Dunboin, Mac Brian Arra, Oliuer Fitzgirald, sir William Ocarell, and diuerse others the quéenes good subiects, against sir Edmund Butler and his brethren, for sundrie routs and riots, spoiles and out­rages Commissio­ners sent to heare the cō ­plaints made against the Butlers. which they were charged to haue doone vpon hir maiesties subiects. Wherevpon first letters and then commissioners were sent in to the counties of Kilkennie and Tiporarie for the hearing and redres­sing thereof: but they returned without dooing of a­nie thing. For sir Edmund, conceiuing some hard dealings to be meant toward him by the lord depu­tie, [Page 131] and minding to stand vpon his defense and gard, did not appéere before the said commissioners, but both he and his brethren combined themselues with Iames Fitzmoris Odesmond, Mac Artie More, Mac Donagh, and the seneschall of Imokilie and o­thers The noble­men & gen­tlemen in Mounster sent their messengers to the pope. of Mounster, who before (and vnwitting the Butlers) had sent the vsurped bishops of Cashell and Emelie togither with the yoongest brother of the erle of Desmond vnto the pope & to the king of Spaine, for reformation of the popish religion, & for fréeing the land from the possession of hir maiestie and of 10 the imperiall crowne. Which mater in the end brake out into an open and actuall rebellion, and the lord deputie by proclamation published them all to be traitors, and against whom he prepared an hosting. The noble­men & gen­tlemen in Mounster proclamed traitors. But before the same was fullie prepared, he sent his letters and commandement vnto sir Peter Carew knight then being at Leighlin, to enter into the acti­on of warres against sir Edmund Butler, who be­ing accompanied with capteine Gilbert, capteine 20 Sr Peter Carew is cō ­manded to serue against the Butlers. Malbie, capteine Basenet, and others, latelie sent vnto him from the lord deputie, followed his com­mandement, and first assaulted the castell of Clough­griman in the Dullogh belonging to sir Edmund Cloughgri­man taken. Butler, and tooke it, and gaue the spoile vnto the soul­diers.

From thense they remooued to Kilkennie towne, where they laie for a time, where a man of the earle of Ormonds, espieng vpon a certeine daie sir Pe­ter Carew to be walking in the garden of the castell 30 of Kilkennie alone, he charged his peece, and leueled the same vnto the said Peter Carew, and minded to Sir Peter Carew in danger to haue béene killed. haue discharged it vpon him out of a window in the castell. At which verie instant a chapleine of the said earls & his steward, comming by him, & suspecting some euill thing towards, turned vp the mouth of the péece, which therewith was discharged, and so no bodie hurt; and vnderstanding the thing was meant against sir Peter Carew, blamed the fellow, and for a time thrust him out of the house. Whilest these capteins laie at Kilkennie, it was aduertised vnto 40 them, that a great companie of the rebels were in­camped about thrée miles out of the towne, & were there marching in verie good order. Wherevpon sir Peter Carew, being then the generall, assembled all the capteins, and taking their aduise what was best to be doone, they concluded that Henrie Dauels a verie honest and a valiant English gentleman, who had serued long in that countrie, and was verie Henrie Da­uels sent to discouer the enimie. well acquainted, especiallie in those parts, for he had maried his wife out of that towne, and him they 50 sent out to discouer the matter, who about three miles off had the view, and espied a great companie of a­bout two thousand, resting vpon a little hill in the middle of a plaine, being all armed and marching in battell araie. When he returned with this report, then sir Peter Carew appointed the voward to cap­teine Gilbert, who togither with Henrie Dauels and twelue other persons of his companie galloped before the rest, and finding as it was before aduerti­sed, gaue the charge. The residue of the companie 60 followed with the like hast vnder sir Peter Carew, Sir Peter Carew and the English capteins gi­ueth charge vpon the re­bels & haue the victorie. and then capteine Malbie, and capteine Basenet, séeing and assured that all things were cléere be­hind them, followed so néere, that all the companie euen as it were at one instant gaue the like charge, where they slue foure hundred Gallowglasses at the least, besides others. The residue of the companie were fled into the mounteins fast by, and none or few escaped but the horsemen and Kerns. And of hir maiesties side no one man slaine, but a man of cap­teine Malbies was hurt.

Sir Peter Carew, hauing had and obteined this victorie, and marching in good order, did returne with all his companie to the towne of Kilkennie, euerie capteine and souldier carieng two Gallowglasses axes in his hand, but left the spoile to their follow­ers. Sir Edmund Butler at this instant was not in the campe, but was at his vncles house at din­ner. The townesmen of Kilkennie were verie sorie for this the slaughter of so manie men. And yet ne­uerthelesse not long after, Iames Fitzmoris came Iames Fitz­moris besie­geth Kil­kennie. to this towne, and besieged it; but the towne being well garonised with certeine soldiers, & they them­selues well appointed, did so carefullie and narowlie looke to themselues, that they defended and kept the towne, notwithstanding all his force. But yet the countrie and other small townes did not so escape, for the countie of Waterford, and the lord Powre, the countie of Dublin, and all the countrie were spoiled, preied, and ouerrun; and among all others the old Fulco Quimerford a gentleman, of long Fulco Qui­merford spoi­led & robbed. time seruant to thrée earles of Ormond, was robbed in his house at Callon of two thousand pounds, in monie, plate, and houshold stuffe, besides his corne and cattell. When they had taken their pleasure in this countrie, they went to the countie of Wexford, which thing had not lightlie béene séene before, and at a faire kept then at Enescorth, there the souldiers A wicked ma­sacre at Ene­scorth. committed most horrible outrages, lamentable slaughters, filthie rapes, and deflourings of yoong women, abusing mens wiues, spoiling the towne, & slaughtering of the men, and such as did escape the sword were caried captiues & prisoners. From hense they went into Osserie and into the quéenes countie, A wicked conspiracie & combining of the traitors. and spoiled the countrie, burned townes and villa­ges, murthered the people: and then they met with the earle of Clancare, and Iames Fitzmoris O­desmond, with whom they then combined; and agre­ed to cause Tirlough Lennough to procure in the Scots, they sent new messengers to the pope, and to the king of Spaine. Finallie, nothing was left vndoone, which might anie waies tend to the subuer­sion of hir maiesties imperiall crowne of England, and to discharge that land from all Englishmen and English gouernement, and by these means (the English pale and the good cities & townes excepted) the most part, if not the whole land, was imbrued & infected with this rebellion.

The earle of Ormond himselfe, a man of great honour and nobilitie, was all this time in England: but from time to time was aduertised of the trouble­some state in that land: and whereof no little detri­ment redounded to his lordship, by reason that a great and most part of all his lordships throughout The earle of Ormonds lands spoiled. that land were spoiled and wasted, which did not so much gréeue him as the follies of his brethren. For great were his griefs, & verie much was he vnquie­ted therewith: for when he bethought himselfe of his brethren, nature mooued him, and reason persuaded The good af­fection of the earle of Or­mond to his brethren. him, that no such outragious parts could proceed from them, which in anie waies should either con­cerne hir maiestie, or the dishonour of him and his house, which hitherto hath béene alwaies found sound and true. Wherefore, when he heard of anie matter against them herein, he would plead their innocen­cies, and defend their causes, vntill such time as by credible letters, aduertisements, and reports, he saw apparant matter and manifest proofes of the contra­rie. Which reports albeit they greeued him verie much, yet (as I said) nothing gréeued him more, than their disloialtie and breach of dutie against hir ma­iestie, and the dishonour of his owne house. Where­fore to acquite himselfe and his dutie towards hir The earle of Ormond offe­reth to serue against his brethren. highnes: he offereth to serue against them & others, by the sword, or by some other means, to recouer and reclaime them.

Wherevpon hir maiestie, standing assured of [Page 131] his fidelitie, and hauing a speciall trust in him, sent him ouer into Ireland, who arriued at Wexford the fouretéenth of August 1569, at that verie time when The earle of Ormond ar­ [...]ueth at wexford. that wicked massaker was committed and doone at the faire at Innescorth. Immediatlie vpon his lan­ding, he aduertiseth vnto the lord deputie his com­ming, and with all conuenient spéed maketh his re­paire The earle re­paireth to the lord deputie. vnto him, who then was incamped and laie néere Limerike: and then and there offereth his ser­uice with all his best power, and brought with him 10 his brother Edmund Butler, who in the open view and sight of the whole campe did yéeld and submit himselfe simplie to hir maiesties mercie, confessing Edmund Butler sub­mitteth him selfe. his follie and crauing pardon. And then was he deli­uered to the earle his brother vpon his bonds, to bée foorth comming before the said lord deputie at his comming to Dublin: and also promised to doo the like with his two other brothers, which he did vpon the sixtéenth of October 1569. At which time when they all appeared before the lord deputie and councell, 20 they were charged with manie and sundrie things: but sir Edmund Butler for himselfe alledged, that others were the causers whie he did that which he did. Sir Edmund Butlers excuses. And for himselfe he alledged, first that the lord depu­tie did not brooke nor like him, for he could haue no iustice at his hands, nor against sir Peter Carew, who claimed and had entered vpon some part of his lands, nor yet against any other person. Then that the said lord deputie had threatned him that he would lie in his skirts, and would pull downe his loftie lookes. 30 Thirdlie, that the said lord deputie should go about to kill all the Butlers in Ireland, and would then go into England, and there would doo manie things.

When all these things were heard at full, and no­thing in proofe falling out as was auouched, the thrée brethren were committed to ward into the castell of Dublin, out of which sir Edmund escaped, and made breach: neuerthelesse the earle brought him againe. And vpon the last of Februarie 1569 he brought al­so 1569 his two other brethren, for whome he had vnder­taken, 40 and presented them before the lord deputie and councell, where the matter being heard at large, the councell conferred hereof among themselues, and in the end they all the thrée brethren were againe cal­led before the lord deputie and councell, and then and there knéeling vpon their knées, did confesse their fol­lies, and submitted themselues in all dutifulnesse and simplicitie to the quéens mercie: where the earle not onlie naturallie as a brother made humble peti­tion for them: but grauelie as a father recited their 50 The loue and grauitie of the earle of Or­mond to his brethren. errors, reprooued them of their outrages, and coun­selled them to their duties: and in the end condescen­ded in the due consideration of hir maiesties roiall estate. And therevpon they were committed to safe kéeping within hir maiesties castell of Dublin, at hir highnesse disposition; and not long after vpon hope of amendment were pardoned. But to the mat­ter againe.

The lord deputie followed his first begun hosting, who when he was incamped neere Clomnell, where it was thought he should haue béene fought withall, he 60 wrote to the maior and his brethren of the citie of Waterford, to send vnto him the assistance of a few souldiers onelie for thrée daies; who did verie inso­lentlie The citie of waterford standing vpon their liberties refuse to send aid to the lord deputie. and arrogantlie returne an answer by waie of disputing their liberties with hir maiesties prero­gatiue, and so sent him no aid at all. Wherein the more they shewed their affection to the rebels; the more was their ingratitude & disloialtie to hir high­nesse, the reward whereof they felt in the end. The camp at this time being within half a mile of Clom­nell, The lord de­putie went into Clomnell & vseth verie good spéeches vnto them. the lord deputie before his dislodging from thense went into the towne, where the souereigne and his brethren receiued him with all the honour they could, and gaue him a banket in their towne­house; where, vnto them & the whole multitude then present, he made a verie eloquent speach, teaching them the dutifulnesse and obedience of a subiect, and the great inconuenience which groweth by the con­trarie to all commonwealths, and each member of the same: and therefore laieng before them their pre­sent estate for example, did mooue and persuade them to hold fast the dutie & obedience which they owght to hir maiestie, and not to be dismaid at the dooings of the rebels and disobedient: who though for a time they had their will and pleasure, yet God, in whose hand is the heart of the prince, and vnder whome all kings and princes doo rule, hath béene alwaies, is, and will be, a swift reuenger against them for the same: euen as of the contrarie he sendeth his mani­fold blessings of peace, wealth and prosperitie to the obedient and dutifull subiect. And so hauing vsed sundrie and notable sentences and examples to this effect, he left them and returned to his campe.

And from thense he remooued and marched to­wards Cashell, which lieth in the countie of Tippo­rarie, néere vnto which place Edmund Butler had warded a castell: who when he saw the armie appro­ching, he set all the out houses on fire, and prepared themselues to defend the pile. The lord deputie ta­king the same as a defiance, approched there vnto and besieged it: and whilest the assault was in preparing, it was yéelded by composition, and after restored to one Cantrell the owner thereof. From thense by iourneies he marched and went to Corke, being met in the waie by the vicounties of Roch and Barrie, and by sir Corman Mac Teege: and being aduer­tised that Fitzedmund seneschall of Imokillie, a principall rebell, and combined with Iames Fitz­moris, had spoiled and preied the whole countrie, and had also warded and vittelled his castell of Ba­lie Balie martyr a castell of the seneschals besieged and taken. martyr, which by his tenure he was of himselfe bound to mainteine and defend it, he marched thi­ther and laid siege to the same, and in the end tooke it full of vittels. But the seneschall in the dead of the night fled out through a hole of the house in a bog, The sene­schall escapeth out of his castell. and there escaped.

The spoile was giuen to the souldiers, & the castell with a gard of twentie men was giuen to Iasper Horseie, & so he returned to Corke, and from thense he tooke iourneie to Kilmallocke, and finding that place most necessarie for a fort, he appointed and na­med Humfreie Gilbert made coronell of Mounster. Humfreie Gilbert hir maiesties seruant to be coronell, and besides his owne band of an hundred horssemen he appointed foure hundred footmen, and certeine Kernes there to remaine. And there he did knit and conioine vnto him by oth, and vnder good pledges, the vicounties of Roch and Dessis, with the lord Powre, the lord Courcie, sir Corman Mac Téege, sir Donogh Clancartie, and Barrie Oge, and the most part of the freeholders in the counties of Limerike and Corke. And this doone he passed by iourneies to Limerike, and from thense he went to Gallewaie, and there established a president and a councell, and placed sir Edward Fitton to be lord president, the earles of Thomond and Clanricard, Sir Edward Fitton made president of Connagh. and all the noble men & septs of gentlemen of that prouince yéelding to the same.

Thense he marched to Athlon, taking in the waie the castell of Rosocomen, which he left with the ward of twentie horssemen, to Thomas le Strange, and then dismissed the armie; but himselfe by iour­neies trauelled and came to Dublin, and there re­mained. Capteine Gilbert in the meane time, ha­uing a speciall respect and regard to his charge, his valiancie and courage was such, and his good hap so Capteine Gilberts good seruice. well answering his woorthie and forward attempts, that he in short time broke the hearts, and appalled [Page 132] the courages of all the rebels in Mounster, and no rebell knowne left in effect, which dare to withstand and make anie resistance against him. And to such an obedience he brought that countrie, that none did or would refuse to come vnto him, if he were sent for but by a horsse boy: for all yéelded vnto him, some by putting in recognisances, & some by giuing of pled­ges, and all in séeking mercie and pardon.

And that proud earle of Clancare, which in his The earle of Clancare sub­mitteth him­selfe to cap­teine Gilbert. glorie not long before vsurped this name to be king 10 of Mounster; euen he now, and Mac Donagh his chiefe follower, went to Limerike vnto him, and there falling vpon their knées acknowledged their tresons, and most humblie desired hir maiesties par­don: and offered to put in his eldest sonne, and the sonnes of his chiefest fréeholders for pledges and ho­stages. Likewise the president of Connagh in such wisedome, courage, & vprightnesse, directed his go­uernement, The good ser­uice of sir Ed­ward Fitton lord president in Connugh. that he was obeied of all the whole peo­ple in that prouince, as well the nobilitie as the 20 commons. The wicked he spareth not, but being found faultie either in open sessions, or by martiall inquisition, he causeth to be executed: and by these meanes hauing rid awaie the most notable offen­dors and their fosterers, the whole prouince rested in good quietnesse and in dutifull obedience to hir ma­iestie and hir lawes.

The Cauenaghs, the ancient enimies to the Eng­glish gouernement, and who in the rebellion were The Caue­naghs sub­missions. conioined with the Butlers: these bordering vpon 30 the frontiers appointed to sir Peter Carew, were so by him chased and persecuted, that finding no place of rest or quietnesse, he hath brought them to submit themselues simplie to hir maiesties mercie, and haue put in their pledges to abide such orders and conditions as shall be laid vpon them. Turlogh Turlogh shot through with two bullets. Lennogh in Ulster, being at supper with his now wife, aunt to the earle of Argile, was shot through the bodie with two pellets out of a caliuer, by a iea­ster or rimer of the Doniloghs. Wherevpon the 40 Scots whome he reteined were in a maze, and the countrie standing vpon the election of a new cap­teine: howbeit, he was in hope of recouerie. And thus after long troubles was the state of the whole realme recouered to quietnesse. Whervpon capteine Gilbert, when he had setled Mounster in outward appéerance in a most perfect quietnesse, and brought it to good conformitie: he made his repaire to Dub­lin to the lord deputie, where he aduertised and re­counted all his dooings at full. 50

And hauing matters of great importance in England, he desired licence to depart ouer: whome the said deputie did not onelie most courteouslie re­ceiue; but also most thankefullie did accept his good seruice, and in some part of recompense, vpon Newyeares daie in the church at Drogheda, he did Drogheda bestow vpon him the order of knighthood; which he well deserued, and at his departure gaue him let­ters Capteine Gilbert dub­bed knight. of credit to hir highnesse, and to the lords of the councell. And now by the waie, if without offense 60 a man maie, after the maner of Cambrensis in his historie, and after the vsage of noble gouernors and capteins in other realmes, who for the increase of vertue, and incouraging of woorthie persons, doo at­tribute to such as doo deserue well their due praises & commendations, I hope it shall not be offensiue to the reader, nor impertinent to the historie, to set downe somewhat of much, what maie be said of these two woorthie personages, sir Peter Carew, and sir Humfrie Gilbert: both which were of one countrie and birth, borne in the countie of Deuon, and of néere bloud, kinred, and consanguinitie.

Sir Humfreie Gilbert, he was a second brother, and borne of a great parentage, whose ancestors The descrip­tion of sir came and descended from the earle of Cornewall, a Humfreie Gilbert, and his descent. man of a higher stature than of the common sort, & of complexion cholerike; from his childhood of a ve­rie pregnant wit and good disposition: his father died leauing him verie yoong, and he conceiuing some great good thing to come of his towardnesse, proui­ded some portion of liuing to mainteine and kéepe him to schoole. And after his death, his mother, being no lesse carefull of him, did cause him to be sent to schoole to Eton college: from thense, after he had pro­fited in the elements & principall points of gram­mar, he was sent to Oxford, & did there prosper & in­crease verie well in learning and knowledge. And being (as his friends thought) verie well furnished, they would haue put him to the ins of court. But an aunt of his, named mistres Katharine Athleie, who was attendant to the queenes maiestie, after that she saw the yoong gentleman, and had had some conference with him, she fell in such liking with him, that she preferred him vnto hir maiesties ser­uice: and such was his countenance, forwardnesse, and behauiour, that hir maiestie had a speciall good liking of him; and verie oftentimes would fami­liarlie discourse and conferre with him in mat­ters of learning. After a few yeares spent in the court, he passed ouer into Ireland, being com­mended by hir highnesse to sir Henrie Sidneie then lord deputie: who gaue him interteinement, and made him a capteine ouer an hundred horssemen: wherein he so well acquited himselfe, that he was also made coronell of Mounster; and had appoin­ted vnto him, besides his owne band of one hundred horssemen, foure hundred footemen, besides such Geraldines as Thomas of Desmond, brother to the erle of Desmond had procured, & vpon his oth of loi­altie and pledges had promised his faithfull seruice.

And albeit he were but yoong of yeares, which might séeme to hinder his credit: yet such was his deuout mind to serue hir maiestie, and so effectuallie to his great praise he followed the same; that with manie good gifts and excellent vertues he so supplied euen as much as manie men of elder yeares & grea­ter experience did not commonlie atteine vnto. For in seruice vpon the enimie he was as valiant and couragious as no man more; and so good was his hap to answer the same: for he alwaies for the most part daunted the enimie, and appalled their courage; as did appéere in the ouerthrow giuen néere Kilken­nie in the Butlers warres, when he with twelue persons gaue the onset vpon a thousand men, of which six hundred were armed Gallowglasses, who then were ouerthrowne: and likewise in Mounster, which was altogither vp in rebellion; and he coro­nell, The valiant­nes in seruice, and the wise­dome in go­uernement of sir Humfreie Gilbert. did not onelie in martiall affaires shew him­selfe most valiant; and in short time reduced the whole troope of the rebels, and the proudest of them to obedience, hauing vnder him but fiue hundred a­gainst sundrie thousands; and inforced that proud earle of Clancart to follow him to Limerike, and there humblie vpon his knees to aske pardon and mercie: but also, after that he had subdued and ouercome them, did most vprightlie order and direct his gouernement, and with all indifferencie would heare, decide, & determine the complaints & griefs, and compound all the causes of euerie sutor. Which was so rare a thing in one of his yeares, as scarse was credible, had not eiewitnesses and dailie expe­rience prooued and iustified the same.

After that he had established peace and tranquilli­tie in that countrie, he went to Dublin: where when he had recounted all his seruices, and the good suc­cesse thereof; and in what quiet state he left the coun­trie, he desired leaue to passe ouer into England, for and about certeine matters of great importance, [Page 133] which he had to follow, which he did obteine: as also in reward of his seruice, and for his good deserts he (as is before said) was honored and dubbed a knight; and with letters in his praise and commendation to hir maiestie, and the lords of the councell, he depar­ted. Assoone as he had presented himselfe before hir highnesse, hir good countenance and fauour, in re­spect of his good seruice to hir maiestie was increa­sed and doubled; and he speciallie aboue all others magnified and well accepted. Not long after, he 10 was maried to a yoong gentlewoman, and an inhe­ritrix: and thensefoorth he gaue himselfe to studies perteining to the state of gouernement, and to na­uigations. He had an excellent and readie wit, and therewith a toong at libertie to vtter what he thought. Which being adorned with learning and knowledge, he both did and could notablie discourse anie matter in question concerning either of these, as he made good proofe thereof, as well in familiar conference with the noble, wise, and learned; as al­so 20 in the open assemblies of the parlements, both in England and in Ireland: in which he shewed the great value of knowledge, wisedome, and learning which was in him, and the great zeale he had to the commonwelth of his countrie. He had a great de­light in the studie of cosmographie, and especiallie in nauigations; and finding out by his studies, cer­teine nations and vnknowne lands, which being found, might redound to the great benefit of his countrie: he made hir maiestie acquainted there­with, 30 and obteined of hir a licence to make a naui­gation, which he tooke in hand. But before he could Sir Humfreie Gilbert is drowned. compasse the same to effect, he was in a foule storme drowned at the seas. Onelie he of all his brethren had fiue sonnes and one daughter, children by their countenances giuing a hope of a good towardnesse. And albeit he in person be deceassed, yet in their vi­sages, and in the memoriall of his great vertues, and a life well spent, he shall liue in fame immortall. Thus much without offense, and not altogither 40 impertinent, concerning this gentleman, and now to the historie.

Turlogh Lenough thinking to inuade vpon the English pale, for the bending of the lord deputies Turlogh Le­nough prepa­reth to inuade the English pale. force against him, he was repressed, and driuen to kéepe himselfe within his owne limits, and by that meanes brought to disperse his power: for being not able to paie and satisfie the Scots, the one was wearie of the other; and his wife and he not agrée­ing, they were vpon a point to sunder. The earle 50 of Thomond reuolteth from his due obedience, and The earle of Thomond re­uolteth. becommeth a rebell: whome the earle of Ormond so hardlie pursued, that he draue him out of that land, and he fled into France, and from thense into England. For the discouerie of whose treasons and The earle of Ormond fol­loweth the [...]arle of Tho­mond, and b [...]ueth him out of the land. rebellions to hir maiestie & to the lords of the coun­cell, one Rafe Rockeleie chiefe iustice of Connaugh was sent into England, where after long sute made for his submission, he was sent backe into Ireland, there to receiue according to his deserts: hir ma­iesties pleasure yet being such, that if he were not 60 found culpable of treason against the state, that he should be spared from iudgement of death.

This yéere the queenes maiestie, considering the Lucas Dil­l [...] made chéef baron. good seruice of Lucas Dillon hir generall attorneie in Ireland, was vpon the death of baron Bath made chéefe baron of the excheker there; & capteine Piers for his good seruice at Knockfergus was liberallie confidered and countenanced by hir maiestie. And likewise after manie motions, sutes, and requests made to hir maiestie for a president and councell to be established in Mounster; and the same once deter­mined and appointed: but by the sicknesse and vna­bilitie of sir Iohn Pollard, appointed to be the presi­dent, it was lingered and deferred, is now reuiued and renewed: and sir Iohn Perot knight was made Sir Iohn Per [...] ap­pointed to be lord pr [...]ne of Mounster. lord president, and a councell of good assistants chosen, as also his diet houses, interteinment, and all other things necessarie ordered, assigned, and appointed. This knight was borne in Penbrokeshire in South­wales, and one of great reuenues and worship, vali­ant, and of great magnanimitie; and so much the more méet to gouerne and tame so faithlesse and vn­rulie a people, as ouer whome he was now made ruler. They heard no sooner of his comming, but as a sort of wasps they fling out, and reuolting from The rebelling of Mounster against the president. their former feined obedience, became open rebelies and traitors vnder Iames Fitzmoris an archtrai­tor, and as dogs they returne to their vomit, and as swine to their durt and puddles.

And here may you sée the nature and disposition of this wicked, e [...]renated, barbarous, and vnfaith­full nation, who (as Cambrensis writeth of them) The nature of the Irishmen. they are a wicked and peruerse generation, constant alwaies in that they be alwaies inconstant, faithfull in that they be alwaies vnfaithfull, and trustie in that they be alwaies trecherous and vntrustie. They doo nothing but imagin mischeefe, & haue no delite in anie good thing. They are alwaies working wicked­nes against the good, and such as be quiet in the land. Their mouths are full of vnrighteousnesse, and their toongs speake nothing but curssednesse. Their feet swift to shed blood, & their hands imbrued in the blood of innocents. The waies of peace they know not, & in the paths of righteousnesse they walke not. God is not knowne in their land, neither is his name cal­led rightlie vpon among them. Their quéene and so­uereigne they obeie not, and hir gouernment they allow not: but as much as in them lieth doo resist hir imperiall estate, crowne, and dignitie. It was not much aboue a yeare past, that capteine Gilbert with the sword so persecuted them, and in iustice so executed them, that then they in all humblenesse sub­mitted themselues, craued pardon, and swore to be for euer true and obedient: which, so long as he mai­stered and kept them vnder, so long they performed it; but the cat was no sooner gone, but the mise were at plaie; and he no sooner departed from them, but foorthwith they skipped out, and cast from themselues the obedience and dutifulnesse of true subiects. For such a peruerse nature they are of, that they will be no longer honest and obedient, than that they cannot be suffered to be rebelles. Such is their stubbornesse and pride, that with a continuall feare it must be brideled; and such is the hardnesse of their hearts, that with the rod it must be still chastised and subdu­ed: for no longer feare, no longer obedience; and no longer than they be ruled with seueritie, no longer will they be dutifull and in subiection; but will be as they were before, false, trucebreakers & traitorous. Being not much vnlike to Mercurie called quicke siluer, which let it by art be neuer so much altered The nature of quicke siluer. and transposed, yea and with fire consumed to ashes; yet let it but rest a while vntouched nor medled with, it will returne againe to his owne nature, and be the same as it was at the first. And euen so dailie experience teacheth it to be true in these people. For withdraw the sword, and forbeare correction, deale with them in courtesie, and intreat them gentlie, if they can take anie aduantage, they will surelie skip out; and as the dog to his vomit, and the sow to the durt & puddle they will returne to their old and for­mer insolencie, rebellion, and disobedience. This is to be meant of the Irishrie and sauage people, who the further they are from the prince and court, the further from dutie and obedience; the more they are vnder their Obrian gouernment, the lesse dutifull to their naturall souereigne and prince. But concern­ing [Page 134] the inhabitants in the English pale, and all ci­ties and towns, the contrarie (God be praised) is dai­lie seene.

Well, this worthie knight knowing that he The gouern­ment of sir Iohn Perot. should haue to doo with a sort of netles, whose nature is, that being handled gentlie, they will sting; but be­ing hard crushed togither, they will doo no harme: e­uen so he began with them. The sword and the law he made to be the foundation of his gouernement, by the one he persecuted the rebell and disobedient, 10 and by the other he ruled and gouerned in iustice and iudgement. Great troubles he had in both, but lit­tle His seruice against the rebelies. he did preuaile in the latter, before he had ouer­come the first: and therefore minding to chastise the rebelles, and to bring them to obedience, he follow­ed and chased them from place to place: in the bogs he pursued them, in the thickets he followed them, in the plaines he fought with them, and in their cas­tels and holds he beseeged them, and would neuer suffer them to be at rest and quietnesse, vntill he had 20 tired and wearied them out, and at length inforced Iames Fitzmoris and his complices to come vnto Iames Fitz­moris seeketh for peace, and submitteth himselfe. Killmalocke vnto him, and there simplie to submit himselfe, and vpon his knees in the open sight of all the people to confesse his disloialties, and in all hum­ble manner to craue mercie and pardon. Whome though vntill hir maiesties pleasure knowne he did for beare, yet the residue he spared not; but after their deserts he executed in infinit numbers. And hauing thus rid the garden from these wéeds, and rooted vp the fields from these thornes, he entreth into the go­uernement 30 by order of law, and from place to place throughout all Mounster he trauelleth and kéepeth his sessions and courts, hearing euerie mans com­plaints, The ciuill go­uernement of sir Iohn Perot. and redresseth their gréefes, and in short time brought the same to such a quietnesse and peace­able estate, that whereas no man before could passe through the countrie, but was in danger to be mur­dered and robbed, and no man durst to turne his cat­tell into the fields without watch, and to keepe them 40 in barnes in the night time: now euerie man with a white sticke onelie in his hands, and with great The quietnes and safetie in Mounster. treasures might and did trauell without feare or danger where he would (as the writer hereof by tri­all knew it to be true) and the white shéepe did kéepe the blacke, and all the beasts laie continuallie in the fields, without anie stealing or preieng.

Now when he had thus quieted this prouince, and setled all things in good order, then he beginneth to reforme their maners in life and common conuersa­tion 50 and apparell, suffering no glibes nor like vsages of the Irishrie to be vsed among the men, nor the E­gyptiacall rolles vpon womens heads to be worne. Whereat though the ladies and gentlewomen were somewhat greeued, yet they yéelded: and giuing the same ouer, did weare hats after the English man­ner. In this his seruice he had two verie good & no­table assistants, the one concerning the martiall af­faires, Sir Iohn Perots as­sistants. and the other for his gouernement by the course and order of the law. Concerning the affaires 60 martiall George Bourchier esquier was ioined with George Bur­chier his birth and seruices. him in commission, and did him notable good seruice, he was the third sonne to Iohn earle of Bath, whose ancestors were descended from out of the loines of kings, and men of great honor and nobilitie; and they were no more noble of bloud than valiant, wise and prudent in all their actions, both in the seruices of chiualrie and matters of policies, and whereof the histories of England in manie places doo make mention and report. And this gentleman, hauing some motion of the value and valiantnesse of his ancestors deriued and descended vpon him, was af­fected and giuen to all feats of chiualrie, and especi­allie to the seruice in the warres, wherein he prooued a verie good souldior, and an expert capteine, both as an horsseman, and as a footeman, both which waies he serued, as the seruice and time required. If he ser­ued vpon foot, he was apparelled in the manner of a Kerne and a foot souldior, and was so light of foot as no Kerne swister: for he would pursue them in bogs, in thickets, in woods, in passes, and in streicts what­soeuer; and neuer leaue them, vntill he did performe the charge and seruice committed vnto him. If he were to serue vpon his horssebacke, his dailie seruice can witnes sufficientlie how much, and how often he preuailed against the enimie, and appalled their courages, and with whome he would incounter if he might by anie meanes.

Notwithstanding, as couragious and circum­spect as he was, that he would not be lightlie intrap­ped in the field, yet was he deceiued in the house. For vnder the colour of a parlée, and vpon a truce taken, he was inuited to a supper: and little thinking that George Bur­chier taken prisoner. anie breach of the truce should be made, he went in­to the castell whereas he was bidden. But in his be­ing there, he was taken prisoner, and handfasted, and so kept for a space; but yet not long after he was re­stored and set at libertie. Concerning his other assi­stant, his name was George Welsh borne in Wa­terford, George Welsh a lawier, well learned, and vpright. and a gentleman of an ancient familie, he was brought vp in learning, and was a student in the innes of court at London, and prospered verie well therein: and albeit his yeares were but yoong, yet his knowledge, grauitie, and sinceritie counter­uailed the same with an ouerplus. In deciding of all matters he was vpright and iust, being not affectio­nated nor knowne to be corrupted for anie mans pleasure. In iudgement vpright, in iustice seuere, and without respect of persons would minister what the law had prescribed, he spared neither partie, nor would be affected to anie; by which meanes he did maruellous much good in that seruice, and happie was that gouernor that had so good a counsellor.

Immediatlie vpon the placing of this gouerne­ment 1571 Sir Willi­am Fitzwilli­ams made lord deputie. in Mounster, sir Henrie Sidneie had libertie and licence to returne ouer into England, and re­ceiued hir maiesties letters dated the thirtéenth of December one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and one, & in the thirtéenth yeere of hir maiesties reigne, for the placing of sir William Fitzwilliams to be lord deputie in his place. Which when he had doone, he passed ouer the seas, and by iourneies came to the court. He was verie honorablie receiued, and by hir highnesse well commended, there being sundrie no­blemen and gentlemen of the court, which met him before he came to Whitehall, where hir maiestie then laie, who (as time conuenient serued) did re­count vnto hir the whole estate in all things of the realme of Ireland, which hir maiestie liked verie well.

But this sir Iohn Perot president of Mounster continued still in his office, and there remained for certeine yeares vntill he was reuoked, which was too soone for that countrie. For neuer man was more fit gouernour for that eftrenated and hardnecked people than was he, nor was that countrie euer in better estate for wealth, peace and obedience, than he in the time of his gouernement did reduce the same vnto. Happie was that prouince, and happie were those people, which being eaten out, consumed and de­uoured with caterpillers, he had brought and refor­med to a most happie, peaceable, and quiet estate; and he left it euen in the same maner. Which if it had béene continued by the like, to haue followed him in the gouernement, the same would so haue continu­ed: but the want of the one was in short time the de­caie of the other, and that reformed countrie brought to a most miserable estate, as by the consequence [Page 135] may appéere.

Sir William Fitzwilliams, hauing a speciall care and respect to his charge and office, disposeth all things in the best order he could by the aduise of the councell, and finding the state somewhat quiet, sa­uing Mounster, his care and studie was so to keepe and mainteine it. And he being a wise and a graue man, and of so great experience in that land, he dra­weth the plot of his gouernement into certeine spe­ciall points and articles. First, that the religion e­stablished 10 according to Gods holie woord, should The points o [...] sir William Fitzwilliams lord deputies gouernement. haue a frée passage through the whole land, and by e­uerie man aswell of the clergie as of the laitie to be receiued, imbraced and followed. Then that the com­mon peace and quietnesse throughout the whole land Religion. might and should be conserued, and all occasions of The common peace. the breach thereof, and of all mutinies and diuisions to be cut off. Thirdlie, that hir maiesties great and excessiue charges to the consuming of hir treasure The sauing of expenses. might be shortened, and hir reuenues well husban­ded 20 and looked vnto, according to hir sundrie com­mandements tofore giuen. Lastlie, that the lawes Lawes to be executed. and iustice might haue their due course and be cur­rent throughout the whole land, and the iudges and officers should vprightlie minister iustice to each man according to his desert, and that all the souldi­ers Souldiers to be kept in their disci­pline. should be kept in that discipline as to them ap­perteineth.

These considerations and such like, being ordered and established with the consent and aduise of the whole councell, and well liked of euerie good subiect, 30 bicause the same was grounded vpon verie good reasons: yet it tooke not that effect as it was meant and wished it should. For that wicked race of the I­rishrie, in whom was no zeale in religion, and lesse obedience to hir maiestie, and least care to liue in an honest conuersation and common societie, but al­waies watching the best opportunitie and time to breake out into their woonted outrages, robberies, and rebellions: these (I saie) in sundrie places be­gin to plaie their pagents. The first was Brian 40 Brian Mac Kahir his warres in Wexford. Mac Kahir of Knocking in the countie of Cater­lough Cauenagh, who vpon certeine wrongs which he complained he had receiued by one Robert Browne of Malrenkam, he tyrannized ouer the whole countrie, committed manie outrages and spoiles, preied the countrie, & burned sundrie towns. Likewise the gentlemen of the countie of Wexford, and namelie sir Nicholas Deuereur knight, being gréeued with the death of Robert Browne, who was 50 his nephue, being his sisters sonne; were as vnquiet on their parts, and all rose vp in armour against Brian Mac Kahir, and each one with all the forces they could make did resist the other, so that all the whole countrie was thereby in a verie troublesome state; and no end could be had before they had tried it with the sword. For the Wexford men following their matters verie egarlie, and being in a great companie well appointed, they sought out Brian Mac Kahir, and gaue the onset vpon him; but he so 60 watched the matter, and tooke them at that aduan­tage, that although he and his companie were but small in respect of the others, yet he gaue them the Brian Mac Kahir hath the victorie of the Wexford men. foile and ouerthrow, and killed the most principall gentlemen of that shire about or aboue thirtie per­sons.

In this companie was an English gentleman, who after was in great credit & office among them, Thomas Masterson. and he in danger to haue drunken of the same cup, was driuen to leape vp on horssebacke behind ano­ther man, and so escaped, or else he had neuer béene seneschall of that prouince. After this fight, though the grudge were not forgotten nor a reuenge vn­sought, yet by little and little it quailed. About two yeares after, Brian Mac Kahir made humble sutes Brian Mac Kahir his submission. to the lord deputie for his pardon, and submitted himselfe to his lordships deuotion, confessing in wri­ting his fowle disorders and outrages; and yet firm­lie auouching that the quarell did not begin by him nor by his meanes: his submission was such and in so humble sort, as that he obteined the same. And ac­cording to his promise then made, he did thenseforth vse and behaue himselfe most dutifullie, and liued in a verie good order. This Brian was a Cauenaugh, Brian Mac Kahir what he was. and the sonne of Charels, the sonne of Arthur, which Arthur was by king Henrie the eight made a ba­ron for terme of his life: for he was a man of great power within the counties of Wexford & Cather­lough. And this Brian Mac Kahir Mac Arthur was a yoonger sonne to Charels, but the chiefest for vali­antnesse, magnanimitie and wisedome; and none of all the sept of the Cauenaughs, though they were manie and valiant men, to be compared vnto him euerie waie, and vnto whom they all would giue place.

Now he being assured of them, and also being a­lied The strength of Brian Mac Kahir. by marriage vnto Hewen Mac Shane, whose daughter he married, he was also assured of the O­birnes and of the Omeroughs, & so a man of great strength and abilitie. He became in the end to be a follower vnto sir Peter Carew, with whom he ne­uer Brian Mac Kahir is a fol­lower to sir Peter Ca­rew. brake his promise, but stood him in great stéed aswell in matters of counsell, as of anie seruice to be doone in those parts. A man (which is rare among these people) verie constant of his word, and so faith­fullie he serued, and so much he honoured sir Peter Carew, that after his death, being as one maimed, he consumed and pined awaie, and died in peace.

The Omores, notwithstanding the earle of Kil­dare The Omores rebell. was waged by hir maiestie to persecute and chastise them, yet without anie resistance or impech­ment they rage and outrage in all traitorous man­ner and rebellious disorders. They inuaded the En­glish pale, spoiled and burned sundrie townes and villages, and carried the preies and pillage with them without anie resistance. The whole prouince All [...]onnagh in actuall re­bellion. of Eonnagh was altogither in actuall rebellion by the earle Clanricard sonnes, and they for their aid had called & waged a thousand Scots. And though they and the Irishrie were of diuerse nations, yet of one and of the same dispositions and conditions, being altogither giuen to all sinne and wickednes, and their harts were altogither imbrued in bloud and murther. The earle himselfe was at this time The false dis­sembling of the earle of Clanricard. prisoner in the castell of Dublin for the same rebel­lion, who hearing of the outrages of his sonnes, made sute to the lord deputie, that if he might be set at libertie, he would vndertake to bring in his sons, and to quiet the countrie.

The lord deputie, desiring nothing more than peace, after sundrie conferences had with him, did by the aduise of the councell inlarge him, in an assured hope that he would effectuallie performe in déed what he had promised in word. But he came no soo­ner home among his people, and had conferred with his sonnes, but he forgat his promise and performed nothing at all. Likewise the Ochonners and the O­mores, The Ochon­ners and the Omores re­bell. accompanied with a rable of like rebels, fall into open rebellion, spoile the countrie, deuoure the people, and make all wast and desolate. Tirlough Lenough in Ulster was readie to reuolt, but that he stood in doubt of the earle of Essex, who lieng vpon the fines and marches in Ulster, was not onelie in readinesse to haue bearded him: but also he had set Odoneile in open warres against him. Mounster was likewise in open rebellion. But sir Iohn Pe­rot then president so coursed and followed them, that notwithstanding a great combination and league [Page 136] was betwéene Iames Fitzmoris and all the rebels The distres­sed mind of the lord de­putie. in Connagh and Leinster, yet he kept them asunder and so sharpelie pursued Iames, that he left him no one place to rest in, nor anie followers to follow him. Besides these vniuersall troubles, which were sufficient to haue apalled the best and wisest gouer­nour, these three things increased his griefe and sor­row. First the losse of a most faithfull councellor and one of his chiefest and trustiest assistants doctor We­ston then lord chancellor, whom it pleased God to call The death of doctor Weston lord chancel­lor. out of this miserable life, a man in his life time most 10 godlie, vpright and vertuous, and such a one as that place was not possessed of the like in manie cur­rents of yeares, in his life most vertuous and god­lie, in matters of councell most sound and perfect, in iustice most vpright and vncorrupted, in hospita­litie verie bountious and liberall, and in manners and conuersation most courteous and gentle, faith­full to his prince, firme to his friend, and courteous to all men. And as was his life so was his death, 20 who a little before the same called his houshold, and gaue them such godlie instructions, as to their cal­lings apperteined. Then he set his priuate things in order, and he spent all the time that he had in prai­ers and exhortations.

At last, feeling a declination towards, he ap­pointed a generall communion to be had of his houshold and friends in his chamber, vnto which all the councell came and were partakers. And then these godlie actions finished, he gaue a most godlie exhortation to the councell, persuading them to be 30 vertuous and zelous in Gods true religion: then to be mindfull of their duties to hir maiestie, and lastlie remembring their callings and estate, and the great charge of the gouernement laid vpon them and committed vnto them, that they would be vali­ant, carefull, and studious to performe the same, as might be to the glorie of God, honor to the quéene, & benefit to the whole realme. Which points he hand­led so godlie, learnedlie & effectuallie, that he made their teares to trill, and their hearts to be heauie. 40 After this doone he bid them farewell, and not long after he being feruent in his praiers, he died most godlie, vertuouslie, and christian like.

The next was the breach of the earle of Desmond, who was a prisoner in the castell of Dublin, and he The earle of Desmond breaketh prison. hauing giuen his faith and oth to be a true prisoner, and to shew himselfe a dutifull subiect, did yet make his escape: which being doone in so troublesome a time, it was doubted verie much what would insue thereof. Wherefore not onelie in that land, but in 50 England also, hir maiestie vpon knowledge did cause musters to be made in all the parts vpon and towards the south and west parties, and men to be in readinesse to be transported, if anie occasion by his escape should happen to follow. For it was greatlie doubted what would follow of that his breach, sa­uing that the president in Mounster was thought to be sufficientlie prepared and furnished against him, if he did or would attempt anie disorder that waie. 60

The third was the reuocation of the earle of Es­sex, who had taken vpon him to recouer the whole The reuoca­tion of the erle o [...] Essex. prouince of Ulster to obedience, with hir maiesties aid. And he hauing with great charges brought the same to a great likelihood and towardnesse, the armie was cashed, and he dismissed and discharged, and the enterprise dissolued. These with sundrie other acci­dents of the like nature, were sufficient to haue swallowed vp anie man in the gulfe of despaire, had not the lord God looked vpon him, and hir maiestie most gratiouslie pondered his manie & sundrie most humble requests for his reuocation, which hir high­nes by hir letters vnto him granted; and immediat­lie wherevpon he (after foure yeares painfull seruice) Sir William Fitz Williams discharged of the deputiship. was discharged of his office, & returned into Eng­land. Manie good & notable things were doone in the time of this mans deputation worthie to be remem­bred, and for euer to be chronicled. But forsomuch as the records and presidents of the same cannot bee had, and the imprinter cannot staie his impression a­nie longer time, the same with patience must be borne withall, vntill a better opportunitie shall serue as well for it, as for the commendation of this hono­rable & ancient gentleman, who hath deserued well and honourablie of his prince and countrie for his seruice and gouernment. After that this man was cleane discharged, the sword and office was deliue­red 1575 Sir Henrie Sidneie lord deputie the third time. vnto sir Henrie Sidneie, who now the third time entred into the gouernment of this cursed land, and arriued at the Skirries the twelfe of September 1575, who at his comming found the infection of the plague so generallie dispersed, and especiallie in the English pale, that he could hardlie find a place where to settle himselfe without danger of infection. And The pestilēce great in the English pale. euen as this plague reigned, so the old rebellious minds of the northerne Ulsterians brake out. For he was no sooner knowne to be entred into the land, but for a bien veneu to welcome him into the coun­trie, Serlo Boie with his companie came to Knock­fergus, there to make preie of the towne, & so proud­lie Serlo Boie assaulteth Knockfergus assailed the same, that he slue a capteine named Baker, and his lieutenant, with fortie of his souldi­ers, besides diuerse of the townsmen, of whome some were hurt, some maimed, and some slaine; and yet ne­uerthelesse by the valour & courage of the rest of the souldiers and townsmen, the preie was rescued, and the Scots perforce driuen awaie.

The lord deputie, considering with himselfe that of such beginnings euill would be the euents and se­quels thereof, if the same were not out of hand pre­uented; and knowing also by his owne experience, how perillous delaies be in such cases, thought it ve­rie necessarie and expedient (according to the old sai­eng Principijs obstaserò medicina paratur, &c) foorthwith to withstand the same. And therefore by the aduise of so manie of hir maiesties priuie councell, as could in that quesie time be assembled, he tooke order for the safe kéeping of the English pale, and committed the custodie thereof in his absence, to certeine gentle­men of best account and wisedome, to sée the same to be kept and quieted. And he himselfe in his owne person, taking with him hir maiesties armie, which was then about six hundred horssemen and footmen, and accompanied with such gentlemen and councel­lors The lord de­putie maketh a iourneie in­to Ulster. as he had appointed for that seruice, tooke his iourneie towards Ulster. And as he passed, he found the whole countrie throughout wasted, spoiled, and impouerished, sauing the Newrie, which sir Nicholas Bagnoll knight marshall did inhabit, and the Glins and Routs which Serlo Boie with the Scots posses­sed, and Killultagh.

Now in all that iorneie few came to submit them­selues, sauing Mac Mahon, and Mac Gwier, & Tir­lough Lenough, who first sent his wife; and she being a woman verie well spoken, of great modestie, nur­ture, parentage, and disposition, and aunt to the then earle of Argile, was verie desirous to haue hir hus­band to liue like a good subiect, and to be nobilitated. Tirlough himselfe followed verie shortlie after his wife, & came before the lord deputie without pledge, promise or hostage, and simplie & without anie con­dition did submit himselfe in all humblenesse and re­uerence Tirlough Lenough sub [...]eth him in all humilitie to his lordship, making the like sutes as his wife before his comming had motioned vnto his lordship, referring himselfe neuerthelesse to be orde­red and directed by his lordship in all things. And af­ter that he had spent two daies, vsing himselfe in all the time of his abode in all dutifulnesse, subiection, [Page 137] and reuerence, did in like maner take his leaue, and returned to his owne home. And as for Odonell lord of Tirconell, and Mac Gwier lord of Farmanaugh, albeit they came not in persons, yet they wrote their most humble letters of submission, and offered all such rents and seruices, as to them apperteined to yéeld, making request that they might onelie serue vnder hir highnesse, and be discharged from the ex­actions of all others.

After that the lord deputie had performed this 10 iourneie, and was returned to Dublin, then he made The iourneie of the lord de­putie in Leinster. the like iourneies towards the other parts of the land. And beginning in Leinster, he found the whole countie of Kildare, and the baronie of Carberie, ex­treamelie impouerished by the Omeries, both in the time of the late rebellion, and also since, when they were vnder protection. The kings and queenes coun­ties were all spoiled & wasted by the Oconners and the Omores, the old natiue inhabiters of the same, and of them Rorie Og had gotten the possession and the setling of himselfe in sundrie lands there, whether 20 the tenants will or no, and as a prince occupieth what he listeth, and wasteth what he will. Neuerthe­lesse, Rorie Og vp­on the word of the earle of Ormond came vnto the lord deputie, and submitteth himselfe. vpon the word of the earle of Ormond, he came to the lord deputie at his being in Kilkennie; and in the cathedrall church there he submitted himselfe: and in outward appearance repented his former faults, and promised amendment: but how well he kept and performed it, his rebellions in the yeare following can witnesse. 30

The lord deputie at his comming to Kilkennie was receiued by the townsmen in all the best maner they could, and the earle of Ormond himselfe feasted The lord de­putie intertei­ned verie well in Kilkennie. and intreated him most honourablie, and had great care that his lordship and all his traine should not want anie thing. At this towne the two cousins and kinsmen of sir Peter Carew late deceassed, that is, Sir Peter Carew his death. Peter Carew, and George Carew, and the gentle­man who had béene his agent in all his causes with­in that land, came before the lord deputie, and there communicated with his lordship the state of the de­ceassed 40 knight, and of his countrie; submitted the same to his order and direction, as also made humble sute vnto his lordship for his presence at the funerals at Waterford, where it was appointed he should be buried. Whose lordship as vpon the first newes of this knights death, so now also vpon the new recitall thereof, maruellouslie lamented and bewailed the losse of so worthie a knight, and the want of so wise and faithfull an assistant and councellor. And then he tooke order therein, shewing most honourablie not 50 onelie the offices of a faithfull and good friend to the dead; but also the like good will to the two yoong gen­tlemen, of which one was then his heire, and to inioy his baronie. And according as things were determi­ned, the corps was remooued from Rosse where he died, and caried to Waterford against his comming thither, where it was buried in verie honourable ma­ner, Sir Peter Carew died at Rosse, & was buried at Wa­terford verie honourablie. as shall hereafter appeare, being not imperti­nent to the historie to set downe some short discourse of this most woorthie gentleman and of his life. 60

Sir Peter Carew was descended of noble and high parentage, whose first ancestor was named Sir Peter Carew his life, birth and conditions. His descent. B [...]ron of Carew. Montgomereie, and in the time of king Henrie the second he maried the ladie Elisabeth daughter to Roesius prince of Southwales, by which mariage he was aduanced to honour, and made baron of the ca­stell of Carew, whereof his posteritie in time tooke their surnames, being called Carews. And some of them passing into Ireland did grow to be mightie men, and of great honor and possessions in that land, being marquesses of Corke, barons of Hidron and Lexnew, lords of Maston, and inheritors to sundrie great lordships and seigniories in that land. And likewise in England they were men of great cre­dit, seruice, and honour, and by waie of mariages matched and combined with honourable and great houses.

This foresaid sir Peter, who was lineallie descen­ded His stature. from them, was of stature meane, but verie stronglie and well compacted; of complexion chole­rike, from his childhood vpwards vent and giuen to an honest disposition, and in his tender yeares he ser­ued His disposi [...]. vnder, and was page to the prince of Orenge beyond the seas, and by that means had the greater delight & skill in martiall affaires, wherein he had His skill and seruice in the warres. good knowledge, as did well appeare in the manifold seruices he did vnder king Henrie the eight, king Edward the sixt, and quéene Elisabeth, in sundrie places beyond as also on this side the seas. He was in his yonger years a great traueller, and had béene at Constantinople in the Turkes court, at Ui [...]nna His trauels. in the emperours palace, at Uenice, and in the French kings court, and in the houses of the most of all christian princes; in euerie of which places he left some tokens of his value. He was blessed of God with manie singular good gifts, as well of the mind as of the bodie, being vertuouslie disposed euen from his verie infancie, sincere in religion (and for which His religion. he was partlie an exiled man in the Marian daies) dutifull to his prince, and faithfull to his countrie, vp­right His qualities. in iustice, politike in gouernement, and valiant in armes, skilfull in the Italian and French toongs, and a great student in such bookes as those toongs His learning. did yéeld; and by that means some knowledge ioined with his pregnancie of wit, he would discourse verie substantiallie in anie matter concerning policie or religion, peace or warres, good to euerie man, hurt­full His cōditions to no man; bountifull & liberall, abhorring coue­tousnesse and whordome: a great housekéeper, and of great hospitalitie. And if anie fault were in him, it was rather of too much spending, than in reasonable sauing; he would be soone warme, but without gall, His anger without ma­lice. and against his enimie most stout and valiant: fi­nallie such was his vpright dealing, honest conuer­sation, and zeale to the commonwealth, as no man His zeale. was more honoured nor vniuersallie beloued than was he.

When he had spent the greater part of his age, he His title to his lands in Ireland. bethought himselfe vpon such lands as his ancestors had in Ireland, and which in right did descend vnto him: and finding his title to be good, he acquainted hir highnesse therewith; and obteined hir fauour and good will to passe ouer into Ireland, to follow the recouerie thereof. Which he did, and made such He recouereth some part of his lands in Ireland. good proofes of his title, as well by records as by eui­dences, that he recouered so much as he did then put in sute, namelie the lordship of Maston, of which he had béene dispossessed of about seauen score yeares, which he departed with vnto sir Christopher Chiuers knight, then tenant to the same, and the baronie of Hidron then in the possession of the Cauenaughs, the ancient enimies of the English gouernment, and who had expelled his ancestors about two hun­dred yeares past. But being put once in possession, His good d [...]a­ing with his tenants. he dealt in such good order with them, and so honou­rablie vsed himselfe, that they all voluntarilie yeel­ded vp their lands, and submitted themselues to his deuotion; and finding him to be a verie rare man in manie and sundrie respects, as of the like they had not heard nor knowne, they much reioised of him, and counted themselues happie and blessed to be vn­der his gouernment. At his first comming he resu­med the whole baronie into his owne hands, and thereof he gaue some péeces in frée hold, to such gen­tlemen as he thought good; and for the residue euerie of them what he had before, he tooke it againe vnder writing by lease. He diuided the baronie into cer­teine [Page 138] manors and lordships, and in euerie one he did erect a court baron, and there all matters in variance betwéene them were ended and determined after the English maner, according to iustice & truth. He would not suffer anie wrong to be doone vnto them, neither would he beare with anie of them dooing wrong. Their complaints he would heare, and with indifferencie he would determine them: he dwelled His housekée­ping and hos­pitalitie. among them, and kept a verie liberall and a bounti­full house, and such hospitalitie as had not béene to­fore 10 knowne among them; and for which he was maruellouslie beloued, and his fame spred through­out that land.

He kept continuallie of his owne priuat familie, aboue or néere a hundred persons in house, he had al­waies in readinesse fortie horssemen well appointed, besides footmen, & commonlie one hundred Kerns, and all that his countrie at commandement; by which meanes he chased and pursued such as laie vp­on the frontiers of his countrie, that they if anie had 20 offended, would come and submit themselues sim­plie to his mercie: & the residue willing to serue him at all néeds. If anie noble man or others did passe by his house, there he first staied and was intertei­ned according to his calling, for his cellar doore was neuer shut, & his butterie alwaies open, to all com­mers of anie credit. If anie garrison either came to assist and attend him, or passed through his countrie, he gaue them interteinment, and vittelled them at his owne charges, and paied readie monie both for 30 it, and for all things taken of the countrie; for with­out present paiment he would haue nothing: which Readie pai­ment for all things. was a rare thing and not heard of in that land. And as concerning hir maiesties seruice, it was so ho­nourable for hir highnesse, and so profitable to the countrie, and accomplished with such a disposition and a good will, as all and euerie the gouernours in his time thought themselues happie to be assisted with such a man. In matters of counsell he was ve­rie graue and considerate, in matters of policie ve­rie wise and circumspect, and in martiall affaires 40 verie valiant and noble, and in all of great know­ledge and experience: in euerie of which (as occasion serued) his seruice was readie and at commande­ment, so long as his abode was in that land.

In the Butlers warres, vpon commandement His seruice in the Irish wars. from the deputie, he did first serue at Cloghgreman, a castell of sir Edmund Butlers, where being ac­companied with capteine Gilbert, capteine Mal­beie, and capteine Basnet, and Henrie Dauels, and their bands, assaulted the castell, tooke it, and gaue the 50 preie to the souldiers. Then they went to Kilkennie where they issued out and made a sallie vpon the whole armie of sir Edmund Butler: which being a­bout three miles from the towne, gaue them the o­uerthrow, and put all the Gallowglasses and the rest to the sword, sauing the horssemen and Kernes which fled into the woods: and then méeting the lord depu­tie, attended him in the whole iourneie and seruice of the said warres vntill the same was ended. In which he assisted the said deputie with his faithfull 60 aduise and counsell, and with all such dutifull seruice as which his lordship could not lacke, and which he so aduertised to hir maiestie. Likewise in Ulster he was in the whole or the most part of that seruice with the earle of Essex, whom he aduised and assisted with Sir Peter Carewes ser­uice in Ulster. all the best seruice and counsell he could, to the great comfort of the earle, and commendation of him­selfe.

The fame and report of this noble gentleman, for his wisedome, valiantnesse, experience, vprightnes, houskéeping, bountifulnesse, liberalitie, and his iust His title to his lands in Mounster. dealings with euerie man, was spred through out all that nation, and he fauoured and beloued of all men. And certeine gentlemen in Mounster, know­ledging and confessing that he had a iust title to their lands and possessions, and that he (as descending li­neallie from the marquesse of Corke) was their The offer of the gentlemen to be his te­nants. lawfull lord, and to whome they ought to yéeld their lands; some of them made their repaire, and some wrote their letters vnto him: and all with one con­sent acknowledged him to be their right and lawfull lord, and offered not onelie truelie to instruct and to aduertise him throughlie of his whole inheritance; but if it would please him to come to the citie of Corke, they would all appeare before him, and sub­mit themselues, and yéeld vp their lands into his hands. Sir Peter Carew, when he had considered and well bethought of these offers, and had taken ad­uise with his fréends, thought it not good to refuse the same; and that so much the sooner, bicause he had made hir highnesse acquainted with his title, and had before obteined hir letters to sir William Fitz­williams then lord deputie of Ireland, and to sir Iohn Parret then lord president of Mounster, that they should assist him in his sutes, and to call the con­trarie parts, and to persuade them with all quiet­nesse to yéeld to his iust titles. And againe, finding that part of the realme to be now verie quiet, & the people well disposed, he sent first his agent the wri­ter heereof to Corke, where and before whome there came Mac Artie Riogh, Corman Mac Teege, Bar­rie Og, the Omalions, the Odriscots, the Odallies, & sundrie others, who of their owne fréewill offered to giue in recompense of that which was past, and to­wards the setting vp of his house, if he would come and dwell among them, thrée thousand kine; and so manie shéepe and hogs and corne, as according to to that proportion; and would also yéerelie giue him in the like maner such a portion as should be to his contentation and good liking. When his agent had aduertised these things vnto him, and according to his order had prepared a house in Kinsale, and one other in Corke for him: the said sir Peter did set the house of Leighlin to his kinsman and cousine Peter Carew, who afterward was his heire, and prepared his ship to passe himselfe with his houshold stuffe to Corke. And being in readinesse for the same, it plea­sed God to call him to another passage; for falling sicke at the towne of Rosse, he died the seauen and The death of sir Peter Carew 1575. twentith of Nouember 1575, and was buried verie honorablie and in warlike manner at Waterford, the fiftéenth of December in the cathedrall church, His buriall. with all such ensignes of honor as to his degrée ap­perteined, there being then present sir Henrie Sid­neie lord deputie, and the councell. And thus much concerning that worthie knight sir Peter Carew.

The lord deputie, being accompanied from Kil­kennie with the earle of Ormond vnto the citie of The recei­uing of the lord deputie at Waterford. Waterford, he was verie honourablie receiued at his entrie into the citie, by the maior & his brethren, and an oration congratulatorie made vnto him in the Latine toong by a yoong scholar clad in white at­tire, verie well and eloquentlie pronounced. Great triumphes were made, both vpon the land and vpon the water; with all such shewes and tokens of ioie and gladnesse, as could be deuised. And whiles he re­mained in the citie, there wanted not anie thing méet and conuenient for the interteinement of his lordship, and of all his traine: which his lordship did verie well accept and take in good part; as also ad­uertised it to the lords of hir maiesties honourable priuie councell in England. This citie is a verie an­ [...]nt The descrip­tion of the ci­tie of Water­ford. The situa­tion. citie, and first builded (as the common opinion is) by Sitiracus one of the thrée brethren, which came out of Norwaie, called Easterlings. It standeth and is situated vpon the riuer of Suire, which riseth in the hill or mount Blandina, named in Irish Slough [Page 139] blome: and fléeteth by Thurles in Tipporarie, where­of the earles of Ormond are vicounts: from thense to the Holie crosse, Ardmale, Cahir Doweske, Ard­finan, Inislouagh, Clomnell, Caricke Mac Griffin, and so to Waterford.

It was of it selfe a verie little pile, but strong and well walled, and of late yeares (vpon occasion of warres) inlarged in the time of king Henrie the se­uenth and inclosed with a strong wall: when Lam­berd (named Perkin Warbecke) was crowned king at Dublin, about which king fell great contro­uersies 10 A controuer­sie betwéene the earle of kildare and the Waterfor­dians. The Water­fordians re­fuse to ac­knowledge Perkin to be their king. The Water­fordians in fauor with the kings of England. betwéene them and Gilbert erle of Kildare. For the said erle being then lord deputie sent his let­ters to the said maior & his citizens, requiring them to receiue into their citie the new king, as other good cities had doone: who refusing to acknowledge anie other king, than king Henrie of England, he threatened them that he would take their citie per­force and hang the maior. Wherevpon hot words grew on euerie side, & the same like to haue growne to hand fight: the Waterfordians offering to wage 20 the battell where the erle would appoint. Which their truth at that time auailed them much afterwards, and they in speciall fauour with king Henrie the se­uenth and king Henrie the eight, by whome their li­berties and franchises were inlarged.

The soile about it is verie barren and full of hils and rocks, and the lesse profitable for lacke of good The commo­ditie of the ri­uer. manurance and husbandrie: but what faileth in the land, is recompensed with the sundrie commodities which the riuer yéeldeth, which is not onlie plentifull 30 and abundant of all sorts and kinds of fishes, but also it is a goodlie hauen and a receptacle for all sorts of ships: & for this it is called Larga porta, The great or large hauen. The resort of merchants from out Larga porta. of all countries to this citie maketh the same verie populous and rich, & is the chiefest Emporium of that prouince. Great be the priuileges which the kings of England gaue to the maior & citizens, as well con­cerning the riuer as the citie, by king Iohn, king Henrie the third, and king Edward the first. 40

The riuer was bounded and limited from the mouth of the seas, betwéene Rindowan where Hoke The riuer at Waterford. tower standeth vpon the east side, and Rodibanke vpon the west side, and from thense vnto Caricke vpon Suire: and so farre beyond, as the said riuer ebbeth and floweth that waie: & from the said mouth vnto the Inostiage vpon the riuer of Oire, and so far as the same water ebbeth and floweth; and likewise from the said mouth, vnto saint Molins vpon the ri­uer A controuer­sie betwéene the Waterfor­dians and the towne of Rosse for the riuer of Barrow. of Barrow; and so farre beyond the same, as the 50 water ebbeth & floweth. Yet notwithstanding great controuersies haue beene betwéene this citie and the towne of Rosse, which lieth vpon the riuer of Bar­row, concerning the bounds and limits that waie, bicause they of Rosse doo claime a priuilege vpon that riuer as of the gift and grant of Roger Bigod earle marshall: who married Isabell the eldest daughter of Walter earle marshall, and in hir right was lord of Rosse and of the riuer of the Barrow. 60 Wherevpon certeine inquisitions were taken in the A verdict pas­sed in the be­halfe of the Waterfordi­ans. time of king Edward the third, and of king Richard the second: and then at Clomnell vpon the othes of six knights and eighteene esquiers, it was found for the citie of Waterford. And these are the bounds of the port or hauen of Waterford; within the which The priuile­ges of Water­ford vpon the water. bounds and limits the citie of Waterford, by the grants of sundrie kings vnder their charters, haue these priuileges: That no ship shall be laden nor vn­laden, but at the citie of Waterford, and there to paie all such customes and duties as belong and are due for their merchandize: Also that they haue the prisage wines and the iurisdiction of the admeraltie, within the limits of the said riuer.

The citie it selfe was first incorporated by king The incorpo­ration of the citie. The priuile­ges of the ci­tie of Water­ford. The sword of iustice. Henrie the second, & after confirmed by king Iohn, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first with augmentations. The maior hath the sword borne before him by the gift of king Edward the fourth, and king Henrie the seauenth, by the name of the sword of iustice. They haue cognisance of all maner of plées as well reall, personall, & mixt. They are iusti­ces of oier and determiner, & maie sit vpon triall of treasons, murthers, and felonies, without anie spe­ciall commission to be sued out for the same. Also that no officer nor officers of the kings or quéenes of England, nor their deputies shall intermeddle, nor exercise anie authoritie nor iurisdiction, within the citie and liberties, but onelie the maior & officers of the same. Also they haue a maior and officers of the staple yearelie to be chosen, who haue the liberties for taking of statutes and recognisances staple, not onelie within their owne towne & concerning them­selues, but also of sundrie townes in Leinster and Mounster, and the counties of Waterford, Kilken­nie, Wexford, and Tipporarie. Also they haue liber­tie from time to time to transport, lade, and carrie a­waie corne, vittels, wooll, horsses, & hawks; and to li­cence anie other within the limits of their iurisdicti­on to doo the like. Also all forfeitures, amerciaments, fines, felons goods, and deodands goods, they haue to their owne vse. Also that in all doubts, the words of their charters should be expounded to the best sense, and if then there were anie further doubt, the same should be determined and decided by the king or his councell in the realme of England. Also that they should not at anie time be compelled to go and serue in anie hosting, except the king himselfe or anie of his sonnes were present in person.

These and manie other like priuileges of the kings of England from time to time, of their boun­teous liberalitie, and in consideration of their du­tifull and good seruices, did giue and bestow vpon them. All which, O you the inhabitants of Mana­pia An admoniti­on to the citi­zens of Wa­terford. and citizens of Waterford, the ofspring of so good ancestors, ought to be lessons and presidents vn­to you, for your continuance in the like offices and duties: that you maie thereby shew your selues to be as were your predecessors, faithfull, loiall, and obedient: and that your apophthegme maie be for e­uer found true, Waterfordia semper manet intacta. O­therwise Waterfordia semper manet intacta. brag neuer so much of your worthinesse, & glorie neuer so much of your values (as the Iewes did of their father Abraham) yet it shall so little a­uaile you, that their honour shall be your reproch, and their glorie your shame, if you doo not also the like; and in the end your vtter confusion. For as the holie scripture saith: If you be the children of light, then as children walke you in the light; other­wise that light which is in you shall be darkenesse. If you be the children of Abraham, then doo you the workes of Abraham: otherwise God, who is able and will raise vp the verie stones to be sonnes to A­braham, shall reiect you, and giue your citie to a people which shall bring foorth the fruits of dutie and obedience. For so did he with his owne peculiar peo­ple, the Iewes, whom for their disobedience against himselfe, and against his annointed princes, did af­ter sundrie punishments and no amendment giue them ouer vnto their enimies hands: who put their yoong men to the sword, & their priests to slaughter, their virgins were deflowred, their widows defiled, their citie vtterlie destroied, and not one stone left vpon an other; and all the people which escaped the sword, carried awaie captiues, & made vagabonds, euen to this daie vpon the face of the earth. If he did this to his owne peculiar people, doo not you of Wa­terford, whom God hath blessed manie waies, thinke [Page 140] that you dooing the like wickednesse, shall escape the like iudgements. Wherefore if you will eschew the An exhortati­on to the citi­zens of Wa­terford. wrath to come, beware by their examples, and hum­ble your selues in all dutifulnes & obedience to God and to your prince. Examine not his authoritie, nor decipher his power: compare not your priuileges with his authoritie, nor doo you dispute your liberties with his prerogatiue. For notwithstanding your pri­uileges, liberties, and grants be great and manie: yet they can not abate nor impugne the least part of 10 the princes prerogatiue: which is so great, as nothing can be greater, if you will take the view of Gods owne ordinances, when he first erected and establi­shed a king, who gaue him so high and so absolute au­thoritie, The princes prerogatiue. that (as the apostle saith) it must be with all humblenesse obeied: bicause he is Gods minister especiallie when it concerneth the interest of hir ma­iesties imperiall crowne of that land, the suppression of rebels and traitors, & the deliuerie of your selues and that realme from the enimies and rebels. 20

And doo not you thinke that this digression is im­pertinent to the historie. For as your ancestors good dooings are set downe to their praises and commen­dations; so the same shall be doone of yours, either to your praises for your well dooings, or for your re­proch to the contrarie. But to the historie. When the lord deputie had giuen thankes to the maior and his brethren for his good interteinement, he departed thense by iournies towards Corke, and by the waie at Dungaruon the earle of Desmond came vnto The earle of Desmond humblie offe­reth his ser­uice to the lord deputie. him, and verie humblie offered him all the seruice he 30 was able to doo to hir maiestie, and did accompanie him from thense vnto the citie of Corke, where the said lord deputie was receiued in the best manner the citizens could, with all humblenesse, and with all The lord de­putie receiued honorablie in­to Corke. such triumphs and other shewes and tokens of good will and dutifulnesse as they could giue, without grudging or complaining either of the townesmen or of the souldiers. To this towne resorted vnto him All the noble­men in Moun ster repaire to the lord depu­tie. the earles of Desmond, Thomond, Clancar, and all the noblemen and best gentlemen in all Mounster, 40 and their wiues, and there kept their houses the whole Christmasse. During his being there, manie complaints were made of great outrages, mur­thers, Executions at Corke. spoiles, and thefts doone throughout that pro­uince; wherevpon dailie sessions were kept, and the malefactors of which thrée and twentie verie nota­ble and notorious offendors were executed and put to death.

It was also ordered, that for the cutting off and abolishing of the great swarmes and clusters of the 50 idlers, which like waspes troubled the whole land, and liued onelie by spoile and rapine; that euerie noble­man and gentleman should giue and deliuer in the Euerie noble man and gen­tleman to an­swer for his men. names of euerie seruant and follower which he had, and should sée the same to be booked and registred. And if any of them were found vnbooked and not re­gistred, that he should be vsed as a fellon where so euer he was taken; and for all such, as whose names were registred, his lord and master should answer 60 for him. To this order all the noble and gentlemen gaue their full consents, and foorthwith the same was openlie proclamed in their presence, who séemed to receiue it with all ioy, and promised that it should be followed with effect, and immediatlie they gaue in their pledges. When all things were thus in these parts setled in good and quiet order, he tooke his iour­nie towards Limerike, and there he was receiued The lord de­putie honora­blie receiued at Limerike. with much more pompe and shewes than in anie place before. But as before, so here he spent a few daies in kéeping of sessions, in executing of iustice, and in hearing of poore mens complaints, and tooke the like order for registring of euerie noble and gen­tlemans follower, as he had doone at Corke. Which when he had doone, he rode thense vnto Thomond, Thomond in cleane out of order. where he was complained vnto of manie great murthers, rapes, thefts, and other outrages, whereof he found great plentie. And for want of sufficient time to proceed throughlie to doo iustice and iudge­ment therein; he referred the same to certeine com­missioners appointed for the purpose: sauing that he committed the principall offendors to ward, and some he banished and abandoned out of those parts, vntill further order were taken for them.

From thense he entred into Connagh, and came The towne of Gallewaie in great deca [...]e. to the towne of Gallewaie, where he found the towne much decaied and almost desolated, sundrie of the good housholders hauing sought new habitati­ons vnder Mac William Eughter, and the countie through out altogither spoiled and deuoured by the Mac an Earles, the hopeles (but much better if they had beene hoplesse) sonnes of the earle of Clanri­card, whose outrages were most heinous and horri­ble. But when these graceles impes perceiued of the great complaints made against them, and doubting what would be the sequele if some waie were not ta­ken, they voluntarilie went to Gallewaie towne, The earle of Clanricards sonnes sub­mit them­selues. and came to the church vpon a sundaie at the publike seruice, where the lord deputie then was; and there kneeling vpon their knées confessed their faults, submitted themselues, and most lamentablie cra­ued pardon, promising vnfeinedlie amendment, and neuer to reuolt more from their dutifull obedience to hir maiestie and hir lawes. The deputie mooued herewith, and hoping the best, did by the aduise of hir maiesties councell thinke it good, with some sharpe reprehensions and a little punishment for this time to release them, & so he tooke his iournie towards Du­blin, where he came the thirtéenth of Aprill 1576, 1576 but kept sessions in euerie place as he passed through the countrie, and placed his garrisons in places con­uenient.

In this his iournie he found a verie ruinous state and most lamentable disorders, which required a spéedie reformation. And though the outrages in the ciuill gouernment were great, yet nothing to be The ruine of the ecclesiasti­call state. compared to the ecclesiasticall state, for that was too too far out of order; the temples all ruined, the pa­rish churches for the most part without curates and pastors, no seruice said, no God honored, nor Christ preached, nor sacraments ministred. And therefore it appéered, yea and it was openlie preached before the Manie in I­reland not christened. lord deputie himselfe, that manie were borne which neuer were christened: and the patrimonie of the church wasted & the lands imbezelled. A lamentable case, for a more deformed and a more ouerthrowne church there could not be among christians. The de­putie The spoile of the churches. considering and bethinking with himselfe, how the church of God was abused, and that God had in store some wrath and indignation for this de­filing of his holie sanctuarie, did for the auoiding thereof write his letters of aduertisement to hir highnesse, and most earnestlie praied hir princelie authoritie for redresse thereof; and therewith most humblie requested, that the commonwealth being destitute of a chancellor, and other most necessarie magistrates for the gouernement, might likewise with all spéed be sent ouer. When hir maiestie and An order for the reforma­tion of reli­gion. councell had considered this aduertisement, and had entered into the depth thereof, order for a re­dresse was taken foorthwith: and the matters con­cerning religion and reformation of the church, it was committed to the said lord deputie, and to arch­bishops and certeine bishops, with others, to sée the William Ge­rard to be lord chancellor. Sir William Drurie to be lord president. same to be put in execution. And for the gouernment one William Gerard esquier a professor of the laws was sent to be lord chancellor, & sir William Dru­rie to be president of Mounster, which arriued at [Page 141] Dublin, the one the sixteenth of Iune, and the other the three and twentith of the same 1576. The lord 1576 chancellor he did foorthwith settle and place in his roome. And then his lordship prepareth to take a iournie towards Waterford, to doo the like with sir William Drurie. But when he was passed a daies iournie, word was brought vnto him from the bi­shop of Meth, who laie then vpon the confines of The earle of Clanricards sonnes brake out into re­bellion. Meth and Connagh for ordering of matters in these parties; and the like from the maior of Gallewaie, and from diuerse others, who affected well the state, 10 crieng out with trembling termes and dolefull re­ports, that the earle of Clanricard his sonnes that basterlie brood, which not scarse two moneths past had humbled themselues to the lord deputie, confes­sed their faults, and craued pardon, and had most firmelie protested and sworne most dutifull and con­tinuall obedience.

These (I saie) not without the counsell and con­sent The earle consented to his sonnes disloialtie. of their father, were on a night stollen ouer the riuer of Shennon, and there cast awaie their Eng­lish 20 apparell, and clothed themselues in their old woonted Irish rags, and sent to all their old friends to come awaie to them, and to bring the Scots whom they had solicited, and their Gallowglasses, and all other their forces with them. Who when they met togither, they foorthwith went to the towne of Athenrie, and those few houses which were newlie Athenrie spoiled. builded, they sacked, set the new gates on fire, beat awaie the masons and labourers which were there in working, brake and spoiled the quéenes armes, 30 and others, there made and cut to be set vp. Bad and wicked they were before, but now ten times worse than euer they were; being come, euen as it is said in the scriptures, that the wicked spirit was gone out of the man, and wanting his woonted diet, retur­neth vnto the house from whense he came, and fin­ding the same swept cleane, he goeth and séeketh out other seuen wicked spirits, and entreth and dwelleth where he did before, and the last state of that man is woorse than the first. And if a man should aske of these 40 bastardlie boies, and of their sier, what should be the cause that they should thus rage, and so wickedlie and suddenlie reuolue, as dogs to their vomits, so they to their treasons and treacheries, hauing beene so courteouslie vsed, so gentlie interteined, so friend­lie countenanced, so fatherly exhorted, so pithilie per­suaded, & so mercifullie pardoned in hope of amend­ment: surelie nothing can they answer, but that they Selfewill cause of the rebellion. would not be honest, nor in anie part satisfie a little 50 of infinite the robberies, thefts, and spoiles which they had made. For bastardlie slips cannot bring foorth better fruits, neither can thornes bring foorth grapes. It is the good trée onelie that bringeth foorth good fruits, & which is to be cherished, and to be much made of; but thornes and briers are prepared for the fire, and to be burned. For let the husbandman be­stow neuer so much husbandrie vpon the thorne, he will still be but a thorne: yea let him graffe neuer so good a peare vpon him, the same shall be but a stonie 60 peare; and lacking continuall husbandrie, will re­uolt to his old nature againe. As the husbandman then prospereth best, when his fields and gardens are weeded and clensed from thornes, brambles & briers, prepared for the fire: euen so shall the magistrate inioie the quiet state of a commonwealth, when iu­stice Punishment of the wicked maketh a quiet common wealth. taketh place, and iudgement is executed; when the good are preserued and cherished, and the wicked (prepared for the gallowes) according to their de­serts are punished.

The instrument, when euerie string is streined to his proper tune, then the musike is sweet, and the harmonie pleasant; but if that one string be out of order, the discord of that one marreth and disgraceth all the whole musike of the rest: euen so is it in a commonwealth, when euerie subiect is dutifull to his prince, obedient to his magistrate, and liueth ac­cording to his vocation and calling, the same prospe­reth and flourisheth; but let the wicked be left at li­bertie, and be vnpunished, the whole state is distur­bed, & the commonwealth (as a garden ouergrowne with wéeds) in perill and danger to be ouerthrowne. The best commonwealth in all ages then prospe­red best, when the wicked were as well punished, as the good conserued. And experience teacheth, that a théefe, murtherer, a traitor, & such malefactors doo ne­uer better seruice to their prince & commonwealth, than when they be hanged on the gallowes, and so fa­stened to a gibbet. But to the matter.

The lord deputie vpon these aduertisements, fin­ding The lord de­putie altereth his course, and entreth into Connagh. the matter to be of such importance, which requi­red some expedition to withstand the same, or else the whole land like to be in danger, altereth his inten­ded iourneie, and returneth to Dublin, vsing such ex­pedition, that within three daies following he was entered into Connagh. The brute thereof when it was blowne abrode, it was scarse credited by the rebels, bicause it was so sudden and with such spéed. But finding it to be true, and they affraid of their shadowes, they all one and other fled into the moun­teins, sauing certeine gentlemen of the earls coun­trie, The earle of Clanricard is sent to the ca­stell of Dublin and kept in close prison. which left the traitorous boies, & came to the de­putie, and offered their loialtie and seruice with fide­litie. The earle their father would faine haue excused himselfe, but in the end when no excuses could be ac­cepted, his castels were taken, and he brought to the lord deputie: who notwithstanding his humble sub­missions and crauing of pardons, he was sent to the castell of Dublin, and there kept in close prison. But the lord deputie he passed thense to Gallewaie, and after he had there staied a few daies, for the comfor­ting Sir William Drurie placed to be lord pre­sident in Mounster. of the townesmen, who stood much dismaied of their estate, and in feare to be surprised and taken for pledges: he passed through Thomond, and came to Limerike, where he setled sir William Drurie (who had accompanied him in all this seruice) to be the lord president. And from thense being accompanied and attended vpon with him and the nobilitie of that prouince, and diuerse gentlemen of account, they The gouern­mēt of sir Wil­liam Drurie. passed to Corke, & there the lord president remained.

Now he the said president, being thus placed in the gouernement of that prouince, did beare himselfe so vprightlie, and in so honourable a sort, that he re­formed the same maruellouslie both in life and ma­ners: and of a fierce people he tamed them to obe­dience. For the euill men he spared not, but by law and iustice in the open sessions, or by sword without respect of persons he punished according to their de­serts: euen as of the contrarie the good subiects he would fauour and protect. If anie seruice were to be doone vpon the enimie and rebell, he would be the first in the field, and neuer ceasse to pursue him, vntill he had either taken him, or driuen him out of the countrie. If anie matters were in variance be­twéene man and man, or anie bils of complaints exhibited vnto him, the same he would either deter­mine, or referre them to the law, for which he kept courts continuallie, & where the same were heard and ended, and at which for the most part he would be pre­sent. The rude people he framed to a ciuilitie, & their maners he reformed and brought to the English or­der. And by all these means he did maruellouslie re­forme that whole prouince to a most peaceable, quiet and ciuill estate, sauing the countie palatine in Kerie: which the earle of Desmond claimed to be his The earle of Desmond will haue no officer to intermeddle in his countie palantine. libertie, and that no person was to intermeddle nor yet to vse any iurisdiction there, other than his owne officers. But when his lordship had looked into the [Page 142] most loose and dissolute life there vsed, and that it was The countie palantine a sanctuarie of sinne and wickednesse. a sanctuarie for all lewd and wicked persons, and how that liberties granted at the first for the main­tenance of iustice was now become a cloke and a shrowd for all licentiousnesse: he purposed and was fullie determined to make a iourneie into that pri­uileged The lord pre­sident purpo­seth to doo instice in Kerrie. place, to make a passage for law and iustice to be there exercised, euen as he had tofore doone in other places, knowing that it could not be safe a­mong a great flocke to leaue a scabbed sheepe, nor 10 good for a commonwealth to haue nursseries for sinne.

The erle, when he perceiued this, he was in a great furie and agonie, and vsed all the waies he could to dissuade the lord president from the same. Which when he by no means could compasse, then according to his accustomable dissimulations he maketh faire weather, and offereth all the seruice he could doo to his lordship, and requested him that it would please him to vse his house and countrie at his pleasure, 20 and that it would likewise please his lordship to lie at his house at Tralie when he passed that waie; the earle minding nothing lesse than his welcome thi­ther, but practising in the end openlie what he had dissemblinglie and in secret deuised and determined. The lord deputie, nothing mistrusting anie secret practise to be imagined against him, granteth the earles request; and when he saw time, he taketh his iourneie into Kerrie, hauing no more men with him than sufficient, to the number of six score, or seuen 30 The lord pre­sident entreth into Kerrie. score persons: and as he passed through the coun­trie, he kept courts and sessions, and heard euerie mans complaint: and at length as his iourneie laie, he rode vnto Tralie, where he minded to lodge with the earle. The earle hauing the gouernor (as he thought) within his cl [...]ches, and minding to practise that openlie, which he had deuised secretlie; had ap­pointed The treache­rous practise of the earle to haue intrap­ped thrlord president. in a readinesse seuen hundred, or eight hun­dred of his best followers to haue intrapped his lord­ship; and insted of a bien venu into the countrie, 40 to haue cut him off for euer comming more there. Which his villanous treacherie when his lordship saw and vnderstood; and considering that he was so néere vpon them, as that he was either to aduenture vpon them, or with dishonor to hazard himselfe and his companie: he calleth all his companie togither, The lord pre­sident giueth the charge vpon the earle of Desmond. and with verie good and pithie words incourageth them to giue the onset vpon them: and foorthwith with a good courage they all march forwards, and gaue the charge vpon them. But they, notwithstan­ding 50 they were all well armed, and seuen to one of the other: yet being as it were astonied at the bold­nesse of this noble man, and at his great courage; for which he was famous in & through all that land: both the earle and his companie turned their heeles, forsooke the field, and dispersed themselues into the woods, and elsewhere, for their best safetie

The countesse, when she heard hereof, fell in a great sorow and heauinesse for hir husbands so bad dealings; and like a good Abigaell went and met the 60 lord president, fell vpon hir knées, held vp hir hands, and with trilling teares praied his lordships pati­ence and pardon, excusing as well as she could hir husbands follie, saieng that he had assembled all that companie onelie for a generall hunting, no­thing thinking vpon his lordship; and that the men séeing his lordship could not be persuaded to make anie staie: and so praied his lordship to take it. And herein she so wiselie and in such modestie did be­haue hir selfe, that his lordship granted hir request, and temporised with the earle. But he followed his determination, and vsed his authoritie to decide matters in and throughout the palantine of Kerrie. This gréeued the earle to the hart, who hauing no o­ther waie to be reuenged, he deuiseth certeine arti­cles The eale [...] ­plemeth a­gainst the lord president. against the president, which he with great ex­clames exhibited vnto the lord deputie. The lord de­putie, when he departed from Corke, he returned to Dublin, where he was aduertised that the Mac an The Mac an Earles in Connagh rise in rebellon. Earles in Connagh had hired a new supplie of two thousand Scots, and were in actuall rebellion. Wherevpon he prepared a new iourneie thither­wards: and being come thither, he found the mat­ter to be true, and that they were vp in campe and in outragious maner spoiling the countries. But The earls sons doo be­siege Bailie Riogh. before his comming they had besieged Bailie Riogh which was the earles their fathers house, and for his treacherous dealings confiscated.

In this house the lord deputie, at his last departure from thense, had placed Thomas le Strange, and capteine Colier with one hundred footmen, and fiftie horssemen to lie in garrison; but the earls sons, thin­king themselues of sufficient strength to recouer the same againe, laid siege vnto it, and inuironed it round about: but they were so resisted, that they did not onelie not preuaile; but the garrison with­in did make sundrie assaults vpon them, and slue at sundrie times six of their principall capteins, and one hundred and fiftie of their men. And in the end, when they saw they could not preuaile, they raised their siege, and followed their accustomed robbing and spoiling of the countrie; but especiallie vpon Maister wil­liam Eughter his countrie spoiled. Mac William Eughter, from whome they tooke sundrie of his castels, and spoiled him of his goods and cattels. The lord deputie, not slacking nor flow­ing his businesse, followed out of hand the foresaid The lord de­putie follow­eth the rebels. rebels, who skipped to and fro in such sort, that in no case could he find them at any aduantage. Wherfore he did disperse his companies, and according as in­telligence was giuen, he caused pursute to be made vpon them. And by that meanes, although he could not méete with the whole troope of them, whereby to haue a full aduantage vpon them; yet manie times he met with some of them, flue them, hanged and executed them, tooke their preies from them, and gained awaie their holds and castels. And at length hauing good espials, it was aduertised vn­to him, that the Scots were incamped in the confins and marches of Mac William Eughters countrie: The Scots incamped in Connagh. and there vpon he forthwith marched thitherwards, and in his waie manie of them fell into his lap, who had their rewards. Unto whose lordship resorted the said Mac William with all the force he had, & could Mac william Eughter com­meth with all the force he could make vnto the lord deputie. make; who in this rebellion, being the onelie man of power in Connagh, & yet not able to saue himselfe a hole from their inuasions, did shew himselfe most loiall, and did the best seruice that was doone vpon the rebels: and by the meanes of the said deputie, he recouered, and was repossessed of sundrie his ca­stels, which in this rebellion had béene taken from him.

The Scots, when they heard of the approching of the deputie towards them, they raised their campe, and suddenlie dispersed themselues, and the most The Scots forsake Con­nagh and re­turne home. of them, being werie of their abode and intertein­ment, fled into the rout in Ulster. The residue like vnto the bare arssed rebels sculked to and fro; but in the end, they and the others were all dispersed, & durst not to appeare. Wherefore the deputie, when he had broken the galles of them, & had thus disper­sed them, he by iournies returned towards Dublin, and hauing a little before receiued hir maiesties let­ters in the behalfe of Nicholas Malbie hir seruant, Sir Nicho­las Malbie appointed go­uernor of Cō ­nagh. whome she commended for his sufficiencie, both for martiall and ciuill causes: and as well for the in­couragement of him, as for the nourishing of the like vertues in others of his profession; hir pleasure was to commit vnto him the chéefe charge and go­uernement [Page 143] vnder the said deputie in Connagh, and willed that he should be forthwith established in that office, & to be sworne one of hir priuie councell, & to haue that countenance, authoritie, & interteinement as was méet, conuenient & agréeable for the place, of­fice, & person. Which the said deputie most willinglie & gladlie performed, dubbed him knight, and made him gouernor by the name of a coronell of Con­naugh: thinking himselfe most happie, that he was assisted with such a man, as who for his experience 10 in iudgement, his discretion in gouernement, and his painefulnesse and skill in martiall seruice was sufficient and compleat; and best able, partlie by force, partlie by persuasion, and chieflie by mini­string of iustice, was (I saie) best able, and would frame the rude and barbarous people of that pro­uince to ciuilitie and good order. And thus much he aduertised vnto hir maiestie by his letters, with thankes for hir choise of so méete and apt a man. During the time of this seruice and being of the 20 lord deputie in Connagh, the earle of Essex, a man of great nobilitie and parentage died in Dublin. Great doubts were made of his death; some thin­king that he should be poisoned, because he was then in the best time of his age, of a verie good con­stitution of bodie, and not knowne to haue beene sicke anie time before his death. But the matter examined by all the meanes that could be deuised, there was no such thing then found: but supposed, The death of the earle of Essex. that for so much as he had a flux, which was a spise of a Dysenteria, and wherewith he had beene often­times 30 before troubled, by the inspection and iudge­ment Dysenteria. of such physicians & others who were present, The sundrie opinions of his death. Poisoning. witchcraft. it was iudged and found that it was some cause of his death. Some thought rather that he should be be­witched, as that countrie is much giuen to such dai­lie practises. But how far is that from all christi­anitie, all wise and godlie doo know, and euerie good christian should vnderstand. It is against the word of the Lord and all christian religion; and therefore not to be credited. It was thought and so affirmed 40 by the most part of all men, that some inward griefe Sorrow and griefe of mind. of the mind and secret sorrow of the hart had haste­ned that, which no infirmitie of the bodie nor anie o­ther deuises extraordinarie could compasse. For where that maladie is once entered, and hath seized No physicke against the sorow of the mind. and taken possession, and which by no physicke can be releeued or cured: it is but in vaine to minister the same to the bodie, which can not indure when the o­ther faileth, no more than can an accident remaine, 50 when the substance is gone; or else as the imbers or ashes giue heat, when the wood is burned and consu­med.

He was no more honorable of birth and paren­tage by his ancestors, of whome some descended out of kings loines; but as singular a man for all the gifts both of mind and bodie, as that age had not manie better. Towards God he was most deuout The vertues of the earle of Essex. and religious, whome he serued according to his ho­lie word in all truth and sinceritie, and his whole 60 life according to his vocation he framed after the same; being not spotted with drunkennesse, coue­tousnesse, whoredome, incontinencie, or anie other notorious crime: a great fauourer of the godlie, a friend to the professors of the gospell, & an extreame enimie to the papists & enimies of the true religion: to his prince & souereigne most dutifull and humble, faithfull & obedient: his superiors he honored, his el­ders he reuerenced, his equals he loued, his inferiors he fauored: to his countrie trustie, to the common­wealth zealous, to all men courteous, and to the poore and oppressed bounteous and liberall.

In matters of policie he was verie prudent, and of a great reach: in causes of counsell sound, and of a déepe iudgement: in martiall affaires most valiant and of great courage, and of so heroicall a mind, that if his abilitie had answered his good will, he had not bin a second, neither to Lacie, nor to Courcie, nor to anie the first conquerors of Ulster to the crowne of A plot for the regaining of Ulster. England. For such a plot he had laid for the regain­ing therof, that it could not be denied, but if the same had béene followed, great good would haue insued in processe of time to hir maiestie, in obedience and re­uenues, and a great suertie to that estate, and the like increase of benefit to the whole commonwealth. The more noble were his good and worthie attempts, the more he was crossed and contraried: but by such se­cret meanes, as which he did rather for the most part coniecture amisse, than hit aright: but yet such was the great valour of his mind, and the magnanimitie of his stomach, that his good meanings & attempts, for the honor of his prince, and the benefit of the com­monwealth, being so contraried and ouerthwarted, The earle of Essex contra­ried in all his attempts. he whome no trauels, no paines, no seruice, no hard­nesse could breake; the verie griefe of mind and sor­row of heart (as it was thought) did onelie consume and ouerthrow. He was also verie learned, and of great reading, and sometimes a scholer in the vni­uersitie, The earle be­rie well lear­ned. and had verie good knowledge in all kind of letters, as well theologicall as humane, and of a ve­rie quicke wit to conceiue, of a good capacitie to vn­derstand, and of a readie toong to vtter and deliuer in a verie good order what he had conceiued; and so well he would discourse and argue anie matter, as few scholers better, and not manie so skilfull in anie one, as he was generallie in all good vertues. A more noble man euerie waie, not England, nor anie other nation hath lightlie affoorded. And certeinlie, if it had pleased God that Lachesis had bene idle, or had spun a longer thread, that he might haue liued to haue beene imploied according to his excellent ver­tues, either in matters of counsell, of policie, or mar­tiall, no doubt he would haue prooued a most worthie and beneficiall member vnto hir maiestie, and hir whole commonwealth. As his life was, so also was his death most godlie, comfortable, and vertuous, the one answerable to the other, euen as S. Augustine writeth; Vix malè moritur qui benè vix [...]t. In all the A godlie life hath a godlie end. time of his sicknesse, which was about twentie or one and twentie daies, although he were manie times tormented with greeuous pangs in the bellie: yet was he neuer heard to grudge or murmur, nor to speake anie angrie or idle word, but most patientlie and méekelie tooke all things in good part. After he His patience in his sicknes perceiued that nature began to faile and defect, he yéelded himselfe to die, and was verie desirous that his friends and welwillers should haue accesse vn­to him, and to abide by him at their pleasure. And by that meanes he had continuallie about him diuerse men of all degrees, as well of the clergie, as of the laitie, both men and women, gentlemen & seruants, before whom he did shew most apparant arguments of a godlie and vnfeined repentance of his life past, His repen­tance and cha­ritie. and of a most christian and perfect charitie with all the world, fréelie forgiuing euerie offense doone vnto him, and asking the like of all others. His faith he o­penlie confessed, and witnessed a most vndoubted as­surance of his saluation in Christ Iesus, purchased He confesseth his faith. for him in his bloud and death: and manie times he would with a lowd voice saie; Cupio dissolui & esse cum His praieng and hearing the word. Christo. He spent most part of the time, when the ex­tremitie of his sicknesse did not let him, in praiers, and in hearing the word read vnto him, and would vse such godlie admonitions, such pithie persuasions, & so graue instructions, as he neuer did, nor thought he could doo in all his life time: for he neuer séemed in all his daies to be halfe so wise, learned, and elo­quent. The néerer that death drew, the more feruent [Page 144] he was in praier, and requested all his companie to doo the like; and the verie last words that he spake was, The lord Iesus. And when his toong gaue ouer to speake anie more, he lifted vp his hands & eies to the Lord his God, vntill most swéetlie, mildlie, and godlie he did yéeld vp his ghost, which manie times before he had commended to his Lord and God. And thus this noble man vpon the two and twentith daie Sée more of this earle of Essex in the chronicles of England, pag. 1263. of September, and in the yere of our Lord one thou­sand fiue hundred seuentie and six, left this world, to 10 the great sorow of his fréends, and losse of the com­monwealth; but to the gaine of himselfe, who by all apparant arguments and testimonies of his vndou­ted faith, dooth assure vs of his euerlasting ioie, and eternall felicitie.

About thrée daies before his death, he wrot his last letters to the lord deputie, being then in the remote His letters to the lord de­putie. parties of Connagh; and verie desirous he was to haue spoken with him. In which letters he gaue his lordship most hartie thanks for all the good freend­ships 20 past betweene them, and wished that the good and faithfull dealings betweene them were knowne The effect of the earles let­ters to the de­putie. as well in England as elsewhere. Then he commen­ded to him all his seruants generallie, and some by particular name; and therein a speciall request for his sonne and heire, that though he himselfe should die to his freends, yet his sonne the earle of Essex might liue to the seruice of his prince, and the good of the commonwealth. And lastlie, he touched some­what concerning his buriall, and herewith he sent 30 vnto his lordship a little George and a garter, the ensignes of the order of the garter, whereof they both were knights and companions, to be a memoriall of the loue and goodwill past betweene them. And now leauing this honorable earle in his heauenlie ioie and blisse: let vs returne to the historie of this effere and effrenated nation.

The prouince of Mounster was indifferent qui­et, but some repinings were betwéene the earles of The disa­gréements be­twéene the earls of Des­mond and Thomond. Thomond and Desmond, the one not abiding nor 40 digesting the orders, which vpon sundrie complaints were made against him, which he refused to obeie, vntill Volens nolens he were pressed therevnto by the lord president: the other, who was alwaies a verie wilfull man, notwithstanding he had at Corke yéel­ded himselfe (of his owne frée consent) to abide the orders there made for the quietnesse of the countrie, yet now hauing taken the aduise of his disordered fo­lowers, he would not be withdrawen from his woon­ted exactions, and therefore repined to beare further 50 The earle of Desmond re­pineth against all good or­ders, and com­plaineth a­gainst the cesse. anie cesse; and wrote his letters to the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell in England, complaining much, and proouing nothing, and aggrauating the taking of the cesse, with most manifest vntruths. And so far he was carried in misliking the gouern­ment, bicause he saw his owne woonted swaie was much abated, that he would verie faine haue slipped out if he could. And it was verelie thought that he was combined in a secret conspiration with the fore­lorne sonnes of the earle of Clanricard, as was his 60 brother sir Iohn of Desmond, who for his confe­rence had with Shane Burke, was suspected to haue Sir Iohn of Desmond committed to ward. ioined with him in his rebellion; as also because he had promised him aid out of Mounster, if he would hold out, and for which he was committed to ward. Which caried the more likelihood, bicause his intenti­on was to put awaie his owne wife, & to haue mat­ched himselfe in marriage with Shanes sister, who was Orwackes wife, & of late forsaken by him. Ne­uer Sir P. Des­mond putteth away his wife and marrieth another mans wife. the lesse, the erle was fearefull to offend the state, for the president was so watchfull to espie out both his and all the rest of their dooings, and in such a rea­dinesse to be at inches with them, and vpon their bones if they started out neuer so little, that he kept himselfe quiet, and came in to the said president, and deliuered in his men that were demanded, & which before he denied, being verie notorious malefactors and practisers of vnquietnesse.

And now that the whole land was (as was thought) in quiet, or at least in outward shew more quiet than in times past, the noblemen & gentlemen in the En­glish pale, of whome least suspicion of anie euill was The gentle­men in the pale begin to repine a­gainst the cesse. thought, they begin veris inconsideratlie to repine against the cesse: who if they had entred into the due consideration thereof, they (although somewhat to their further charge) should haue mainteined it: be­cause that the same was procured for the defense of themselues, and they onelie had the benefit thereof. For you shall vnderstand that the lord deputie, being a man of great wisdome, knowlege, and experience, when he considered the fickle state of that wauering and rebellious nation of the Irishrie, who notwith­standing they had neuer so firmly promised, sworne, and vowed all allegiance and obedience to hir ma­iestie: yet vpon euerie light occasion, without anie respect of faith and dutie, would fling out into secret conspiracies, and so into open rebellion; and then for the appeasing thereof, and the preseruation of hir good subiects, hir highnesse was driuen to inlarge hir garrisons, and to increase hir armie to hir excessiue charges, and all which companies were vittelied by the English pale: and further, considering that the benefit which grew hereby, was generallie ex­tended to the whole pale, who in equitie should be contributorie to the burthen, as they were parta­kers of the ease, and yet manie of them, pretending to haue liberties and priuileges, claimed to be ex­empted from anie contribution at all, whereby the Liberties claimed to be discharged of the cesse. residue were the more gréeued, & the greater burthe­ned, to their impouerishing, & the hinderance of their seruice: the lord deputie caused a through search to be made in hir highnesse court of the excheker in Ire­land, The records searched for liberties. of all the records, for and concerning all and all manner of liberties which at anie time had tofore bin granted to anie person or persons whatsoeuer: and in the end found that (verie few ancient liberties excepted) all were vsurped, or by statute repea­led.

Wherevpon to ease the oppressed, and to make the burthen to be borne more vniuersallie, and so more indifferentlie; and for the better furtherance of hir highnesse seruice: he commanded by proclamation Liberties dis­solued by pro­clamation. all such liberties and fréedoms to be dissolued, as which either had no grant at all, or which had not that continuance of times out of memorie of man. And of this latter sort were manie made by a statute but to indure onelie for ten yeares, and all which were expired. And for this cause they neuer found fault be­fore now that they are greeued, and therefore doo re­pine against cesse; and with open mouths crie out, that they were so poore that they could not beare anie cesse, and that it was against the law. And here for your better vnderstanding what cesse is, and what What cesse is. is meant thereby; it is a prerogatiue of the prince, to impose vpon the countrie a certeine proportion of all kind of vittels for men and horsse, to be deliuered at a reasonable price called the quéens price, to all and euerie such souldiors as she is contented to be at charge withall, and so much as is thought competent for the lord deputies house; and which price is to be yeerelie rated and assessed by the lord deputie and the councell, with the assistants and assent of the nobili­tie of the countrie, at such rates and prices as the souldiors may liue of his wages, and the said depu­tie of his interteinment.

These things although they were orderlie doone, The mal [...] ­cōtents make their suppli­cation to the lord deputie [...] councell to be discharged of the cesse. yet certeine malecontents, finding themselues grée­ued, bicause they should also now heare a portion, and [Page 145] be contributaries: first they draw their heads togi­ther, and make there supplication to the lord deputie and councell, which was receiued verie willinglie, and offer made that conference should be had with them, how and what waie it might best be deuised to ease there griefes, & not to charge the quéene. Wher­vpon at a time appointed they all met, and came in persons before the deputie and councell, where the said malecontents first opened their griefes, that they had certeine old and ancient priuileges and li­berties 10 which were taken from them; then that they were compelled to yeeld to an vnreasonable cesse, which they were not able to beare, and that was will and pleasure onlie, and contrarie to all law and rea­son, that anie such charge should be imposed vpon them without a parlement or grand councell.

When the lord deputie and councell heard them at full, they appointed a daie, when they should come and receiue their answer. In the meane time the lord deputie and councell consulted and considered 20 of the matter, and resolued themselues vpon an an­swer. And when the daie came and they appeered, an­swer was made vnto them by the mouth of the lord chancellor, that they had no charters nor liberties at all to be found in hir highnesse records, other than such as were expired and of no validitie. And as for the greatnesse of the cesse, the burden whereof they had alleged to be vnreasonable and not to be borne, bicause they said & auouched that it was ten pounds & twelue pounds of ech plough land; it was offered that they should be discharged, if they would paie 30 but fiue markes for euerie plough land. And whatso­euer they said in deniall of the paieng of the cesse, it was and is to be proued, that it was not onelie hir maiesties prerogatiue which may not be impeached; but also to be prooued by most ancient records, that euer since the time of king Henrie the fourth, for the space of eight or nine score yeares, there hath bin still from time to time, as occasion hath required, the like charges imposed by the name of cesse by the de­putie 40 and councell, and such nobilitie as were sent for and did come to the same, now in question and by them repined at. Neuerthelesse, they repined and flatlie denied that they would yéeld to anie cesse, saieng and alledging as before, that it was a­gainst reason and law, and therefore praied that they might haue his lordships libertie to make their re­paire ouer into England, and to acquaint hir high­nesse with their case. Wherevnto he answered, that he would neither giue any such leaue nor denie them 50 to go. Wherevpon they assembled themselues togi­ther againe, and by the aduise of certeine busie hea­ded lawiers and malecontented gentlemen, who had stirred and set them a worke to conioine themselues to follow this sute, and contributed a masse of mo­nie amongst themselues, for the charge of the said lawiers, namelie Barnabie Scurlocke, Richard Neteruill, and Henrie Burnell, who hauing béene sometimes students in the ins of the court in Lon­don, & acquainted with Littletons tenures, thought 60 themselues so well fraughted with knowledge in the laws, as they were able to wade in all matters of the deepest points of the law. But if they had first (as it becommeth dutifull subiects) to haue looked in the booke of God, they should haue found it written The prero­gatiue of a prince by the law of God. there, that it was God himselfe who first made kings and established their thrones, and gaue them most excellent preeminences next to himselfe, that they should be vnder him the supreme gouernours vpon the earth; and haue that authoritie and prerogatiue, that all inferiors and subiects should and ought in all humblenesse and dutifulnesse submit themselues vnto the obedience of them for the Lords sake: bi­cause so is it the will of God, without sifting of his authoritie or examining his gouernment. For there is no power (as the apostle saith) but of God, & they are ordeined of God; wherfore who so resisteth them, resisteth God, and whose resistances & disobediences the Lord himselfe hath reuenged oftentimes on the disobedient. Wherfore euerie man is to be subiect in all humilitie & obedience vnto them in all maner of ordinances, being not against God, not onlie bicause of wrath, but also for conscience sake, especiallie in matters being well considered, & which doo concerne their one benefit and safetie. If this be the infallible truth, how farre were these men ouershot, that thus would dispute the princes prerogatiue with their Littletons tenures; and measure the same with their owne rules and deuises? It had bin much better for them, & more to their commendations, if they had (as the scholers of Pythagoras) kept silence and had held their peace, vntill such time as they had beene better studied in their owne lawes: and then they should haue found it written that the prince or king is the The kings prerogatiue by the lawes of the realme. head and most excellent part of the bodie of the com­monwealth; and through his gouernance the preser­uer and defender of the whole bodie, and (as the pro­phet termeth them) to be nourishing fathers of the people which are the rest of the bodie, and for which causes the lawes doo attribute vnto him all honor, dignitie, prerogatiue, and preeminence aboue all o­thers; and which his prerogatiue dooth not onelie ex­tend to his owne person, and all that which he hath of his owne, but also to all his subiects. And the law­yers themselues doo so far stretch this for a Maxime, that whatsoeuer lawes be made and established ei­ther for the benefit of holie church or common pro­fit, it is alwaies implied Salua in omnibus regis praero­gatiua; and that nothing shall be intended to be preiu­diciall to his crowne and dignitie. But by all likeli­hood these men were not so farre read; or if they had, their malice or desire of some pelting lucre, which blindeth manie of that profession, had made them forgetfull of themselues & of their duties. Well, these great lawiers beare the malecontented lords & gen­tlemen in hand, that their cause & sute was good and reasonable, and by the law to be warranted, & not to be doubted but the same would haue good successe. Whervpon they made vp their supplication and let­ters The impaled gentlemen send into En­gland their a­gents to com­plaine. to hir maiestie, with the like letters to hir hono­rable priuie councell, dated the tenth of Ianuarie, 1576, and vnder the hands of Rowland vicount of Baltinglas, Ed. of Deluin, Christopher of Hoth, Peter of Trimleston, Iames of Kellew, and Pa­trike Naugle barons; sir Oliuer Plunket, sir Tho­mas Nugeat, sir Christopher Chiuers, and sir Wil­liam Searefield knights; Edward Plunket, Pa­trike Naugle, Patrike Husseie, George Plunket, Francis Nugeat, Laurence Nugeat, Nicholas Tasse, Iames Nugeat, and William Talbot, in the names of all the inhabitants within the Eng­lish pale, had subscribed. And then also they deliuered in the like order their letters of atturneie vnto their said agents, and so much monie for their expenses as was thought sufficient, with their order and pro­mise to supplie what soeuer they should need. And thus being furnished with all things to their con­tentments, they past ouer the seas, and made their repaire vnto the court of England, and there at time conuenient did exhibit their supplications and letters to hir maiestie and the lords of the councell, which in effect consisted in these points.

First, that where there was a cesse imposed by [...]e 1 lord deputie and councell vpon the English pale for The effect of the letters & complaints exhibited to hir maiestie and councell. hir maiesties garrisons, they finding themselues grieued therewith, made their complaint thereof vnto the said lord deputie and councell for redresse, and could not be heard.

[Page 146] Secondarilie, they affirmed that the said cesse, 2 or anie other like to be imposed vpon them, was against the lawes, statutes, and vsages of that realme.

Thirdlie, that the cesse was a most intollerable and grieuous burden, there being exacted out of eue­rie 3 plough land ten and twelue pounds.

Fourthlie, that in the leuieng and exacting, there were manie and sundrie abuses doone and commit­ted. 10 4

When hir maiestie had throughlie read both the complaints and letters, she foorthwith sent and set The matter is referred to the councell. them ouer to the lords of hir priuie councell to be considered, and the same to be throughlie examined; who foorthwith assembled themselues, and hauing read and heard the contents thereof, did compare them with the like letters sent vnto them from the said malecontented lords & gentlemen; as also with the instructions and aduertisements, which they likewise had receiued from the lord deputie and councell out of Ireland, concerning the same. And 20 after long debating of the matter, that they might the better proue and vnderstand the greatnesse ther­of, did by hir highnesse commandement call before them the earles of Kildare and Ormond, the vi­count of Gormanstone, and the baron of Dunsanie, who then were attendant at the court, and declared vnto them the whole matter, and the maner of these mens procéedings both héere and in that realme, whose intent and meaning was in verie déed, vnder 30 color to séeke some reliefe, to haue taken awaie who­lie the imposing of anie cesse, and so consequentlie to haue taken awaie the right & prerogatiue, which hir maiestie & predecessors haue alwaies inioied, and without which that realme could not be defended, nor themselues preserued.

These foure noblemen, when they had heard the whole matter, séemed to be sorie, and to mislike of their vnaduised procéedings: they confessing and ac­knowledging that cesse hath beene alwaies vsed to 40 be taken, and they thought him not to be a dutifull subiect, who would denie or impugne the same: al­though they wished and did praie, that the poore inha­bitants in times of scarsitie might be eased of some part of the burthen which they now presentlie did beare. When the lords of the councell had proceeded herein so farre as they could, they deliuered vp their The answers of the councell to the articles of the com­plainers. opinions to hir maiestie, aduertising that concer­ning the first article they could say nothing; but that they supposed that the dooings of hir highnesse depu­tie was not so strict as was complained: bicause 50 he had written otherwise.

To the second their opinion was, that it touched hir maiesties prerogatiue, so much to be denied of that imposition, which hath béene vsed, allowed, and continued for manie yeares, and in times of hir sun­drie predecessors; that now it might not be suffered to be impeached, vnlesse hir highnesse would loose and forgo hir title, right, and interest to the crowne of Ireland, or else support the whole burthen and charge to defend the same of hir owne pursse: neither which 60 extreamities could or might in anie wise be tolle­rated.

To the third, that the cesse was intollerable, and not able to be borne, they thought that to be true, if ten pounds and twelue pounds should be demanded out of euerie plough land, as they complained: but they vnderstood by credible informations from the d [...]tie and councell the contrarie, & that they were offered at fiue marks the plough land: which was supposed to be verie easie and reasonable.

To the fourth article their opinion was, that if a­nie such abuses were doone, it were good the same were set downe and knowne, and a redresse thereof to be ordered.

When hir highnesse had read and thoroughlie con­sidered Hir maiestie offended with the com­plainers. their opinions and resolutions, and finding hir selfe vndutifullie to be handled by hir subiects, commanded by the aduise of hir councell the said a­gents which followed their sute, to be committed to the Fleet, and foorthwith wrote hir letters to the said The agents of the com­plainers sent to the Fleet. hir deputie and councell, finding hir selfe grieued with the said hir subiects of the pale, that the relée­uing of hir armie with vittels by waie of cesse, should be auouched to be a matter against law, and ancient custome: and yet the same both in hir time and in the times of hir progenitors, hath vsuallie béene imposed, and now impugned by some such as in times past had subscribed therevnto, in preiudice of hir prerogatiue, and hinderance of hir seruice. And therfore she did not onelie mislike, & was great­lie Hir maiestie offended with the lord depu­tie and coun­cell for suffe­ring the com­plainers vn­punished. offended with these their presumptuous and vn­dutifull maner of procéeding; but also found fault with the said deputie and hir councell there, that they would and did suffer hir prerogatiue in contempt of hir highnesse and authoritie to be so impugned, & the parties not committed & punished: by which meanes the matter at the first and in the beginning might haue beene remedied. And therefore as hir highnesse had alreadie giuen order for committing them to the Fléet, for the punishment of the agents which were sent ouer with the complaints and letters, for such their iustifieng and mainteining the imposition of the said cesse to be against the lawes and customes of that hir realme, and therefore séeking to impeach hir prerogatiue and roiall authoritie: but also willed and commanded him and all hir whole councell to send for those lords and gentlemen, which subscribed the letters sent vnto hir highnesse, who if they will stand to mainteine their assertions, and auow the The complai­ners which subscribed to be sent and committed to ward. imposition of the cesse to be against the lawes and customes of the realme, and not warrantable by hir prerogatiue, that then hir pleasure was, that these persisting and auowing to be likewise committed.

And concerning the abuses perpetrated in the maner of the leuieng the said cesse, hir commande­ment and order was, that whosoeuer were culpable therein, he should be punished with all seueritie. And herewith also she was contented, and had giuen or­der for some qualification to be yeelded vnto, as by the said hir deputie and councell should be thought méet: considering the scarsitie and the dearth which was then in the said English pale. And in case the The complai­ners acknow­ledging their faults to be gentlie vsed. said lords and gentlemen vpon better consideration will be contented to acknowledge their offenses, and submit themselues simplie, and vnder their hand­writings: that then they to receiue fauour. And as for those and such hir learned men, as were present at the debating of the matter, and did forbeare (con­trarie to their dutie & knowledge) to stand in main­teinance against the said prerogatiue, to be displa­ced The lawyers of hir maie­sties fee main­teining the complaints, to be displa­ced. and discharged out of hir fée, and their places to be supplied by such others as by the deputies shall be thought méet. Immediatlie vpon the receipt of hir maiesties letters, and the like from the councell, the lord deputie and councell by their letters sent not onelie for those malcontents, which had before sub­scribed to the letters sent to hir highnesse and coun­cell; but also in discretion for such others who for their disguised and cunning manner of dealings were speciallie noted to be councellors, ringlea­ders, The malcon­tents & their abbettors sent for. and procurors of these letters to hir maie­stie and the lords of hir councell: who when they were come, and then being dealt withall, touching their claime of fréedome from cesse: their answers were arrogant and wilfull, and repining against The proud answers of the malcon­tents. hir maiesties prerogatiue, and affirming boldlie in plaine spéeches and without anie sticking, that no [Page 147] cesse could be imposed but by parlement or a grand councell; [...]id whatsoeuer was otherwise set downe, was against the law: and so stubbornelie they were bent therein, that they would not yéeld to anie con­ference: wherevpon they were all committed to the castell of Dublin, notwithstanding some of them The malcon­tents are all committed to prison. (after they had better aduised themselues) yéelded a submission and praied mercie.

Which dooings when the lord deputie and coun­cell had foorthwith aduertised to hir highnesse & the 10 councell in England; they nothing liking these ar­rogant and disloiall parts of these impaled male­contents, sent for their agents; and hauing the like conference with them, found them of like dis­position, being as a fit couer to the pot, verie fro­ward, arrogant, and wilfull: wherevpon they were remooued from the Fléet to the Tower: a place appointed for the offendors in capitall causes, and for The agents for their fro­wardnesse sent to the Tower. such (being impugners of hir prerogatiue) as be sup­posed to offend in the néerest degrée to the highest. 20 These things when they were notified vnto the lords and gentlemen in Ireland, they were maruellous­lie gréeued; but not the one nor the other would giue ouer, vntill their arrogancies and insolencies were by apparant matter and good records fullie conuin­ced, and condemned: for which the lord chancellor of The lord chancellor of Ireland sent [...]o Eng­land. verie purpose was sent ouer into England, who so fullie, effectuallie, and discréetlie did resolue hir ma­iestie and councell in euerie point, which the parties agents could not denie. 30

Now in the end they considered better of them­selues, and sent their humble submission in writing The agents submit them­selues. vnder their hands to the said lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, confessing that they had disloiallie and insolentlie, both in words and writings offen­ded most gréeuouslie; protesting yet that their in­tent was neuer to denie hir roiall prerogatiue, to vse the same as occasion should serue, but onelie to redresse certeine abuses; and therefore most humblie praied they might find some mercie, and that the hard 40 and painfull imprisonment which they had susteined, might be a sufficient punishment for the same. Wherevpon they were released, putting in bonds of one thousand pounds, that within fiue daies they The agents were released vpon their bonds to ap­peare before the lord depu­tie and coun­cell. should depart homewards into Ireland; and after their transportation & arriuall thither, should make their immediat repaire, without staie or lingering, to the lord deputie and councell, and there to giue their attendance, vntill by them they should be licen­ced to depart. At their comming home they perfor­med the conditions of their obligations, and most 50 humblie in like order submitted themselues to the lord deputie and councell, and then (according to an order thought good by the lords of the councell in England, and referred to the liking of the lord depu­tie and councell in Ireland) the same was after long trauerse ended and determined. But heere to set downe what practises, informations, & deuises were made against the said deputie, by the said malecon­tents, and some (by their means) of no small calling had informed that he had alienated the hearts of the 60 subiects from loiall obedience, that he had farmed The false ac­cusations made against the lord depu­tie. all the whole relme, that he had wasted hir maiesties treasures and reuenues, that he wanted policie in his gouernement, that he should for this dealing with hir subiects be reuoked, that he did all things by his owne mind without the aduise of others, con­trarie to the course of other deputies before him, that he did grant manie pardons, to the imbolde­ning of manie which offended the more.

These and manie such other like vntruths they spred. But truth, which is the daughter of time, did manifest it to the whole world, that their ouerthrow was his credit, and his preuaile was to their reproch and shame. And albeit manie were the pangs and inward gréefes, which for a time by the meanes of their false suggestions he susteined, and with great paines he couered: yet in the end it turned to his great ioy and comfort. And here by the way, if a man without offense should fall into the consideration of this their resistance, and repining against the cesse, which was then enterprised and taken in h [...]nd; when the whole land stood in a broken and doubtfull state, and the time verie dangerous; when the earle of Des­mond frowardlie kicked at the like, and all the lords in Mounster had contrarie to their owne orders and promises, denied, and commanded their tenants to denie after the manner of the English pale, to paie anie cesse; when Iames Fitzmoris being furni­shed with men, monie, and munition, by the pope and king of Spaine, was dailie looked for to come and inuade the land; and when the great ones ha­uing hollow harts, and addicted to papistrie, did dai­lie gape and expect for the same; when the disloiall Irishrie in Mounster and Connaugh were combi­ned and ioined in these conspiracies; when Rorie Og, Omore, Connor Mac Cormake, Oconnor & o­thers, animated by the forsaid conspiracies, were vp in open rebellion, and vsed most execrable outrages; when some of the best townes in Leinster did aid, comfort, and mainteine these rebels, and besides manie other circumstances concurring héerewith: might it not be well presumed (and as it was so doubted) that the cause being like, they should also be combined and linked alike? And might not the whole world iudge that neither barrell was the better her­ring? And yet notwithstanding it fell in the end to a better effect. For the lords and inhabitants in the English pale, since the time of the conquest by The fidelitie of the Eng­lish pale to the crowne. king Henrie the second, and since their first arri­uall into this land, it hath not béene lightlie knowne that they had broken their faith and their allegiance, and not to rebell in anie warres against the crowne of England, and the kings of the same; sauing as now in respect to saue their pursses, rather than mea­ning anie breach of dutie, had ouer shot themselues: which vpon a further consideration of the truth they repented, and vpon their submission were pardoned, in hope and vpon their promise that they would ne­uer thensefoorth offend, nor be found faultie with the like. During the trauerse about the cesse, manie things happened in the land worthie to be reprehen­ded (as great and sundrie were the aduertisements from out of France by such Englishmen as were there imploied) of an intention of Iames Fitzmoris to inuade Ireland, who had béene at Rome with the pope, and there was he princelie interteined, and re­turned from thense with a good masse of treasure, making his returne through Spaine, and by the king thereof was furnished with men, munitions, & treasures, and all things necessarie. Which things were by letters from him signified vnto the chéefest of all Mounster his secret confederats, and they be­ing papists both in bodie & soule, desirous of change of gouernement, and to be vnder a prince of their owne superstition, did dailie languish and expect his comming. Wherefore hir maiestie and councell, ha­uing the like intelligences, doo also prepare monie, munitions, vittels, and men, and all other things necessarie for the withstanding of him.

Rorie Og, Omore, and Connor Mac Cormake, Oconnor, and their coparteners, contrarie to their othes, submissions, and promises, hoping for aid out of Connaugh, began anew to gather their fréends and confederats out of seuerall places, to the num­ber of a hundred swords, which with his owne made aboue seau [...]n score; and being animated by Shane Burke to continue a rebell, he burned diuerse mens [Page 148] haggards, poore mens houses, and sundrie villages, and committed manie outrages: and being not re­sisted, he tooke such incouragement of his successe, that leauing poore villages, he went to great towns, as to the Naas, distant from Dublin about ten The burning of the Naas by Rorie Og. miles. The verie same daie that he came thither at night, was the patrone daie of the said towne, com­monlie called the church holie daie, which daie after the maner of that countrie, and not much vnlike the festiuall daies which the Ethniks and Pagans were woont to celebrate to their idoll gods of Bacchus and 10 Uenus, they spent in gluttonie, drunkennesse, and surfetting. And after they had so filled their panches, and the daie was gone, they somewhat late in the night went to their beds, hauing forgotten to make fast their towne gates, or put anie watch to ward them. Which thing Rorie Og when he knew, and ha­uing intelligence that euerie man was in his bed a­sléepe, then he in the dead night came to the towne with all his companie, who like vnto a sort of furies and diuels new come out of hell, carried vpon the 20 ends of their poles flankes of fier, and did set as they went the low thatched houses on fier. And the wind being then somewhat great and vehement, one house tooke fier of another, and so in a trise and mo­ment the whole towne was burned; and yet in the towne supposed to be fiue hundred persons in out­ward appearance, able to haue resisted them: but they being in their dead sléeps, suddenlie awaked, were so amazed, that they wist not what to doo, for the fier was round about them and past quenching, and 30 to pursue the enimie they were altogither vnfurni­shed, and durst not to doo it, neither if they would they could tell which way to follow him. For he taried ve­rie little in the towne, sauing that he sat a little while vpon the crosse in the market place, and beh [...]ld how the fire round about him was in euerie house kindled, and whereat he made great ioy and tri­umph, that he had doone and exploited so diuelish an act. And then after a short space he arose and depar­ted with great triumph according to his accustomed 40 vsage in all his euill actions, but yet contrarie to his vsage, he killed no one person in the towne. As he returned he preied and spoiled the countrie, and ran­ging to and fro, as his wauering head carried him, Rorie Og burneth the towne at Leighlin bridge. he came verie shortlie vnto the towne at Leighlin bridge, and there burned part of the towne.

But George Carew brother vnto Peter Carew, then constable of the said towne and fort, hauing then but a small ward to defend the violence of the George Ca­rew with twelue per­sons against 240 setteth vpon them & driueth them to flie. enimie, and yet thinking it should be too great a dis­honour 50 vnto him to be bearded with a traitor, and to let him depart vnfought withall: he issued out vpon him, hauing with him onelie seuen horssemen and fiue shot, and gaue the charge vpon the said rebels, being two hundred and fortie, with such a courage and valiantnesse (and they astonied bicause it was so sudden and in the night time) that he killed some of them: and then they with the losse of those men be­gan to flie. But at last when they perceiued his force 60 to be but small, and too weake to resist their great number, they returned and chased him to the verie walles of the castell; where if he and his small com­panie had not like valiant and good souldiers acqui­ted The castell in danger to be taken. themselues, the rebels had entred into the house; for they were within the gate and there fought, but driuen out and the gate shut. At this bickering they lost sixtéene men, and one of their chiefe capteines named Piers Moinagh, who died verie shortlie after of his hurt. Capteine Carew lost but two men and one horsse, but euerie one of the rest of his companie was hurt.

The enimie, nothing triumphing nor liking this interteinement, presentlie retired and departed, by which meanes the one halfe of the towne was saued. The enimie is driuen to retire and flie awaie. After their returne from hense, they spoiled sundrie townes and villages vpon the confines & borders of the English pale. And albeit they were verie eger­lie followed and pursued, and oftentimes with losse of his companie, yet he was so mainteined, and his watch and spiall was so good, that partlie by the helpe of his acquaintance, and partlie by meanes of the water bogs and fastenesse in euerie place, he was in safegard and safetie. In this pursute made vpon him, it happened that a parlée was appointed betwéene capteine Harington and him: vnto whom Rorie Og swore and promised most faithfullie to yeeld himselfe to some conformitie and order. The capteine nothing mistrusting him, gaue too much credit to his subtill promises, and did so open him­selfe vnto him, that through his owne follie Rorie tooke aduantage, and perforce tooke him and Alexan­der Rorie Og by slight and de­ceipt taketh capteine Ha­rington priso­ner. Cosbie, who was with him in hand, both which he handfasted togither, and caried them along with him as his water spaniels, thorough woods and bogs, threatening them still to kill them. This thing being knowne, great sorow and greefe was conceiued of the lord deputie, and of all good Englishmen, and dai­lie practises were deuised for their deliueries; and at length by treatie of friends an agreement was in a manner concluded. But before the same was fullie perfected, a draught was made by Robert Harepole A draught made vpon Rorie Og by Harepole. constable of Catherlough, to intrap and to make a draught vpon Rorie: for he knowing where the said Rorie was woont to hant, and by good espials lear­ning where his cooch and cabine was, he being ac­companied with Parker lieutenant to capteine Furse and fiftie of his band, earelie in the mor­ning, about two houres before daie, he went and marched to the verie place where Rorie laie, and be­set the same. Rorie hearing an vnwoonted noise, and suspecting the worst, he came suddenlie vpon Ha­rington and Cosbie, thinking to haue slaine them, Capteine Ha­rington is hurt. and gessing in the darke to the place where they laie, gaue him diuerse wounds, but none deadlie; the greatest was the losse of the little finger on his left hand. Robert Harepole when he had broken open the doore of the cabin, he tooke as manie as were within prisoners: but Rorie himselfe and one other Rorie Og escapeth. priuilie in the darke stole awaie and crept among the bushes▪ so that he could not be found. The soul­diers in the meane time, making spoile of all such goods as they found, killed all the men who were there, but saued capteine Harington and Cosbie.

Rorie Og albeit he was glad that he was so esca­ped, Capteine Ha­rington is deliuered. yet in a great griefe for the losse of his prisoners, and minding to be reuenged, priuilie with all the companies which he could get, besides them which Shane Burke had sent vnto him out of Connagh, he went to Catherlough earlie in the morning, and burned a few haggards of corne and a few houses, Rorie Og burneth Ca­therlough. and so retired. Robert Harepole hearing hereof, foorthwith followeth them with ten or twelue horsses which he had in a readinesse, and at a foord not far off he ouertooke them, and killed sixtéene or seuentéene of his best men, and Rorie himselfe escaped verie narowlie; and so continued still in his former out­rages, vntill he was intrapped and taken by a deuise of his owne to intrap others, which was in this manner. Upon the nine and twentith of Iune 1578, 1578 he set foorth of purpose an espiall, whom he had cun­ninglie framed, and made apt for the purpose to go to sir Barnard Fitzpatrike lord of vpper Osserie, A bait laid for the lord of vp­per Osserie. and to tell him by the waie of great friendship and in secrecie, that Rorie Og had béene of late in the countie of Kilkennie, and there had taken a great preie and spoile of pots, pans, and other houshold­stuffe, which he might easilie take if he would aduen­ture [Page 149] the matter; and if he did wiselie [...] it, he might also take Rorie himselfe and all his compa­nie, which as he said (but vntrulie) that they were but few in number. The lord of vpper Osserie, neither beléeuing nor yet mistrusting this newes, and yet forecasting the worst, did put himselfe in readinesse to follow the occasion that was offered; and taking with him a good companie of horssemen and foot­men, went towards the place where the bait was laied; and being come néere vnto it made staie, or 10 else he had béene intrapped, and sent thirtie of his men into the woods to serch for Rorie. But the baron himselfe with certeine of his horssemen and shot staied in the plaines, to attend the issue of the mat­ter. The companie were no sooner entered into the woods, but Rorie the rebell shewed himselfe with a thirtie persons, the rest lieng in ambush; and he was of the opinion that his fame and estimation was so great, and of such value among the Irishrie, that no man durst to aduenture vpon him if he once saw his presence. But he was deceiued. For at the first 20 sight and view of him, the lord of Osseries Kerne Rorie Ogis slaine. gaue the charge vpon him, and at their incounter one of them lighted vpon him, and with his sword presentlie thrust him through the bodie: which was no sooner doone, but two or three hacked vpon him, & gaue him such deadlie wounds that he fell downe and died, the same being the last daie of Iune be­foresaid; and so this bloudie caitife, deliting all in bloud, perished and died in his owne bloud.

But before Rorie Og was thus brought to de­struction, 30 the lord deputie made a iournie to the bor­ders of Offallie and Lex, to haue met with the fore­said The lord de­putie maketh a iournie vpō Rorie Og. Rorie Og & his companions the Oconnors for the suppressing of their insolencie, who were grow­en into such a pride by taking of capteine Haring­ton, and their strength so increased, that with most vndutifull termes they breathed out slanderous spéeches against hir maiestie, as which were not to be indured. Wherefore he beset the whole countrie & confines as he thought best, to stop their passage 40 and to annoie them, & so he went to Kilkennie, and thereby sundrie examinations found people of all degrees in that towne to haue relieued the said Ro­rie with vittels and all other necessaries, for his fee­ding and defense, with whome he tooke order accor­ding to their deserts. At his being there he sent for the earle of Desmond to come vnto him, bicausehe had refused to come to the lord president when he sent for him sundrie times, and for which cause the said lord president was there to complaine vpon him, 50 The earle of Desmōd sent for to come to the lord depu­tie to Kilken­nie. as also that he had of his owne authoritie, without anie warrant, gathered togither a rable of lewd and vnrulie followers, which harried vp and downe the countrie, eating and spending vpon the same, con­trarie to all good orders, and which was not to be suf­fered.

Which earle foorthwith, vpon the receipt of the said letters, came to Kilkennie to the lord deputie, and there being examined of those his vnséemelie parts, 60 confessed some part: and for excuse he alledged and much mistrusted and doubted the president, least he would haue staied him, and haue vsed him hardlie, for which he was blamed and reprooued by the lord depu­tie. But in the end, when they came togither, they The earle of Desmond and the lord presi­dent of Moun ster are recon­ciled. were reconciled and made good friends, and then he promised vpon his returne home to disperse abroad his companions, and to obeie the president as hir maiesties principall officer of that prouince, and to come vnto him at all commandements, and which things he performed. For not long after he vttered and bewraied to the said lord president the practises of Iames Fitzmoris, who by the arriuall of certeine The earle of Desmond dis­couereth to ye lord president Iames Fitz­moris his practises. Frenchmen and Irishmen vnto Sligo, in a ship of saint Malowes, did what he could to stirre & make a rebellion in Mounster and Conuagh, whereby a plot was laied for the staie of those Frenchmen, and the apprehension of the Irishmen. These were good de­monstrations to the vtter shew of the obedience and loialtie of the said earle, but in truth méere dissimu­lation, as afterwards it appeared.

Connagh was in some part troubled, by means of Orwarke capteine of his surname; in whose Coiners in Connagh. countrie there were certeine coiners of monie, and mainteined by him. The coronell vnderstanding hereof, he sent vnto Orwarke for them, and who de­nied to deliuer anie of them: wherefore to correct Orwarke re­fusing to deli­uer ye coiners his castell is taken, and he submitteth himselfe. that his pride, disobedience, and insolencie, he sent a priuat band of footmen, who distressed Orwarke, slue his men, tooke his castell, and put all the ward to the sword. Wherevpon he came with all humilitie, and submitted himselfe, and craued pardon. All the resi­due of Connagh was verie quiet, and increased hir maiesties reuenues to the yearelie summe of eigh­téene hundred pounds by the yeare, with good con­tentation. And now when it was thought that all things were quiet throughout all Ireland; behold sudden aduertisements were giuen both vnto hir maiestie and councell in England, and to the lord deputie in Ireland, that Thomas Stukeleie was ar­riued Tho. Stuke­leie suspected to come into Ireland. out of Italie vnto Cadis in Spaine, with cer­teine men, ships, and munitions assigned vnto him by the pope. And being accompanied with certeine strangers attending vpon him, he was come to the seas, to land vpon some part of the realme of Ire­land, in traitorous maner to inuade the same, and to prouoke the people to ioine with him in rebellion. All Great prepa­ration made against Stukeleie. things, as well men, munitions, monte, vittels, and all other things necessarie were prouided and pre­pared for the preuenting of them, as well by sea as by land: but in the end, aduertisement was giuen from out of Portugall, that his enterprise was di­uerted another waie, and to another purpose, and so all things were quiet. Neuerthelesse, it appeared that The pope his fauour to Stukeleie. he was in great fauour with the pope, and was ap­pointed to some speciall seruice against hir maiestie, if opportunitie would haue serued, & all other things had fallen out as it was deuised. And for the incou­raging of him, the pope besides great treasures libe­rallie bestowed vpon him, he gaue him sundrie ti­tles of honour, and made him knight, baron of Rosse and Idron, vicount of the Morough & Kensh­lagh, Stukeleie his honour and titles. and earle of Wexford and Catherlough, and marquesse of Leinster, and generall to the most ho­lie father Gregorie the seuenth Pontifici maximo.

In the middle of these broiles, the vicount Bal­tinglasse, one of the chiefe impugners and malecon­tents against the cesse, wrote his letters to the earle of Ormond, then attendant at the court of Eng­land, and complaineth of great iniuries and spoiles to the value of two hundred pounds in monie, be­sides The vicount Baltinglasse complameth to the earle of Ormend a­gainst sir Ni­cholas Bag­noll. numbers of shéepe and kine, doone vpon him and his tenants by the English souldiers, vnder sir Nicholas Bagnoll knight marshall, when they were lodged one night in his house at Baltinglasse, in the time that they serued vpon the rebell Rorie Og. Which letter was by the said earle shewed to hir ma­iestie, and to the lords of hir most honourable priuie councell. Upon which complaint, bicause it seemed somewhat pitious and lamentable, and hir maiestie The earle of Ormond ad­uertiseth the complaint of the vicount to hir maiestie and councell. Hir maiestie sendeth letters in the behalfe of the vicount Baltinglasse. partlie persuaded (as a matter verie likelie to be true) that such gréeuous extortions suffered vncor­rected, made hir gouernement more hatefull to that nation, than did anie of the Irish exactions: letters were sent to the lord deputie, to take care with all diligence, that the poore oppressed might be satisfied, and the offendors also be punished, according to the quantities and qualities of their offenses.

[Page 150] The lord deputie, before the receipt of these letters, The vicount Baltinglasse complaineth to the lord de­putie against sir Nicholas Bagnoll. was complained vnto by the said vicount, and sir Nicholas Bagnoll was called to answer such hurts as were obiected against him. And vpon the replica­tion of the vicount, sir Lucas Dillon and sir Tho­mas Fitzwilliams knights were appointed to exa­mine all such witnesses, as were brought foorth for proofe of the surmises, which in the end fell out to none effect, for nothing could be prooued to anie purpose. But it appeared manifest of the contrarie, by the re­port 10 and testimonie of sundrie gentlemen of verie good credit, and how that the said marshall at his first comming to that towne, had giuen great charge to euerie capteine, to foresee that no iniurie should be offred, no spoiles committed, nor anie thing to be ta­ken by anie souldier or other person without present paiment, protesting and proclaming execution ac­cording to marshall law, vpon such as should doo the contrarie.

Likewise at his departure from thense, he made 20 the like proclamation, that if there were anie which had anie cause of complaint for anie wrong or iniu­rie doone, or that anie thing were taken and not paied for, he should come and be heard, and be satis­fied. And by this it dooth appeare, that the surmises The vicount Baltinglasses complaints are vntrue. were made rather to aggrauat his greéefe conceiued against the imposition of the cesse, than for anie good matter in truth. Wherefore as he and his complices preuailed little in the one, no more had he successe or credit in the other. For the matter was fullie cer­tified 30 vnto the lords of the councell, and a request therewith made verie earnestlie, that the said vi­count might be reprooued, and also terrified to profer or practise any such vntrue and indirect dealings. By these and other the like practises of the said vicount, that bicause he did not brooke nor like of the cesse, he thought by waie of exclames to aggrauat his owne case, that thereby the lord deputie might fall into the dislike of hir maiestie, and be out of fauour, but the contrarie in the end fell out to his owne reproofe and 40 discredit.

When the lord deputie had ended and finished all his businesse, and had set the whole realme in order The whole land in peace and peace, being now deliuered from inward and ci­uill warre, and from the feare of Stukeleies inuasi­on, he prepared (according to hir maiesties former letters of the six and twentith of March last past) to take his passage for England, and to make his re­paire to hir highnesse. And so when all things were accordinglie prepared, and the wind & weather so ser­uing, 1578 The sword is deliuered to sir William Drurie as lord iustice. he deliuered vp the sword according to hir ma­iesties 50 commandement, the six & twentith of Maie 1578, vnto sir William Drurie, then lord president of Mounster. And then being conducted by the said now lord iustice and councell, and all the nobilitie, ci­tizens & people to the waters side, he imbarked him­selfe, taking his leaue in most honourable, louing, and courteous maner of euerie man. And at his ve­rie The depar­ture of sir Henrie Sid­neie, and of his last saiengs. entring into the ship for his farewell vnto that whole land and nation, he recited the words of the 114 psalme, In exitu Israel de Aegypto, & domus Ia­cob 60 de populo barbaro: alluding thereby to the trouble­some state of Moses in the land of Aegypt, and of his departure from out of the same: who notwith­standing he had in great wisedome, care, and policie The notable works of Moses, & yet he not ac­cepted. gouerned the stifnecked people of Israell, had doone many miracles and woonderous works to their com­fort, had deliuered them from manie great perils and dangers, had preserued and also kept them in peace and safetie, had in the end through the mightie hand of God brought them out of the hands of Pha­rao, and from out of the land of Aegypt, and had gi­uen them the sight of the land of promise: yet he found them alwaies a froward and peruerse genera­tion, a stiffenecked and an vngratefull people: euen no lesse as this noble man, and most woorthie gouer­nour hath found of the people of this most curssed nation. Who notwithstanding he was a verie pain­full traueller both by daie and night, in fowle and in The painfull trauels of the lord deputie not considered. faire weathers, in stormes and in tempests, in troubles and in dangers, in scarsitie and in penurie, in danger of the enimie and perill of his life: and yet continuallie studieng, deuising, trauelling, toiling, and labouring to doo them good (as he did full manie and often times) which so long as they felt the ease & comfort, so long were they contented and quiet: but otherwise most vngratefull and vnthankefull. And offering vnto him the like reward as Licurgus re­ceiued of the most vnthankfull Lacedemonians, who when he had recouered that sauage nation to a ciuill life, and a politike gouernement, and in the end redu­ced them to that order and maner, as they became to be feared of all their neighbors, they in recompense The ingrati­tude of the Lacedemoni­ans to Li­curgus. euill intreated him in verie bad speaches, and strake out one of Licurgus his eies. But these men for thousands and infinit commodities, would not one­lie haue béerest his lordship of both his eies, but also doone him a further inconuenience (if successe had happened) according to their malice.

And now here by the waie, let it not be offen­siue to set downe somewhat of much concerning this woorthie and noble man for the course of his life. He was borne and descended of a noble house and pa­rentage, his father named sir William Sidneie, a The paren­tage of sir Henrie Sidneie. knight of great reputation and credit in the countie of Kent, and in great fauour with king Henrie the eight, in whose time, and with his great good liking, he and others lustie yoong gentlemen of the court trauelled into Spaine and other nations, to visit and to sée the maner of the emperours and other prin­ces courts: his mother descended of the house of Charles Brandon duke of Suffolke, vnto whom she was verie néere alied. This yoong gentleman, his father being deceassed, and he of verie tender and yoong yéeres, was brought vp in the court vnder the same maister as was king Edward the sixt, and pro­fited verie well, both in the Latine and French toongs, for he had a verie good wit, and was verie forward in all good actions, and whereof was concei­ued some good things would come of him: his coun­tenance was verie amiable, and his behauiour verie Sir Henrie Sidneie was brought vp in the court. gentle and courteous, in whome king Henrie the eight (being his godfather) had a verie great liking, and made him be attendant and plaiefellow with prince Edward.

This prince fell in such a good familiaritie and Sir Henrie Sidneie the king his com­panion and bedfellow. good liking of him, that he vsed him not onelie as a companion; but manie times as a bedfellow, and so delighted in his companie, that for the most part they would neuer be asunder, neither in health, nor in sickenesse, vntill the dieng daie of the prince: who then departed his life in this gentlemans armes. The king di­ed in sir Hen­rie Sidnei [...] armes. Somewhat before his death, the king gaue the order of knighthood to this gentleman, for a memorie and a recompense of his good will and loue: vpon which daie also he did the like vnto sir William Cicill, now lord Burghlie and lord high treasuror of all The king dubbeth sir Henrie Sid­neie and sir William Ci­cill knights in one daie. England: by meanes of which their conioined ad­uancement, there entred a verie feruent affection and good will betwéene them, with a reciproke an­swering of beneuolence each one to the other, vntill their dieng daies. This noble gentleman for his for­wardnesse in all good actions, was as it were the pa­ragon Edm. Moli­neux. of the court, by reason of the manie good gifts which God had bestowed vpon him euerie waie. For concerning the bodie, he was goodlie of person and well compact, and well beseene; he was comelie and of a good countenance, he was so courteous and [Page 151] of so good behauiour, he was so wise and so modest, so vertuous and so godlie, so discréet and so sober, as he was another Scip [...]; being but yoong in years, and old in behauiour, and finallie so rare a man, as that age had not affoorded manie better. This man for his excellent good gifts, he was made ambassa­dor into France, being but about one and twentie Sir Henrie Sidneie an ambassador [...]drie times. yeares of age; and twise in one yeare after that in­to Scotland: and by quéene Marie ioined in com­mission with others to attend king Philip his com­ming 10 into England, for the mariage betwéene their maiesties. And now in this hir maiesties reigne, he was sent ambassador into France, to treat a peace or pacification betweene the prince of Con­die and the duke of Guise.

In the beginning and about the second or third yeare of hir maiesties reigne, he was made knight Sir Henrie Sidneie lord president of Wales and knight of the garter. of the garter, and lord president of Wales; and after one of hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell. But before this, immediatlie vpon his re­turne 20 from out of Spaine, he accompanied the lord Thomas lord Fitzwaters his brother in law in­to Ireland: where he was made treasuror at the wars, one of the principall offices in the land: and in Sir Henrie Sidneie lord treasuror at armes. He was lord iustice foure times. The plot of Sir Henrie Sidneis go­uernement. course of time & yeares for his excellencie in know­ledge and experience in that land, he was made lord iustice foure times, and was lord deputie thrée times. In which offices, how he did most honorablie ac­quite himselfe, his acts doo declare, and the sum­marie recitall shall partlie discouer and set downe. 30 He was no sooner placed in gouernement, but first and foorthwith he laid downe his plot, wherevpon he would ground & laie the foundation of his gouerne­ment, and according to it would he frame and di­rect all his actions: which plot and deuise consisteth in these points; religion towards God, obedience to the prince, the peace of the people, and the well gouernement in all things concerning the com­monwealth, either in causes ciuill or martiall.

Concerning religion, he was no more carefull in 40 his owne person, but the like also in his priuat fami­lie, Religion. where he had dastie exercises of praiers, both earlie and late, morning & euening, neither would he haue anie to serue him, who was not affected to religion, and of an honest conuersation. Atheists and papists he detested, dronkards and adulterers he abhorred, blasphemous and dissolute persons he could not abide. And at his first being in authoritie in Ire­land, & finding the whole land generallie (a few pri­uat places excepted) to be either of no religion, or of 50 papisticall religion; and being openlie by a preacher out of a pulpit aduertised, that in the remote places of that land, manie a soule was borne which neuer receiued baptisme, nor knew anie christening; great Manie borne in Ireland neuer christe­ned. was his gréefe, and much was he vnquieted, vntill he had found the redresse thereof. Wherfore he aduer­tised hir maiestie, & most earnestlie sued & praied for redresse & reformation, which in the end was gran­ted, & a commission sent to him for the same: which foorthwith he committed to the archbishops & bishops 60 to execute, with whom he ioined, furthered and holpe them accordinglie to the vttermost. But yet it tooke not that good effect as he wished and willed it might. And as for ecclesiasticall liuings which were of his gift and disposition, he would neuer bestow, but vp­on such, as of whome he conceiued a good opinion, both for his religion and honestie.

The prince, who was scarse knowne in manie pla­ces in that land, he brought both to knowledge and obedience. The wild he tamed, the froward he refor­med, the disobedient he punished, the traitors he per­secuted, the rebels he chastised, the proud he made to stoope, and that arrogant and most insolent Shane One [...]e, who could abide no equall, nor acknowledge Shane O­n [...]e slaine. a superior, by a draught was brought to his deser­ued confusion: & whose head for a tropheie, & for the ex­ample of Gods iustice laied vpon him, was set vpon a pole vpon the gate of the castell of Dublin. The All Ulster brought to obedience. whole prouince of Ulster, with all the mightie perso­nages of the same, he brought to the quéenes peace & obedience. The earle of Clanricard he tooke and im­prisoned, and his vntamed springals he draue to The earle of Clanricard imprisoned. The mightie earles in Mounster brought to submission. submission, and to sweare dutie and obedience. The vnconstant earle of Desmond and all his Giral­dines and followers, and the proud and vngratefull earle of Clancar, and all the Irishrie of his ad­herents, he made them perforce to submit them­selues, and to craue pardon. The Cauenaghs, the Otooles, the Obirnes, the Ocomores, the Omores, The rebels in Leinster ta­med. and a rable of other like septs, togither with Ro­rie Og, Pheon Mac Hew, and other their leaders and guides in Leinster he tamed, and perforce com­pelled to sweare loialtie and subiection. Lastlie, the malecontents against hir maiesties prerogatiue for the cesse in the end cried Pecc [...]i, and conformed The male con­tents against the cesse refor­med. themselues in all dutifulnesse. And when he had tra­uelled long in these affaires, which he saw could not haue continuance, vnlesse they by some other meanes might be kept vnder gouernement: he by pithie persuasions, sound arguments, great reasons, and continuall sutes to hir maiestie and councell, ob­teined to haue rulers and gouernors to be placed in the remote prouinces and sound, learned, and vp­right iust lawiers out of England to be sent ouer, for the direction of the gouernement, according to the lawes of England: which in the end hir maiestie most gratiouslie granted, and he most ioifullie ob­teined.

In Mounster therefore first he placed a coronell to breake the ise; namelie sir Humfreie Gilbert, a va­liant; Sir Hum­freie Gilbert coronell in Mounster. Sir Iohn Perot, Sir William Drurie lord presidents in Mounster. a worthie, and a notable man, both for his mar­tiall seruice, and his ciuill gouernement: after him followed the like and worthie gentleman sir Iohn Perot knight: and lastlie the valiant and prudent sir William Drurie, which both were lord presi­dents. This man was afterwards lord iustice, and the other at these presents is lord deputie of that land. In Connagh sir Edward Fitton knight, a ve­rie wise and a modest gentleman, late treasuror at Sir Edward Fitton and sir Nicholas Maib [...]e go­uernors in Connagh. armes, was lord president: and after him was sir Nicholas Malbie knight a valiant and expert man in martiall matters, and verie wise and of good knowledge in publike and ciuill causes: who could verie exactlie handle the sword, and vse the pen, he (I saie) was made coronell of all Connagh. And how well the foresaid rulers and gouernors did rule by the sword, with the assistance of their capteins, and how vprightlie they ministred law and iustice by the aduise of the councellors in their seuerall pro­uinces, the records and registers of their dooings doo at large witnesse and set foorth. The like order he tooke also at Dublin, which being the metropole and chiefe citie of the whole land, and where are hit maiesties principall and high courts, to answer the law to all sutors throughout the whole realme: and he considering that a great defect was in the admi­nistration of iustice in those courts, by reason of kinred, affinitie, and priuat affections among the English law­yers placed to be iustices in the courts. chiefe iudges and officers of that countrie birth: he by his like earnest sutes to hir maiestie, procured them to be remoued, and their roomes to be supplied with such wise, graue and learned Englishmen, as were sent from out of England to be chiefe iustices, at turneie, and sollicttor. And further also, whereas there were manie good lawes & statutes established The statutes to be revewed and printed. in the realme, which hitherto were laid vp and shrou­ded in filth and cobwebs, and vtterlie vnknowne to the most part of the whole land, and euerie man ig­norant [Page 152] in the lawes of his owne natiue countrie, he caused a through view, and a review to be made, and then a choise of all such statutes as were most necessarie to be put in vre and execution: which be­ing doone, he caused to be put in print, to the great benefit of that whole nation.

And likewise for the records, which were verie e­uill kept, not fensed or defended from raine and The records searched and set vp in pla­ces conueni­ent. foule weather, but laie all in a chaos and a confused heape, without anie regard; he caused to be viewed 10 and sorted, and then prepared méete roomes, presses, and places for the kéeping of them in safetie, and did appoint a speciall officer with a yearelie fée for the kéeping of them: and for all such matters as were to be heard and determined in the castell chamber, The castell chamber dulie kept. before the lords, as it is in the starchamber in Eng­land; he would be for the most part present at euerie court, and alwaies would haue the assistants and persons of hir maiesties learned councellors. Ne­uerthelesse, he himselfe had a maruellous head to 20 conceiue, a déepe iudgement to vnderstand, and a most eloquent toong to vtter whatsoeuer was requi­sit to be spoken, either in that place, or in anie other assemblie; which he would deliuer in such an eloquent phrase, and so pleasantlie it would flow from him, with such pithie reasons, sound arguments, and ef­fectuall discourses, as that the lesse learned he was, the more strange it was that such great good things could come out of his mouth. And such was his ami­able countenance, his comelie behauior, his com­mendable 30 personage, that he would and did conquer Edm. Moli­neux. their hearts, and gaine the loue of euerie man; and the people of all sorts would and did fall in loue with him for his vprightnesse, indifferencie, and iustice, in determining of euerie mans cause. And he know­ing the nature and disposition of that people, who could not abide anie long sutes in law, he was so af­fable and courteous, that euerie sutor should haue accesse vnto him, and foorthwith he would heare his cause, and with such expedition would cause the same 40 to be determined, that he purchased to himselfe the vniuersall loue of all the Irishrie, who thought them­selues the more happie, if their causes might be once brought to his hearing, & the more willing to leaue their Obrian law, & to imbrace the course of the En­glish lawes. Wherevpon he deuised, and consequent­lie with great policie and wisedome executed the di­uision and distribution of the wild, sauage, and Irish grounds into shire grounds and counties, appointing The Irish grounds re­duced into counties and shires. in euerie of them shiriffes, constables, and all such 50 kind of officers as are vsed to be in all other coun­ties: by which meanes hir maiesties writ had passage amongest them, and they brought to the order of the English lawes & gouernement, which neuer tofore was heard or knowne among them.

When he had doone all such things as are before recited, for and concerning the due course of gouern­ment by order of low: then also he bethought him­selfe vpon such other things as were necessarie in sundrie respects to be doone, as the castell and house 60 The castell of Dublin re­pared. of Dublin, which before his comming was ruinous, foule, filthie, and greatlie decaied. This he repared, and reedified, and made a verie faire house for the lord deputie or the chiefe gouernor to reside & dwell in. The towne of Carigfergus, being open to the The towne of Carigfergus fortified. northerne rebelles, he began to inclose with a wall and to fortifie, which for shortnesse of time he could not finish. A gaole at Molengar he builded, a verie A gaole at Molengar builded. The towne of Athenrie re­edified. The bridge of Athlon new builded. necessarie thing in those parties, for restreining and safe kéeping of malefactors. The towne of Athen­rie in Connagh he caused to be reedified, & the faire bridge of Athlon vpon the déepe and great riuer of the Shenin he builded with masonrie and frée stone, and raised vp the walles & battlements verie faire. By building of which bridge a passage (neuer tofore had) was made open & frée betwene the English pale and Connagh, which more danted, apalled, and kept the rebelles in awe and obedience than any thing be­fore had doone. Sundrie like common workes he made and did, and more would, if his residing there had continued. All which his forsaid doings, no doubt, were verie chargeable to hir maiestie. And for [...]asing The quéenes great charges to be releeued. whereof he (as it became him) & in verie deed had also promised and deuised how and by what means these charges might be answered, and hir highnesse be re­léeued of the great and intollerable charges which she dailie was at in that land, he did by good means inlarge and increase hir reuenues and yearelie re­ceipts Hir maiesties reuenues in­creased. to about eleuen thousand pounds by the yeare more than he found it, and much more would he haue doone, if he had staied there but a short time longer than he did.

Thus much brieflie of his generall actions, and concerning his priuat dealings and conuersation. The good ver­tues and dis­position of sir Henrie Sid­neie. Religious. Eloquent. He was godlie disposed, & a zelous promoter of the true religion, a notable orator, & out of whose mouth flowed such eloquent spéeches, such pithie sentences, such persuasorie reasons, as it was verie strange, that he by a naturall course should performe that which manie by learning could not reach nor atteine vnto. He had some sight in good letters and in histo­ries and armories, and would discourse verie well in all things; he was affable and courteous to all Affable. men, verie familiar with most men, and strange to none; verie temperat and modest, seldome or neuer Temperat. in anie distempered or extraordinarie choler, vpright in iustice, frée from corruption, and liberall to euerie Liberall. A housekée­per. deseruing person, a bounteous housekéeper, and of great hospitalitie, and had all officers in verie hono­rable order, according to his estate & honor; a thing much allowed and liked in that nation: verie fami­liar, and a louer of all such as were learned and were men of vnderstanding, whome he would honor and estéeme verie much; gratefull to all men, and a most louing maister to all such as serued him, whom he lo­ued full dearlie. And albeit he were a man of a great Sée more of this sir Hen­rie Sidneie in the English chronicles, An. Dom. 1586, noted by Edm. Mo­lineux. reach and iudgement, yet he would not doo anie thing without aduise & counsell, for which purpose he made a speciall choise of two singular men, who were priuie to all or most part of his actions; sir Lucas Dillon knight, and Francis Agard esquier: the one a lawier, and yet not ignorant in anie thing pertein­ing either to the marshall affaires, or to the ciuill gouernement: the other a verie wise man, and of a déepe iudgement and experience in all matters of policies. And so true and trustie these were, that he named the one Meus fidelis Lucas; and the other Me­us fidus Achates. And notwithstanding in sundrie and almost infinit respects, as partlie by the course of this historie it dooth appeare, he hath deserued most hartie thanks, and a gratefull remembrance for euer a­mongst The ingrati­tude of Ire­land. them: yet most vnnaturallie and vngratful­lie they haue requited and recompensed him. Not much vnlike the viper, who when he hath doone the act of generation with his female, which (as the wri­ters of naturalles saie) it is doone by the mouth, she immediatlie biteth off his head, and so destroieth The nature o [...] the viper. him; and likewise the yong, conceiued with the death of their sire or father, and nourished in the wombe of their mother, and readie now to be borne & brought foorth; they not abiding their due time, most vnna­turallie doognaw out hir wombe and bellie to hir confusion; and so they are conceiued with the destru­ction of their father, and borne with the confusion of their mother. This vngratfull people (I saie) notwith­standing the innumerable benefits bestowed vpon them and that whole commonwealth, yea and the dailie purchasing of their wealth, preseruation, and [Page 153] safetie, could ne would be euer thankfull. As besides manie examples it appeared at the parlement hol­den This was a troublesome parlement. in the eleuenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, where when lawes were to be established for their be­nefit, and the abolishing of certeine wicked and lewd vsages, which were among the Irishrie, they not onelie did impugne and resist that assemblie, as much as in them laie: but recompensed the good things (for their benefits established) with open war and rebellion against hir maiestie. Also, when a rea­sonable 10 and a vsed cesse was to be set and leuied for the benefit of the inhabitants and dwellers in the The cesse im­pugned. English pale; and for the represse of their enimies which thirsted after their confusion: they immediatly repine and doo resist the same. For this is their cor­rupt nature, that if he did at anie time pursue the e­nimie for their peace and quietnesse, and did aduen­ture The corrupt and vngrat­full nature of the Irish­men. neuer so great dangers for them, were his suc­cesse neuer so good, yet would they enuie at him. If he by the aduise of the councell did determine anie 20 thing for their behoofe, yet would they mislike it. If anie thing well meant had euill successe, they would like it; and vpon neuer so little occasion offered they would make their complaints, libels should dailie be exhibited, and accusations be deuised, with open mouths they would exclame, and nothing would they leaue vndoone which might turne to his discredit and impechment of his gouernement. But truth the daughter of time, which in the end was manifested; and when he had yéelded before hir highnesse and 30 councell a true and a perfect account of all his doo­ings, and had trulie manifested the course of his go­uernement, then their glittering gold was found to be worse than copper, not abiding the hammar; he ac­cording to his desert receiued thanks, and they re­proch and ignominie. Wherefore great good cause had he to be glad and ioifull, that he was to be deli­uered from so vngratfull a people and vnthankfull a nation. But shall a man saie the truth? It is a fa­tall and an ineuitable destinie incident to that nati­on, The fatall de­stinie vpon all gouernors in Ireland. that they cannot brooke anie English gouernor; 40 for be he neuer so iust, vpright, & carefull for their be­nefit, they care not for it: let him be neuer so bene­ficiall to their commonwealth, they account not of it; let him be neuer so circumspect in his gouerne­ment and aduised in his dooings, they will discredit and impeach it. If he be courteous and gentle, then like a sort of nettles they will sting him; if he be se­uere, they will cursse him; and let him doo the best he can, he shall neuer auoid nor escape their malice and 50 spite.

This noble and worthie man, who aboue all o­thers had best triall thereof, thought himselfe most happie when he was deliuered from them, and gone out of their Egypt, and now returned to his owne natiue countrie of Chanaan, who thenseforth some­times attended the court, and serued hir maiestie as a most faithfull, graue, and wise councellor: some­times he followed his charge and calling of president in Wales, which office he did most honorablie vse and discharge. In the end, when Lachesis had spun 60 out the thread of his life, and Atropos readie to exe­cute hir office, he fell sicke at Worcester: and fée­ling a decaie of nature, and that he did dailie wax weaker and weaker, he yéelded and humbled him­selfe to die; and holding vp his hands, and lifting vp his eies, he continued in most hartie and inces­sant praiers vnto God, crauing with a most penitent hart, pardon for his sins, and commending his soule into the hands and mercie of God, thorough the bloud of Iesus Christ. And when his hands gaue o­uer, The death of sir Henrie Sidneie. his toong ceassed, and his sight failed, he yéelded vp his spirit, and departed this life in a most godlie and christian maner the fift daie of Maie, one thou­sand fiue hundrd eightie and six. His bodie was im­bowelled, and his entrails were buried in the deans chappell of the cathedrall church in Worcester: his hart was carried to Ludlow, & there intoomed in the toome that his welbeloued daughter Ambrosia was buried, which he had builded in the collegiat church of the same towne; wherin he had erected a certeine mo­nument for a perpetuall remembrance to that town & to Tikenhill, to which he was verie much affected, & made his most abode during the time of his presi­dencie. And from thense his bodie by easie iournies was verie honorablie caried to his house of Pene­shurst Edm. Mo­lineux. in Kent, & in his parish church there he was in­terred in all honorable maner, as to his estate did a­grée vpon the one and twentith of Iune, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred eightie and six, he being then about the age of seauen and fiftie yeares. And thus this noble and worthie knight, who had spent the whole course of his life in the dutifull seruice of his prince, and to the great benefit of the common­wealth, is now deliuered vnto the euerlasting ser­uice of the eternall God, in whose celestiall heauens he resteth in blisse and ioie with the foure and twentie elders, who there are now beholding the face of God, and praising his holie name for euer.

But to returne to the lord iustice, who being en­tered into the gouernement, and finding it in some Sir William Drurie the lord iustice fo­loweth the course of his predecessor to rule in peace. quiet state, did by the aduise of the councell follow that course as néere as he could, as which was left vnto him; and by that meanes kept the whole land verie quiet and in peace. For almost a yeare after his entrie into that office and gouernement, vntill that Romish cockatrice, which a long time had set abrood vpon hir egs, had now hatched hir chickins; which be­ing venemous as were their sire, raised, wrought, and bred great treasons, open warres, and hostilitie through out that land. For Iames Fitzmoris a Gi­raldine & cousine germane to the earle of Desmond, Iames Fitz­moris an archtraitor. who not manie yeares before had beene an archtrai­tor, and a principall capteine of the warres and re­bellion in Mounster; and wherein he was then so fo­lowed at inches and pursued by sir Iohn Perot, then lord president of Mounster; that after manie and sundrie conflicts, he was in the end compelled and inforced to yéeld and submit himselfe, and to craue Iames Fitz­moris submit­teth himselfe and sweareth obedience. hir maiesties gratious pardon: insomuch that he came in simplie into the towne of Kilmallocke, and there in the church before all the people did humble and prostrate himselfe before the said lord president, and asked pardon, swearing and promising then all dutifulnesse, truth, & obedience for euer to hir high­nesse, and to the crowne of England.

Euen this periured caitife, who for his treasons and great outrages, villanies, and bloudsheds, had Iames Fitz­moris hath his pardon sent vnto him. deserued a thousand deaths, and yet in hope of a mendement hir maiestie gaue him his pardon, and sent it vnto him by hir seruant Francis Agard es­quier: euen this man (I saie) most traitorouslie fled into France, and there comming into the kings pre­sence, did offer to deliuer into his hands the whole realme and land of Ireland, if that his maiestie Iames Fitz­moris fléeth into France and offereth the crowne of Ireland to the French king. would giue him aid, and furnish him with men and monie, and such furniture as he should haue néed of in such an action. The king at the first gaue him good countenance, great rewards, & liberall interteine­ment, and accepted his offer: but when he had well considered the matter, and had further looked into the same, he changed his mind. Iames Fitzmoris, The French king misli­keth to deale in Ireland matters. who had staied there in the French court about two yeares, and saw nothing go forward, & the French king waxed cold; who in the end gaue him no other answer, but that he would commend him by his let­ters to his sister the queene of England, for obtei­ning of a pardon for him, and for hir good counte­nance [Page 154] towards him: he forsooke France, and Iames Fitz­moris seeketh to king Phi­lip and to the pope. made a iournie into Spaine vnto king Philip. The king who had receiued the gift of Ireland of the pope by meanes of the bishop of Cashell, being not wil­ling to deale therein, without his assistance & aduise; Iames Fitzmoris made his iourneie from thense to the pope, vnto whom he declared that he had béene with king Philip, as dooth appeare by his letters of Iames Fitz­moris his promise to king Phi­lip and the pope. credit to his holinesse; and that he would deliuer and cause to be deliuered the kingdome of Ireland vp in­to their hands, and reduce the same againe to the ho­lie 10 church of Rome, if he might haue men, monie, and such furniture of munitions, & other necessaries as should be requisit in that seruice. The pope was verie glad of this sute, and liked it verie well, and did accept this offer, as also gaue him good countenance The pope is glad of Iames Fitz­moris offer. and interteinement. And in the end vpon sundrie conferences betwéene the pope and king Philip, it was agréed betwéene them, that Fitzmoris should be furnished with men, monie, and all things neces­sarie for this seruice. Iames Fitzmoris during his 20 being in Rome, he fell acquainted with doctor San­ders Iames Fitz­moris falleth acquainted with doctor Sanders and doctor Allen. an English Iesuit, & doctor Allen an Irish Ie­suit, and both traitors to hir maiestie and crowne; and these two men being glad of such a sute, & they in great fauor with the pope, folowed the sute verie earnestlie, [...]nd promised to follow it to the vttermost in their owne persons.

Now when all things were concluded betwéene the pope and king Philip, doctor Sanders, doctor Al­len, and Iames Fitzmoris made their last repaire to 30 the pope, who foorthwith made Sanders his legat, & gaue him the holie ghost, with authoritie to blesse and cursse at his will and pleasure; and to him and the others he gaue then also his blessing: and there­with Iames Fitz­mor [...]s is fur­nished w [...]th ships an [...] all necessaries. his letters of commendation to king Philip, who according to the conclusion made betwéene them both, he was furnished with all things méet and necessarie for them. Wherevpon when time ser­ued they imbarked themselues, and their companie in thrée ships well appointed for the purpose, and ar­riued 40 at Smereweeke, aliàs saint Marie wéeke, in the Iames Fitz­moris landeth at Saint Marie wéeke in Ireland with foure score Spa­niards. beginning of Iulie 1579, néere the Dingle a cush in Kerrie in Ireland: where he landed, and all his com­panie, being about the number of foure score Spa­niards, besides a few Englishmen and Irishmen, and there builded a fort in the west side of the baie for their safetie: and drew their ships close vnder the said fort.

The two doctors, when they had hallowed the place after their popish maner, promising all safeties, and 50 that no enimie should dare to come vpon them, and trouble them: neuerthelesse they were be guiled. For at that instant, there was in Kensale a Deuonshire gentleman and a man of warre, named Thomas Iames Fitz­moris ships are taken a­ [...] by one Thomas Courtneie a gentleman of Deuon. Courtneie, and he hearing of the landing of this Iames Fitzmoris, and of the popes traitorous le­gats, was contented, and by the persuasion of Hen­rie Dauels, being then in those parts; and hauing a good wind, did come about and doubled the point, 60 came into the baie of Saint Marie wéeke or Smer­weeke; and finding the three ships of Iames Fitzmo­ris at anchor, was so bold in the waie of good speed to take them. And after that he had staied there a while in that seruice, he tooke them all along with him: whereby Iames Fitzmoris and his companie lost a péece of the popes blessing, for they were alto­gither destituted of anie ship, to ease and reléeue themselues by the seas, what néed soeuer should hap­pen. Sir Iames and sir Iohn of Desmond the earles brethren come to Iames Fitzmoris. As soone as they were thus landed, newes was sent and carried abrode foorthwith to Iames & Iohn brethren to the earle of Desmond, and so consequent­lie to the whole countrie. These two brethren, who had long looked for the arriuall of this their cousine, and archtraitor, assembled all their tenants, folow­ers, and friends; and out of hand made their present repaire vnto him: whose commings and companies he accepted verie thankefullie, sauing that he had not a thorough and a full liking of his cousine sir Iohn of Desmond. Which when sir Iohn perceiued, he deuised how he would salue that sore, as most wic­kedlie afterwards he did.

The earle of Desmond at this time was in reedi­fieng The erle hea­ring of the landing of Iames Fitz­moris giueth ouer his buil­dings. of a castell, which he had in the confines of Brenne Agonessis countrie, who assoone as he heard of the arriuall of his cousine Iames Fitzmoris, he foorthwith did discharge and dismisse his whole com­panie of workemen and labourers, pretending in outward shew what he neuer meant, that he was to withstand and resist his cousine and all his compa­nie, and foorthwith maketh his repaire into Kerrie, and there assembleth all his followers and force, as The earle of Desmond pretending some seruice against the rebels sendeth to the earle of Clancar to ioine with him. though he would doo great things and worke mira­cles. And foorthwith likewise he sent his letters to Mac Artie More earle of Clancar, & willeth him in all hast to assemble all the force he could make, and to make his spéedie repaire to him, for vanquishing (if they could) of the enimies now landed at S. Ma­rie weeke. The earle of Desmond in the meane time had receiued a péece of the popes blessing, and his heat was abated. But the erle of Clancar returned The earle of Clancar at­tendeth the earle of Des­mond. his answer, that he would come vnto him with all spéed, and lie in campe with him where he would, as néere to the Dingle as he might: and accordinglie he came to the place appointed. Which Desmond sée­med to like well though it were against the splene; Desmond li­keth not Clancars readinesse. neuerthelesse when he saw the forwardnes of Clan­car, albeit he would not, nor yet well could in open termes fall out with him, yet he deuiseth matters wherevpon he might haue some occasion to dislike Clancar de­parteth from Desmond. with him, & to make him wearie of his companie. Which when Clancar perceiued, and saw the vnwil­lingnesse of Desmond to doo anie seruice against the rebels, but rather inclined towards them, he tooke the best opportunitie he could, and departed awaie from him, and dismissed his companie.

The lord iustice, who was at Dublin, as soone as The lord iu­stice prepareth to march in [...]o Mounster. he was aduertised of Iames Fitzmoris landing, he maketh all the preparation he can, & marcheth with all the quéenes force towards Mounster, dispatch­ing also a messenger to hir maiestie of these toward broiles and rebellion. But before he could prepare all things, as to such a great action did apperteine, he sent Henrie Dauels an English gentleman before Henrie Da­uels sent to the earle of Desmond. him, that he being verie well acquainted with the earle of Desmond and his brethren, should practise with them to prepare themselues to be in a readi­nesse to assist his lordship, for the resisting against those enimies. Who being accompanied with one Arthur Carter prouost marshall of Mounster, made his spéedie repaire to the earle of Desmond & his bre­thren Henrie Da­uels persua­deth Desmōd to serue a­gainst the rebels. being in Kerrie, and aduertised vnto them the lord iustices pleasure, as also as much as in him laie did persuade them to the like, who as then had all his force and souldiers about him. From thense he departed to the fort, whereof when he had taken the view, & saw the force as yet not so great but might be easilie as yet ouerthrowne; he returned backe to the earle, and gaue him aduise to draw all his force and companie towards the fort, persuading him to assaile it while it was but weake, of small force, and easie to be taken, and that in so dooing it▪ should be greatlie to his honour. But the earle being not of so Desmond refuseth to giue the onset vpon I [...]es [...]. good a mind, or bent to doo so good a péece of seruice, answered; that he would not aduenture to take so­great an enterprise in hand with so small acompa­nie as he then had. Then Dauels went to sir Iames and to sir Iohn of Desmonds the earles brethren, [Page 155] and persuaded them to aduise their brother the earle, either to doo that seruice which would be to his great honour and commendation, or else that they would take it in hand; which if they would also refuse it, that then the earle would spare to him a companie of his Gallowglasses, and about thrée score of his shot, and he would ioine with capteine Courtneie who laie then within the baie with his mariners, & he would giue the assault by land, and the other should doo the like by sea. 10

But the earle, being mooued hereof, would not The earle re­fuseth to doo anie seruice. yéeld to this motion, but answered that his shot was more méet to shoot at foule than fit to aduenture such a peece of seruice, and his Gallowglasses were good men to incounter with Gallowglasses, and not to answer old souldiers. Wherevpon when he saw the bent and disposition of the earle, that he minded not to annoie, but rather to ioine, aid, and helpe the trai­tors: he togither with the prouost marshall tooke their leaue of the earle, and minded to returne backe 20 Henrie Da­uels depar­teth from Desmond. vnto the lord iustice, to giue his lordship to vnder­stand how all things stood, & what successe he had had in his message. And by the waie they laie that night at Traleigh, which is about fiue miles from castell Maine, and laie that night in one Rices house, who kept a vittelling house and a wine tauerne, the house being both strong and defensible, but so little that their companies and seruants were dispersed, and laie abroad in other places where they might haue lodging. But sir Iohn of Desmond, whose hart 30 Sir Iohn of Desmond fol­loweth Da­uels and cor­rupteth the porter. was imbrued with a bloudie intent, followed him, but somewhat late, and came to the towne of Tra­leigh, and immediatlie set spies vpon Dauels, as also had corrupted the man of the house which kept the gate, that he should leaue the doores open. Henrie Dauels mistrusting no hurt, and least doubting of that tragedie which was so néere at hand, especiallie to be done by him, whom of all the men borne in that land he least doubted, & best trusted, gat him to his bed; & Arthur Carter the prouost marshall with him. 40 Now about the dead of the night, when they were in their déepe sléepes, sir Iohn according to his wic­ked deuise came to the house, the castell doore being left open for the purpose, with all his companie, eue­rie one being armed and their swords drawne, and went forthwith vp into the chamber where Dauels & his companie were in their beds fast asléepe, but with the noise they were suddenlie awaked. When Dauels saw sir Iohn of Desmond armed and his sword drawn, he was somwhat astonied at that sight, 50 and rising vp in his bed said vnto him (as he was euer woont to saie verie familiarlie) What sonne! what is the matter? But he answered him; No more sonne, nor no more father, but make thy selfe readie, Henrie Da­uels most cruellie mur­thered. for die thou shalt. And foorthwith he & his companie strake at him & his companion, both naked in their shirts, and most cruellie murthered them both. Then they searched the whole house & spared none, but put all to the sword, sauing a boie named Smolkin, who laie in the chamber, and had béene a continuall mes­senger 60 betweene Dauels and this Iohn Desmond. This boie séeing his maister to be thus murthered ran vpon Iohn of Desmond, and held him by the The faithful­nesse of a boie to his maister armes as well as he could, crieng; What wilt thou kill my maister? But he answered; Go thy waies Smolkin, thou shalt haue no harme. But the boie seeing blowes still to be giuen, cast himselfe downe vpon his maister, crieng; If thou wilt kill him, then kill me also. And so saued him as well, and so long as he could. But it auailed not, for slaine and most cruellie he was there murthered.

This Henrie Dauels was a gentleman, borne in Henrie Da­uels what he was, and of his conditions Deuon, and descended of a verie ancient and a wor­shipfull house, and being but a yoonger brother, and hauing but a verie small portion left vnto him, when he came to some yeares and knowledge, he gaue himselfe to serue in the warres. And king Henrie the eight, hauing then warres against the French king, he entred into France to séeke his aduenture: and there he had verie good interteinment, and proo­ued to be a verie good souldiour. After whose warres he serued in Scotland, and was in garrison at Bar­wike: and from thense he was remooued into Ire­land, where he serued vnder sir Nicholas Herne knight conestable of Leighlin, and seneshall of Wexford; and so well he behaued himselfe there, that he was commended for his good seruice towards the prince, well beloued of his countriemen, and in mar­uelous fauour of the Irish people; for no seruice was too hard for him in the kings causes: and so well he was acquainted with the countrie, as no man better knew and had the skill to serue than he could there. As for his countrimen, he was so déere and louing towards them, as he was more like a father than a The loue of Dauels to his countri­men. fréend, and more like a fréend than an vnacquainted countriman: for he was an host and a harborer to euerie one of them, of what estate and condition so euer he were of. For were he rich or poore, a gentle­man or a begger, he was fréendlie to euerie one; and no man did or could lacke that interteinment, that he was by anie manner of waie able to giue and af­foord: which a number of Englishmen tried and found to their great comfort, and to his euerlasting fame.

And as for the Irishmen, the longer he liued the better beloued among them: for as he would not iniurie them, no more would he suffer them to be op­pressed or iniured: a great housekéeper amongst them, which they maruelouslie estéemed. When he was in office among them, he was vpright and iudged righteouslie; if out of office, louing & fréendlie to euerie man, and by that means so well (as no man better) beloued and trusted. For what he had once said and promised, that would he surelie kéepe and performe, and thereof it came into a bie-word in the The credit of Dauels word. countrie where he dwelled, that if anie of them had spoken the word, which was assuredlie looked to be performed, they would saie; Dauels hath said it: as who saith, it shall be performed. For the nature of the Irishman is, that albeit he kéepeth faith for the most part with no bodie, yet will he haue no man to breake with him. But Henrie Dauels, he was so carefull of his word, that if he once promised, he would not breake it for anie mans pleasure; and by that means he was so well beloued, that his verie horsseboies had frée passage euen through the eni­mies, if he were knowne to be Dauels man. And that which is more, as the writer hereof speaketh vp­on knowledge, that if anie Englishman had anie occasion to trauell in that countrie thoroughout Leinster or Mounster, if he had but a horsseboie of his, he should not onelie passe fréelie thorough the countries without impeachment, but should haue also verie good and fréendlie interteinment. Among the noblemen he was greatlie estéemed, and was in great fauour with the earles of Ormond and Des­mond: who although they were for the most part at iarres and contentions, yet Henrie Dauels was in such fauour, as he could and did passe to and fro in the greatest matters of importance betwéene them: wherein he bare so indifferent a hand, as both parties imbraced him for his vprightnesse and in­differencie. The erle of Ormond himselfe loued him so well, as no Englishman better; and all his bre­thren found such a fréend of him, and such intertein­ment with him and especiallie sir Edmund Butler, that at all needs and in all distresses they were sure to haue him to their fréend; and manie times it stood [Page 156] them in good stéed.

And as for the earle of Desmond, though he were a verie vncerteine and a mutable man, yet Henrie Dauels could preuaile with him; and were his furie neuer so hot, and he neuer so hastie, yet could he ap­pease and quiet him. And as for sir Iohn of Des­mond the earles brother, such was his profession and outward affection towards him, of a most firme freendship; that it was thought to be impossible, that the loue and goodwill betweene them could by anie meanes be dissolued. For in what distresse so euer sir 10 Iohn of Desmond was (as he was in manie) Hen­rie Henrie Da­uels alwaies a fast freend to sir Iohn of Desmond. Dauels did alwaies helpe him, and at sundrie times redéemed him out of prison, yea out of the ca­stell of Dublin, when he was committed for capi­tall crimes, and became suertie for him in great sums of monie, and became pledge bodie for bodie for him; Dauels pursse was at his commandement, his house at his deuotion, and what he had at his dis­position. And so farre this good will grew betweene them, that Iohn of Desmond, as one knowledging 20 himselfe most bounden to him, did call him father; euen as the other called him sonne. And now sée, when treason and treacherie was entred into him, how contrarie to all faith, fréendship, and humanitie, the sonne most vnnaturallie bereft the father of his life, and most cruellie murthered him. Wo worth to so wicked a villaine, that so bereft the prince of so faithfull a subiect, the gouernors of so trustie a serui­tor, the commonwealth of so good a member, of a man most dutifull to his superiors, vpright in iustice, 30 trustie in seruice, expert in the warres, faithfull vn­to his freend, louing to his countrie, fauoured of all men, hurtfull to no man, of great hospitalitie to all good men, good to all men, a father vnto the distres­sed, and a succorer of the oppressed; finallie such a rare man of his degree and calling, as few like haue béene found in that land; and yet against all pittie and mercie, most cruellie murthered by a traitor to God and his prince, euen to the gréefe of the traitors 40 of his owne brood. But here it falleth out that is of old said; Saue a murtherer or a theefe from the gallowes, and he shall be the first that shall cut thy throte.

When this bloudie murtherer had executed this crueltie vpon his good freend, he foorthwith made his repaire to Iames Fitzmoris, and to his doctors and companie in great brauerie, recompting vnto them what a noble act and a valiant seruice he had doone in murthering of an honest, faithfull, & friendlie gentle­man, saieng▪ I haue now killed an English churle 50 (for so maliciouslie the Irishmen terme all English­men) The brags of Iohn Des­mond for kil­ling of Da­uels. & said to his cousine Iames; Now thou maist be assured of me and trust me, for now that I haue begun to dip my hand in blood, I will now stand to the matter with thee to my vttermost. Iames Fitz­moris when he had heard him at full, although both His crueltie misliked. he and his doctors, and the whole companie of the Spaniards did reioise and were glad of his death, yet Iames did blame and abhorre the maner of his 60 death, blaming and reproouing him verie much, that he should murther him in his bed, being naked and scarse awaked out of his sléepe, which he said was too cruell, bicause he might otherwise haue had aduan­tage vpon him either by the high waies or otherwise to his commendation. Howbeit, doctor Sanders The popes doctors doo allow and commend the murther. terming his bloudie murther to be a sweet sacrifice before God did both allow it, and gaue him plenarie remission of all his sinnes. The earle himselfe like­wise, when he heard hereof, he was maruelouslie gréeued and offended with his brother and gaue him such sharpe spéeches and reproofes as it was thought they would not so soone haue b [...]ene fréends againe: but wicked dooings amongst the wicked establish and confirme them in their wickednesse. At this present time, there was with the earle (as verie often he had béene) one Appesleie an English capteine, who could doo verie much with him, and vpon the hea­ring of the death of his good friend Henrie Dauels, he began to doubt and mistrust of himselfe and of his owne assurance. Wherefore he goeth to the earle, and The earle of D [...]mond re­mooueth to Asketten. dissembling his griefe, persuadeth him to draw his companie togither, and to remooue from thense to his house of Asketten, which is about fourtéene miles from Limerike, and there to abide the comming of the lord iustice, and to ioine with him in this seruice against the enimie. The earle, who minded nothing lesse than so to serue, dissembled the matter, and fol­lowed this counsell, and remooued from thense to As­ketten, where he laie close and did nothing, but still séemed in speeches and outward shewes to mislike with Iames Fitzmoris and all his companie; and yet dailie his best followers and soldiers flocked and repaired to Iames Fitzmoris, manie of them for The earles chiefe men turne to the enimie. zeale to the popish religion, wherin they were as de­uout as the popes legates and the Spaniards: but manie of them knowing the earles intent, did it for feare and auoiding of his displesure. The Spaniards, who had continued there in the fort and elsewhere, and not finding the repaire of the souldiers, nor yet anie other thing answerable to that seruice as it The Spani­ards like not their coming. was promised them, began to mislike it; and distrust­ing of anie good successe, did repent and were sorie, wishing themselues at home againe: but such was their case, that they could not shift for themselues to escape neither by sea nor by land; and therefore ne­cessitie so compelling, they resolued themselues to abide the brunt.

Iames Fitzmoris, perceiuing their discontented Iames Fitz­moris persua­deth the Spa­niards to pa­tience. minds, had conference with them, & persuaded them to be of a good comfort, for they should verie shortlie haue a greater supplie and companie which he dailie looked for, and all things should be had according to their owne minds: aduertising them that in the meane time he was to take a iournie to a place of thrée or foure daies iournie from thense, called the ho­lie rood or crosse in Tipporarie, and there to performe Iames Fitz­moris preten­deth a pilgri­mage. a vow which he had before made when he was in Spaine, praieng their patience. But in verie truth his intent was to trauell into Connagh and into Ulster, and in both his waies, his neerest waie was through Tipporarie, and there to flocke and draw vn­to him all and so manie of the rebels as he could wage to ioine with him, whereof he made no doubt, but assured himselfe to find as manie readie to go as he willing to haue. And so taking his iournie with thrée or foure horssemen, and a dozzen Kernes, he passed through the countie of Limerike, & came into the countrie of sir William Burke his verie néere cousine and kinsman, and who before in the last rebellion did ioine with him, to the great danger of his life and losse of all his goods.

And when he came so farre in his iournie, being now about thrée score miles from S. Marie wéeke, his cariage horsses (which they terme garons) waxed faint, and could not trauell anie further: wherefore he commanded some of his men to go before, & looke Iames Fitz­moris stealeth garrons. what garrons they first found in the fields, they should take them and bring them vnto him. And as it fell out they espied a plow of garrons pl [...]wing in the field, which they foorthwith tooke per force from the poore husband men two of them, and caried them awaie. Wherevpon according to the custome of the countrie, the hobub or the hue and crie was raised. Some of the people followed the tract, & some went to their lords house, which was sir William Burke being néere at hand to aduertise the matter, [...]o ha­uing The Burkes follow the [...]eie▪ three or foure of his sonnes and verie tall get­tlemen [Page 157] at home with him, they tooke their horsses and a few Kernes and two shot with them, and fol­lowed This was a draught made by the lord president. the tract, and ouertooke them at a fastenes fast by the woods side, where they found Iames Fitzmo­ris, whome before they knew not to be come into those parties, to make head to answer them. But Iames Fitz­moris maketh head to resist. when he saw that it was his cousine Theobald Burke and his brother and his companie, who had béene his companions in the late rebellion when sir Iohn Perot was lord president of Mounster, he spake ouer vnto them, and said; Cousine Theebald 10 (who was the eldest son to his father) two carriage horsses shall be no breach betweene vs two; and I hope that you which doo know the cause that I haue now in hand, you will take my part therein, and doo Iames Fitz­moris persua­deth the Burkes to rebellion. as I and others will doo: and so continuing some spéeches, did what he could to draw him and all his companie to be partakers in this rebellion. But he answered that he and his father had alreadie dealt too much that waie with him, and that he will neuer 20 doo the like againe: for his father, he, and all his bre­thren, had sworne to be true, obedient, and faithfull to the quéenes maiestie, and which oth they would ne­uer breake: cursing the daie and time that euer they ioined with him in so bad a cause against hir maie­stie, and therefore required to haue his garrons a­gaine, or else he would come by them aswell as he could.

Iames Fitzmoris standing vpon his reputation, thought it too much dishonorable vnto him to depart 30 with that which he had in hand; and therfore vtterlie denied the deliuerie, and therevpon each partie set spurre to the horsses and incountered the one the o­ther. The skirmish was verie hot and cruell, and Theobald Burke & one of his yoonger brethren were slaine, & some of their men. Iames Fitzmoris like­wise and his companie had the like successe, for he himselfe was first hurt and wounded, and then with a shot striken thorough the head, and so was Iames Fitz­moris slaine. slaine, with sundrie of his companions: wherein he found that the popes blessings and warrant, his 40 Agnus Dei, and his graines had not those vertues to saue him, as an Irish staffe or a bullet had to kill him. Thus was hir highnesse most happie, and that Some thinke that this péece of seruice was a draught made by sir william Drurie lord Iustice. whole land most happiest, that they were deliuered from so wicked and bloudie a traitour, and that the great & venemous hydra was thus shortened of one of his heds. For otherwise it was to be doubted that if he had liued, he would haue bin the cause of much bloudshed, and all the rebels in that land would haue ioined with him. For he was of verie good credit & 50 estimation through the whole land, he was of a verie The conditi­ons of Iames Fitzmoris. good gouernement, and of a great read; but a déepe dissembler, passing subtill, and able to compasse anie matter which he tooke in hand, familiar to all men, and verie courteous, valiant, and verie expert in martiall affaires, but so addicted to poperie and that baggage religion, that he became a most horrible traitour to hir maiestie, and a mortall enimie to e­uerie good man: and so far he was imbrued herein, that a man might saie that he was borne to the 60 same end, euen to be a traitor and a rebell to God, to his prince, and to the whole commonwealth.

After that he was thus dead, and the same made knowen to the lord iustice, he gaue order that he should be hanged in the open market of Kilmal­locke, & be beheaded & quartered, & the quarters to Iames Fitz­moris his quarters set vpō the gates of Kilmal­lorke. be set vpon the towne gates of Kilmallocke, for a perpetuall memoriall to his reproch for his tresons and periuries, contrarie to his solemne oth taken in that errour. Hir maiestie, when she was aduertised of this péece of good seruice of sir William Burke and the losse of his eldest sonne, she wrote hir letters of the good acceptation of his seruice, comforted him for the losse of his son, and in recompense did create Sir william Burke being made a baron sowned for ioy & shortlie after died. him baron of the castell of Connell by hir letters patents dated the fourth of Maie, the twentith yeare of hir reigne, & gaue him the yearelie pension of a hundred marks, to be paid at hir maiesties excheker yearelie during his life, wherof he tooke so sudden ioy that he sowned, and séemed to be dead.

When newes of the death of Iames Fitzmoris was brought to the fort at S. Marie weeke, great so­row The Spani­ards amazed with the deth of Fitzmoris. was amongest them all, they being all amazed and wist not what to doo, especiallie the Spaniards who depart could not, and to submit themselues they would not, and yet they were of the mind to giue o­uer and to intreat for a licence to depart. Which pur­pose they would haue followed, if that sir Iohn of Sir Iohn of Desmōd sup­plieth Iames Fitzmoris roome. Desmond had not taken the matter in hand: for he hauing imbrued himselfe so vnnaturallie in bloud, and doubting the same would neuer be pardoned, did follow the matter. The lord iustice (as is afore­said) immediatlie vpon the newes of the arriuall of Sir william Drurie lord iustice ma­keth a iournie into Moun­ster. these Spaniards, and of the death of Henrie Da­uels, made his preparation of all the forces which hir maiestie had in that land, which was but foure hun­dred footmen and two hundred horssemen, a verie small companie for so great seruice towards: yet considering that the victorie consisteth not in the arme of man, nor in horsse or mule, but onelie in the good gift of God; he marcheth foorth in his iournie, hauing in his companie of Englishmen sir Nicho­las Bagnoll knight marshall, sir Nicholas Malbie coronell of Connagh, Iaques Wingfield master of the ordinance, and Edward Waterhouse one of hir maiesties seruants, Edward Fitton, Thomas Ma­sterson, and others. And of the Irish lords he was ac­companied with the earle of Kildare, sir Lucas Dil­lon chiefe baron, the vicount Mountgarret, the ba­ron of vpper Osserie, and the baron of Dunboine, who had of themselues two hundred horssemen, be­sides The lord iu­stice incam­peth néere to Kilmallocke. footmen and Kernes: and so they marched for­ward by ieurneis vntill they came to Kilmallocke, where not farre from the towne they all incamped: & then he sent from thense a messenger to the earle of Desmond, and so likewise to all the principall gentlemen of the best accompt in those parties, to come vnto him.

The earle in outward appéerance seemed verie willing to come, but vntill he had receiued some pro­mise of fauour from the lord iustice, he still lingered and trifled the time and came not. But in the end his The earle of Desmond cō ­meth to the lord iustice to the campe. lordship being verie well accompanied with horsse­men and footmen, he went to the campe, and presen­ted himselfe before the lord iustice, and made a shew of all dutifulnesse, obedience, & fidelitie, whereas in­déed no such thing was ment. For though his bodie were there, his mind was elsewhere; for whiles he was in the campe, sundrie trecheries were practised by him; yet they were not so secretlie doone but they came to light, & were discouered to the lord iustice. Wherevpon he was committed to the custodie of the The earle of Desmond is committed to ward. knight marshall. Whiles he was in his ward, and fearing least some greater matters would be re­uealed against him, he praied accesse to the lord iu­stice; and then he humbled himselfe verie much, and The earle of Desmond: doeth humble himselfe and sweareth to serue trulie. promised and sware vpon his honour & allegiance, that he would faithfullie and to the vttermost of his power serue hir highnesse against the rebels. Whose humblenesse and promise the lord iustice by the ad­uise of the councell did accept, and so inlarged him: which was in the end the vtter confusion of the earle himselfe and all his familie, and in the meane time great troubles, causes of much bloudshed, and vndoo­ing of all Mounster.

Whiles the lord iustice laie thus in campe about Kilmallocke, newes was brought vnto him, that sir [Page 158] Iohn of Desmond was incamped with a great Iohn of Des­mond incam­peth at Slew­lougher. companie of the rebels vpon the borders of Slew­lougher. Wherevpon his lordship remooued and marched thitherwards, the earle then promising that he would in person incounter and fight hand to hand with his brother. Now when they were come to the place of seruice, the earle being best acquainted with the countrie, gaue aduise to the lord iustice, that he should diuide the armie into two parts, and the lord iustice should take one waie, and he the earle would 10 take another waie: which aduise was followed. But bicause that place of the present seruice is adioining to a great wood, and wherein were manie fastnesse, the lord iustice did diuide the rest of his companie into two other parts, and so euerie of these three com­panies tooke waie into the wood & serched it through­out, but there they found no bodie. For sir Iohn had some secret knowledge of the lord iustices comming, and so was gone before.

The daie being spent to small purpose, & the night 20 drawne towards, he incamped that night in the same places where the rebels had lien before, & there he remained somewhat longer than he thought: bi­cause he would spend and wast the forrage of that countrie, which was one of the chiefest places of re­liefe that the enimies had. And from thense he went backe againe towards Kilmallocke, where he in­camped himselfe at a place called Gilbons towne which lieth in the plaines betwéene Limerike a [...] Kilmallocke towards Emeleie and Harlo; & there 30 he continued about nine wéekes in continuall toi­ling and trauelling to and fro, in all such seruices as was dailie offered to be doone vpon the enimie, from which he had no rest neither day nor night. Whervpon for the better seruice he diuided his bands, and tooke out of the Irish companies one hundred, and deliue­red them to the guiding of capteine Iohn Herbert, a man of verie good seruice, and one other hundred to capteine Prise.

These two capteins had made spiall vpon cer­teine 40 rebels, which shrowded themselues in the great wood called the blacke wood, vpon whom they made a sallie, and did verie good seruice vpon them. But as they were to returne to the campe, which laie beside Getenbre castell, the said Iohn of Desmond, who laie in ambush for them, met and incountered them, Sir Iohn of Desmōd lieth in an ambush for the Eng­lish capteins and discomfi­teth them. where was a sharpe fight betwixt them, and the two capteins with the most part of their companie slaine: & Iohn of Desmond himselfe was there hurt in the nose. The losse of those two capteins and their men 50 was a great weakening to the lord iustice his armie; his enimies being strong and manie: and his com­panie weake and few, sauing at that instant the soul­diers sent out of Deuon and Cornewall arriued at Waterford to the number of six hundred men, vn­der the leading of capteine George Bourchier, cap­teine The Deuon­shire souldiers arriue at Wa­terford. Peter Carew, capteine George Carew his brother, and capteine Dowdale, whose comming at so present a distresse was both ioifull and also glad­some. 60

And néere about this time, it was aduertised vn­to the lord iustice, that Iohn of Desmond was at Connell, which was about sixteene miles from the campe; and his lordship being well furnished & pre­pared, and he minding to doo some peece of seruice vpon him, made verie secretlie a iourneie thither: but Desmond wanting not his good espials, had an inkling and a knowledge thereof, and so shifted him­selfe awaie, wherevpon the lord iustice returned to his campe. The queens maiestie and councell, being alwaies mindfull of hir Ireland, and by reason of the newes that the enimies were dailie stronger and stronger, she sent ouer sir Iohn Perot late president Sir Iohn Perot sent to serue on sea. of Mounster, with six ships well furnished and ap­pointed, whereof he was admerall; and William Gorge master porter of the tower and a pensioner, viceadmerall: and all these arriued vnto the citie of Corke. Whereof the lord iustice being aduertised, was verie glad, and did appoint one hundred vnto sir William Stanleie, who before was capteine of certeine horssemen, and one other hundred he assig­ned vnto capteine Hind. And séeing now some good seruice towards, and to incourage certeine gentle­men to be the more wlling to follow the same, called before him George Bourchier, William Stanleie, Knights dub­bed in ye field. Peter Carew, and Edward Moore, and vsing vnto them verie good spéeches, to incourage and persuade them to doo hir maiestie good seruice in these hir af­faires, and in hope they would performe the same, he dubbed them knights: who accordinglie did acquit themselues, and some of them with the losse of their liues ended their daies in this seruice.

And he further also for his owne part, the more hée bethought himselfe of the great seruice and charge laid vpon him, the more carefull he was to doo what the same required: where, in his owne person he so toiled and trauelled, and so ouercame himselfe with studieng, watching, labouring and trauelling, that he ouerthrew his owne health, and was no longer able to indure the same: but being ouercome by Sir William Drurie falleth sicke & goeth to Waterford. sicknesse, and driuen to yéeld therevnto, was deter­mined to haue dissolued his campe, and so to haue re­ [...]ned to Waterford, and there to staie for a time. But the capteins séeing the necessitie of the present seruice, persuaded him not to dissolue the armie, but to take some order herein for hir highnesse seruice, and he to sequester himselfe for a time for his health. Upon whose aduises he prepared himselfe to trauell Sir Nicho­las Malbie made gouernor of Mounster. towards Waterford, and for the continuance of the seruice did commit the gouernement to sir Nicholas Malbie, who was then gouernour by the name of co­ronell of Connagh; and then by easie iourneies hée came to Waterford, and there he found himselfe eue­rie daie more weaker than other, and in the end did distrust his owne recouerie.

And yet mindfull of hir maiesties seruice, he to in­courage other therein, sent & called before him Wil­liam Knights dub­bed at Wa­terford. Pelham esquier, William Gorge esquier vice­admerall of the six ships, Thomas Perot sonne and heire to sir Iohn Perot, and Patrike Welsh maior of the citie of Waterford, and gaue vnto them the order of knighthood, vsing the like persuasions as heretofore he had doone vnto others in the like case. And albeit he were of a good heart and courage, yet that was no sufficient physicke to recouer his helth of bodie, but that still decaied. And douting verie much of his recouerie, he sent to Dublin to the lord chan­cellor, and to the ladie Thame his wife, for their spee­die comming vnto him, who accordinglie satisfied his request. But he inioied their companie a verie short time: for he died within two daies after their com­ming, Sir William Drurie lord iustice dieth. being the last of September 1579, and after his death his bodie was caried vnto Dublin, where it was buried.

But here by the waie (which should before haue béene said) as he came towards Waterford through Tipporarie, the countesse of Desmond met with him, The countesse of Desmond giueth hir son to be a pledge for his father. and brought with hir hir onelie sonne and heire to the earle; and being a sutor in the behalfe of hir husband, presented him to the lord iustice to be a pledge for the truth and fidelitie of the earle hir husband. For after the time that he was set at libertie in the campe neere Kilmallocke, he neuer repaired any more to the lord iustice, but stood vpon his owne kéeping; not­withstanding by his letters he professed all loialtie and obedience, which he neuer meant. For in verie truth he was (notwithstanding hisdissembling) a ve­rie ranke traitor, as in open fact and action did verie [Page 159] shortlie appeare, to his owne deserued confusion.

But to returne to sir Nicholas Malbie, who im­mediatlie vpon the departure of sir William Dru­rie vnto Waterford, according to the office & charge laid vpon him, he set in hand foorthwith to follow and The commen­d [...] of sir Nicholas Malbie. performe the same. For he was able to do it being of great experience in martiall affaires, hauing béene seruitor that waie vnder sundrie kings, & in strange nations; as also was verie wise, lerned, and of great knowledge in matters of policie, hauing béene a stu­dent 10 in good letters, and a great traueller in sundrie nations, and therein did obserue the maner of the se­uerall gouernments in euerie such place as where he trauelled. He had vnder him in the whole an hundred and fiftie horssemen, and nine hundred footmen, to command; and diuiding them according to the ser­uice then in hand, he sent sir George Bourchier, cap­teine Dowdall, and capteine Sentleger, vnto Kil­mallocke with three hundred footmen, and with fiftie horsmen, there to lie in garrison, and a speciall place 20 meet for the same, & which the enimie most speciallie coueted to possesse. But the more his care was that waie, the like was their diligence, vigilancie, & care of the other waie to kéepe the same. Then with the re­sidue of the companie he marched himselfe to the ci­tie of Limerike, where he staied and remained for a time to refresh his souldiors.

During his abode and being there, it was thought good by him and his capteins, to send vnto the earle The gouernor [...]edeth for the earle of Desmond. of Desmond for his repaire vnto him, and to haue 30 conference with him, to vnderstand his bent and ad­uise for hir maiesties seruice against the enimies. The earle hauing receiued the gouernours letters, gaue verie good woords, & promised much, but perfor­med nothing. Wherefore he was againe and againe The earle gi­ueth onelie words and dissembleth. sent for from time to time, but he came not, but laie still at his house of Asketten, which is about fourtene miles from Limerike. For albeit as yet he was not in anie actuall rebellion, yet it was not vnknowne but that he was secretlie combined with his two bre­thren 40 which as open traitors were in open rebellion and in armes against hir maiestie. Which the earle, suspecting the same might be laid vnto his charge, would not aduenture himselfe to come in person to the gouernor; but still fed him with faire words and friuolous answers. Wherefore the gouernor thought good to spend no more time in vaine to looke for him, but left Limerike, and went into the fields, where he incamped himselfe, and so set forwards to doo some seruice vpon the enimie, hauing then in his compa­nie 50 six hundrd footmen vnder the ensigns of sir Wil­liam Stanleie, capteine George Carew, capteine The gouernor re [...]ueth [...]rom Limerike to Connilo. Fisher, capteine Furse, capteine Piers, & capteine Hind; and he himselfe and capteine Apestie reserued one hundred horssemen betweene them. Now being aduertised that a great companie of the rebels were incamped in Connilo vnder their capteine Iohn of Desmond, he marched towards them. And being come néere to an abbeie or monasterie called Mona­ster Neuagh, seuen miles from Limerike, there 60 appeared a great companie in a plaine field both of horssemen and footmen, in estimation two thousand or there abouts, marching in battell araie, and had [...]ast out their wings of shot, and placed euerie thing verie well and orderlie.

When the gouernor perceiued and beheld this, being verie glad that some péece of seruice was to­wards, he likewise conferreth with his capteins, and by their aduises setteth his companie in like good or­der, The gouernor marcheth to incounter with Iohn of D [...]ond. and brought them into a quadrant proportion, setting out his flankers in seuerall places according to the seruices, & appointed verie good leaders for the same: but his cariages he placed in the rereward, with shot sufficient for their safegard. Now when all things were thus ordered, he marched forwards to the enimies. Iohn of Desmond, when he saw that he must fight or flie, and that brags would not beare out the matter, by the councell of d [...]tor Allen, who had the holie ghost at commandement, to giue them the victorie, caused the popes banner to be displaied; and then marching forwards in verie good order, hee The popes banner dis­plaied. tooke a plaine ditch in the open field: and minding to abide the fight, disposeth his horssemen, footmen, Ga­lowglasses, and his shot for his best strength and ad­uantage.

The gouernor setteth onwards, & giueth the onset The battell betwéene the gouernor and sir Iohn of Desmond. vpon them with his shot, who valiantlie resisted the first & second volées, & answered the fight verie well, euen to the couching of the pikes, that the matter stood verie doubtfull. But the Englishmen so fierce­lie & desperatlie set vpon them afresh with the third volée, that they were discomfited and had the ouer­throw giuen them, and fled. Iohn of Desmond, as a woorthie Xerxes, who (as the historiographers write of him) was Primus in fuga, postremus in bello, sat vp­on his horsse all this while and gaue the looking: who soeuer turned first, he was the first that was [...]one: The Irish lost the [...]eld. for he put spur to the horsse & fled awaie as fast as he could, shewing a faire paire of héeles, which was better to him than two paire of hands. In this fight were manie slaine, of which doctor Allen was one, and three score others of good account. And in the Doctor Allen is slaine. chase, there were slaine and hurt, which died shortlie after, about two hundred men. This doctor Allen was an Irish man borne, and the chiefest cause of this fight. For he trusting to the Spaniards, whom Doctor Allen incouraged the campe to fight. he knew to be verie skilfull, and also dreaming the victorie by his inchantments to be at his com­mandement, incouraged Iohn of Desmond for­wards: and in the campe in the waie of good spéed would néeds saie masse, and as the prophets of Baal in the time of king Achab, he offered to his God Ma­zim, and cried out for his aid, but none would come; for his God was asléepe and could not heare. Not­withstanding, he stood so much vpon the credit of his offrings and sacrifices, that he assured them of a vic­torie, and that he himselfe would be the first that should that daie giue the first blow; but whether he so did or not, there was he slaine: where he had the iust reward of a traitor, who most wickedlie and dis­loiallie forsooke the dutie and allegiance, which by the word of God he did owe vnto hir highnesse, and de­uoted himselfe a professed Iesuit to the Romish anti­christ, and an open traitor vnto his lawfull prince. The earle of Desmond himselfe was not present in this fight, but he and the dissembling baron of The earle of Desmond was in vi [...] of the fight. Lexnew stood in the view & sight of it, vpon a little hill in a wood about a quarter of a mile from thense: but the whole companies were there, and had part of the breakefast.

This baron of Lexnews eldest sonne, named Pa­trike, was seruant to hir maiestie and sworne, and The baron of Lexnews son, seruant to the quéene and sworne, bea­reth armes a­gainst hir. serued in the court; but had leaue of hir maiestie to come into Ireland to see his father: but he was no sooner come, and entred into his fathers house and home, but he forsooke his faith and oth to hir high­nesse, and became a wicked rebell, and most trai­torouslie bare armes against hir, and so continued a ranke traitor to the verie end. Wherein appeareth the nature of himselfe, and of the brood of that cursed generation, among whome there is neither faith, No faith [...]or regard of an oth among the Irishrie. nor truth. And therefore they maie be verie well re­sembled to an ape, which (as the common prouerbe is) an ape is but an ape, albeit he be clothed in purple and veluet: euen so this wicked impe. For not­withstanding he was trained vp in the court of England, sworne seruant vnto hir maiestie, in good fauour and countenance in the court, and apparel­led [Page 160] according to his degrée, and dailie nurtured and brought vp in all ciuilitie: he was no sooner come home, but awaie with his English attires, and on with his brogs, his shirt, and other Irish rags, be­ing become as verie a traitor as the veriest knaue of them all, & so for the most part they are all, as dai­lie experience teacheth, dissemble they neuer so much to the contrarie. For like as Iupiters cat, let hir be Iupiters cat. transformed to neuer so faire a ladie, and let hir be neuer so well attired and accompanied with the best 10 ladies, let hir be neuer so well estéemed and hono­red: yet if the mouse come once in hir sight, she will be a cat and shew hir kind: but to the historie.

When the battell was ended, & the retreat soun­ded, the gouernor incamped himselfe fast by the ri­uer side of the monasterie aforesaid, and there laie that night. About midnight, when all things were quiet, & euerie man was at his rest: euen then the The earle of Desmonds dissembling, & his counsell. often named earle of Desmond sendeth a messen­ger with letters of congratulation vnto the gouer­nor, 20 bearing him in hand that he was verie glad and ioifull of his good successe and victorie: and like an hypocrite pretending verie good will to hir maiestie, gaue him aduise that for the auoiding of hir great charges, he should dislodge himselfe from that place; which as he thought was not best for an armie to lie in. The gouernor answered his letters with the like, and requested him to come vnto him, that they might haue conference togither, and ioine in this hir maiesties seruice, and wherein he would be glad 30 to follow his aduise in anie thing that might fur­ther hir highnesse seruice: but to withdraw him­selfe and his companie from thense, vnlesse he could giue him a good reason, he would not yéeld to his motion, nor take his warrant for anie warrantise. And therefore he remained thensefoorth in the same place thrée or foure daies, expecting still the earles The eale of Desmond sheweth him­selfe to be an open rebell. comming: but he so little meant anie such thing, that henseforth he became a rebell in open action, and in armes against the gouernor, finding nothing 40 in the earle but dissembling, and to vse delaies and faire spéeches to gaine time to serue his turne, re­moued The gouernor remoueth to Rekell. from thense to a towne of the earles named Rekell, and there incamped himselfe. They were no sooner settled, but the scoutmaister, hauing béene a­broad, declareth to the gouernor that he had disco­uered a great companie of horssemen and footmen which were within a mile of the campe, & therewith was the alarum made, & sundrie horssemen & shot ac­cording to the direction of the gouernor issued out, & 50 met with the enimies, and skirmished with them, of whom they killed manie, and tooke some prisoners.

These men, being examined, declared that the earle was now in the fields and in armes, and so had The earle of Desmond in open rebellion. beene euer since the last ouerthrow of his brother Iohn of Desmond; and likewise declareth the whole bent of the earle and his brother. This péece of ser­uice being doone, and the night drawing néere, the The earle of Desmond se­cretlie in the night stea­leth to the go­uernors campe to in­trap it. watch was charged, and euerie man tooke his rest. But the earle and his brother minding to doo some 60 mischiefe, they watched, and in the dead of the night then following, taking aduantage of the time, when men were wearie and in their sléepes, came with all their companies, and meant to haue set vpon the whole campe. But they came too short and missed of their purpose: for the campe was too well warded for them to take anie aduantage. The gouernor considering the intent of the enimies was to doo what they could to remoue him from that place, which could not be kept but to the great damage of the enimies sundrie waies, and that the same was a verie necessarie place for a garison and a ward, whereby to stop the continuall intercourse of the eni­mies, A garison pla­ced at Rekell. which by the means of a bridge ouer that water, they had a continuall recourse to & fro that waie: he before his departure from thense did plant & place a ward in the castell adioining to the bridge, which did from that time annoie the enimies verie much: and then from hense he marched towards the earles house of Asketten, and by the waie he met with sun­drie of the earles companie, and skirmished and fought with them to the losse of manie of them.

This house of Asketten is a verie strong castell, Asketten the earle of Des­monds chiefest house. standing vpon a rocke in the verie midst of the ri­uer, and the chiefest house of the earles, wherein he had a strong ward: but he himselfe at this present time and his brother Iohn were assembled vpon a little hill on the further side of the riuer, standing there vpon their whole force. The gouernor hoping of some good seruice towards, drew all his compa­nie into the abbeie house of Asketten, not far from the castell house; and there conferring with the cap­teins what were best to be doone, it was agréed and thought good, that a letter or two more should be written to the earle, and to persuade him to submis­sion. The gouernor, who was a verie good secreta­rie, A letter sent to the earle of Desmond to persuade him to submission. and could pen a letter verie excellentlie well, did draw a letter, vsing manie good words, termes, and reasons to persuade him to conformitie and obe­dience to hir maiestie: & that he should not be the oc­casion of the vtter fall & end of so noble a house, which descended from Roesius the great prince of South­wales by his mother Nesta, daughter vnto the said Roesius, as Giraldus one of the same familie wri­teth. The house of Desmond. And herewith by the waie of a parenthesis, it dooth not appeare by anie sufficient authoritie, vn­lesse a sonet and a deuise of a noble man be a suffici­ient authoritie, that the Giraldines came out of I­talie; but perhaps out of Normandie: and the first of them placed in England had some interteine­ment and liuing at Windesor, and thereof was cal­led Giraldus de Windesora: and he gaue not the armes of Richard Strangbow earle of Chepstow, as some haue written: but as he was a gentleman of himselfe, gaue the armes incident to his owne house, which is argent a salter gules.

For certeine it is, he was and is a verie ancient gentleman, whose ancestors were planted and pla­ced in that l [...]d by king Henrie the second, and haue euer since continued in this land in much honor, wishing, aduising, and persuading, that if there were anie feare of God, obedience to the prince, or regard of himselfe, and of his name and familie; that he would reclaime himselfe vnto dutie and obedience: and that the honor of his ancestors might not be bu­ried in his treacheries and follies. These letters be­ing The earle of Desmond will not be persuaded. well penned were sent vnto him. But notwith­standing the most pithie, true, and effectuall reasons and arguments were sufficient to haue persuaded anie honest or reasonable man: yet was his Pha­raos heart so hardened and indurated in disobedi­ence, rebellion, and treacherie, that nothing could make him to yéeld and relent: but leauing his for­mer and woonted dissimulations, returneth the mes­senger with a flat deniall that he will not yeeld anie further obedience to hir highnesse. And foorthwith to The earle of Desmond for­tifieth his ca­stels. confirme the same, he fortifieth his strongest and best houses and castels: as namelie Asketten with his chosen followers and men of best trust; the castels of Carigofoile and Strangicullie with Spaniards and some Irishmen. The gouernor, vpon the re­ceipt of the earles answer, and minding to frame his seruice accordinglie; news was brought him that sir William Drurie lord iustice was dead, who deceassed at Waterford, vpon the third of October Sir William Drurie dieth. 1579, which was a dolefull hearing to all good Eng­lishmen, and a great hinderance vnto hir highnesse seruice.

[Page 161] This sir William Drurie was verie valiant, wise, The conditi­ons and man­ners of sir William. Drurie. and a gentleman of great experience, descended of a verie ancient and a worshipfull house, being a yoon­ger brother, but the birthright excepted, nothing in­ferior to his elder brother anie kind of waie in the gifts of wisedome, valiantnesse, knowledge, and ex­perience of matters politike or martiall. In his youth he was a page, and serued in the court; and as in yeares, so in knowledge of all courtlie serui­ces he did grow and increase, and became to be as gallant a courtier as none lightlie excelled him. He 10 was verie deuout, and a follower vnto the then lord Russell lord priuie seale, and after earle of Bedford, who gaue him good countenance and interteinment: for vnder him he serued in France at Muttrell and [...]s seruice at Bullongue. Bullongnois, and after the warres ended, he went to Calis, and oftentimes being there he issued out, and did manie good seruices about Cambraie and in Artois: and in the end about Bruxelles he was ta­ken prisoner. Not long after he was redéemed and 20 He is taken prisoner. ransomed, and then he would néeds serue at the seas, and hauing gotten a ship well appointed for the pur­pose, he aduentureth that seruice. The beginning of He serueth at s [...]as. it was so hard, that in nine daies he was in a conti­nuall storme, and in great despaire for euer to reco­uer: neuerthelesse, whom the sword could not make afraid, the seas could not dismaie; but was euer one and the same man, of a good mind and great corage: and the storme being past, he followed the seruice which he had taken in hand, and became to be an ex­cellent 30 maritimall man, and verie expert in all ser­uices at the seas. When the time of this his seruice was expired, he returned into England; & attending vpon the earle of Bedford, he accompanied him in the seruice against the rebels of Deuon, at the com­motion His seruice at the commoti­an in Deuon. or rebellion in the third yeare of the reigne of king Edward the sixt one thousand fiue hundred fortie and nine, and did there verie good seruice. Af­ter which in course of time, he went to serue at Ber­wike, where his valor and behauior was such, that he His seruice at Berwike. He is prouost marshall. was made prouost marshall vnder the earle of Sus­sex 40 being lord lieutenant, and for his sundrie nota­ble good seruices he rewarded him with the degrée He is dubbed knight. of knighthood.

Not long after that, there was a péece of ne­cessarie seruice to be doone in Scotland by the said earle vpon the quéenes commandement; but he was verie sicke, and at that time he could not performe the same: wherfore he deputed in his place this wor­thie knight, whome he then made generall of the ar­mie: He is generall of the armie, and dooth a good péece of seruice in Scotland. and with such forces as were thought méet he 50 entreth into the seruices appointed vnto him, being accompanied with the earle of Lennox, sir Thomas Manners, sir George Carie, and sir Robert Con­stable, with sundrie other capteins, to the number of twelue hundred footmen. And his commission be­ing to serue at Edenborough, which then by the rea­son of the diuision among the noblemen, about the murthering of the earle of Murreie, he tooke, spoiled, and burned sundrie forts and castels: and in the end besieged and tooke the towne and castell of Edenbo­rough, 60 and deliuered the same, according as he was He besiegeth and taketh Edenborough castell. commanded, to the vse of the king: and so he retur­ned againe to his old charge, with great praise and commendation, as in the chronicles of England and Scotland is at large recorded.

In verie short time after, hir maiestie hauing good experience of the valor of this knight euerie waie, aswell for his valiantnes in martiall affaires, as for his wisedome in ciuill gouernement, she cal­leth Sir William [...]rurie sent into Ireland to be lord pre­sident of Mounster. and draweth him from his office and charge at Berwike, and remooueth him into Ireland, there to be imploied in the office of a lord president, and as­signeth unto him the gouernement of the whole pro­uince of Mounster, where he shall haue sufficient matter and occasion to vse both the sword & the law, iudgement and mercie. And hauing receiued hir highnes commandement in this behalfe, he maketh his voiage & repaire into Ireland: & being now set­led in his roome and office by the right honorable sir Henrie Sidneie lord deputie, he acquiteth him­selfe verie well euerie waie, being as seuere a iudge and earnest persecutor of the wicked and rebelli­ous, as a zealous defender of the dutifull and obedi­ent, to the great good liking of hir maiestie, the ter­ror of the wicked, the comfort of the good, and the be­nefit of the commonwealth. After some time of his triall in this office, and sir Henrie Sidneie lord de­putie being reuoked into England, he who had ser­ued Sir William Drurie is made lord iu­stice of all Ireland. well in part, is called now to serue in all: and from a particular president is called to be a generall gouernor: and is in place of the departed deputie made lord iustice. He was no sooner entred into the office, but forthwith the rebellion and warres of the The rebellion of the Des­monds in Mounster. Desmonds began in Mounster vnder Iames Fitz­moris, and the Italians latelie come from the pope, and vnder the earle of Desmond and his brethren, who had long breathed and looked for this time. For the pacifieng, or rather subduing of this wicked re­bellion, he tooke such continuall trauels and troubles, & so brused his bodie, that being not able to hold out any longer, he fell sicke & died (as is beforesaid) in the citie of Waterford, and from thense his corps was The death of sir William Drurie. remooued to Dublin, and there buried; his bodie re­sting in peace, his soule in euerlasting blisse, and his fame in this world for euer immortall.

Sir Nicholas Malbie, who was chéefe gouernor of Mounster, now that his commission by the death of sir William Drurie was expired and ended, gaue The campe is dissolued and dispersed into garrisons. ouer to follow anie actuall warres or ciuill admini­stration in Mounster; but remooued himselfe and the whole campe vnto Lougher, and there dispersed them abrode in townes and villages to lie in garrison, and vpon their owne gards, vntill it were knowne who should haue the sword, and be the principall officer. Amongest the capteins thus dispersed into seuerall places, sir William Stanleie, and capteine George Sir William Stanleie and capteine George Ca­rew are assig­ned to Adare. Carew were assigned to lie at Adare. The traitors & rebels, hearing of the death of the worthie knight, of whose prowesse and valiantnesse by the sword, & of whose wisedome & vprightnes in gouernement, they had good triall; yet not abiding to be alienated from their old leauened and wicked vsage, they were not a little glad that he was dead, euen as the other were most sorowfull for the losse & lacke of him. Wherefore now they pull vp their spirits, & confer togither how they may in this inter-reigne win the spurs, and be vtterlie deliuered from the English gouernement. Wherefore it is agreed among them, that vpon eue­rie seuerall garrison of the most principall capteins, they would set seuerall companies to watch & keepe The garri­sons are besie­ged and inui­roned by the Irishrie. them in their holds, that they should not issue out, but to their perill. Some therefore are appointed at Kilmalocke, some at Carigofoile, some at Asketten, and some at one place, and some at another. And at Adare, where these two gentlemen sir William Sir Iames of Desmond be­siegeth Adare. Stanleie & George Carew laie, sir Iames of Des­mond brother to the earle with foure hundred Kerns and fiftie horsses was appointed to serue and watch; which he did so carefullie & narowlie, that none durst to peepe nor looke out but in danger of some perill. But when vittels wared short within doores, the soul­diors, who could nor would be pined, gaue the aduen­ture to fetch that which was without doores: and as want of vittels did increase, so did their issuings out vpon the enimies grow and increase. And so often The Irish­men leaue to i [...]iron the garrison. were their sallies and incountrings with the eni­mies, that in the end they finding & féeling the cou­rage [Page 162] of the Englishmen, they had alwaies the worst side; and at euerie bickering euer lost some of their companie. Wherevpon they raised their siege, gaue place to the garrisons, and returned to the earle of Desmond. For albeit as yet they wanted a gene­rall gouernor to rule aboue all, yet the captens were not to séeke, nor yet failed to doo the seruice which vnto them did apperteine, either for seruice or safetie. And among all the rest sir William Stanleie and capteine George Carew (as is before said) lieng in garrison at Adare, and vpon an occasion minding 10 to doo a peece of seruice, verie earlie, and before the breake of the daie, they tooke a bote or a cote trough, The knight of the vallie his countrie spoiled. which could not hold aboue eight or ten persons at a time, and passed ouer their soldiors vnto the other side of the riuer, which lieth betwéene Adare and the Ker­rie, minding to haue burned & wasted all the lands and countrie belonging & apperteining to the knight of the valleie, who then was in actuall rebellion a­gainst The knight of the valleie a rebell. hir maiestie, with the earle of Desmond and his brethren, where they then laie at a castell named 20 Balliloghan, the chiefest & strongest place which the enimie had in that place and countrie, and this was furnished with a strong ward of the Spaniards. Af­ter that these two capteins had burned and spoi­led the countrie, and put to the sword whomsoeuer they thought good: in their returne before they could recouer the riuer, sir Iames of Desmond, the Sir william Stanleie and capteine George Ca­rews seruice at Adare. knight of the valleie, and the foresaid Spaniards with all their forces, to the number of foure hundred footmen and thirtie horssemen, gaue the charge vpon 30 these two ensignes verie fiercelie, they hauing not in their companie aboue six score persons to the vt­termost. These two capteins answered the charge, and most valiantly skirmished with them at the push of the pike without intermission aboue eight hours, and killed of them aboue fiftie shot and Kernes; and sir Iames himselfe with others gréenouslie hurt and wounded, without the losse of anie one of their owne men, sauing sundrie were shrewdlie hurt and wounded. At length these two capteins recouered 40 their bote, and caused all the souldiors to be trans­ported; they themselues being the verie last that pas­sed ouer, and the enimies doubting of the safetie, stood afterwards vpon a better force.

The lords of the councell at Dublin in the meane time, considering the distressed state of the whole land for want of a principall officer, did assemble them­selues, and tooke aduise for the choise of some one wise man, méet and fit for the gouernement. And in the end they resolued vpon sir William Pelham, whom 50 they chose to be lord iustice. And vpon sundaie being the eleuenth of October 1579, he receiued the sword Sir william Pelham cho­sen to be lord iustice. 1579 and tooke his oth in Christs church of Dublin: there being present the lord chancellor, the archbishop of Dublin, the earles of Ormond and Kildare, and the whole councell: besides a great number of ba­rons, knights, and gentlemen. The sermon being ended, he returned to the castell, before whome sir Nicholas Bagnoll knight, marshall of Ireland, by 60 his office did beare the sword before him, & the whole companie there did attend him: being come to the castell, he was receiued with the shot of all the great artillerie. As soone as he was entered into the cham­ber of presence, and the sword there deliuered, he cal­led Sir william Pelham ha­uing taken the sword, dubbeth the lord chancel­lor knight. the lord chancellor before him: and in considera­tion of his good seruices in causes of councell, and of hir maiesties good acceptation of the same, he re­warded & honoured him with the degrée of knight­hood, by the name of sir William Gerard.

Likewise, he called Edward Fitton the sonne and heire of sir Edward Fitton, late treasuror of Ireland, and dubbed him knight. After dinner the councell sat, consulting vpon causes of the estate: and for quieting of the realme, letters were sent vn­to all the noblemen and gentlemen of anie counte­nance and calling, persuading them to the continu­ance of their loialties and dutifull obedience. And for the gouernement of the prouince of Mounster, in The earle of Ormond made gouer­nor of Moun­ster. absence of the lord iustice, a patent was sealed and deliuered to the earle of Ormond: who hauing the kéeping and custodie of the yoong lord Girald sonne and heire to the erle of Desmond, was by a warrant willed to deliuer him to capteine Mackworth, and he to bring or conueie him to the castell of Dublin. Likewise, a warrant vnder the brode seale was sent to sir Warham Sentleger, to be knight or prouost Sir warham Sentieger made prouost marshall of Mounster. marshall of all Mounster. These and other things doone concerning the kéeping of the English pale in quiet: the lord iustice, who had a speciall eie to the troublesome state of Mounster, prepareth to make presentlie a iournie into Mounster. But first it was The lord in­stice maketh a iournie into Mounster. The lord chancellor sent into England. concluded and agreed, that the lord chancellor should passe ouer into England, with letters of aduertise­ment to hir maiestie and councell of the present state of Ireland, and of his lordships iournie towards against the rebels: who had also in commission to vt­ter by speech what was to be aduertised & answered vpon hir maiesties demands and councels. When all things were prepared for his iournie, he appointed the erle of Kildare to defend the borders northward, and his lordship marched southward toward Moun­ster, taking with him the three bands latelie come from Berwike, vnder the leading of capteine Wal­ker, capteine Case, and capteine Pikeman: with so manie others as he thought méet and necessarie for that seruice. And when he came in his waie to Kil­kennie, being the nineteenth of October, there he re­mained two daies and kept sessions, whereat he sat The lord iu­stice keepeth sessions at Kilkennie. in person, and determined manie matters, and did cause Edmund Mac Neile a notable traitor, & sun­drie other malefactors, to be executed to death: and also he made a peace and reconciliation betwéene the earle of Ormond and sir Barnabie Fitzpatrike, The earle of Ormond and the baron of vpper Osserie reconciled and made frends. baron of vpper Ossorie: betwixt whome was a mor­tall hatred. And bonds were taken betwéene them for restoring ech one to the other the preies, which ei­ther of their men had taken. During his abode and being in Kilkennie, the earle gaue his lordship verie honourable and good interteinment.

From this towne he departed the two and twen­tith of October, and by iournies he came to Cashell, where the earle of Ormond with a band of two hun­dred and thirtie men came and met him. And here the lord iustice sent his letters of the foure and twen­tith of October to the earle of Desmond, for his re­paire The earle of Desmond is sent for to come to the lord iustice. vnto him, for the appeasing of the quarrell and controuersie betwéene him & sir Nicholas Malbie, referring vnto him to come either to Cashell or to Limerike. And from this towne he rode to Lime­rike, and about a mile before he came to the citie, sir Nicholas Malbie and sundrie other capteins & gen­tlemen met his lordship; and for his welcome gaue him a braue volée of shot: and so brought him to the citie, where the maior in all dutifull maner receiued him, and presented him with a thousand well weapo­ned The lord iu­stice honora­blie receiued into Lime­rike. and appointed men of the same citie. The next daie he departed thense, and went to a towne named Fanings, where sir Nicholas Malbie presented vn­to his lordship a letter, which he receiued from Ulike Burke: the same being the letter of doctor Sanders sent vnto the said Ulike, and with most pestilent rea­sons Doctor San­ders wicked letters to U­like Burke. persuaded him to rebellion. And to this towne came the countesse of Desmond from hir husband, with letters of hir husband to the lord iustice, in ex­cusing his not comming vnto him.

The lord iustice séeing the earle to vse but delaies, tooke aduise of the councell which was with him, [Page 163] what was best to doo. And in the end it was conclu­ded, that the earle of Ormond should go vnto him, and to conferre with him vpon such articles as were deliuered, and now sent by him vnto the said Des­mond, and to require his resolute answer.

The said articles were in summe as followeth.

FIrst, that he should deliuer vnto the said 10 lord iustice, doctor Sanders, and cer­teine The earle of Desmond is required to deliuer do­ctor Sanders and the Spa­niards. The earle to deliuer one of his castels. strangers of diuerse nations, now remaining in the said earles countries, and mainteined by such traitors and in such castels, as be at his deuotion and commandement.

That he shall deliuer vp into hir maiesties hands one of his castels of Carigofoile or Asketten, for the pledge of his good behauiour: which vpon sundrie and diuerse reasons is suspicious, and he for his disloial­tie greatlie suspected. 20

That he doo foorthwith come and simplie submit himselfe vnto hir maiestie, and to referre his cause The earle to submit himselfe. to the iudgement of hir maiestie and councell in England, or vnto him the lord iustice and councell in Ireland.

That he doo foorthwith repaire to the lord iustice, and ioine with his lordship with all his forces, to prose­cute That he pro­secute his brethren and rebels. his brethren and other traitors, and to assist and aid the earle of Ormond, lord generall in this ser­uice.

Which conditions if he will hold, then he shall be 30 reputed as a nobleman, and be receiued into fauour notwithstanding his errours past: but if he refuse, that then let him know, that immediatlie by open proclamation he shall be published a traitor.

The earle of Ormond, according to the order, went to the said Desmond, and deliuered vnto him both the letters and the said articles, and required his re­solution and answer. Which when he had ouer read and considered, he returned his answer by a letter 40 The earle sendeth let­ters but com­meth not. dated at Crogh the thirtith of October 1579, vsing therein nothing but triflings and delaies, requiring restitution for old wrongs and iniuries, and iusti­fieng himselfe to be a good subiect, though he doo not yeeld to the foresaid articles. During the time of this parlée, the lord iustice was remooued to Crome, where he expected the returne of the erle of Ormond and to that place sir William Stanleie & capteine George Carew came vnto his lordship with their 50 two hundred footmen.

The earle of Ormond being returned, & hauing little preuailed with Desmond, notwithstanding his sundrie persuasions, there were other letters sent The second letter sent to the earle of Desmond for his comming in. vnto him to induce him to the consideration of him­selfe and his estate: but when no reason, no persua­sion, nor counsell could preuaile; then it was thought good by the lord iustice & councell to procéed to their former determination, and to proclame him a trai­tor. The lord iustice remooued from Crome to Rath­kill, 60 and he was no sooner incamped, but alarum by the traitors was raised: which was answered foorth­with by the lord iustice and the earle of Ormond: & in that skirmish thrée or foure of the traitors were The earle of Desmonds butler taken and slaine. slaine, of which the earle of Desmonds butler was one, the earle himselfe being then incamped within a mile of his brothers: and notwithstanding his iu­stification to be a good subiect, he dailie accompa­nied and conferred with them. The lord iustice séeing that neither counsell nor delaie of time could auaile with the earle of Desmond, then by the generall con­sent of the nobilitie, the councell, gentlemen, and The earle of Desmond proclamed traitor. the whole armie, a proclamation was openlie publi­shed against the said earle and all his confederats, in the highest degrée of treason at Rathkill the second of Nouember 1579. The effect of which treasons and proclamation was as here vnder followeth.

The earle of Desmonds treasons articulated.

THat the erle of Desmond hath praactised most vnnaturallie the subuersion of the whole state.

2 That he practised to bring in stran­gers, and practised with foren princes to bring and allure in strangers to inuade this land.

3 That he fostered and mainteined doctor San­ders, Iames Fitzmoris, and others beyond the seas to worke these feats.

4 That albeit to the vtter shew of the world, he seemed at the first to dislike with them at their land­ing: yet were they secretlie interteined by the said earles permission, throughout all his countie of pa­lantine in Kerrie.

5 That when his brethren most traitorouslie had murthered Henrie Dauels and others at Traleigh, he did let his said brethren slip, without reproouing or blaming of them, and had also commended special­lie the slaughter of Edmund Duffe an English­man, who at the said murthering laie in the next bed vnto Dauels.

6 That when the strangers at Smerwéeke had no waie to escape by sea, at the comming of sir Wil­liam Drurie, he gaue place vnto them for their e­scape by land, and gaue his tenants and followers li­bertie, to aid, helpe, and mainteine them.

7 That contrarie to the commandement giuen vnto him by the lord iustice, he returned into Kerrie, and caused the strangers to leaue the fort, and to re­paire to the towne of the Dingle and to other places which were at his deuotion, & had there interteine­ments.

8 That he distributed the ordinances and artille­rie of the forts vnto the rebels, as dooth appéere by a note found in the port mantieu of doctor Allen late­lie slaine in the incounter executed by sir Nicholas Malbie.

9 That he hath set at libertie such strangers as he kept colourablie as prisoners, and hath appointed them to gard his houses and castels.

10 That he hanged most abhominablie Richard Eustace, Simon Brian, and others the quéenes sub­iects, for whome he vndertooke to the late lord iustice to be safelie brought vnto him.

11 That he sent sundrie of his principall men, ser­uitors, and followers, and his houshold seruants, as also his chiefe capteins, which vnder the popes ban­ner displaied most traitorouslie in the fields, did as­saile sir Nicholas Malbie knight hir maiesties lieu­tenant of all Mounster, at Mounster Euagh, and which banner Nicholas Williams the earles butler did that daie carie.

12 That he hath vtterlie refused manie persua­sions, friendlie counsels, sundrie messages, and all the good means vsed and wrought to reduce and to bring him to obedience.

13 That he hath not onelie refused to deliuer vp doctor Sanders and the Spaniards, which doo dailie accompanie him; but hath broken downe his ca­stels, burned his townes, and desolated his coun­tries aforehand, to the intent hir maiesties forces and subiects shall not be succoured nor refreshed.

14 That he dailie looketh for a further aid and a new supplie of foreners, & dailie solliciteth the chiefe men of the Irish countries to ioine with him in this his most execrable and rebellious enterprise.

15 That he openlie protested & sent a message to [Page 164] the lord iustice that he would disturbe the whole state of Ireland. Wherfore they did pronounce, proclame, and publish him to be a most notorious, detestable, and execrable traitor, and all his adherents, against hir maiesties crowne and dignitie, vnlesse within twentie daies after this proclamation he did come in, and submit himselfe. Unto which proclamation there subscribed the earle of Ormond, the baron of Dunboine, the bishop of Waterford, the vicount Mountgarret, sir Nicholas Malbie, sir Edmund 10 Butler, Edward Waterhouse, Theobald Butler, Edward Butler, and Piers Butler.

This proclamation was foorthwith sent and dis­persed to Dublin, Waterford, Corke, Limerike, and The procla­mation a­ [...]inst Des­mond is sent to all the cities in Ireland. other principall townes to be in like order procla­med. Immediatlie and within an houre after this proclamation, the countesse of Desmond came to the campe; but the campe was before dislodged from the towne, and all his countrie foorthwith consumed 20 with fire, and nothing was spared which fire & sword could consume. From this place the lord iustice re­mooued to Pople Brian, wherevpon the third of Nouember he tooke a generall muster of the whole armie: and then he deliuered to the erle of Ormond two hundred and fiftie horssemen, and also eight en­signes of footmen, of the which companie George Bourchier went to Kilm [...]llocke, and sir William Stanleie and capteine George Carew to Adare. And then he remooued and tooke his iournie vnto 30 Limerike, being accompanied with the earle of Ormond, who the next daie left the lord iustice and returned to his charge. After which departure of the lord iustice, the proclamed traitor of Desmond and his brothers, not able anie longer to shrowd his trea­cheries, went with all his forces to the towne of Youghall, where against his comming the gates of The towne of Youghall ta­ken & spoiled. the towne were shut, but yet it was thought but co­lourablie: for verie shortlie after, without deniall or resistance, the earle and all his troope of rebels ente­red 40 the towne and tooke it, and there remained about fiue daies, rifling and carrieng awaie the goods and houshold stuffe to the castell of Strangicallie and Le [...]innen, the which then were kept by the Spani­ards.

The earle of Ormond, assoone as he was aduerti­sed hereof, he caused a barke well appointed to be dis­patched A barke well appointed at waterford is sent to Youghall. from Waterford, & to come to Youghall: the capteine of which barke was named White, a man of that countrie birth, verie valiant and of a 50 stout stomach. Assoone as he was come to the wals of the towne, and had anchored his ship, he recoue­red from the rebels certeine ordinances of the said townes; and being put to vnderstand that the sene­shall of Imokellie was comming towards the The ordinan­ces recouered from the rebels. towne, he set all his men on land; and setting his men in good order, he entered into the towne at the watergate, and marched in good order through the towne, till he came where the rebels were togither, and then more rashlie than consideratlie, gaue the 60 charge and onset vpon them: but the number of White, cap­teine of the barke is slain. them being great, and his but a handfull to them, he was in verie short time inclosed and ouerlaied, and there slaine, and with much adoo did a few of his com­panie recouer their ship againe. The lord generall and gouernour in the meane time, not slacking his businesse, did assemble and muster all his companie, & being accompanied with sir George Bourchier, sir William Stanleie, capteine Dowdall, capteine The earle of Ormond ma­keth a rode in­to Connilo, & killeth a num­ber of the rebels. Furse, and others, made a iourneie into Connilo, which was then the chéefest place of trust that the earle had, both for safetie and strength, and for vittels and forage, and there his greatest force and strength of his souldiors were seized in the townes and villa­ges. And they then little thinking and lesse looking for anie such ghests, were vnawares and vpon a sud­den intrapped and taken napping, and the most part of them taken and slaine, and the villages for the most part burned and spoiled. The earle of Desmond at this present time was there, but not knowne in his castell called the New castell, and escaped verie The earle of Desmond in danger to be taken. narowlie. This péece of seruice being doone, the lord gouernour marched towards Mac Willies coun­trie, and being to go through a certeine passe, he met with the seneshall, vpon whome he gaue the charge, who answered the same verie valiantlie, and the skirmish was verie hot, in which the seneshals bro­thers and sundrie of his men were flaine; and the like also befell vpon the lord gouernours men, though not so manie, amongest whome capteine Zouches trumpetor was one; which so greeued the lord gene­rall, that he commanded all the houses, townes, and villages in that countrie and about Lefinnen, which in anie waie did belong to the earle of Desmond, or of anie of his fréends and followers, to be burned and spoiled.

From this he tooke his iourneie towards Corke, and in his waie at Drunfening he tooke a preie of one thousand fiue hundred kine or cowes, which were all driuen and sent vnto Corke, at which citie assoone as his lordship was come, and had rested a small time, then by the aduise of the capteins he diuided and bestowed his companie into sundrie garrisons and places conuenient, as which might best answer the seruices. And his lordship being accompanied with capteine Dowdall and capteine Furse, he went to Cashell, and by the waie he tooke the maior of Youghall, whome foorthwith he examined, and for his treasons and treacheries, in that he would yéeld vp the towne vnto Desmond, and had before refu­sed a band of Englishmen, which was appointed to lie in garrison in that towne, for the defense thereof, and had promised that he would kéepe and defend the same against all men; he carried him along with The maior of Youghall han­ged before his owne dores. him vnto Youghall, and there before his owne doore hanged him. The lord gouernour when he came into the towne, found it all desolate, rifled and spoiled, and no one man, woman or child therein, sauing one fri­er, whome he spared, bicause he had fetched the corps of Henrie Dauels from Traleigh, and had caried it to Waterford, where it was buried in the chancell of The towne of Youghall all desol [...]. the cathedrall church. And his lordship much pitieng the desolate estate of the towne, did take order for the reedifieng of the wals and gates, and placed therein a garrison of thrée hundred footmen vnder capteine Morgan and capteine Piers, who did verie good ser­uice in the countrie, and by good means drew home The inhabi­tants reuoked to dwell and inhabit the towne. the people and old inhabitants, and impeopled the towne againe. And the lord gouernour departed thense, and followed his seruice, as time, place, and opportunitie did serue; and taking aduise with the capteins for some speciall seruice, and remembring that the Spaniards had hitherto lien in rest and quietnesse, in garrison at Strangicallie, and hi­therto nothing doone or said vnto them; it was a­gréed betwéene his lordship and the capteins, to doo some seruice vpon them, and to trie their value: wherevpon they marched thither and laid siege ther­vnto.

The Spaniards, who kept alwaies good watch, and The Spani­ards lieng in Strangicallie forsake their fort and in fléeing are slaine. had also verie good espials abrode, they were foorth­with aduertised that a companie of souldiers were drawing and marching towards the said castell, and when they themselues saw it to be true, and had dis­couered them, they began to distrust themselues, and to doubt of their abilitie how to withstand them. Wherefore abandoning & forsaking the castell, they passed ouer the water, thinking to recouer the woods [Page 165] and so to escape that present danger. But sir Wil­liam Stanleie, capteine Zouch, capteine Dowdall, capteine Piers, capteine Roberts, and all their com­panies did so egerlie follow and pursue them, that in the end they ouertooke them, and slue all or the most part of them, and so tooke the castell, wherein the lord gouernour placed a ward. Likewise when he laie at Adare, and vnderstanding that the erle of Desmond was abrode, the garrison minding to doo some ser­uice vpon him, they issued out. Whereof he hauing some intelligence, notwithstanding his companie 10 was but small in comparison of the others: yet he laie in an ambush to méet them in their returne; and vpon an aduantage he gaue the onset vpon them, and gaue a verie hot charge, in which the souldiers of The earle of Desmond li­ [...] an am­ [...]sh. the garrison were so hardlie assailed, that they brake the most part of their pikes, and were inforced with their swords and with the stumps of their staues to stand to their defenses; which they did so valiantlie, that the earle in the end with the losse of his men was driuen to giue ouer and to flée. 20

The like seruice did sir Henrie Wallop, who then laie at Limerike, sir George Bourchier, capteine Dowdall, capteine Holingworth, and all the residue of the capteins in their seuerall charges and garri­sons, who though of themselues they were verie for­ward; yet the lord gouernour neuer slept his time, The [...]iligent seruice of the earle of Or­mond. but was alwaies in readinesse, being the first with the formost, and the last with the hindermost. In the moneth of August 1580, he remooued and dislodged himselfe from Adare, and marched to Boteuant a 30 house of the lord Barries, where a péece of seruice was appointed them to be doone: but suddenlie such a sicknes came among the soldiers which tooke them in the head, that at one instant there were aboue thrée A sickenesse in the campe. hundred of them sicke, and for three daies they laie as dead stockes, looking still when they should die, but yet such was the good will of God, that few died; for they all recouered. This sickenesse not long after came into England, & was called the gentle corre­ction. 40 Now the companie being thus recouered, his lordship minding to follow a péece of seruice, diui­deth his companie into two parts, the one he tooke himselfe, and tooke the waie by the Iland; & the other he appointed to go directlie vnto Traligh, and there they met and diuided their companies into thrée parts, & so marched to Dingle a cush. And as they went they draue the whole countrie before them vnto the Uentrie, & by that means they preied and tooke All the coun­trie is preied. all the cattell in the countrie to the number of eight 50 thousand kine, besides horsses, garrons, shéepe, and gotes, and all such people as they met they did with­out mercie put to the sword. By these meanes the whole countrie hauing no cattell nor kine left, they were driuen to such extremities, that for want of vittels they were either to die and perish for famine, or to die vnder the sword. Neuerthelesse, manie of Sir William Winter gi­ueth prote­ctions. them vnderstanding that sir William Winter vice­admerall of England was newlie arriued with the quéenes ships at the Uentrie, and that he had recei­ued 60 a commission to vse marshall law, they made their repaire vnto him, and obteined protections vn­der him. Which the souldiers did verie much mislike, the same to be somewhat preiudiciall to hir maie­sties seruice: bicause they persuaded themselues, that if they had folowed the course which they began, they should either haue taken or slaine them all.

Sir William, viceadmerall of England, vpon Sir William Winter kée­peth the seas. the newes reported to hir maiestie that a new sup­plie was prepared to come into Ireland from out of Spaine, was commanded to kéepe the seas and to attend their comming, and as occasion serued to doo his best seruice vpon them. Who when he had so done certeine moneths, his vittels waxed scant; and sée­ing no such matter, and also that the winter was drawing onwards, thinking nothing lesse than that the Spaniards would so late in the yeare arriue thither, he hoised his sailes and returned into Eng­land. But he was mistaken & deceiued: for not long after they came and landed at Smerwéeke, as here­after shall be at full declared. And now leauing the soldiers in their garrisons, let vs returne to the lord The lord in­st [...]ce with the Berwike bands goeth into Tho­mond. iustice, who when he departed from Limerike the fift of Nouember 1579, being accompanied with the Berwike bands, he went into Thomond, where the earle and his sonne with two bad horssemen met his lordship; and from thense he trauelled by iournies vn­to Gallewaie, where he was verie honorablie recei­ued. And to the end to incourage them to persist and The lord iu­stice is verie honorablie receiued into Gallewaie. continue in dutifull obedience, he confirmed vnto the corporation certeine branches and articles, wher­of some before this were granted vnto them in the time of sir Henrie lord deputie, and some now new­lie set downe and granted, which in effect were these as followeth.

The charter of Gallewaie with new liberties confirmed.

FIrst, that no writ of Sub poena shall be war­ded out of the chancerie against anie in­habitant in Gallewaie, vntill the partie which sueth out the writ, haue put in good and sufficient suerties before the lord chancellor, or the maior of Gallewaie to prosecute the same with effect.

That no new office nor officer be erected in the towne of Gallewaie by anie deputie or gouernour, otherwise than as they in times past haue vsed to doo.

That the maior by the aduise of foure alder­men, and other foure discreet men of the towne vpon good considerations may grant safe conduct and pro­tection to English rebels and Irish enimies.

That the merchants of the towne which shall buie anie wares or merchandize of strange merchants, shall put in good and sufficient bands before the maior that he will well and trulie make paiment vnto the said merchant stranger for his debt and dutie.

That if anie inhabitant in the towne doo vse anie vndecent & vnreuerent speach to the maior, that he shall be punished according to the qualitie of the fault and offense.

That the maior, bailiffes, and inhabitants shall inioy, vse, and exercise all their ancient liberties, v­sages, and customes.

That in all actions tried before the maior, the par­tie condemned shall paie reasonable costs, and the said maior shall not take anie fee for anie sentence, called Oleigethe.

That no dead bodie shall be interred or buried within the towne and walles of Gallewaie.

That when anie strange merchants come to their port and hauen, that the same be serched and viewed for weapons and munitions, and that none aboue the number of ten persons of the said ship shall come into the said towne.

That no stranger be suffered to take the view of the strength of the towne, nor to walke on the wals.

That the maior from time to time doo take the mu­ster and view of all the able men, and of their furni­ture and armour.

That all vnseruiceable people in time of seruice be sent out of the towne.

That sufficient vittels from time to time be pre­pared to serue the towne for ten moneths at the least before hand.

That a storehouse be prouided alwais in the towne for a staple of vittels to be kept there at all times. [Page 166] From thense his lordship by sundrie iournies came to Athlon and so to Dublin; where about thrée miles before he came to the citie, William Noris newlie William No­ris [...]wlie come out of England [...]teth the lord iustice. arriued out of England, and accompanied with cer­taine gentlemen, met him with a hundred and fiftie horssemen, well furnished and well horssed with En­glish geldings, euerie man wearing a red cote with a yellow lace, who attended his lordship into the ci­tie, and from thense he was assigned and sent vnto Capteine Noris sent [...]te at the Newrie. the Newrie, where he died verie shortlie after vpon 10 the fiue and twentith of December 1579. His hart was consumed, his splene corrupted, and his braine mixt with filthie matter. His bands were diuided and deliuered to either capteins. And immediatlie vpon his entrance into the citie, he sent for Iaques Wingfield master of the ordinance, and by order h [...] was commanded as prisoner to kéepe his chamber for his contempt, bicause he did not attend the lord iustice into Mounster as he was commanded; but vpon his submission after foure daies he was relea­sed. 20 And vpon the death of Francis Agard esquier, sir Henrie Harington, who had married one of his Sir Henrie Harington is made fen [...] ­shall of the Obirues. daughters and heires, was by vertue of certeine letters from out of England, appointed to be sene­shall of the Obirues, as his father in law before was. The earle of Desmond and his two brethren sent a proud and an arrogant letter vnder their The proud letters of the earle of Des­mond. hands, dated the nine and twentith of Nouember 1579, to the lord iustice, aduertising, that they were all entered into the defense of the catholike faith, 30 with great authoritie both from the popes holinesse and king Philip, who haue vndertaken to defend and mainteine them, and therefore persuaded the lord iu­stice to ioine with them.

The lord iustice, hauing set the pale in some order, & hauing committed the same to the gouerne­ment of the erle of Kildare, he made a new iourneie The lord iu­stice entreth a new iourneie into Moun­ster. into Mounster, and departed out of Dublin the eigh­tienth of Ianuarie 1579, with such companies and forces as he thought good for that seruice, and tooke 40 his iourneies along by the sea coasts; and being come to Waterford, there he kept sessions, & sat in person The lord iu­stice kéepeth sess [...]s at [...]ord. at the same. And from thense taking Tinneterne in his waie he came to Wexford, the fiue and twen­tith of Ianuarie 1579, by water from Ballihacke in certeine botes verie well appointed by the maior of the citie. And before he came thither, sir William Stanleie, sir Peter Carew, and capteine George Carew, and capteine Piers, issued out of the citie with their foure bands, and neere to the shore in the 50 view of his lordship, they presented him with a iollie skirmish, and so retired themselues, to make ward against his landing. The bulworks, gates, and cur­teins of the citie were beautified with ensignes and shot in warlike maner, and then all the shot of the ships in the hauen, and a great ranke of chambers vpon the keie, togither with the shot of the souldiers, were discharged, and gaue his lordship a lustie and a great thundering peale.

At his landing the maior and aldermen araied in 60 The lord iu­stice receiued honourablie into Water­ford. their scarlet gownes met him, and presented vnto his lordship the sword and the keies of the gates, which foorthwith he redeliuered vnto them againe, and the sword the maior bare and caried before his lordship. He went first to the church, and by the waie vpon two seuerall stages made for the purpose, there were two orations made vnto him in Latine; and at his returne from the church, he had the third in English at the doore of his lodging. And to this citie the earle of Ormond came vnto him, and they being togither, letters were sent from sir William Mor­gan of aduertisement, that the traitors were come downe about Dungaruon and Yoghall. Whervpon one hundred horssemen vnder capteine Zouch, and Sentleger, and foure hundred footmen vnder sir William Stanleie, sir Peter Carew, capteine George Carew, & capteine Piers were dispatched to serue against them.

The lord iustice from Waterford, vpon notice of the trouble dailie increasing, sent a commission of the eleuenth of Februarie, to sir Warham Sentle­ger to be prouost marshall, authorising him to pro­céed according to the course of marshall law against all offendors, as the nature of his or their offenses did merit and deserue; so that the partie offendor be not able to dispend fortie shillings by the yeare in The articles of a cōmission for the mar­shall law. land, or annuitie, or be not woorth ten pounds in goods: also that vpon good causes he maie parlée and talke with anie rebell, and grant him a protection for ten daies: that he shall banish all idlers & stur­die beggers: that he shall apprehend aiders of out­lawes and théeues, and execute all idle persons ta­ken by night: that he shall giue in the name and names of such as shall refuse to aid and assist him: that in dooing of his seruice, he shall take horsse-meat and mans-meat where he list, in anie mans house for one night: that euerie gentleman and noble man doo deliuer him a booke of all the names of their seruants and followers: that he shall put in execu­tion all statutes against merchants and other penall lawes, and the same to sée to be read and published in euerie church by the parson and curat of the same: and that he doo euerie moneth certifie the lord iu­stice how manie persons, and of their offenses and qualities, that he shall execute and put to death: with sundrie other articles, which generallie are compri­sed in euerie commission for the marshall law.

The lord iustice, after that he had rested about thrée weekes at Waterford, he remooued and went to Clomnell, where the earle of Ormond met him, being the fiftéenth of Februarie 1579, and from thense he went by iourneies vnto Limerike, where The chancel­lor of Lime­rike sent to ward for treason. the chancellor of Limerike vpon suspicion of trea­son was committed to prison, and his lodging being searched, manie masse bookes and other popish trash, togither with an instrument of the earle of Des­monds libertie palantine of Kerrie was found. He was after indicted, arreigned, and found guiltie, but in the end pardoned. And the bishop likewise was The bishop committed prisoner to his owne house. vpon some suspicion committed prisoner vnto his owne house.

And out of Limerike he marched the tenth of March to Rathkell, where within one houre the erle of Ormond came vnto him, and there consulted for the manner of the persecution of the enimie. Which when they had agréed vpon, they passed the next mor­ning ouer the bridge of Adare, and by the waie they burned and spoiled the countrie, and went to Rath­kell. Now when they had amended the bridge which the rebels had destroied, and made passable, they pas­sed ouer the same into Connilo, where the lord iu­stice and the earle of Ordmond diuided their com­panies, and as they marched they burned and de­stroied the countrie, and they both that night incam­ped within one mile at Kilcolman. And there it was aduertised, that Nicholas Parker lieutenant vnto capteine Fenton, comming from Limerike with fiue horssemen, and thrée shot, which were of the gar­rison at Adare, he was set vpon at Rathkell by a hundred traitors, which did discharge sixtéene or eigh­téene Nicholas Parker verie valiantlie de­fendeth him­selfe. shot at him, and sundrie darts, before he espied them: but he and Iames Fenton the capteins bro­ther, and Guidon, so bestirred themselues, that they gaue the enimie the repulse, and slue their leader, with fiue or six others, and so came safe to the campe, but with the hurt of one of their horsses.

The souldiers likewise in the campe were so hot vpon the spurre, & so eger vpon the vile rebels, that [Page 167] that day they spared neither man, woman, nor child, but all was committed to the sword. The same daie, a souldier of the marshals incountered with two lu­stie Kernes, the one of them he slue, and the other he compelled to carrie his fellows head with him to the campe: which when he had doone, his head also was cut off and laid by his fellowes. The next daie follow­ing, being the twelfe of March, the lord iustice and the earle diuided their armie into two seuerall com­panies by two ensignes and thrée togither, the lord 10 iustice taking the one side, and the other taking the other side of Slewlougher, and so they searched the woods, burned the towne, and killed that daie about foure hundred men, and returned the same night with all the cattell which they found that daie.

And the said lords, being not satisfied with this daies seruice, they did likewise the next daie diuide themselues, spoiled and consumed the whole countrie vntill it was night. And being then incamped néere togither, the baron of Lexnew came to the earle of 20 Ormond, whome the earle in the next morning brought before the lord deputie, where he in most The baron of Lexnew sub­mitteth him selfe. humble maner yéelded, and submitted himselfe to his lordships deuotion, promising and presenting his seruice with all dutifulnesse. And then, when after great trauels they had maruellouslie wasted and spoiled the countrie, they appointed to march to Ca­rigofoile, and to laie siege to the same: for in it laie the greatest force of the Desmonds, and which was garded and kept by the Spaniards. This castell stan­deth 30 in the riuer, and at euerie full sea both it and the The castell of Carigofoile is besieged. bannes about it are inuironed with the said flouds and flowing waters. Assoone as they were incam­ped, the lord iustice approched the castell so néere as he could, to take the view thereof, that accordinglie he might consider the most fittest places for the laieng of the shot for the batterie: and then he commanded capteine George Carew to take out certeine shot, and to go with him in this seruice. Now the Spani­ards The lord iu­stice and cap­teine Carew take the view of the castell. hauing espied them, spent manie shot vpon 40 them, and where the lord iustice verie hardlie escaped with his life, and from being slaine with a musket shot. When his lordship vpon this view had determi­ned what he would doo, he caused the canon shot to be The castell besieged. planted in the place most fi [...] for the batterie, for other­wise the fort was not to be assaulted.

In the same were sixtéene Spaniards and fiftie others vnder one Iulio an Italian, who at the re­quest of the countesse of Desmond vndertooke the kéeping of it, and who reported himselfe to be a ve­rie The proud brags of the Spaniard. notable 50 enginer: & standing vpon his reputati­on, he plied the campe with continuall shot, putting out an ensigne and railing with manie bad speeches against hir maiestie; declaring also that they kept it for the king of Spaine and so still would, vntill further aid were sent from him: and which in verie déed was dailie looked for. Before the canons and o­ther battering péeces could be vnladen, they spent the time, occupieng the one the other with such deui­ses as they thought good for the seruices. And the 60 Spaniards, hauing the aduantage, did by their often shot hurt and kill some Englishmen, namelie a souldior of sir George Bourchiers, one of sir Henrie Wallops, & one of capteine Zouches: and sir Wil­liam Stanleie comming with his companie to the trenches to take the ward of capteine George Ca­rew, which kept the watch that night past, was hurt with a musket shot out of the castell in the necke. Assoone as the ordinance was vnladen and planted, they began forthwith to batter the fort with thrée ca­nons, The castell is battered with shot. a culuering, and a demie culuering; and in short time they so beat it, that the house fell and filled the ditches: by meanes whereof the same became to be assaultable.

Capteine Macworth, who had the ward of that daie, entred into the vtter banne by a doore that the Capteine Macworth first entreth the castell. souldiors had broken, and was maister of it present­lie. The Spaniards thervpon retired to a turret that was vpon the wall of the barbican, & some sought other places to hide and to saue themselues, but that part of the castell was beaten downe: and then capteine Macworth recouered the possession of the whole, and did put fiftie to the sword, of which nine­teene The castell of Carigofoile is taken. were found to be Spaniards; and six others he tooke, whereof one was a woman, which were exe­cuted in the campe. None were saued that daie but onelie the capteine Iulio, whome the lord iustice The bragging Spaniard is taken and hanged. kept for certeine considerations two or thrée daies: but in the end he was hanged as the rest were be­fore him. The next daie, being the first of Aprill one thousand fiue hundred and fourescore, the ordinan­ces 1580 were remoued and caried to the ship, which with all such souldiors as were sicke and hurt were sent to Limerike, to be relieued and cured. This castell, one of the princpallest and chiefest forts thus recoue­red, there resteth onelie the house and castell of As­ketten: and the lord iustice, and the earle of Ormond thought nothing more necessarie, than euen forth­with to march to Asketten, and to incampe there and to besiege it, euen as they had doone to this fort of Carigofoile. Where when they came, the two lords The castell of Asketten ap­pointed to be besieged. diuided themselues, the one taking the one side, and the other taking the other side of the water: and vp­on the third of Aprill they incamped at the said ca­stell, the lord iustice lieng in the abbeie, and the earle of Ormond vpon the further side of the riuer.

The lord iustice viewed the place, and found no waie possible to place anie watch or ward néere to the castell, by reason of the great disaduantage of the rockes which laie altogither vpon the castell. While the campe laie there, sir William Stanleie, Sir William Stanleie and capteine George Ca­rew besiege the castell of Balliloghan. capteine George Carew, and capteine Walker went to giue siege vnto the castell of Balliloghan, a strong house of the Desmonds, and which was warded vntill this time against hir maiestie. The ward had no sooner the sight and view of these three ensignes, but that they fired the house and fled: but The warders forsake the ca­stell. they were so narrowlie pursued, that the leader of them and some of his companie were ouertaken and slaine. Whilest the siege laie at Asketten, sir Hen­rie Wallop treasuror at warres came from Lime­rike to the campe the fourth of Aprill 1580: and the verie same night following, being a verie darke and close night, the warders of the castell fearing the example of the execution doone at Carigofoile, and doubting the sequele of the lord iustice prepara­tion The warders of Asketten forsake the ca­stell, and by a traine set it on fire. made for the batterie to be laid against it, did abandon and forsake the castell verie secretlie about midnight, leauing a traine of pouder to set it on fire, which consumed & burned a great part of the same: but the principall towers remained vntouched. The warders by fauor of the darke night escaped into the woods.

This castell thus recouered, the earle of Desmond had neuer a castell in all Mounster which was war­ded The castell of Asketten is taken. against hir maiestie: but all were now at hir deuotion. The lord iustice being possessed of Asket­ten, he appointed a strong garrison to reside there, and placed sir Peter Carew, and sir Henrie Wal­lops companie in the castell; and capteine George A ward pla­ced at Asket­ten. Carew, and capteine Hollingworth to be in the ab­beie, and so vpon the fift of Aprill he dislodged with the rest of the armie, and went vnto Limerike: com­manding the capteins to cut down the woods on both sides of the riuer, that the botes might passe fréelie to and fro. At his comming to Limerike, all things now séeming to be at peace, the earle of Ormond The armie is dispersed, and the garrisons are sent to their places appointed. returned home to Kilkennie, & certeine of the coun­cell [Page 168] which had followed in this iourneie rode to Dub­lin: and sir Nicholas Malbie departed into Con­nagh. And notwithstanding that the most part of the armie was now dispersed into garrisons: yet the seruices of euerie of them neuer abated. For al­waies as the time of seruice required, the Irishmen were issued out vpon, and most commonlie had the worst side. And the lord iustice himselfe taking an oc­casion to visit the ward at Adare, he passed by water, and capteine Case went by land, and after a time 10 spent in searching the woods, they returned with a preie of one thousand and two hundred kine, and verie good store of shéepe, besides the slaughter of manie traitors.

At his being and during his abode in Limerike, vpon the fifteenth of Maie, he receiued hir maiestes commission vnder the broad seale of England to be lord iustice (where before he held the same by the e­lection and order of the councell) and therewith also one other commission, for creating of sir William A commission to create sir William Burke to be baron. Burke baron of castell Connall, with a yearelie 20 pension of one hundred markes during his life. And from this time, the lord iustice spent this sum­mer in Mounster, trauelling to and fro through out the whole prouince: he himselfe and euerie other capteine in his seuerall garrison dooing such seruice vpon the rebels as by occasion was offred. The lord iustice vpon the fiftéenth of Iune, after that he had marched a few miles in Mac Aulies countrie, spoi­ling, defacing, and burning the same, he passed 30 through the boggie mounteine of Slewlougher in­to Kerrie, and there he discouered a great preie of the countrie; and pursuing the same, by the voward of his horssemen, and he himselfe in person tooke a­bout two thousand kine, besides store of shéepe and garons, with part of the traitors masking apparell. The earle of Desmond, the countesse his wife, and The earle of Desmond and his wife and doctor San­ders in perill to be taken. doctor Sanders little thinking of this matter, esca­ped verie hardlie; and their priest for hast was faine to leaue his gowne behind. The like seruice he did 40 the next daie, being the fiue and twentith of Iune at Castelmange. But at this time, a great mutinie began amongest the souldiors vnder sir George A mutinie a­mong the soul­diors for lacke of vittels. Bourchier, capteine Macworth, and capteine Dow­dall, by reason of their wants: but his lordship with such lenitie and courtesie handled the matter, that they departed from him well satisfied. Likewise sir Sir Cormac Mac Teige dooth a péece of seruice vpon sir Iames of Desmond. Cormac Mac Teige shiriffe of the countie of Corke did notable seruice vpon sir Iames of Desmond; which sir Iames vpon the fourth of August made a roade into Muskroie, and tooke a great preie from 50 the foresaid sir Cormac. Wherevpon his brother Donnell assembleth his brothers tenants and coun­trie and followed the preie, and recouered the same: sir Iames, who thought it to be too great a dishonor and reproch to depart with anie thing which he had in hand, withstanding the matter.

Wherevpon they fell at hand-fight. In which con­flict and fight the said Donnell behaued himselfe so valiantlie, and his companie so lustilie stucke to the matter, that the preie was recouered, and sir Iames 60 himselfe mortallie wounded and taken prisoner, and Sir Iames of Desmond in taking of a preie is taken prisoner and executed. all his force, being aboue a hundred and fiftie per­sons, were slaine and ouerthrowne. He that tooke him was a smith, and seruant to sir Cormac, who foorthwith handfasted him: and for auoiding of cer­teine inconueniences, he kept him close, and secret­lie hid him in a certeine bush in the fastnesse there, and bound him so fast and sure, that he could not es­cape nor run awaie. And when all the companie was gone, then he tooke him and carried him to sir Cor­mac his maister, who kept him in safe custodie, vn­till, by letters of commandement from the lord iu­stice and councell, he did deliuer him vnto sir War­ham Sentleger then prouost marshall, and to cap­teine Sir Iames of Desmond sent to sir Warham Sentleger & to capteine Raleigh, and was executed to death. Raleigh; who (according to a commission in like order to them addressed) was examined, indic­ted, arreigned, and then vpon iudgement drawen, hanged and quartered: and his bodie being quarte­red, it was togither with the head set on the towne gates of the citie of Corke, and made the preie of the foules. And thus the pestilent hydra hath lost an o­ther of his heads.

This seruice of this knight was maruellouslie well accepted, and first from the lord iustice and councell, and then from hir maiestie he receiued ve­rie fréendlie and thankfull letters. This man was a yonger house vnto Mac Artie Reough, and they both a yonger house vnto Mac Artie More now earle of Clancar, and whose ancestors (as is said) were kings before the conquest of Mounster. They are all men of great power, and greatlie estée­med in those parties. But this sir Cormac, in du­tie and obedience to hir maiestie and hir lawes, and for his affection to all Englishmen, surpasseth all his owne sept & familie, as also all the Irishrie in that land. For albeit a méere Irish gentleman can hardly digest anie Englishman or English gouern­ment, & whatsoeuer his outward appearance be, yet his inward affection is corrupt and naught: being not vnlike to Iupiters cat, whome though he had Iupiters cat. transformed into a beautifull ladie, and made hir a noble princesse; yet when she saw the mouse, she could not forbeare to snatch at him: and as the ape, though he be neuer so richlie attired in purple, yet he will still be an ape. This knight, after he did once yéeld The loialtie of sir Cor­mac Mac Teige. himselfe to hir maiesties obedience, and had profes­sed his loialtie, he euer desired to ioine himselfe vn­to the companie of the Englishmen, and became in time a faithfull and freendlie man vnto them, liued according to hir maiesties lawes, and did so good seruice at all times when it was requisit and requi­red, as none of that nation did euer the like. And if at anie time he were had in suspicion, he would by some kind of seruice purge & acquite himselfe, euen as he did in this present seruice in taking of sir Iames of Desmond, to his great praise & commen­dation, and to his acquitall against the reprochfull reports of his aduersaries. And sir William Fitz­williams in the time of his deputiship, hauing had a verie good triall of his fidelitie, truth, and good ser­uice, did giue vnto him the order of knighthood, and Sir Cormac Mac Teige made knight. made him shiriffe of the countie of Corke: euen as the lord iustice now did commend this his seruice vnto hir maiestie by his letters of the twelfe of Au­gust, a thousand fiue hundred and eightie, and prai­eng that the same might be so acceptablie receiued, as that the enobling of him might be both an or­nament to his house, an incoraging vnto others to doo the like, and a testimonie against others of his sort, who haue neglected a number of occasions (at greater aduantages) to haue doone the like serui­ces.

The death of Iames of Desmond, and the quarte­ring of his bodie did maruellouslie dismaie the earle himselfe, sir Iohn his other brother, and doctor San­ders, and all their confederats. And by reason of the continuall persecuting of the rebels, who could haue no breath nor rest to reléeue themselues, but were alwaies by one garrison or other hurt and pursued; and by reason the haruest was taken from them, their cattels in great numbers preied from them, and the whole countrie spoiled and preied; the poore people, who liued onelie vpon their labors, and fed by The miserie of the people. their milch cowes, were so distressed, that they would follow after the goods which were thus taken from them, and offer themselues, their wiues, and chil­dren, rather to be slaine by the armie, than to suffer [Page 169] the famine wherewith they were now pinched. And this great calamitie made also a diuision betweene the earle of Desmond and his brother sir Iohn, et­ther of them excusing that whereof they were both guiltie. The earle himselfe (without rest) fléeth from place to place, and findeth small comfort, and The sute of the countesse of Desmond. séeing no other remedie, sent his ladie and wife vnto the lord iustice, who in great abundance of teares be­wraied the miserable estate of hir husband, hir selfe, and their followers, making (with most lamentable 10 requests) sute, that hir husband might be taken to submission.

Sir Iohn of Desmond, being in the like di­stresse, he togither with doctor Sanders gaue the Sir Iohn of Desmond minded to ioine with the vicount Bal­tinglasse. aduenture, to passe for their refuge to the vicount Baltinglasse, then being in the countie of Kildare. The garrison which laie at Kilmallocke, making an issue out by night to doo some seruice, by chance met the said Iohn and Sanders in the darke night: and not knowing them did set vpon them, and of foure 20 of them they tooke two, the one being a frier named Iames Haie and standard bearer to the late Iames Fitzmoris, who vpon his examination confessed Sir Iohn of Desmond and doctor San­ders in flieng, were in dan­ger to be ta­ken. that the earle of Desmond was author of all these warres, and the other was Sanders man, who was slaine; and the frier was reserued, but sir Iohn and the doctor by the benefit of the darknesse verie hard­lie escaped, & cut off from their iourneie. The lord iu­stice being at Newcastell, and being aduertised that the earle of Desmond and Sanders were in Kerrie, 30 he foorthwith sent for the garrisons of Adare and As­ketten to come to him, and for the garrison of Kil­mallocke to méet him at the place, daie, and time ap­pointed, for a speciall peece of seruice then to be doone. Whose commandement being doone and obei­ed, they tooke their waie into Kerrie, and there they had taken the earle, and his countesse, and doc­tor Sanders, had not a false brother bewraied the The earle and his countesse in danger to haue béene ta­ken. matter, and yet for hast they left their breakfast be­hind them halfe dressed. Neuerthelesse, they tooke 40 two preies, the one of fiftéene and the other of eigh­teene kine; and the next daie they tooke another preie of two hundred kine, slue diuerse traitors, and tooke two friers, whose gownes were too long for them to follow the earle and the popes nuntio, they being poore bare footed friers, and he a lustie horsman: and then his lordshid returned to Asketten, where he left maister Parker conestable of the place; and from thense he went to Limerike, where he receiued news by master Zouch, and after by letters from the lord Greie lord deputie, of his arriuall to Dub­lin. 50 And then his lordship minding to make his spéedie repaire to Dublin, did set the countrie in some good order, and by the aduise of the councell at Limerike, he appointed sir George Bourcher co­ronell of all Mounster, and instructions were deli­uered Sir George Bourcher co­ronell of Mounster. vnto him, both for certeine speciall seruices to be doone, & also for the generall gouernement of the whole prouince; & had left vnto him the charge (vnder his gouernement) of the whole forces in 60 Mounster; which of footmen were two thousand eight hundred & twentie; and of horssemen thrée hundred This force is both of the princes paie, and of the lord of the pro­uince. fourescore and fiftéene: the whole, thrée thousand two hundred and fiftéene men. Likewise he had sent the like instructions to sir Warham Sentleger, and the erle of Clancar. And these & other like things doone, he tooke his iourneie through Conaugh for the like establishing of the countrie, & came to Dublin the sixt daie of September, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and one; and the next daie he deliuered vp the sword to the lord Greie, as to the lord deputie of Ireland, in saint Patrikes church in presence of the councell, noble men, and gentlemen, which were for the same purpose there assembled.

And within six daies after the lord Greie his arri­uall, The vicountie of Baltin­glasse lieth in the Glinnes with the re­bels. it was giuen his lordship to vnderstand, that the vicount of Baltinglas, and Pheon macke Hugh, the chiefe of his sex of the Obrins, were lieng in the Obrins countrie, and were now of great force and strength, by meanes of the companie of capteine Fitzgirald, kinsman to the earle of Kildare, who had a band of footmen committed vnto him in the begin­ning of this rebellion, for the defense of the countie of Kildare, which bordereth fast by the Obrins. And he nothing regarding now, either the dutie of a sub­iect, or his owne credit, most traitorouslie reuolteth from his lawfull prince, and conioineth himselfe with traitors and rebels. And with these he practiseth and persuadeth to resist and make head against hir maiesties forces; because they could not (as he said) withstand or preuaile against them: who without anie reward promised, were easilie persuaded, be­cause they would be persuaded, and were most wil­ling to exercise anie maner of outrage. All these thus combined, drew one string, & incamped them­selues in the fastnes of the Glinnes, about 20 miles from Dublin, where they kept all their goods & cat­tell. This fastnesse was by nature so strong as pos­sible The strength of the fastnesse in the Glinnes might be: for in it is a vallie or a combe lieng in the midle of the wood, of a great length, betweene two hils, & no other waie is there to passe through. Under foot it is boggie and soft, and full of great stones and slipperie rocks, verie hard and euill to passe through; the sides are full of great & mightie trees vpon the sides of the hils, & full of bushments and vnderwoods.

The lord deputie, being not yet acquainted with the custome of the countrie, nor with the Irish serui­ces, and thinking himselfe in honor to be touched, and the whole armie to be discredited, if a companie of traitors should lie so néere vnto him, and not be touched nor fought withall, resolued himselfe to haue a péece of seruice to be doone vpon them. Wher­fore he with all his whole armie marcheth vnto the said Glinnes, & giueth order to sir William Stan­leie, A seruice ap­pointed to be doone against the Obrins. sir Peter Carew, sir Henrie Bagnoll, capteine Awdleie, and to Iohn Parker, lieutenant to cap­teine Furse with all their footmen, and to Francis Cosbie capteine of the kerne, and George Moore an old veteran of Berwike, coronell of all the footmen, to take this seruice vpon them. But Cosbie, who had béene a long seruitor, and knew what to that kind of seruice did belong, did foresée the danger which would follow hereof, and so declared it to his com­panie: notwithstanding to auoid the reproches which might be laied to his charge, followed the said ser­uice, and vpon the next daie, being the fiue & twen­tith of August, they entered the Glinnes.

The lord deputie being accompanied with the earle of Kildare, Iaques Wingefield, capteine George Carew, capteine Denie, and others on horssebacke staied vpon the mounteine side hard by the wood. The archtraitor Fitzgirald, hauing some The lord de­putie staied vpon the mounteins. secret intelligence of the seruice towards, he be­stoweth and placeth all his men with their peeces a­mongst the trées, and there couered themselues, vntill the Englishmen were entered and passed into the fastnesse, about halfe a mile or more, and could not easilie returne: and he hauing them at aduan­tage vpon euerie side of the hill, with great furie as­saileth them with his shot, and in verie short time did kill the most part of the voward, both captein [...] and souldiors. The residue which followed, being in despaire to recouer what was lost, and distrusting themselues, fled at all hands, and ran backe as fast as they could in so bad a waie. And yet such was the nimblenesse of the traitors, and their skill of ser­uice in such places, that they were like to haue béene [Page 170] killed; if the lord deputie, and the horssemen had not rescued them: vpon whose comming they retired into their fastnesse.

In this conflict, George More, capteine Audleie, Francis Cosbie, and sir Peter Carew coronell, The English men slaine in the Gunnes. were then murthered and slaughtered; which sir Pe­ter was verie well armed, and with running in his armor, which he could not put off, he was halfe smo­thered, and inforced to lie downe: whome when the rebels had taken, they disarmed him, & the most part 10 of them would haue saued him, and made request for him, they thinking that more profit would grow Sir Peter Carew slaine. among them by his life than benefit by his death. Notwithstanding, one villaine most butcherlie, as­soone as he was disarmed, with his sword slaughte­red and killed him; who in time after was also kil­led. Before the entrie into this seruice, Iaques Iaques Wingfield his wisdome to­wards his ne­phues. Wingfield being acquainted with this kind of bold and rash hardinesse, and foreséeing the euill successe which was feared would insue, persuadeth with his 20 two nephues, sir Peter and capteine George Ca­rew, to staie and to forbeare to aduenture into the woods. But sir Peter could not listen therevnto, nor be persuaded; but would néeds go in. His bro­ther would haue doone the like, but his vncle perforce kept him, saieng; If I lose one, yet I will keepe the other: and so by that meanes he was by Gods good­nesse saued and preserued.

This blacke daie was a dolefull and a gréeuous daie to the lord deputie and all his companie: not­withstanding, 30 hoping of a hard beginning would follow a better ending tooke the matter as patient­lie as he could, and made his returne vnto Dublin, abiding the comming of the lord iustice; who as soone as he was returned, then the lord Greie was sworne, and had the sword deliuered vnto him. The earle of Ormond in this meane time, being verie desirous to doo some seruice vpon the Spaniards, being nothing afraid of their force and multitude, marcheth towards the fort, and incampeth at Tra­leigh, 40 where the scout the same night espied a light in the enimies campe, and by reason of the darke night, the companie of them seemed to be the grea­ter: which caused the gouernor to be more watch­full and circumspect. Wherefore in the morning, The earle marcheth in order of bat­tell to the fort. like a wise and a politike capteine, setteth all his companies in battell araie, & so marcheth forwards in his strength & verie good order ouer the strand of Traleigh towards the fort, euerie man being at a full resolution to doo his best seruice that day against 50 the enimie. When these strangers had knowledge of the approching of the lord gouernor, and his com­panie, albeit their fort was verie strong, both by nature and by art; yet they distrusted themselues, and forsooke the fort, and by the guiding of the Irish­rie, The Spani­ards leaue their fort. they remoued themselues from thense to Glan­ningell, whome the gouernor pursued, & ouertooke some of them, vpon whome he gaue the onset, and skirmished with them: diuerse of them he slue, and The earle fol­loweth the Spaniards and putteth them to the foile. manie he tooke, whome he caried along with him: 60 the residue of them fled into the fastnesse of Glan­ningell, which is a verie strong place and couert, by reason of the great woods and of the mounteines adioining. Wherevpon the daie being spent, and no seruice for that time to be doone anie further, the lord gouernor incamped there that night, fast to their enimies nose, to trie him what he would, or durst doo.

Assoone as he was incamped, he calleth the pri­soners The compa­nie of the Spaniards not aboue seuen score. (who were taken) before him, and they con­fessed that they were in number, not aboue seuen hundred men: but had brought with them pikes, caliuers, munitions, and all kinds of artillerie, suf­ficient for fiue thousand men: because they knew that the Irishmen were of bodies sufficient, but that they lacked furniture and training; & in these two things they minded to furnish them: and further al­so they said, that they had sent backe two of their ships into Spaine, to aduertise that they were safe­lie arriued, and how that they were interteined: requesting that the supplie appointed before their comming from home, might with all spéed be The determi­nations of the pope and king Philip, to make a through con­quest of Ire­land. sent awaie, and for which they did dailie looke: be­cause it was throughlie concluded betwéene the pope and king Philip, to make a through conquest of all Ireland; and so consequentlie as time should serue, to doo the like with England. And moreo­uer, that they had brought with them a great masse and store of monie and treasure, which according to their commission they had deliuered to the earle of Desmond, sir Iohn his brother, & to doctor Sanders the popes nuntio; and more is promised to be sent.

After these things thus doone, it was giuen to the said gouernor to vnderstand, that the same night there were three hundred souldiors of the enimies companie returned & gone backe to the fort. Where­vpon he returned also, and followed them the next The earle of Ormond in­campeth at the fort. morning, and came to Dingle, where he incamped as néere to the fort as he could; and there choosing to himselfe capteine Dowdall, capteine Piers, and certeine shot, he drew so neere to the fort as he had the whole discouerie and sight of the fort and compa­nie therein, which séemed to be easie to be gotten, if he had anie shot and munitions for the same. But as The earle for lacke of muni­tion could not preuaile a­gainst the fort. neither the scholer without his booke, nor the artifi­cer without his tooles, can doo anie thing in his pro­fession: no more can the souldior fight without his meet weapons, nor serue without his necessaries: and therefore for want of things necessarie for this batterie, the lord gouernor was driuen to returne, and to leaue the fort.

The Spaniards perceiuing this, or mistrusting some other matter, made a sallie of thréescore men, The Spani­ards issue out and giue a skirmish. and the gouernor seeing their aduantage, thought to follow the aduise of his capteins, and not to haue dealed at all with them. But one Andrew Martin more hastie than aduised, and more rash than wise, procured a skirmish with them, in which he was slaine; and the lord gouernor compelled of force to answer the skirmish. But it was not long, but that he sounded the retract; and being not able to annoie the enimie, nor preuaile at the fort, he returned backe againe, and by iourneies he came to Rekell: The lord de­putie commeth to Rekell, and is there met by the earle of Ormond. where he met the lord deputie, vnto whom he yéelded vp all his companie, and his commission, and then made prouision of his men, and for victuals, to fol­low the said lord deputie. The lord deputie had now in his companie about eight hundred men, horsse­men and footmen, vnder the leadings of capteine Zouch, capteine Walter Raleigh, capteine De­nie, who had also capteine George Carews compa­nie vnder his ensigne, capteine Macworth, cap­teine Achin, and others: and then he marched to­wards the fort where the Spaniards and Romans were setled.

Capteine Raleigh, notwithstanding that the lord deputie had raised his campe at Rekell, and was gone towards the fort, yet he taried and staied be­hind, minding to practise some exploit. For it was not vnknowne vnto him, that it was a maner a­mong the Irish kerns, that whensoeuer anie Eng­lish campe was dislodged and remooued, they would after their departures come to those camps to take what they there found to be left. Thus therefore li­eng, and kéeping himselfe verie close, taried and a­bode the comming of the said kerns; who suspe­cting no such trap to be laid for them, came after their maners and old vsages to the said place, and there [Page 171] tooke their pleasure; who when they were in their se­curitie, the capteine and his men came vpon them, and tooke them all. Among them there was one, who caried and was laden with withs, which they vsed in sted of halters: and being demanded what he would doo with them, and whie he caried them; gaue an­swer, that they were to hang vp English churls: for so they call Englishmen. Is it so (quoth the cap­teine) well, they shall now serue for an Irish kerne: and so commanded him to be hanged vp with one of 10 his owne withs; the residue he handled according to their deserts.

The lord deputie incamped himselfe as néere the fort as he could. And at this present was sir Willi­am The lord de­putie mar­cheth to the fort, and be­ [...]egeth it. Winter also newlie returned from out of Eng­land: but he arriued at Kinsale, and his viceadme­rall capteine Bingham came into the baie of saint Marie weeke or Smerewéeke, and not long after, sir William Winter himselfe followed. And by these means the said lord deputie was so well furnished 20 of all things necessarie, that he at land, and sir Wil­liam Winter at sea besieged the fort. But before a­nie assault giuen, he first summoned the fort; requi­ring The fort is summoned. of them who they were, what they had there to doo, by whom they were sent, and whie they fortified in hir maiesties land, & required therewith to yéeld vp the fort. But they answered that they were sent some from the holie father, which had giuen that The answer of the fort. realme to king Philip; and some from king Philip, who was to receiue and recouer that land to the holie 30 church of Rome, which by hir maiesties means was become schismaticall, and out of the church, with o­ther reprochfull spéeches: and that therfore they were in that respect to kéepe what they had, and to recouer what they yet had not. Wherevpon the lord deputie sent to sir William Winter, to haue conference with him, how, in what sort, and by what waies they were to worke for the dispossessing of these strangers from their fort, and how their artillerie and munitions might be best placed and laied for the batterie; and betwéene whom it was then determi­ned 40 how all things should be doone.

Whiles they were thus in speeches, and consul­ting of the matter, the Spaniards thinking to take some aduantage, made a sallie vpon the English­men: The Spani­ards make a sallie vpon the Englishmen. which was forthwith answered by capteine Denie (who as then had but a doozzen shot) and by Michaell Butler lieutenant to capteine Raleigh: & these so valiantlie behaued themselues, and so wor­thilie followed the fight, that they made the Spani­ards 50 with more hast than with good speed to returne againe to their fort. The same night following, sir William Winter, according to the conclusion be­twéene the lord deputie and him, he did cause to be vnloden certeine culuerings, and like péeces of or­dinance out of hir maiesties ships, which then laie in the rode of Smereweeke, and then there being a great banke betweene the shores side and the fort, through which the ordinance were to be caried, they The diligent seruice of the mariners. did in the same night cut through that banke, caried their ordinance through it, and mounted them in 60 the place appointed, before the breake of the daie, and before it was open daie the batterie was readie to be giuen. A péece of seruice (the place and time consi­dered) thought woorthie great commendations. The The fort is beset vpon the land side. lord deputie likewise had doone the like vpon the land side, & so being on both sides in readinesse to fol­low the seruice, his lordship summoned them by the shot of a péece of ordinance, offering vnto them mer­cie if they would yéeld. But they knowing nothing what was doone that night, answered as before, that they would kéepe what they had, and would increase what they could get. Wherevpon they began to bat­ter the fort on both sides, both by land and by water. This first daie of batterie was capteine Raleighs ward daie. But the Spaniards made their brags, that they cared not for this; and to set a good face vp­on it, some of them sallied out, and offered the skir­mish, but verie faintlie and fearefullie: and so both vpon the first daie, the second daie, and the third daie, little was doone, but onelie the continuance of the batterie. The fourth daie was capteine Zouches ward daie, vnder whom was a lustie yoong gentle­man named Iohn Chéeke, who drew so néere the fort, that he looked ouer the purport into it, which being Iohn Chéeke is slaine. séene and perceiued, one of the Spaniards leuelled a péece at him, & with his shot strake him in the head, wherewith he died. About the end of these foure daies, the trenches for the full batterie were drawne and brought so néere vnto the fort, that now they left to dallie anie longer with the fort, but verie hot­lie and sharpelie they battered at it on both sides. The fort is battered on euerie side. The Spaniards, who had staied themselues vpon the hope of some further supplie, to come out of their countrie, and thinking of some better aid of the erle of Desmond, & of his brethren, than yet they had re­ceiued; and séeing also the batterie to be such as they could not be able to withstand and hold out, they desi­red a parlée with the lord deputie, who vtterlie deni­ed The Spani­ards desire a parlée. it: saieng, that his seruice was against traitors and rebels, with whom no spéeches nor parlées are al­lowed. And forsomuch as they (though strangers by birth) otherwise did confederat with them in such a traitorous action, they were in the like predica­ment with them. Then they requested that they might haue libertie to depart with bag & baggage, which also would not be granted. Then they reque­sted that certeine particular men among them­selues might haue their frée passage, and certeine o­ther conditions: but my lord refused both this, and all other conditions, requiring an absolute yéel­ding, or nothing at all. When they saw that they could not preuaile anie waie, then at the length they hanged out a white flag, and with one voice they all cried out Misericordia, misericordia, and offered to yéeld both themselues and the fort, without anie condition at all. Which thing when it was aduertised to his lordship, he sent capteine Iaques Wingfield ma­ster Capteine wingfield is sent to the fo [...]. of the ordinance to the fort, and to make triall whether this their offer were true and vnfeigned: who when he came to the fort, he was receiued in, and foorthwith the capteine of the fort came vnto him, and in all humble maner yéelded himselfe to be brought, and to be presented vnto the lord depu­tie: and at the commandement of the said Iaques Wingfield he disarmed himselfe, and caused all his companie to doo the like, and to bring all the armour in the fort into one place; and there they laied their pikes acrosse vpon the same. Which be­ing doone, the said capteine Wingfield came out of the fort, and brought the capteine with him, pro­mising him safe conduct to the lord deputie. But by the waie, his lordship sent some to receiue him at his hands, and willed the said Iaques Wingfield to re­turne againe to the fort.

In this fort sir Iames Fitzgirald knight, and The prisoners in the fort de­liuered. lord of the Decies, was a prisoner by the order of the earle of Desmond, and one Plunket an Irishman, and one Englishman, which came and accompanied the traitors out of Spaine. The knight was set at libertie, but the other two were executed. When the capteine had yéelded himselfe, and the fort appointed to be surrendered, capteine Raleigh together with capteine Macworth, who had the ward of that daie, entered into the castell, & made a great slaugh­ter, manie or the most part of them being put to the swoord. And when all things were cléere, the lord de­putie came to the fort, and hauing doone what plea­sed [Page 172] him, his lordship returned, and manie of the cap­teins he saued. The fort foorthwith was rased, the ar­mor and munitions were dispersed abroad, and all things doone as it pleased the lord deputie, he sent the coronell and campemaister ouer into England by capteine Denie, and dismissed the armie, and sent euerie capteine to his garrison. And his lordship went from thense to Dingham, which is a long scat­tering waste towne, and in it foure or fiue castels, which the earle of Desmond had caused to be defa­ced in the beginning of this rebellion. 10

And heere the earle of Ormond met with the lord Capteine Zouch made the gouernour of Desmond. deputie with a new supplie of his owne men, be­ing readie to haue followed the seruice if néed had so required. In this towne the lord deputie made cap­teine Zouch gouernor of Kerrie and Desmond, and appointed vnto him thrée hundred men, and accom­panied him with capteine Cash, who had one hun­dred men, and capteine Achin, who had fiftie horsse­men, and commanded these to lie in garrison in that towne, or where they thought good. And these had to 20 them giuen all the victuals which were found in the fort. And from hense his lordship went to Limerike, and came thither the seauen and twentith of No­uember, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue Capteine Berkeleie came into Ireland, and laie at Asket­ten. hundred & eightie. At which time there arriued out of England six new bands of soldiers, vnder the lead­ing of capteine Berkleie, capteine Cruse, capteine Herd, and capteine Tanner, all which his lordship bestowed in seuerall garrisons, and in such places as were most meet for seruice; capteine Berkelie one­lie of the capteins remained in Mounster, and was 30 placed in the house of Asketten, the cheefest castell of the earle of Desmond with two hundred men. The others went into Connagh, where the wicked sonnes of the earle of Clanricard were now vpon their keeping. For notwithstanding that the Spani­ards were ouerthrowne, and thereby a sufficient warning was giuen to the rebels, to be thinke them­selues, that if they did persist in their rebellions, the like would also insue vpon them: yet see how that the 40 venemous Hydra had no sooner lost one of hir heds, but in stéed of one, sundrie and manie others are Connagh, Leinster and Mounster, are all vp in rebel­lion. sproong vp. For at the verie instant, the bastardlie brood of the earle Clanricard, the vicount of Bal­tingglasse, associated with the Obrins, Omores, and Keuenaughs in Leinster, & with sundrie others of that wicked nation, conspire, and are vp in open rebellion; and so now at this one instant, Mounster, Connagh, and a great péece of Leinster are in arms and actuall rebellion: onelie Ulster (which was 50 woont to be the woorst) is now the best and most qui­etest.

The lord deputie being at this present in Lime­rike, & aduertised of these troubles, setteth all things The earle of Ormond is the gouernour of Mounster. in order for the seruice in Mounster, and committed the whole gouernement of that prouince vnto the earle of Ormond, and then he returned vnto Du­bline, where he tooke order for Connagh & Leinster. And about this time there arriued out of England 150 horssemen set out at the charges of the clear­gie 60 of England, vnder the leadings of William The cleargies band doo ariue into Ireland. Russell sonne to the earle of Bedford, and of Brian Fitzwilliams, which were dispersed according to the seruice. The lord deputie being returned vnto Du­bline, the earle of Kildare, and the baron of Deluin his sonne in law, were had in suspicion to be parta­kers The earle of Kildare, and the baron of Deluin had in suspicion, and are committed to ward. and secret dealers in these rebellions, and ther­vpon were committed to ward vnder the custodie of Iaques Wingfield maister of the ordinance. Im­mediatlie vpon whose apprehensions, the lord Hen­rie Fitzgirald, sonne and heire to the said earle, and of the age about seauentéene yeares, being persua­ded by his fosterfathers and followers, he fled into Ophalia whereof he was baron, and there (as it was The earls son is kept by the Oconhours said) he was taken by the Oconhours, and kept a­gainst his will for his safetie, vntill they did heare further what should be become of the earle.

This thing being aduertised to the lord deputie, he coniectured that this was but a surmised and co­lorable kind of dealing, to bleare his lordships eies: wherefore by order and good aduise he first willed the earle to send for his sonne, who did so. But his mes­senger returned with an answer, that the yoong lord was willing to come, but the Oconhours, who were in doubt what should be become of the earle, would in no wise suffer his sonne to depart, vnlesse they might haue good assurance for his safe returne a­gaine vnto them. The lord deputie not liking these kind of fond excuses and disordered dealings, sent the earle of Ormond then being in Dubline, to deale with the Oconhours, who being accompanied with The earle of Ormond is sent for the yoong lord Fitzgirald. sir Edmund and Piers his brethren, Nicholas White maister of the rolles, capteine George Ca­rew, capteine Macworth, and sundrie other cap­teins and gentlemen, made their repaire to the bor­ders and marches of Ophalia; whense after much talke to no purpose, they all returned without the yoong lord. Neuertheles afterwards the Oconhours when they had better considered of the matter, and had had some conference with Hussen and others the earles men, and mistrusting that some further trou­bles would insue, euen as the earle of Ormond had partlie threatened them; and doubting also least the staieng of the sonne might be preiudiciall to the fa­ther; then in all hast did send the yoong lord to the erle The yoong lord is sent to the earle of Ormond. of Ormond, who caried him to Dubline, and deliue­red him to the lord deputie: and his lordship foorth­with sent him to the ward, where he remained with his father, vntill they both and the baron of Deluin The earle of Kildare and his sonne and sonne in law are sent into England. The earle died in London. were sent into England, where the earle and the ba­ron were sent to the Tower, and the yoong lord com­mitted to the custodie of the earle of Bedford. The earle died after in London, and his bodie was ca­ried into Ireland, and there buried amongest his ancestors.

Capteine Walter Raleigh, lieng in garrison at Corke, and nothing liking the outrages, bodrages, and villanies dailie practised by Barrie, Condon, and others vpon the good subiects and hir maiesties Capteine Ra­leigh complai­neth against the sufferance of the rebels. garrisons, whereof sundrie complaints had béene made, and small redresse had; he rode himselfe to Dubline vnto the lord deputie, and made his com­plaints thereof, alledging that the outrages of the Barries and his consorts were such, that vnlesse they were proclamed traitors, and with all dili­gence followed and pursued, the euent therof would be verie euill, to the aggréeuance of good subiects, & to the incouragement of the wicked: whose inso­lencie and pride was growne to such a heigth, that the swoord with extremitie was the onelie meane now to redresse the same.

The lord deputie and councell, when they had heard and well considered this, they sent him Capteine Ra­leigh hath a commission, & the inlarge­ment of a band of horssemen to pursue the enimie. backe againe with a commission vnto himselfe, to seize and enter vpon the castell and house of Bar­rie court, and all other the lands of the said Barrie: and likewise to pursue and follow him in the best maner as he thought good: and for his bet­ter seruice to be doone herein, he had certeine horsse­men in wages also giuen vnto him, and added vnto his ensigne of footmen: whervpon he returned. But Dauid lord Barrie bur­neth and spoi­leth his owne house. before he was come backe to Corke, the case was al­tered; for the matter was so ordered and handled by such as there and then were in authoritie, and so ma­nie delaies were vsed to hinder the good seruice pur­posed, that his commission auailed him verie little or nothing, for the castell of Barrie Moore was com­mitted [Page 173] and deliuered to the custodie of the mother of the said Dauid Barrie, and by hir set ouer vnto him hir sonne: and who foorthwith burned and defaced the said castell being his principall house, as also wasted the whole countrie, and became more woorse and out­ragious than he was before. This capteine making his returne from Dubline, & the same well knowne vnto the seneschall of Imokellie, through whose countrie he was to passe, laie in ambush for him to haue intrapped him betwéene Youghall and Corke, Capteine Raleigh is laid for by the seneschall. lieng at a foord, which the said capteine must passe 10 ouer with six horssemen, and certeine kerne. The cap­teine little mistrusting anie such matter, had in his companie onelie two horssemen and foure shot on horssebacke, which was too small a force in so doubt­full and dangerous times: neuerthelesse he had a ve­rie good guide, which was the seruant of Iohn Fitz­edmunds of Cloue, a good subiect, and this guide knew euerie corner and starting hole in those places.

The capteine being come towards the foord, the 20 seneschall had espied him alone, his companie be­ing scattered behind, and verie fiercelie pursued him, and crossed him as he was to ride ouer the wa­ter, The seneschal followeth cap­teine Raleigh. but yet he recouered the foord and was passed o­uer. The Irishman who was his guide, when he saw the capteine thus alone, and so narrowlie distressed, he shifted for himselfe and fled vnto a broken castell fast by, there to saue himselfe. The capteine being The distressed state of Henrie Moile. thus ouer the water, Henrie Moile, riding alone a­bout a bowes shoot before the rest of his companie, 30 when he was in the midle of the foord, his horsse foun­dred and cast him downe; and being afraid that the seneschals men would haue folowed him and haue killed him, cried out to the capteine to come and to saue his life; who not respecting the danger he him­selfe was in, came vnto him, and recouered both him and his horsse. And then Moile coueting with all hast to leape vp, did it with such hast and vehemen­cie, that he quite ouer leapt the horsse, and fell into a mire fast by, and so his horsse ran awaie, and was 40 taken by the enimie. The capteine neuerthelesse staid still, and did abide for the comming of the resi­due of his companie, of the foure shot which as yet were not come foorth, and for his man Ienkin, who had about two hundred pounds in moneie about him, and sat vpon his horsse in the meane while, ha­uing his staffe in one hand, and his pistoll charged in the other hand. The seneschall, who had so fiercelie followed him vpon spur, when he saw him to stand and tarrie as it were for his comming, notwith­standing 50 he was counted a man (as he was indéed) of great seruice, and hauing also a new supplie The toward­nesse of the seneschall. of twelue horssemen and sundrie shot come vnto him; yet neither he nor anie one of them, being twentie to one, durst to giue the onset vpon him, but onelie railed and vsed hard speeches vnto him, vntill his men behind had recouered and were come vnto him, and then without anie further harme depar­ted. 60

It happened that not long after, there was a parlee appointed betwéene the lord gouernor and the rebels; at which the seneschall was present, and stood much vpon his reputation. Capteine Raleigh being present began to charge him of his cowardnesse be­fore the earle of Ormond, that he being twentie of his side, to him alone, durst not to incounter with him. Wherevnto he gaue no answer. But one of his men standing by, said; that his maister was that daie a coward; but he would neuer be so forgetfull a­gaine, if the like seruice were to be doone, and in ma­nie great terms exalted his maister the seneschall for his valiantnesse and seruice. The earle of Or­mond hearing those great spéeches, tooke the matter in hand, and offred vnto the seneschall, that if he and The chalenge made by the earle of Or­mond to the seneschall. sir Iohn of Desmond there present, and thrée or foure others, the best they could choose, would appoint to méet him; capteine Raleigh, and such foure others as they would bring with them, they would come to the same place, and passe ouer the great riuer vnto them, and would there two for two, foure for foure, or six for six, fight and trie the matter betwéene them; but no answer was then giuen: whervpon the white knight was afterwards sent vnto him with this cha­lenge, but the rebels refused it. Not long after this, there were spéeches made, that the earle of Ormond was to depart from this long and wearie seruice into England, & capteine Zouch should in his place be the generall. Betwéene the remoouing of the one, and the placing of the other, sir William Morgan, capteine Raleigh, and capteine Piers had a com­mission to be gouernors of that part of Mounster, Capteine Ra­leigh a com­missioner in Mounster. where they spent all that summer, and laie for the most part at Lismore, and in the countrie and woods thereabouts, in continuall seruices vpon the enimies from time to time, as occasion and oportu­nitie serued.

And when the summer was spent, capteine Ra­leigh returned with all his band vnto Corke, being in number eight horssemen and foure score footmen. And as he passed through the countrie, it was ad­uertised to him, that Dauid Barrie an archtraitor was at Cloue with a great troope of sundrie hun­dreds Capteine Ra­leigh followeth vpon Barrie. of men. Wherevpon he thought good to passe that waie through the towne of Cloue, minding to trie the valor of Dauid Barrie, if by anie meanes he might méet with him. And euen at the verie towns end he found Barrie and all his companie, and with a lustie courage gaue the onset vpon him. But Barrie refused it, and fled. And then this cap­teine passing from thense, in his iorneie he espied in a plaine néere adioining to a woods side, a compa­nie of footmen by themselues, vpon whome with Capteine Ra­leigh in dan­ger to be kil­led. six horssemen he gaue the charge: but these being cut off from the wood wherevnto they were flieng, and hauing not succor now to helpe & relieue them­selues, they turned backe, & conioining themselues togither to withstand this force and onset made vp­on them, in which they behaued themselues verie va­liantlie, and of the horsses they killed fiue, of which capteine Raleigh his horsse was one, and he him­selfe in great danger, and like to haue béene slaine, if his trustie seruant Nicholas Wright a Yorkshire man borne had not bin. For he perceiuing that his maisters horsse was galled and stricken with a dart, The good ser­uice of Nicho­las wright. and plunged so much, that to his séeming he was past seruice; the said Nicholas willed and called to an Irishman there, whose name was Patrike Fa­gaw, that he should looke to his capteine, and either to rescue him, or to giue charge vpon the enimie. Wherevpon the said Fagaw rescued his capteine, & the said Nicholas Wright forthwith gaue the on­set vpon six of the enimies and slue one of them. And therewith came one Iames Fitzrichard an Irish gentleman with his kerne to the rescue of the cap­teine, but his kerne was slaine, and himselfe in dan­ger. For Wright not looking on them followed the enimie verie egerlie, and recompensed the losse of one with the slaughter of others. Which capteine Raleigh perceiuing cried out to his man, saieng; Wright, if thou be a man, charge aboue hand & saue the gentlman. Who at his maisters commandment pressed into the middle of the enimies, and slue one of them, and so saued the gentleman: and in which skirmish his borsse leg was cut vnder him. Diuerse footmen were slaine of the enimies, and two were taken prisoners, whome they carried with them to Corke.

[Page 174] At his lieng in Corke there were sundrie pée­ces of seruices doone by him, all which doo verie well deserue to be for euer registred. And amongst all o­thers this one point of his seruice deserueth both commendation and perpetuall remembrance. The The lord Roch is had in suspicion, and is sent for. lord Roch was growen into a suspicion that he was not sound of his loialtie. Wherevpon capteine Ra­leigh by commandement was to fetch him and his ladie to Corke vnto the generall. This thing was not so priuilie determined, but that the seneschall and 10 Dauid Barrie had knowledge thereof, and mind­ing verelie to take the capteine at some aduantage, they had assembled a great companie of themselues to the number of seuen or eight hundred men to haue met with him either comming or going. The capteine perceiuing and forethinking how dange­rous his enterprise was against so noble a man in that countrie as the lord Roch was, who was verie well beloued, commanded vpon a sudden all his men one and other, both horssemen and footmen, 20 which in the whole were not aboue foure score and ten persons, to be in a readinesse vpon the paine of death betwéene ten and eleuen of the clocke of the same night. At which time euerie man being in a readinesse, he tooke his iorneie and marched toward the lord Roches house called Ballie in Harsh, which is about twentie miles out of Corke, and came thi­ther somewhat earlie in the morning. At his com­ming Capteine Ra­leigh commeth to the lord Ro­ches house. he went foorthwith to the castell gate.

The townsmen when they saw their lords house 30 and castell thus suddenlie beset, they doubting the worst, did arme about fiue hundred of themselues. Wherevpon capteine Raleigh placed and bestowed his men in battell raie in the towne it selfe, & mar­ched againe to the castell gate, with certeine of his officers and gentlemen of his band, as by name Mi­chaell Butler, Iames Fulford, Nicholas Write, Arthur Barlow, Henrie Swane, & Pinking Huish; and they knocked againe at the gate. And after a while there came three or foure of the said lord Roches 40 gentlemen, & demanded the cause of their comming, vnto whome the capteine answered, that he was come to speake with my lord: which was offered he should, so that he would bring in with him but two or thrée of his gentlemen, which the capteine Capteine Ra­leigh being re­ceiued into the castell getteth in all his men. was contented with, yet in the end (but with much adoo) he came in with all these few persons before named. When the capteine was once come within the castell, and had entred into some spéeches with the lord Roch, he so handled the matter by deuises and meanes, that by little and little, and by some 50 and some, he had gotten in within the iron doore or gate of the courtlodge all his men. And then hauing the aduantage, he commanded his men to stand and gard the said gate, that no man should passe in or out: and likewise charged euerie man to come into the hall with his péece well prepared, with two bullets. The lord Roch when he saw this, he was suddenlie amazed & stricken at the hart with feare: but dissembling the same, he set a good face vpon the matter, and calling for meat, requested the capteine 60 and his foresaid gentlemen to sit downe, & to kéepe him companie at dinner.

After dinner, the capteine falling into speeches with the said lord Roch, declared plainlie vnto him the cause of his comming, and shewed that he and his wife were accused to be traitors, and that he had a commission (which he shewed vnto them) to take and carie them along with him to Corke: which he was to performe, and so would. The lord Roch alled­ged manie excuses for himselfe and for his wife, sai­eng in the end that he neither could nor would go: the capteine answered, that if they would not go with a good will, they should perforce go against their will. The lord Roch séeing that there was no reme­die, The lord Roch yéeldeth to go with cap­teine Raleigh. he yéelded: and then the capteine minding to lose no time, willed him to command and cause all those of the towne, and all such as were about the house, to attend and be in redinesse to aid him, and to set him foorth in his iorneie: which he did, and verie willinglie shewed himselfe to abide and obeie the capteines commandement, saieng that he would answer the matter well inough, and discharge what­soeuer should be laid to his charge, for he knew him­selfe to be cleare. And so he made himselfe and his wife redie to take the iorneie in hand, as the cap­teine did appoint and command: and towards night they did set forward to Corke. But the night fell out to be verie tempestuous and foule, and therewith so darke, that no man could sée hand or foot, nor yet dis­cerne one another; and the waies also were so fowle, so full of balks, hillocks, pits, and rocks, that the souldiors thereby were maruellouslie troubled and incombred, some stumbled among the stones, some plunged into holes, and some by their often fals were not onelie hurt, but also lost their armour, and were maruellouslie spoiled: and besides that, they were among and in the middle of the enimies, who laie in sundrie ambushes, thinking verelie to haue intercepted them, and to haue set vpon them: but the darke night which was cumbersome to themselues, was a shadow to shrowd them from their enimies. And in the end, though with much trouble, they came to Corke in safetie, sauing one soldier named Iohn Phelium, who by his often falling and stumbling a­mong the stones and rocks, did so hurt one of his feet, that he could neuer recouer the same, but did in the end consume and rot awaie.

The capteine being come to the towne somewhat earlie in the morning, he was receiued in, and pre­sented his prisoners to the generall, with no little admiration that he had escaped so dangerous a ior­neie, being verelie supposed of all men that he could neuer haue escaped. The lord Roch being brought to be examined, did so well answer for himselfe, that in the end he was acquited, and taken for a true and The L. Roch acquiteth him­selfe. a good subiect, and which in time was well tried and knowne. For not he himselfe onlie, but all his sons and followers, did attend and performe all such ser­uices The L. Roch and his sonnes good seruices. as were laid vpon them; and in which, thrée of his sonnes were killed by the enimie in hir maie­sties seruice.

Capteine Zouch (as is afore said) laie at the Ding­ham, among whose companie there fell a dangerous and an extreme sicknesse: few or none escaped it, howbeit manie died therein. And in which distresse it was aduertised him, that the earle of Desmond and Dauid Barrie was assembled at Aghado with thrée thousand men; and he being verie desirous to doo some seruice vpon them, drew all his full force of horsemen and footmen vnto Castelmange. And then by the aduise of his capteins Achim and Cash, he suddenlie made an onset vpon his enimies, before they wist of anie such thing, and slue a great compa­nie of them, and draue the erle to such a push, that he Capteine Zouch putteth the earle of Desmond in danger to be taken. in his shirt was driuen to shift for himselfe, in the middle of his gallowglasses, and by that means he escaped. The earle nothing liking this coorse successe, sought a better place of safetie, and remooued him­selfe to Harlow wood, and passed by the waie to Kil­mallocke. Which when the garrison there did vnder­stand, they pursued and followed him, namelie cap­teine Bourchier, capteine Dowdall, capteine Mak­worth, and capteine Norris, thrée miles togither vp­on the plains betwéene Kilmallocke and the wood, and slue manie of the rebels. And capteine Dowdall who was acquainted verie well with that wood, and in it had serued sundrie times, he would néeds, and [Page 175] did enter into the wood, where he met with the earle of Desmond now the second time, and gaue the on­set vpon him, killed a great number of his men, Capteine Dowdall preieth the erle of Desmond. tooke from them their cariages, and droue awaie a great preie of kine, and brought them to Kilmal­locke to the garison. Neere about this time the senes­chall came to Lismore, and preied that countrie, and droue awaie their cattell. Which when the gari­son The senes­chall preieth the garison of Lismore. son heard, and were aduertised thereof, they issued, and followed the preie to recouer it; but they were so incountered and skirmished withall, that they lost 10 the preie, and fiue and twentie of their men were slaine. Diuerse skirmishes were dailie doone vpon the enimie, and manie iorneies made vpon them to their great damages and hurts.

In the moneth of August next following, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred eightie and one, the lord deputie made a iorneie into Moun­ster, where when he had taken an account of all their dooings and seruices, he established capteine Zouch to be gouernour of all Mounster, and generall at 20 The lord de­putie establi­sheth capteine Zouch gouer­nour of all Mounster. armes; and then his lordship returned through Co­nagh vnto Dublin. This now new gouernor, being accompanied with capteine Raleigh and capteine Dowdall, trauelled from place to place to see all things in good order: but the certeine place of their resting was at Corke, where for the most part they laie in garison: making in the meane time sundrie iorneies, as occasion of seruice did require. And they being in Corke, newes was brought vnto the go­uernour that there was a great quarell fallen out 30 betwéene Dauid Barrie and the seneschall, and that The L. Bar­ne and the se­neschall fall out. they were mortall enimies, and at a deadlie food; and they laie both in Dunfrinnen side, not far from the blacke water. The earle of Desmond and Iohn his brother laie in Patrike Condons countrie, be­ing on the further side of the said water, who were verie sorie for this quarell, and would haue come vn to them, but the waters were so great, they could not; yet they sent their messengers to and fro among them for some pacification, but it was to no effect. 40 Capteine Dowdall vpon these newes sent out an Capteine Dowdall ma­keth a spiall vpon the se­neschall. Irish man which he had, and who was a notable spi­all, named Richard mac Iames, and willed him to séeke out where the seneschall was, to the end that he might make a draught vpon him. This Richard drawing himselfe to the companies of the rebels, and lieng among them in their cabins where they laie in the woods, he fell in companie, and then en­tred into a great familiaritie of one which was a messenger from the Desmonds vnto the seneschall, 50 and he thinking nothing but that this Richard was one of the said companie, began to discourse vnto him the businesse which he had there to doo: and told him that the next daie following, sir Iohn of Desmond did appoint to come thither, and to make a peace and an agréement betwéene Barrie and Sir Iohn of Desmond ap­pointed to make a league betwéen Bar­rie and the seeneschall. the seneschall. When as Richard mac Iames had heard at full all his spéeches, then he intreated him that he would go to Corke with him, which in the end the fellow was contented so to doo. And in 60 the next morning they went togither to Corke, and at their comming thither, did declare vnto capteine Dowdall the whole matter, and he foorthwith aduer­tised the same to the gouernour: who albeit he did not altogither beléeue what was told, yet he agréed that it was best that some seruice should be doone vpon them, and concluded that himselfe and cap­teine Dowdall should doo the same, vnder the colour The gouernor Zouch and captein Dow­dall make a se­cret iourneie. that they were to make a iourneie vnto Limerike, and so they caused it to be said: for in no wise would they be knowne of that which they had determined. And hauing prepared all things necessarie for this seruice, the same night they left the charge of the ga­rison vnto capteine Raleigh lieutenant: and them­selues taking their leaue, as though they were bound for Limerike, they marched out at the gates, and by breake of the daie they came to castell Lions, the weather being verie mistie and thicke, and in the castell they found but one poore man, who told them that Dauid of Barrie was gone but a little before them vnto Humaequilliam. The gouernour and the capteine being verie eger, and desirous to doo some seruice, they followed the tract of the horsse a good prettie waie; but the capteine mistrusting that no good seruice would be doone that waie, per­suaded the gouernour that he should rather enter and search the woods, which were fast by, where as he thought some good seruice would be doone, whose aduise the gouernour followed: and they had ridden but a little waie, but they saw two horssemen come riding toward them, but as soone as they had séene the said gouernour and capteine, they returned backe againe.

Then the capteine told him that there was a bog in the wood, and his aduise and counsell was, that some of his shot should be sent to stand betwéene the bog and the wood; which being doone, they followed those two men so short, that they were driuen to for­sake their horsses, and to run on foot towards the bog. But the lose shot being in a readinesse, did put them backe againe vpon the horssemen, who gaue the onset vpon them; and the one of them, which was sir Iohn of Desmond they fore hurted with a horsse­mans Sir Iohn of Desmond kil­led, and his bodie hanged vpon a gibbet by the héels. staffe, that he spake verie few words after. And the other, whose name was Iames Fitziohn of Strongecullie, they tooke: and both they caried with them to Corke. Sir Iohns head was sent to Dublin, but his bodie was hanged vp by the héeles vpon a gibbet, and set vpon the north gate of Corke. And Iames Fitziohn was drawne, hanged, & quar­tered. And thus haue you the third head of the vene­mous Hydra cut off, who had his iust reward and merit, if not too too good for so villanous & bloudie a traitor: who respecting neither the honor of God, the obedience to his prince, the credit of his owne house, the faith to his friend, nor the state of the common­wealth, was wholie imbrued in bloud and villanie; and in bloud he died, and had his reward by Gods iust iudgement.

Not long after this, it was agreed that a draught should be made vpon Dauid Barrie, for the preie which he and Goren mac Swene had made in Car­breie, and passed with the same by Bentrie, where laie a garrison vnder the leading of capteine Appes­leie: but he being deceassed, the same was com­mitted to captein Fenton, whose lieutenant named Richard Cant, minding to crosse the preie, fell in­to the fight with Barrie and his companie: but he was slaine and all his companie, there being but one man the drumslager left aliue, who by swift­nesse of his foote escaped. The foresaid Appesleie was a verie proper man, a gentleman borne, and of a good house, and brought vp in learning; he could write verie well, and also deliuer his speeches verie orderlie and eloquentlie. When he grew to some ripe yeares, he fell acquainted with some lose com­panions, who persuaded him to accompanie them to the seas, promising him the sun and the moone, and all the wealth in the world. And he being soone intised and persuaded, was contented, and went to the seas, and became as bad as the baddest; whereof great troubles insued, and he at length was dri­uen to leaue the seas, and to wander a long time on the seacoasts in the prouince of Mounster: where by occasion he fell to come to acquaintance of the earle of Desmond, with whome he found such fauor, that no Englishman could doo more with him than [Page 176] he could. Afterwards, when the narrow searching for him was quailed and forgotten, he fell to be ac­quainted with the good Henrie Dauels, whome he found rather a father than a friend vnto him: and then his behauiour was such, that he grew to be in good fauour with all Englishmen, and in the end put in trust to doo sundrie seruices in Mounster, and was become and made a capteine, in which office he dis­charged himselfe verie honestlie and faithfullie. The gouernor continuing still in one and the same mind, 10 to doo some seruice vpon Barrie, who then laie in The gouernor and capteine Dowdall spoile and en­ter into Bar­ries campe and kill his men. Dunfrennin, he togither with capteine Dowdall marched to Barries campe, and earlie in the mor­ning (they being vnlooked for) entred into the campe and there made a great slaughter vpon Barries men, but Barrie himselfe was gone and fled. After this time, the said Barrie considered his distressed case, and how continuallie he was pursued and fol­lowed by the gouernour and the English garisons, whose force he saw that he could by no means auoid, 20 but that at one time or other they would take him at some aduantage. He maketh humble petition to the gouernour that he might be vnder his protection, Barrie sueth for a protection and to liue thensefoorth in some dutifull and restfull order; which he in the end did obteine.

The lord deputie, thinking that by the death of Iohn of Desmond, and the silence of the earle his brother, who what was become of him no man could tell, but supposed that he was fled beyond the seas, or that he was dead, and that all things were well and 30 in quiet in all Mounster; he thought good to ease hir The L. de­putie casheth sundrie bands in Mounster. maiesties charge, and so cashed sundrie bands and discharged sundrie garisons, leauing for the seruice of Mounster in the whole but 400 footmen & 50 horse­men, of which, 200 were vnder the leading of the go­uernor, one hundred vnder capteine Dowdall, and one hundred vnder Sir George Bourcher; and the first horssemen were vnder capteine Achin, who late in garrison at Adare in Kerrie. When all things (I saie) séemed to be at rest and in peace, and all things 40 well, behold a new stirre (and vnlooked for) is now raised; for Fitzmoris baron of Lexna, who had bi­therto Fitzmoris ba­ron of Lexna breaketh into open rebellion. The cause of this his brea­king out, some do impute it to the hard dea­ [...]ing of the go­uernor, who so narowlie wat­ched him, that he alwais took from him what he had, and so intercepted him from his prouision, that he had nothing left to eat. Fitzmoris seruant to Ca­rew lord of Lexna killeth his maister. dissembled the matter, and pretended to haue béene a dutifull subiect, when he saw the weaknesse of the Englishmen, & how that the garrisons were discharged, & therefore the few men left were scarse able well to saue and kéepe themselues, much lesse to hurt others: he breaketh out into open rebellion, and ioineth with him his wicked, traitorous, and periured sonne. This baron of Lexna his first an­cestors 50 were seruants to the barons of Carew, and of Odron, and lords of Lexna, and had the chiefe rule and gouernment vnder him of all his countrie in Mounster, which was verie great and large: his eldest sonne he kept in the court of England. And this Fitzmoris, who by the authoritie vnder his ma­ster was growen into great credit in the countrie, and standing in hope to haue their friendship and as­sistance in all his businesse, watched his time, and killed the lord Carew his maister, at a table which 60 yet remaineth in the house, and entred into all his baronie of Lexna & his other possessions in Moun­ster, euen as the like was doone by the Kauenaghs in Odron in Leinster. And the heire of Carew in England, who had great and large possessions in Deuon and in sundrie shires elsewhere in England, made the lesse and little account of his lands in Ire­land, and so by little and little they lost all their lands in Ireland.

This new baron of Lexna, the first thing that he tooke in hand, was to cleanse and to rid his owne countrie from all Englishmen and their garrisons; and in the end, taking capteine Achin at an aduan­tage, slue him, and recouered the ward of Adare. Af­ter that, he went to the ward kept in the castell of The baron of Lexna de­stroieth all the English in his countrie, and taketh the quéenes forts. Lesconile, in which were but eight Englishmen, and the castell being verie hard to be gained, he vsed this stratagem. He laid verie close & tectlie a companie of his men in an old house fast by the castell, & then he practised with an old woman, which was woonte­uerie morning to bring a great basket of coles or turffe into the ward, that as soone as she was be­twéene the two gates of the castell, she should let fall hir basket and crie out: which she did. For when she was come to the castell, and had after hir accusto­mable maner called to the ward, one of them came A stratagem vsed in taking the castell of Lesconile. and loosed the vtter iron doore, and then he did o­pen the inner doore for hir to come in. When she was come betwéene the two doores, she let fall hir great basket of coles and cried out. The companie foorthwith lieng in the said old house came, and the ward being not able to draw vnto them the vtter iron doore, nor to shut fast the inner doore, the enimie entred, tooke the castell, killed all the ward, and cast them ouer the wals. The good successe of this strata­gem caused him to practise & to put in vre other like deuises for the regaining of the castell (as I remem­ber) of Adnagh. For he supposing that hungrie soldi­ors A stratagem at Adnagh. would be contented to accept anie courtesie, he procured a yoong harlot, who was some what snowt­faire, to go to the castell, pretending some iniurie to haue béene doone to hir, and to humble hirselfe to the capteins deuotion, being supposed, that he by these meanes would fall into the liking and fantasieng of hir, and so would reteine hir. And by these meanes, she by hir cunning handling of the matter, accord­ing vnto the plot before contriued betwéene Fitz­moris and hir, she should at one time or other find the occasion or opportunitie to betraie the castell. The capteine receiued hir into the castell, and not for­getting the late former practise at Lesconile, caused him to be the more warie and circumspect, and to looke vnto himselfe. Wherevpon he so handled the matter with this harlot, that he in the end found out all the deuise, and foorthwith he carried hir vp vnto the top of the castell and cast hir ouer the wals, where with the fall she was crushed and died. Fitzmoris being disappointed of his purpose, departed from thense, and ranged ouer all the countries of Lippo­rari, Ormond, and Waterford, where were no garrisons to resist him, and there plaied his parts.

The gouernor, who laie at Corke, being aduertised of these outrages, called his companie togither, which (as is before said, was not aboue foure hun­dred persons) and other reported (but vntrulie) to be about foure thousand: yet minding not to suffer an iniurie, marched with such companie as he had into The gouern [...]r marcheth from Corke to Clanmoris to incounter with Fitz­moris. Clanmoris, which is the said Fitzmoris countrie, and distant from Corke about thrée daies iourneie. The baron by his espials being aduertised of their comming, forsooke his castell at Adare, and defaced his castell at Lexna, and drew his goods, and all his forces into the wood of Lesconile. When the gouer­nor was come to Adare, he found the towne burnt, and the few Englishmen (which were in the abbeie) greatlie distressed. From thense he went to Lesco­nile, which is ten miles further, where he discouered the baron and all his companie, which then laie in a plaine bottome in the said wood, hauing then in his companie of gallowglasses, kerne, shot, and horsse­men, about seuen hundred men.

The gouernor taking aduise what was best to be doone, because that place was full of fastnesse, and no passage for anie horssemen, but all rested vpon the Capteine Dowdall en­tereth vpon Fitzmoris, and giueth him the fo [...]e. seruice of the footmen; they diuided their companie. And capteine Dowdall being verie desirous to ad­uenture the seruice vpon him, he had six score foot­men appointed and deliuered vnto him, and the resi­due [Page 177] he reserued to himselfe. The capteine entred in­to the wood, and followed vntill he came into the The baron of Lexna fleeth into the hils of Slough­lougher. plains where Fitzmoris was; who hauing a great companie, and the capteine but (as it were) a hand­full to his, he diuided his whole companie into foure parts, thinking to haue inclosed the capteine, and to haue his will vpon them. The capteine perceiued it, and forthwith brake vpon one of the companies, and had such a hand vpon them, that he slue a number of them. Which when Fitzmoris saw, like a valiant 10 man turned his backe and fled awaie into the moun­teins of Sloughlougher, and left all his goods be­hind; which the capteine tooke, and also all the cattell there, and brought the same to the gouernor. From thense they marched to the castell of Glan, of which Oliuer Stephanson had the ward and kéeping: and there newes was brought vnto him, that the lord de­putie had sent vnto him two bands of footmen, of which one hundred were sir Henrie Wallops, and A supplie of two hundred men sent to the gouernor. the other capteine Norris. Where vpon he trauelled 20 vnto Limerike, and left the whole charge of Clan­moris, and of Kerrie vnto capteine Dowdall. And the said capteine being put to wéet that the baron was incamped at Glanflish with two hundred and fortie gallowglasses, two hundred kerne, fourescore shot, and thirtie horssemen, and he himselfe hauing Capteine Dowdall set­teth vpon Fitzmoris in Glanflish and giueth him the ouerthrow. then but the lieutenant Wingfield in his companie, made a sallie vpon them, and killed with the sword, and draue into the riuer aboue seuen score of them, and recouered a preie of eight hundred kine, fiue 30 hundred horsses and mares, besides a great number of shéepe and gotes: and in the taking of the baron, he found store of monie and plate, and massing gar­ments. And from hense he marched with his cattell, and incamped besides Alough, néere vnto the earle of Clancar his house, and from thense to Castell­mange, and so to Adare, and furnished as he went e­uerie ward and garison with store of vittels, and The baron Fitzmoris with a few is ouerthrowne to his vtter fall, and for­saken of all his freends. with the goods he rewarded his souldiors, From this time, the baron Fitzmoris [...]ng lost all his proui­sion 40 & store, was neuer able to recouer himselfe, nei­ther to credit nor to wealth, nor yet to hold vp his head, but was forsaken of all his freends and follow­ers: and being ashamed of himselfe, and of his bad and disloiall trecheries, walked and wandred abroad as a forlorne man, not knowing what to doo, whither to go, or where to séeke for succor and helpe.

At length being wearie of himselfe, and of his The baron be­ing distressed of all helps, seeketh to the earle of Or­mond for a protection. distressed miseries, bethinketh vpon the earle of Ormond, whome notwithstanding that without 50 cause he had verie much iniured, hauing most out­ragiouslie preied his countries, burned his villages, and killed his people: yet he maketh his recourse vnto his lordship, acknowledgeth his fault, confes­seth his follies; and being most sorie for the same, de­sireth his lordship to pardon and remit him, and most humblie requested him to haue vnder him a protec­on. This honorable man, notwithstanding the great The courtesie of the earle of Ormond. iniuries doone vnto him, and he of a great courage and stomach, and of a noble mind, and loth to put vp 60 so great iniuries, yet (as it is attributed to the lion, Parcere prostratis) when he had shewed the great gréefes of the said Fitzmoris, he forgat all his owne wrongs, and granted him his request. Capteine Dowdall, leauing the gouernors souldiors and com­panie at Adare, vnder the leading of capteine Smith, he marcheth towards Corke, where he rested and laie in garrison. Now when all these broils were ended, and verelie supposed that all things had béene The earle of Desmond thought to be dead dooth now shew himselfe. at rest, and the whole prouince of Mounster at peace; behold the earle of Desmond, who was thought to be either dead or fled, beginneth to appeare, and to shew himselfe; and hauing assembled a great com­panie, came to Adare, where the garrison issued out vpon him: betwéene whom the fight was hot, and The fight at Adare. manie slaine on both sides. Among whom, Smith sergeant of the band, and Morgan the lieutenant were both slaine: but yet the English souldiors re­couered the abbeie. About this time one Thomas Birne lieutenant to the notable archtraitor Fitzgi­rald, being wearie of the wicked actions which hi­therto he had followed among the rebels, sent his messenger to capteine George Carew, requesting A draught made to kill Fitzgirald. him to deale with the lord deputie for his pardon, and for so manie of his companie as would ioine with and accompanie him in a péece of seruice to be doone: which he promised to recompense with the price of his capteins head, which he would in a bag present to his lordship, as also would kill so manie of his companie as would not consent with him therevnto.

When this deuise was readie to be practised, the clearke of the band, who was one of the confederats, Fitzgirald executed to death so ma­nie as conspi­red against him. verie trecherouslie did discouer the same vnto Fitz­girald, who immediatlie tooke and hanged his lieu­tenant, the sergeant of his band (who was an Eng­lishman) and so manie of the souldiors as were of that confederacie. Not long after, Fitzgirald be­thinking vpon the extreame miseries, which in this rebellion he had indured, and the small hope which he had to preuaile in these his bad and traitorous acti­ons, Fitzgirald practiseth the death of Phe [...] mac Hugh. but chieflie being afraid of his owne life, least at one time or other he should be slaine by his soul­diors: he sent a messenger to the then lord iustices, requiring his pardon, and which he would redéeme with the head of his best fréend and fellow in armes Pheon mac Hugh, the verie gall of all the wars and rebellion in Leinster.

This was not so couertlie doone, but that Pheon Fitzgirald is hanged for his conspiracie. mac Hugh had knowledge of the practise, and he foorthwith intreated Fitzgirald in the like manner as he before had doone with the lieutenant, and so hanged him vp. The lord deputie after long sute for The lord Greie yéeldeth vp the sword & returneth into England. his reuocation, receiued hir maiesties letters for the same, and then he sent for capteine Zouch gouernor of Mounster to come to Dubline: and in the end of August 1582, after that he had serued full two yeres he deliuered vp the sword vnto the archbishop of Du­bline then lord chancellor, and to sir Henrie Wallop 1582 The lord chā ­cellor and sir Henrie wal­lop are lord iustices. then treasuror at armes, and tooke shipping; hauing with him capteine Zouch, who was after slaine by one of his most familiar acquaintance, and sundrie other gentlemen. The said lord Greie was a man of great nobilitie, and of as honourable and ancient descent, one that feareth God in true religion, and dutifull to hir maiestie in all obedience. And albeit he had deserued well of that Irish nation, and had lowed the good séeds of notable seruices, as well for his martiall seruices, as for his ciuill gouernment; yet he reped (as his predecessors before him) but dar­nell and cockle. For they had among them not one­lie conspired his death, for which some paid déerelie; but made also sundrie complaints against him, to which he answered to his commendation and acqui­tall, and to their reproch for their ingratitude.

These two lords iustices being fallen into a bro­ken time, the warres being not ended, the people not quieted, and the gouernement not staied nor setled; yet they both ioining their wisedoms, seruices, and good wils, were so blessed therein, that by them that land was reduced to some perfection and quietnesse. For not long after they had taken the sword in hand doctor Sanders the popes nuncio and legat, who came from that holie sée of Rome, the sea of all wickednesse, with Iemes Fitzmoris in Iulie in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred seuen­tie and nine, to beare arms in this land against hir maiestie, after that he had wandered vp and downe [Page 178] thrée yeares togither with the earle and his brethren sir Iohn, in woode and bogs, and had liued with them a most miserable and wretched life, and had béene partaker of their most cruell bloudsheds, outrages, The death of doctor San­ders. murthers, and robberies, a life good and too good for a traitor and a rebell. He fell sicke of an Irish ague and of the bloudie flix, and laie in the wood of Clen­nelisse, which is a wood full of allers, withies, briers, & thornes, and through which is no passage; where part­lie of his sicknesse, but chéefelie for famine and want 10 he died. Euen in this filthie place, that most misera­ble wretch and traitor was lodged and died, bequea­thing his treasons, treacheries, and dislo [...]alties a­gainst his souereigne mistresse and ladie hir maiestie vnto the pope, reseruing the punishment to the Lord himselfe, who is a swift and iust iudge vpon all trai­tors and disobedient persons, and his bodie (as some saie) was deuoured vp of woolues, but (as some doo thinke) that so much as was left was buried at Clancarne, not farre off from the place where he died. 20

The two lords iustices being entred into this bro­ken gouernement, did what they could to kéepe the same in peace; and vnderstanding the wilfull dispo­sition of Desmond, they did vse all the means and waies they could to pacifie him; but so farre was he imbrued and poisoned with the venom of treason and rebellion, that no reason, no dutie, nor anie other re­spect could persuade him to be a lo [...]all and dutifull subiect. Wherefore he continued still in his old ac­customed 30 spoiling and wasting the countries, and trusting to no house nor castell, did shrowd himselfe in woods and bogs, and in the winter following he kept his Christmasse in the wood of Kilquieg néere The earle of Desmond kée­peth his Christmas in the woods. to Kilmallocke. And about the fourth of Ianuarie then following, one Iohn Welsh a valiant and a good souldfor, was resolued to make a draught vpon the said earle, and he made acquainted therewith A draught made vpon the earle by Iohn Welsh. capteine Dowdall, capteine Bangor, and George Thorington prouost marshall of Mounster, all which 40 laie then in garrison in Kilmallocke, and according to the order betweene them then agréed vpon, they marched in the night time to the place and wood where the earle laie.

But being come thither, they were to passe ouer a great riuer, before they could come to enter into the wood of Kilquieg, & by reason of the great raines then falling, it was impossible for man or horsse to passe ouer the same, which thing Iohn Welsh did be­fore mistrust. Wherefore the night before, he went 50 thither verie closelie, with such few persons as he had chosen for the purpose: and there he caused a number of flakes and hurdels to be made of halson, A deuise how to passe ouer a great riuer. allers, and withie rods, which he caused to be drawne ouer the riuer by one, whom he had there of purpose which could swim verie well. And this fellow when he had fastened some of the hurdels to a tree in the further side of the water, and then by a rope drew o­uer the residue one after another, did so fasten and tie one vnto another, and so cunninglie handled the 60 matter, that when the capteins came, they passed o­uer the riuer verie well without danger or perill. And so from thense the said Welsh did guide and bring them by the breake of the daie vnto the earles cabin: but the wood was so full of thickets, and so mirie, that they were faine to go a speares length wide from the cabin to come vnto it. The earle hea­ring The earle es­capeth verie hardlie. a great noise, and suspecting some extraordina­rie and a greater companie to be in place more than his owne, and doubting the woorst, ran out of his bed in his shirt, and ran into the riuer fast by his cabin, and there hid himselfe close vnder a banke hard vp to his chin, by which meanes he escaped and his wife with him. The souldiors made diligent search for him both by searching of the riuer and of the wood, but could not find him; wherevpon they did put to the sword so manie as they found there, and carried a­waie the goods with them, and so returned to Kil­mallocke.

At this time the seneschall secretlie with all the The sene­schall assaul­teth & entreth into yougha [...] and hath the repulse. force which he could make, came vnto the towne of Youghall, & entred into the end of the same towne. Wherevpon the alarum was raised, and foorthwith Caluerleigh being lieutenant to capteine Morgan, hauing all his soldiors togither, of which he had for­tie shot, went vnto that end of the towne where the seneschall scaled the wals, & there he made a sconse, or a little bulworke, and by that meanes saued the towne, and draue the seneschall from his purpose, and killed aboue fiftie of his men: and so being dis­appointed of his purpose he departed awaie. In the end of this moneth of Ianuarie the earle of Or­mond arriued from out of England to Waterford The earle of Ormond arri­ueth to water­ford and to generall of Mounster. with a new supplie of foure hundred men, whome he diuided and committed vnto the seuerall leadings of sir George Bourcher, sir William Stanleie, cap­teine Edward Berkleie, and capteine Roberts. And being now lord generall by hir maiesties ap­pointment ouer all Mounster, and hauing obteined an augmentation of two pence by the daie for eue­rie soldiors wages, he assembleth all the soldiors and euerie capteine which had anie charge, and tooke order with euerie of them for such seruices as were to be doone, furnisheth them with vittels, muniti­ons, monie, and all things necessarie and meet for them, requesting euerie one of them to shew them­selues like good and valiant soldiors, in the pursuing of the rebels, and vanquishing of the enimies: and such grace and loue he found among the soldiors, The [...] of the capteins and soldiors to the earle of Ormond. that he was no more desirous than they most glad and willing to performe the same. Such a good af­fection euerie one did beare to this honorable man.

At this time aduertisement was giuen vnto his lordship, that the earle of Desmond was incamped in the fastnesse of Harlo wood with a great number of rakehels & rebels. His lordship mustered all his companies, and minding to doo some seruice vpon the said rebels, marcheth towards the said fastnesse of Harlo wood. And being come thither, he diui­deth The lord ge­neral scow­reth Harle wood. his companies into foure parts, and they ente­red into foure seuerall places of the wood at one in­stant: and by that meanes they scowred the wood throughout, in killing as manie as they tooke, but the residue fled into the mounteins. The rebels be­ing thus narrowlie followed and pursued, they ne­uer Desmond is forsaken of all his followers and friends. after met togither in the like companies, nor assembled themselues in such great numbers: but the most part of them, which were the chiefest follow­ers and greatest fréends vnto Desmond, as Fitz­moris of Lexna before named, the seneschall, the lord Barrie, Condon, Donnell mac Knought, & sun­drie others, some and some came awaie, and sought for protection. And albeit their manifold and infinit outrages, murthers, bloudsheds and spoiles, had deserued a thousand deaths: yet his lordship consi­dering their repentance, sorrows, and humble sub­missions, and respecting more hir maiesties godlie disposition to mercie than their deserts, did (for the most part) grant vnto euerie of them their requests. The soldiors after this péece of seruice were disper­sed abroad into their seuerall garrisons. And albeit the greater parts of the rebels were some by sword, and some by protection abated, and much decreased, yet none of them laie altogither idle, but did follow the seruice as time and occasion offered. For the earle himselfe, though he were thus vnfeathered of his greatest helps, yet he was one & the same man, a most ranke traitor and rebell: and therefore vpon [Page 179] him dailie were draughts and pursutes made, and neuer left, vntill in the end he came vnto confusion.

In the moneth of August, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred eightie and three, it was aduertised to the garrisons in Kilmallocke and Ca­shell, that the earle of Desmond was come againe to harborough himselfe in Harlo wood, and had aboue three score gallowglasses besides kerne a great A braught made vpon the gallowglas­s [...]s in Harlo wood. number, vpon whom captein Dowdall hauing good espials, made a iorneie thither, and being entred in­to 10 the wood verie earlie, laie close all the forenoone. For these gallowglasses had vin so dared from time to time, that now like a sort of deere they laie vpon their kéepings; and so fearfull they were, that they would not farrie in anie one place anie long time, but where they did dresse their meat, thense they would remooue, and eat it in another place, and from thense go vnto another place to lie. In the nights they would watch, in the forenoones they would be vpon the hilles and mounteins, to descrie the coun­trie, 20 and in the afternoone they would sléepe. The capteine breaking time with them, made staie in the wood accordinglie, and in the afternoone he lear­ned by his espials, that they were returned from the mounteins, and were entred into their cabins, where some of them were asléepe, and some of them occupied in dressing of a horsse for to eat, for other vittels were scant. The capteine suddenlie entred vpon them, and tooke them at such aduantage, that they were all, for the most part, put to the sword: of 30 which, fiue and twentie were taken in their cabins. The gallow­glasses in Harlo wood put to sword. After the dispatch of these gallowglasses, which are counted the best men of warre among the Irishrie [...] the residue of the Irish rebels were so dismaid, that a man might without anie great danger passe throughout Mounster.

About a moneth after this, in September, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred foure score & three, it hapned that certeine of the lord Roches men, be­ing in Dowall néere to Crusham, were riding a­bout 40 The [...]. Roch [...] men disco­uer Des­mond. certeine businesse, and met with the earle of Desmond, hauing in his companie two or three horsemen and a priest. The kerns which attended the said lord Roches men, inuironed & compassed them about; but the earle and his men being well horssed, escaped, onelie the priest they tooke, by reason of his bad horsse, and him the lord Roch sent the next daie vnto the lord gouernour, and being examined, he confessed in what great distresse and miserie the erle was, and that for feare he lurked in corners, & would 50 not be séene. And further, that he had his onelie re­léefe and was fostered by Goron mac Swene, a The Des­mond is relée­ued by Goron mac Swene. capteine of the gallowglasses, and who was then vn­der protection. And by these meanes, the erle (who had not béene heard of since he was garred out of Harlo wood) is now discouered. Wherevpon the lord generall commanded a barke to be foorthwith vittelled, and to be dispatched into Dingle a Cush: A garison ap­pointed to be at the Dingle. and foorthwith commanded capteine Dowdall to re­paire thither, and there to lie in garison; which he did 60 foorthwith performe. The earle of Desmond when he heard how that he was discouered, and how that vit­tels and a garison were sent to Dingle a Cush to the working of his wo; he was assured that he De [...]ond [...]ca­teth Do [...]dall. should be sutelie pursued by capteine Dowdall, who of all other capteines and sir George Bourchier did from time to time gall and most earnestlie pursue him. Wherefore now as for his last helpe, by the helpe and friendship of Goron mac Swene, & Moile Morough mac Swene his brother, he gathereth a new companie, and maketh himselfe as strong as he can, and getteth himselfe into Desmond, and there standeth vpon his gard. Goron mac Swene in the Goron preith all Carberie [...] Desmond. meane time entreth into Carberie, and taketh a great preie of kine, which he droue foorthwith into Desmond toward the earle, but the iorneie was so long, that he laie short of the earle that night about three or foure miles.

The men of the countrie, who had thus lost their goods, thrée of them with their swords and targets followed the tract a far off, minding to haue stollen awaie their owne kine if by anie means they could, and if opportunitie would so serue; for by force or by intreatie they knew it to be impossible for them to recouer anie thing at all. The foresaid Goron, when he had lodged himselfe for all night, it was his plea­sure to walke abrode in the fields; and suspecting no harme, went alone, hauing onelie one [...]erne with him (and both without weapon) about ten or twelue score off from his lodging. About which place it hap­ned the foresaid thrée men had hidden and couched themselues in a bush, and taking the occasion offe­red, they went also betwéene him and his lodging, Goron [...]ac Swene is kil­led. and fell vpon him and his kerne, & killed them both, and as soone as they had cut off their heads, they shif­ted for themselues. Gorons companie, finding their maister lacking, went abrode to séeke him, and in the end found him and his man without heads, li­eng dead vpon the ground; which cast them into such a maze, as they will not what to thinke or to doo: nei­ther could they imagine nor deuise how this should come to passe: for garison there was none in those parts, and they knew of no person thereabouts whome they could suspect. But this is the iust iudge­ment of God, who in his iustice looketh vpon the per­iured and wicked, and in mercie beholdeth his ser­uants. For if this man had liued, it was feared that by his means the earle would haue increased a new force, and haue dighted the lord gouernour and all the garisons to greater troubles. The erle being ad­uertised of the losse of this his friend, his chéefe and onelie staie, was in a great agonie, and maruellous­lie dismaid; and séeing no other remedie, he prepa­reth the best for himselfe, and taking the aduantage of the time, before the garison should be placed at the Dingle, he made a draught into Kerrie néere Crai­leigh, The erle c [...] ­mandeth pr [...] to be taken in Kerrie. minding to take a preie from such as had for­saken him and had receiued their protections. Wher­fore in the euening he sent two horssemen with a certeine kerne ouer the strand of Craleigh vnto a castell there, & commanded them to take their preie from thense, which they did, and brought the same a­waie with them.

Among those kine thus driuen awaie, a poore wo­man of that countrie lost all those few that she had, and being distressed of that which was the cheefe, and in a maner the onelie reléefe of hir and hir children and houshold; and not knowing how she could by a­nie meanes recouer them: she bethought hir selfe vpon a brother which she had, dwelling on the other side of the mounteine, in a castell named Drome, which was one of the Morettos; and to him she run­neth in all the hast she could, and declareth hir estate and case, praieng him to helpe hir, and that he would follow the tract for the recouerie of hir kine. Who when he was aduertised that there were but two horssemen & a few kerne which had drouen the preie awaie, he to pleasure his sister tooke three other of his brethren, and followed the tract, till he came to Ca­stelmange, which castell was in the waie. And when he came thither, he went to the castell, and desired the constable (whose name was Cheston, and not long before lieutenant to capteine Berkeleie) that he would spare him some shot and a few of his kerne to helpe him to follow the preie which was driuen that waie. The constable and the soldiors were verie glad to pleasure him, and so he had seuen shot and a dooz­zen of kerne which dwelled in an out house fast vn­der [Page 180] the castell, & so they went altogither to Traleigh, they being in number thrée and twentie persons; one of these was an Irish man borne, named Kollie, but serued alwaies vnder Englishmen, and could speake verie good English. This man, when they came to Traleigh, they appointed & made him their leader or capteine; and Moretto because he was borne in those parties, and best knew the countrie, they appointed to be their guide: and from thense they followed the tract vntill they came to the side of a mounteine, 10 where there was a glan, and in it a little groue of wood: and the night being come vpon them, there they staid and rested themselues for that night. And in the darke night one of them had espied through the trées a fire not farre off, wherevpon they drew themselues close together, and caused one of them­selues closelie and secretlie to draw towards the fire and to discouer what companie was there, and how manie was of them; which man did so. And when he returned backe vnto them, he told them that there 20 was an old bad house, and about fiue or six persons therein: wherevpon they all determined and agreed to repaire to that place to know the whole matter. Moretto was the guide to bring them to the house, and Kollie did set his companie in order and good a­raie, as was most for their seruice, if néed should so require. And when they were come to the house, they found in it but onelie one old man, for the residue were gone. Then Kollie drew his sword and strake the old man, with which blow he had almost cut off 30 The earle of Desmond ta­ken in an old house alone and slaine. one of his arms; and then he strake him againe, and gaue him a great blow on the side of his head, wher­with the said old man cried out, desiring them to saue his life, for he was earle of Desmond, and then Kollie staied his hands: but the erle bled so fast, that he waxed verie faint, and could not trauell anie fur­ther: wherevpon the said Kollie bid and willed him to prepare himselfe to die; and then he strake off the earls head.

The residue of the companie in this meane time 40 spoiled and rifled the house, and tooke what them li­sted: and then they all departed and went to Castel­mange, and carried the earles head with them, but left the bodie behind; and whether the same were de­noured by the woolues or buried by his kerne, it is not certeinlie knowne. As soone as they came to Castelmange, they sent the said earles head vnto the lord generall, who foorthwith sent the same into England for a present to hir maiestie; which foorth­with The earle of Desmonds head sent into England and put vpon Lon­don bridgs. was put vpon a pole, and set on London bridge. 50 When this his death was nossed and knowne, there was no more seruice to be doone: for euerie rebell cast awaie his weapon, and sought all the waies they could to humble themselues and to become good subiects: sauing one Iohn Bourke, who stood vp­on his protection, and yet neuerthelesse he and his companie went to Adare, there to haue taken a Iohn Bourke hauing a pro­tection, made a stealth, and was killed. preie. But as he passed by the castell, a boie therein discharged his peece vpon the said Bourke, & strake him in the head, whereof he died. The common peo­ple, 60 who had felt the great smart of this troublesome [...]me, reioised and were glad of the death of the erle, being in a good hope that the long troubles should haue an end, and they to be the more at rest. Du­ring these continuall troubles in Mounster, the two lord iustices which laie at Dublin were much eased from all martiall affaires elsewhere, and were troubled but with the clamorings, exclamations, and brabling of the Irish people, not woorth the remem­bring: sauing that a certeine combat was fought and tried before them in the castell of Dublin, be­twéene A combat be­twene two O­conhours. two Oconhours, verie neere coosens & kins­men: the one was named [...]eig mac Guill Patrike Oconhour appellant; the other was named Con mac Cormake Oconhour defendant. One of theft appealed and charged the other for sundrie treasons in the late rebellion, and which could haue no other triall but by combat, which was granted vnto them. Wherevpon, according to the lawes and orders of England for a combat to be tried, all things were prepared, the daie, time, and place appointed; and ac­cording to the same, the lord iustices, the iudges, and the councellors came and sat in the place appointed for the same, euerie man in his degree and calling. And then the court was called, and the appellant or The maner of the combat. plaintife was brought in before the face of the court, being stripped into his shirt, hauing onlie his sword and target (which were the weapons appointed) and when he had doone his reuerence and dutie to the lord iustices and to the court, he was brought to a stoole set in the one of the ends within the lists, and there sat. After him was the defendant brought in, in the like maner and order, and with the like wea­pons: and when he had doone his dutie and reue­rence to the lord iustices and to the court, he was brought to his chaire placed in the other end of the lists. Then were their actions and pleadings open­lie read, and then the appellant was demanded whe­ther he would auerre his demand or not? who when he had affirmed that he would, the partie defendant was likewise asked whether he would confesse the action, or stand to the triall of the same? who did an­swer as did the other, that he would auerre it by the swoord.

Upon this their seuerall answers, they were se­uerallie called the one after the other, euerie of them taking a corporall oth that their quarell was true, and that they would iusti [...]e the same both with swoord & blood. Thus they being sworne are brought backe againe euerie of them to their seuerall places as before. And then when by the sound of a trumpet a signe was giuen vnto them when they should enter into the fight; they arose out of their seats, and met ech one the other in the middle within the lists, and there with the weapons assigned vnto them, they fought: in which fight the appellant did preuaile, and he not onlie did disarme the defendant, but also with the sword of the said defendant did cut off his head, and vpon the point of the same sword did present it to the lord iustices, and so with the victorie of his e­nimie he was acquitted. Thus much I thought good to saie somwhat of much, of the maner of a combat, which together with manie circumstances therevn­to belonging is now for want of vse almost cleane forgotten, and yet verie necessarie to be knowne. And as for this combat it was so valiantlie doone, that a great manie did wish that it had rather fallen vpon the whole sex of the Oconhours, than vpon these two gentlemen.

The vicount of Baltinglas, being aduertised of The vico [...] of Baltin­glasse werie of his life. the death of the earle of Desmond, which was no small griefe vnto him, and he also verie wearie of his trotting and wandering on foot amongst bogs, woods, and desert places (being altogither distres­sed, and in great miserie, and now destitute of all his friends and acquaintances, and not able to hold head anie longer against hir maiesties force) did imbarke himselfe for Spaine, in hope to haue some The [...]icount Baltinglasse imbarketh himselfe for Spaine. reléefe and succor, and to procure some aid from the king of Spaine; and by that meanes to be of some abilitie to renew his force and rebellion. But he found in the end verie small comfort. And there­fore of a verie melancholie gréefe & sorrow of mind, as it is thought, he died, being in verie extreame pouertie and need. Not long after this, the two lord iustices, who had ruled and gouerned the land in these troublesome and broken times in great wis­dome, care, & circumspection, when they had brought [Page 181] the whole land to a peaceable & quiet gouernment, and deliuered the same from all open or knowne re­bellion; they cashed and discharged all the garrisons in Mounster, onelie two hundred souldiors excep­ted: they kept it in good quietnesse, vntill the arriuall of sir Iohn Perot knight, who was sent ouer to be lord deputie, and landed at Dublin about the middle of Iune, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and Sir Iohn P [...]rot arri­ueth into Ire­land to be lord deputie. foure, the six and twentith yeare of hir maiesties reigne vnto whome they deliuered the swoord: who 10 being entered into his office, begun such a course, that of his good beginnings a great hope was con­ceiued of the like to insue. For he was a right woor­thie seruitor in that land, when he was lord president in Mounster: and by whome Iames Fitzmoris was subdued, and the whole prouince maruellouslie well reformed: whose notable and most noble acts as they doo well deserue, so when the same shall come to his full measure, they shall be registred to his per­petuall fame and immortall honor. And yet in the 20 meane time, it shall not be offensine to remember some speciall points of his late seruice, which doo de­serue to be remembred: as also for the incouraging of this noble man to continue the good course which he hath begun; which doo halson and giue a hope that he will Addere colophonem, and bring that land to a full and perfect gouernment & regiment; which Giraldus Cambrensis would not warrant could be doone much before doomesdaie.

Not long after the arriuall of this man, the Scots 30 after their accustomed maner, for a bien venu or The Scots rebell and are subdued. welcome to his lordship, they began a rebellion, and are vp in armes readie for the warre. His lord­ship hauing notice and knowledge thereof, maketh himselfe forthwith in a readinesse to méete with them, and to stop them of their purpose: and there­in he so ordered and handled the matter, that the Scots were driuen to séeke peace, to craue pardon, to submit themselues, and to sweare allegiance, faith, and obedience to hir maiestie. Which when 40 they had obteined, then they tooke the lands where­in they dwelled, of hir highnesse, yéelding a yeare­lie rent, which before they had not beene accustomed nor woont to dooe. And by these meanes, if there be any truth in them, the state of that countrie standeth the better assured.

Then when he was from this seruice returned to Dublin, his speciall care, studie, and indeuor was to deuise and studie how to reduce and reforme the whole realme and the gouernment, according to the 50 laws of England. Wherevpon he would and did verie often assemble the whole councell, or so ma­nie of them as were there, for their aduise herein; whose names are these. The archbishop of Dublin The councell in Ireland. lord chancellor, the earle of Ormond lord treasuror, the primat of Armagh, the bishop of Meth, the bishop of Kilmore, sir Iohn Noris lord president of Moun­ster, sir Henrie Wallop treasuror at armes, sir Ni­cholas Bagnoll knight marshall, Robert Gardner chiefe iustice of the bench, sir Robert Dillon knight 60 chiefe iustice of the common plées, sir Lucas Dillon knight chiefe baron, sir Nicholas White knight ma­ster of the rols, sir Richard Bingham knight chiefe commissioner in Connagh, sir Henrie Cowleie knight, sir Edward Waterhouse knight, sir Tho­mas le Strange knight, Edward Brabesbie, Gef­freie Fenton secretarie, sir Warham Sentleger & sir Ualentine Browne knights; but discontinued. By the good aduise, helpe, and councell of these wise The whole realme brought into shire grounds. and prudent councellors, he first thought it best to bring the whole land into shire grounds, whereby the laws of England might haue a through course and passage. Wherefore, what sir Henrie Sidneie before had doone in a few counties, that he perfor­med in the whole realme, and brought the same into such & so manie seuerall counties, as was thought best and most fit for that purpose. To euerie of which new counties he appointed and assigned seuerall shiriffes, and all such inferior officers as were most requisit, and to the same incident and apperteining. All and euerie which shires hitherto not registred, nor published in chronicle, togither with such as to­fore were knowne, I thought it good to set downe by their seuerall names, and in their prouinces as followeth.

Counties in Mounster.
  • Old coun­ties.
    The shires in Ireland.
    • Limerike
    • Corke
    • Kerrie
    • Tipporaria
    • Crosse
    • Waterford
  • New coun­tie.
    • Desmond
Counties in Vlster.
  • Louth
  • Old coun­ties.
    • Downe
    • Antrim
  • New coun­ties.
    • Monahon
    • Tiron
    • Armagh
    • Colrane
    • Donergall
    • Farmanagh
    • Cauon
Counties in Leinster.
  • Old coun­ties.
    • Dublin
    • Wexford
    • Catherlogh
    • Kilkennie
    • Kildare
    • Kings countie
    • Queenes countie
    • Meth & West-Meth
    • Longefford
  • New coun­ties.
    • Wickelow
    • Fernes
Counties in Connagh.
  • Old coun­ties.
    • Clare
    • Letrimme
  • New coun­ties.
    • Gallowaie
    • Rosecomin
    • Maio
    • Sligo

When he had performed this, and established the same by act of parlement, then hir maiesties writs English laws currant through Ire­land. and processe had a frée passage, and were currant through out the whole land, and hir maiestie knowne to be souereigne ladie and quéene of the same. Then the Irishrie by little and little gaue ouer their Bre­hon laws, and their Irish vsage, and became obe­dient vnto the English laws; vnto which they refer­red themselues to be tried, and to haue all their quarels to be decided and determined: whereof at these presents is extant a verie notable president & example betweene two of the most principall and chiefe personages in the prouince of Ulster. The one is he, who nameth himselfe Onele, and the other is the earle of Tiron, the heire to the great Con Onele. These two and their ancestors, and all other noble men in that prouince, when so euer anie discord or enimitie did fall out among them, they had no peacemaker but the sword, and by wars and bloudshed was the same decided. Neuerthe­lesse, these two noble men leauing to pursue their Onele and the earle of Tiron sue each one the other at law. quarels, as in times past with the sword & in hostile maner, doo refer themselues to the triall of the laws; and each one of them sueth the other at the common laws, and in the chancerie in hir maiesties court [Page 182] at Dublin, and there as dutifull subiects doo abide the triall of their cause. A thing so much the more to be considered, as the parties be of that nobilitie and stoutnesse; and a thing so rare, as heretofore not heard nor knowne. Which course if it haue so happie a progresse and successe, as it hath a good en­terance and beginning; no doubt, but that partlie by the laws, and partlie by the swoord, an vniuersall obedience shall through that land be established, the common societie shall be preserued, the whole realme 10 shall florish and prosper, hir maiestie shall be obeied, the reuenues shall be increased; and in the end, peace shall be vpon Israell. And as this example giueth some manifest good hope thereof, so the same is con­firmed and increased by the happie victorie of late in Connagh; where a number of Scots, hauing made Sir Richard Bingham his victorie vpon the Scots. an inuasion, were met and incountered withall, by the right worthie sir Richard Bingham knight, chiefe commissioner of that prouince, and by him they were vanquished & ouerthrowne, to the num­ber 20 of fifteene hundred persons; so that verie few or none escaped the sword, to returne home with the news of their successe: but were either killed or drowned.

Thus much hitherto generallie concerning the gouernment of that land of Ireland, since the death of king Henrie the eight, vntill these presents. In the course of which time, manie more notable things haue beene doone, worthie to be registred in the chronicles of perpetuall fame and memorie. For 30 the atteining to the knowledge whereof, though Iohn Hooker the writer hereof haue béene a diligent traueller and a searcher for the same; yet he wan­ted that good successe, as both the historie it selfe re­quireth, and he himselfe wisheth. And yet the most part of all the actions in that age consisted most in continuall warres, rebellions, and hostilitie, either against their most sacred kings and queenes, or a­mongst themselues. But whatsoeuer tofore hath beene doone, none were so tragicall, impious, and 40 vnnaturall, as were the last warres of the Giral­dines of Desmond in Mounster. For of the Giral­dines of Kildare, who were not acquainted, nor con­senting to these wicked actions, nothing is meant. Whereinto who so listeth to looke, and well to consi­der, he shall find and sée most euident and apparant examples of Gods iustice & iudgement, against such as doo rebell against the Lords annointed; whome the Lord by his expresse word hath commanded to be honored and obeied in all humblenesse and dutie: 50 because they are his vicars, substitutes, and vicege­rents vpon the earth, to defend the good, and to pu­nish the euill; and who so resisteth them, doo resist his ordinances, and shall receiue hard iudgement, as most manifestlie it dooth appeare in this the earle of Desmonds rebellion. All which if it should be set downe particularlie, as in course it fell out, it would be verie tedious: but much more lamentable and dolefull to be read.

And therefore leauing the large discourse, it shall suffice to shut and conclude this historie, with the 60 briefe recitall of the most speciall points, to mooue ech man to consider the mightie hand of God a­gainst traitors and rebels; and his louing mercie and kindnesse vpon the dutifull and obedient. First therefore Iames Fitzmoris, the first ringleader in this pageant, and who most vnnaturallie had flocked in strangers and forreiners to inuade the land, for e­stablishing the antichristian religion, and the depri­uing of hir maiestie from hir imperiall crowne of the realme of Ireland: this man (I saie) was he who yeelded the first fruits of this rebellion. For in his idolatrous pilgrimage to the holie crosse, and his traitorous iourneie to practise with all the rebels and inhabitants in Connagh and Ulster to ioine with him, he did commit a robberie; and being pur­sued for the same, he was slaine by a gentleman, and one of his owne kinsmen Theobald Burke, and his head & quarters set vpon the gates of the towne of Kilmallocke.

Then Iames of Desmond brother to the earle, ha­uing Iames Des­mond taken in a roberie, han­ged, drawne, [...] quartered. done a robberie vpon sir Corman mac Teige, was likewise taken and caried to Corke, where he was drawne, hanged, and quartered; and his head and quarters set vpon the gates and wals of the ci­tie of Corke. After him, sir Iohn of Desmond, one o­ther brother to the said earle, who was a speciall Sir Iohn of Desmond slaine, and his bodie hanged by the heeles. champion of the pope, from whom he had receiued manie blessings, buls, and Agnos dei, which should keepe and preserue him from all harme: yet for all this his holie cote armour, he was met withall by capteine Zouch and capteine Dowdall, and by them he receiued his iust reward of a bloudie traitor, and a fréendkiller; being killed and then caried dead to Corke, where his bodie was hanged by the héeles, and his head sent to Dublin, and there set vpon the top of the castle. And in the end, the earle himselfe The earle of Desmond slaine, and his head sent to London, and set vpon Lon­don bridge. was also taken, and with the sword the head was di­uided from the bodie: the one was sent to London, and there set vpon London bridge; and his bodie vn­certeine whether it were buried or deuoured by the wild beasts. And thus a noble race and ancient fa­milie, descended from out of the loines of princes, is now for treasons and rebellions vtterlie extingui­shed and ouerthrowne; onelie one sonne of the said earles is left, and yet prisoner in the Tower of Lon­don. The two dctors, Allen & Sanders, who were the Allen and Sanders [...] ed, the one with the sword, the o­ther of fam [...]. holie fathers legats and nuncios, and in their foolish fantasies dreamed that they had the Holie ghost at commandement, and yet most errant traitors a­gainst the lords annointed: the one of them lifting vp his swoord against hir sacred maiestie, vnder the popes banner at Mounster, one thousand fiue hun­dred thréescore and ninetéene, was slaine and killed: the other, after that he had followed the heeles of the Desmonds almost foure yeares, wandering to and fro in the woods & bogs, died most miserablie in the wood of Cleneles, in such diseases as famine and penurie vse to bring. The Romans and Spaniards, All strangers slaine. and the strangers which were sent from the pope and king Philip, with all their consorts and companies, verie few left of them to returne home, and to carie news of their successe; but were all put to the sword. And as for the great companies of souldiors, gal­lowglasses, kerne, & the common people, who follow­ed this rebellion, the numbers of them are infinit, whose blouds the earth dranke vp, and whose carca­ses the foules of the aire and the rauening beasts of the féeld did consume and deuoure. After this folow­ed After the wars folow­ed a famine. an extreme famine: and such as whom the sword did not destroie, the same did consume, and eat out; verie few or none remaining aliue, sauing such as dwelled in cities and townes, and such as were fled ouer into England: and yet the store in the townes was verie far spent, and they in distresse, albeit no­thing like in comparison to them who liued at large. For they were not onelie driuen to eat horsses, dogs and dead carions; but also did deuoure the carcases of dead men, whereof there be sundrie examples: namelie one in the countie of Corke, where when a malefactor was executed to death, and his bodie left A man han­ged was eaten. vpon the gallows, certeine poore people secretlie came, tooke him downe, and did eat him. Likewise in the baie of Sméere wéeke, or saint Marie wéeke, the place which was first seasoned with this rebelli­on, there happened a ship to be there lost through Men drow­ned and eaten. foule weather, and all the men being drowned, were there cast on land.

[Page 183] The common people, who had a long time liued on limpets, orewads, and such shelfish as they could find, and which were now spent; as soone as they saw these dead bodies, they tooke them vp, and most gree­dilie did eat and deuoure them: and not long after, death and famine did eat and consume them. The land it selfe, which before those wars was populous, well inhabited, and rich in all the good blessings of God, being plentious of corne, full of cattell, well stored with fish and sundrie other good commodities, 10 is now become wast and barren, yéelding no fruits, the pastures no cattell, the fields no corne, the aire no birds, the seas (though full of fish) yet to them yéeld­ing nothing. Finallie, euerie waie the cursse of God was so great, and the land so barren both of man and beast, that whosoeuer did trauell from the one end vnto the other of all Mounster, euen from Waterford to the head of Sméerewéeke, which is a­bout six score miles, he should not meet anie man, woman, or child, sauing in townes and cities; nor 20 yet sée anie beast, but the verie woolues, the foxes, and other like rauening beasts: manie of them laie dead being famished, and the residue gone elsewhere. A heauie, but a iust iudgement of God vpon such a Pharoicall and stifnecked people, who by no per­suasions, no counsels, and no reasons, would be re­clamed and reduced to serue God in true religion, and to obeie their most lawfull prince in dutifull o­bedience; but made choise of a wicked idoll, the god Mazim to honor, and of that wicked antichrist of 30 Rome to obeie, vnto the vtter euerthrow of them­selues and of their posteritie. This is the goodnesse that commeth from that great citie vpon the seuen hils, and that mightie Babylon, the mother of all wickednesse & abhominations vpon the earth. These be the fruits which come from that holie father, mai­ster pope, the sonne of sathan, and the man of sinne, The fruits which come from the pope. and the enimie vnto the crosse of Christ, whose blood­thirstinesse will neuer be quenched, but in the blood of the saints, and the seruants of God; and whose ra­uening 40 guts be neuer satisfied, but with the death of such as doo serue the Lord in all godlines, & who will not be drunke in the cup of his fornications: as it dooth appére by the infinit & most horrible massacres, and bloodie persecutions, which he dailie exerciseth throughout all christian lands. Which bicause he can not performe also within the realmes of England The wicked practises of the pope. & Ireland, what practises hath he made by inchant­ments, sorceries, witchcrafts, & tresons to beerean [...] hir maiestie of hir life? What deuises hath he vsed to raise vp hir owne subiects to rebellions and commo­tions, to sapplant hir of hir roiall estate and gouern­ment? What practises hath he vsed with forren prin­ces and potentats, to séeke occasions of breaches of peace and raisings of warres? And how craftilis hath he suborned his vnholie & traitorous Iesuits, vnder colour of holines, to range from place to place through hir maiesties realmes, and to moone and persuade hir people from dutifull obedience vnto hir highnesse, and to denie hir supreme authoritie and gouernment? Finallie, how dooth he from time to time like a rauening woolfe séeke the deuouring of hir, and of all hir good subiects, which liue in the feare of God, and in the religion established vpon his ho­lie word and gospell? Whereof hath insued the losse of infinit thousands of people, as wherof manie ap­parant examples are set downe and recorded in the histories of England; but of them all, none more lamentable than is this historie of Ireland, and espe­ciallie this tragedie of Mounster. In which it dooth appeare, how that for the maintenance of the popes quarels, the earth hath drunke vp the bloud, the fouls of the aire haue preied, and the beasts of the field haue deuoured the carcases of infinit multitudes & numbers of people. Which if euerie man would well looke into and consider, the vngodlie shall sée the great iudgements of God, and his seuere iustice against all such as shall dishonor his holie name; and against such as shall rebell and resist against his an­nointed: that thereby they may repent, amend their liues, and be conuerted vnto the Lord, both in true religion towards him, and in all dutifull obedience to his annointed. And the good and godlie shall sée, and thereby consider the great good mercies shewed vpon them, in that he hath and continuallie dooth preserue and kéepe them from out of the iawes of the lion in all safetie, that they should dailie more and more grow from grace to grace, and liue in all holinesse and vertue towards him, and persist in all dutifull obedience vnto hir maiestie our souereigne ladie and queene; whose daies the Lord God conti­nue and prolong to reigne ouer vs to his good will and pleasure: and so shall we hir peo­ple sée good daies, liue in securi­itie, and the peace of Israell shall be vpon vs.

Thus farre the chronicles of Ireland, continued by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell, Gent.

1585.THE DESCRIPTION …

1585.

THE DESCRIPTION OF SCOTLAND, Written at the first by Hector Boe­tius in Latine, and afterward tran­slated into the Scotish speech by Iohn Bellenden Archdeacon of Murrey, and now final­lie into English by R. H.

Wherevpon is inferred the historie of Scotland, conteining the beginning, increase, proceeding, continuance, acts, and gouernement of the Scotish nation, from the originall thereof vnto the yeare 1571, gathe­red and written in English by Ra­phaell Hollindshead: and conti­nued from 1571, to 1585, by o­thers.

Cum priuilegio Regiae Maiestatis.

To the Right worshipfull Maister Thomas Secford Esquire and Maister of the Requests, William Harison wisheth all knowledge of God, with dailie increase of his gifts at this present, and in the world to come life euerlasting.

HAuing by your singular curte­sie receiued great help in my description of the riuers & streames of Britaine, and by conference of my trauell with the platforms of those few shires of England which are by your infinite charges alre­die finished (as the rest shall be in time by Gods helpe, for the inestimable be­nefit of such as inhabit this Iland) not a little polished those rough courses of diuers waters not exactly before time described by Le­land our countrieman, or any ancient writer, I could not deuise a­ny thing more agreeable with mine abilitie and your good nature (which greatlie fauoureth any thing that is doone for a commo­ditie vnto many) than to shew some token of my thankefulnesse for these your manifold kindnesses, by the dedication of my sim­ple translation of the description of Scotland at this time vnto your worship.

Indeed the trauell taken heerein is not great, bicause I tie not my translation vnto his letter, neither the treatise of it selfe such, as ta­keth vp any huge roome in the volume of this chronicle. But such as it is, and whatsoeuer it is, I yeeld it wholie vnto you, as a testimonie of my good will, which detesteth vtterlie to receiue a­ny benefit, though it be neuer so small, and not to be thankfull for it Certes my vocation is such, as calleth me to a farre other kind of studie, so that I exercise these things onlie for recreation sake, & to saie the truth, it is much vnsitting for him that professeth Diui­nitie, to applie his time any otherwise vnto contemplation of ciuill histories. And this is the cause wherfore I haue chosen rather, on­lie [Page 4] with the losse of three or foure daies to translate Hector out of the Scotish (a toong verie like vnto ours) than with more ex­pense of time to deuise a new, or follow the Latine copie, which is far more large and copious. How excellentlie if you consider the art, Boetius hath penned it, and the rest of his historie in Latine, the skilfull are not ignorant: but how profitablie and compendi­ouslie Iohn Bellenden archdeacon of Murrey his interpretor hath turned him from the Latine into the Scotish toong, there are ve­rie few Englishmen that know, bicause we want the books.

Wherefore sith the learned read him in his owne stile, and his countrimen in their naturall language, why should not we borow his description, and read the same in English likewise, sith the kno­ledge therof may redound to the great benefit of so manie as read or heare the same? Accept therefore (right worshipfull) this my simple offer, and although I assure my selfe, your naturall inclina­tion to be such, as that it will take nothing in ill part that is well meant toward you, how rudelie soeuer it be handled in the doing, yet I will not let to craue pardon for my presumption, in that I dare be so bold as to offer such a trifle to you, whom more weigh­tie affaires doo dailie call from things of so small importance. Almightie God keepe your worship from time to time in his feare, and blesse you and my good ladie your wife with such increase of his benefits, as may most redound to his glorie, & your own ad­uantage.

The contents of the chapters conteined in this booke.

  • 1 OF the bounds of Albion, with the sundrie commodities thereof, and of the great infirmities that fall vnto the people there for their intemperan­cie: and finallie of the religion vsed there in old time.
  • 2 The description of the east, west, and middle borders of Scotland, with the most notable townes and flouds thereof.
  • 3 The description of Gallowaie, Kile, Carricke, and Cunningham, with the nota­ble townes, lakes, and riuers in the same.
  • 4 The situation of Renfrew, Cliddesdale, Lennox, Lowmund, Argile, Loughqua­ber, Lorne and Kentire, with all the notable things conteined in the same.
  • 5 Of Rosse, Stranauerne, and Murrey land, with such lakes and riuers as are to bee touched there.
  • 6 Of Boene, Anze, Buquhane, Mar, Mernes, Fiffe & Angus, with the lakes, flouds, abbeis, townes, and other notable commodities there to be seene and found.
  • 7 Of Louthian, Striuelin, Menteith, Calidon wood, Bowgewall, Gareoth, with the notable cities, castels and flouds thereof.
  • 8 Of the great plentie of hares, harts, and other wild beasts in Scotland, also of the strange nature of sundrie Scotish dogs, and of the nature of salmon.
  • 9 Of sundrie kinds of muskles and cockles in Scotland, and pearles gotten in the same. Of vncouth and strange fish there to be seene, and of the nature of the herbe Citisus, commonlie called Hadder.
  • 10 Of the Iles of Scotland, and such notable things as are to be found in them.
  • 11 Of the nature of their Claike geese, and diuerse maner of their procreation, and of the Ile of Thule.
  • 12 The description of Orkeney, and Shetland, with other sundrie small Iles, and of the maners and conditions of the people dwelling in the same.
  • 13 Of the maners of the Scots in these daies, and their comparison with the beha­uiour of the old and such as liued long since within this Iland.
  • 14 The description of an ancient Pict, and such as dwelled beyond the wall of Hadrian.
  • 15 Of bishoprikes, vniuersities, and counties in Scotland.

The authors out of whome this historie of Scotland hath beene gathered.

  • Hector Boetius.
  • Iohannes Ferrarius Pedemontanus.
  • Iohannes Maior.
  • Iohannes Fourdon.
  • Rogerus Houeden.
  • Richardus Southwell.
  • Wilhelmus Paruus, siue Neoburgensis.
  • Albertus Crantz.
  • Aeneas Syluius.
  • Edward Hall.
  • Richard Grafton.
  • Iohn Stow: and others.

The description of Scotland, writ­ten at the first by Hector Boetius in Latine, and after­ward translated into the Scotish speech by Iohn Bellenden archdeacon os Mur­rey, and now finallie into English by W. H.

The bounds of Albion with the sundrie commodities thereof, and of the great infirmities that fall vnto the people there for their intemperancie, and final­lie of the religion vsed there in old time. 10 The first Chapter.

THe Ile of At­bion conteineth in the whole cir­cumference, 2 M. miles, ha­uing in length 700, & in bredth 20 300, as appée­reth well by the coast therof that dooth lie ouer a­gainst France where it is broa­dest, and from whence it gathereth narrower and narrower, till it come to the vtter marches & last bounds of England and Scotland. For betwixt the Mule of Gallowaie that is on the west side ouer against the Irish seas, 30 and saint Ebbes head, that lieth vpon the Germané ocean toward the east, are scarselie 130 miles, and thencefoorth it groweth smaller and smaller till it touch vpon the north seas, where it is not aboue thir­tie miles, as I noted before in the description of Britaine.

This Ile is replenished with people, horsses, and all other kind of cattell and corne in most abundant maner, except it be in such places where as God of his singular goodnesse hath otherwise indued the soile 40 with rich mines of gold, siluer, tin, brasse, copper, and quicksiluer, which for the most part are so plenti­full, that they suffice not onlie for the necessaries of the whole Iland, but also of sundrie regions that are situated round about it, if the inhabitants were skil­full and painefull to deale withall accordinglie. But the abundance of all other things requisite for the vse of man, that is found generallie in our Iland, maketh the people lesse carefull of these commodi­ties, and more giuen to idlenesse. For beside the great plentie of those things which heauen and earth doo minister, as grasse, corne and cattell, foules of sundrie kinds, there is such store of fish in all parties of our seas, especiallie towards the north, that the same would suffice to féed and susteine all the people of the Iland, if there were none other commodities to be found within the same.

For the inhabitants of all countries that border vpon vs, as France, Flanders, Zealand, Holland, and a great part of Germanie (especiallie those which lie néere vnto the coast) doo saile hither with great numbers of vessels dailie to fish vpon our coasts, and buy such as we haue alreadie caught, not onlie for their owne vse, but also for the Lenton prouision of such nations as lie vpon the Leuant seas, where they sell the same at their owne wils, with very spéedie vtterance. Manie other rich and pretious commodi­ties are to be gotten in the said Ile, whereof the a­forenamed nations doo make no small account, be­side Dionysius A­lexandrinus saith that the wool of Bri­taine is often spun so fine that it is in manner com­parable to the spiders draught. these common things. What shall I saie of our woolles, which are in so high estimation in all lands, bicause of their necessarie vses, and whereof a great part is so fine and soft, that of it are made the costlie skarlets, pliant gloues, and manie other grained and delicate clothes, of which I thought good to make this mention, bicause the report thereof is not yet made common and generallie knowne to all men.

Certes this I dare boldlie affirme, that if the kingdoms of Britaine had such grace giuen them from aboue, as that they might once liue in vnitie, or by any meanes be brought vnder the subiection of one prince, they should yer long féele such a sauour in this amitie, that they would not onelie liue franklie of their own, without any forren purchase of things, but also resist all outward inuasion, with small tra­uell and lesse dammage. For as touching their per­sons, and likewise their notable wits, apt both for the atteining of learning and knowledge of handi­crafts, they are inferiour to no other nation. There­vnto we find them to be couragious and hardie, of­fering themselues often vnto the vttermost per [...]s with great assurance, so that a man may pronounce nothing to be ouerhard or past their power to per­forme, if they would giue themselues to liue tempe­ratelie, and follow their predecessors in moderation of diet.

Therefore it is (as I thinke) that almightie God in his prouident disposition of all things, hath ordeined their grounds (otherwise plentifullie indued with all kinds of commodities) to be destitute and void of wine; as foreseeing that the said liquor, which brin­geth greatest benefit vnto other countries, would grow in the end to be most pernicious & noisome to [Page 8] them. For they are giuen to such vnnaturall raue­ning and greedie desire of forreine things (whilest they contemne or not regard their owne) that they cannot refraine the immoderate vse of wine, and excesse vsed in drinking of the same: insomuch that we may see diuerse to be ouertaken and haunted, not onelie with sundrie kinds of grieuous maladies common to vs and them of the maine, but also ma­nie other which they haue not, neither be anie thing at all acquainted with, as experience dailie tea­cheth. 10

Some by long sicknesse and languishing gréefes doo grow into such deformitie onelie through exces­siue feeding, and greedie abuse of wine, that if you knew them when they were children & yoong men, you shall hardlie remember them when they be old and aged; and that which more is, in comparison of o­ther that liue more soberlie, you will hardlie thinke them to be borne in the Ile, but rather suppose them to be changelings and monsters, brought out of o­ther 20 countries to gaze and looke vpon: diuerse of them through the continuall vse of wine are mole­sted in their age, with phreneticall pangs and passi­ons. Seldome also shall you sée those that are giuen much vnto wine and such welfare, to become pa­rents of manie children, sith their naturall moisture and generatiue force is much abated, if not altogi­ther extinguished by such immoderate diet.

But to returne to our purpose, the Albanes or Britains, as Caesar in his commentaries, and Ta­citus 30 in his annales doo report, were very religious, after the maner of religion vsed in old time. For in those daies the priests of Britaine named Druides, were expert both in naturall and morall philosophie, and from thence came the first professors of that sect and opinion into France. The principall seat of their priests was in the Ile of Man, which was re­puted at that season for the welspring and fountains of all learning and knowledge, and after that their priests were once conuerted to the catholike faith, 40 they perseuered in the same with great constancie, without anie note of heresie.

The description of the east, west, and middle borders of Scotland, with the most notable townes and flouds thereof. The second Chapter. 50

THe Picts had sometimes the principall and most fer­tile part of that countrie, which now is vnder the regi­ment of the Scots, and after they had continued in the same by the space of 1171 yeares, ioined in maner in perpetuall league with the Scots, and mainteining 60 mutuallie the warres sometimes with the Britains and Romans, and somtimes also tarring with their Scotish neighbours, at the last they fell into extreme hatred one of another, till it was brought to passe by the diuine prouidence, that the said Picts were ouerthrowne, their name extinguished, and the king­dome vnited vnto that other of the Scots for euer­more. After this time furthermore, although the Scots haue béene verie oftentimes assailed with most dangerous and terrible wars, and oftentimes inuaded by enimies from diuers regions, yet such hath beene the fauour of almightie God towards them, that still they flourish and reteine their estate inuiolate.

Whatsoeuer we haue generallie spoken of Al­bion, that is chieflie to be vnderstood of the Scots, and farre greater, especiallie among the Scots, as they call them in the high land, as people that haue lesse to doo with forreine merchants, and therefore are lesse delicate, and not so much corrupted with strange bloud and aliance. Hereby in like sort it commeth to passe, that they are more hard of con­stitution of bodie, to beare off the cold blasts, to watch better, and absteine long, whervnto also it ap­peareth that they are bold, nimble, and thereto more skilfull in the warres. As for their faith and promise, they hold it with greatest constancie, as Hector hath set downe. Towards the Almaine sea, I find, that Scotland hath the Mers, sometime the most plenti­ous region of the Picts for their march, which so long as the said people did inhabit it, was called Deera, or Dere; but after their expulsion, it was named Mers, that is to say, the marches or limits of their countrie. In processe of time also the Scots exten­ded their bounds euen vnto the Twéed, which now diuideth Northumberland from the Mers.

On the other side of the countrie towards the west, sundrie small bournes descend from the Cheri­ot hilles, and other mounteines lieng thereabout in­to the Solue, diuiding Cumberland from Annan­dale, and so being brought into one chanell, they fall togither into the Irish ocean, & stand for the bounds of Scotland vpon that halfe of the countrie. The Cheriot hilles are in like sort taken for the middle marches of the region, which with certeine small brookes that fall from the same, doo separate both the countries, whereby their limits are knowne. The Mers hath vnder marches at seuerall places (whi­ther it is extended) as sometime the Germane sea, sometime east Louthian, sometime the Twéed, and sometime the Forth, and among manie strong holds and castels, that stand vpon the borders, is the towne and castell of Barwike in time past called Ordolucium, as the inhabitants are called Ordoluci (if Hector be not deceiued.)

The Twéed springeth out from a meane head, and after his augmentation with other small waters that fall into the same, it descendeth with a large course into the Almaine sea. Beyond the Twéed, to the middle march vnder the Cheriot hilles lieth T [...] ­uidale, that is to say, the vale of Tiffe: beyond it is Eskedale, or the vale of Eske, of a riuer so called that runneth through the same: ouer against E [...] ­dale on the other side lieth Eusdale, so named of the riuer Eus that passeth thereby, and falleth into the water of Annand: but Tif and Elke doo run into the Twéed: furthermore, on the west side ouer a­gainst the Irish sea, lieth Annandale, wherevnto the Annand water giueth denomination, which mar­cheth sometimes without the bounds of N [...]sdale, where all the three riuers aforesaid, that is to say, Eus, Annand and Sulway descend togither in one bottome into the Irish seas.

In Annandale is a loch or lake named Lochma­ben, fiue miles in length and foure in bredth, not onlie verie full of fish, but of such kind as few men are acquainted with. Beside this lake also there is a castell of the same name, builded of purpose to re­streine the furious dealing of théeues which doo great hurt in those quarters. For not onlie in Annandale, but in all the dales or vales afore rehearsed, are ma­nie strong théeues, which often spoile the countrie, and exercise much cruell slaughter vpon such as in­habit there, in anie troublous time. These robbers (because the English doo border vpon their drie mar­ches, and are their perpetuall enimies) doo often make forceable rodes into the English bounds, for their better maintenance and sustentation, or else [Page 9] they pilfer priuilie from them, as men leading in the meane season a poore beggerlie and verie miserable life. In the time of peace also, they are so invred to theft and rapine, that they cannot leaue off to steale at home: and notwithstanding that they be often ve­rie sore handled therefore, yet they thinke it praise­woorthie to molest their aduersarie, as they call the truer sort, whereby it commeth to passe, that manie rich and fertile places of Scotland lie wast and void of culture for feare of their inuasion. 10

Not far from the Sulwaie (a water where great plentie of fish is to be had) are manie quicke-sands, and those so perilous that no man may well go ouer the same, but with great difficultie and danger of his life. This vale of A [...]and was sometime called Ordouicia, and the people thereof Ordouices, whose ancient barbarousnesse is reported to be such, that in times past they refused not to kill and eate such pri­soners as had yéelded themselues vnto them. The verie women in like sort would s [...]ea their husbands, 20 if at anie time they fled from the field, and returned to their houses, onelie to giue occasion vnto other men to stand to their tacklings at euerie such ad­uenture. On the west borders and also toward the northlieth Niddesdale, so called of the water of Nid­de. It beginneth with a verie narrow course, and increasing broder in the middle marches of Scot­land, it finallie restreineth it selfe againe, till it com­meth at the sea, whither it runneth with a swift course, as the Scotish writers doo report. In this 30 dale standeth a towne named Dunfrise, wherein manie fine clothes speciallie whites are made, which are brought vp and caried into England, France, Flanders, and Germanie, where they are had in great price and estimation.

The description of Gallowaie, Kile, Carricke, and Cuningham, with the notable townes, lakes and riuers 40 in the same. The third Chapter.

ABoue Niddesdale is Gal­lowaie (named sometimes Brigantia) the people where­of were in times past called Brigantes: this region is di­uided 50 by the water of Crée into two parts, whereof that which lieth néerest to Niddes­dale, is called nether Gallowaie, and the other that is aboue the Crée is named vpper Gallowaie. In nether Gallowaie is Kirkcowbrie, a rich towne and of a good trade in merchandize, and in vpper Gallo­waie is Whitherne, in Latine Candida Casa, an abbeie dedicated to saint Ninian the bishop, and there lieth his carcase, which is honored of the people with great 60 superstition and errour. Aboue Whitherne is Wig­ton towne, and not far from thence is the great lake of Mirton, the one halfe whereof dooth fréeze by naturall congelation as other pooles and plashes doo; but the other is neuer séene to beare anie yee at all, which vnto me dooth séeme to be a great woonder. In Gallowaie moreouer are two other lakes, the Salset and the Neutramen, of equall length and bredth with the Lochmirton; as for Gallowaie it selfe, it yeeldeth out a great point, promontorie, or cape (which the Scots call a mule or nuke) into the Irish sea. The common sort name it the mules nuke, and by the rounding of it selfe, it maketh two great lakes, named Rean and Lois, except I be deceiued, one of these lakes or pooles is 30, and the other 16, miles of length, and both full of oisters, herrings, coongers, cockles, and other like kinds of fish.

Some are of the opinion that Brigantia was the same region of Britaine that is now called Wales, wherein the Britains inhabited manie yeares after their expulsion out of Britaine. But this opinion is false, sith the Romans write that Man the Iland lieth ouer against Brigantium and midwaie betwéene the same and Ireland: for albeit that the braies or baies are now worne wider & further distant ech from o­ther by the washing and working of the sea, yet the same latitude & eleuation of the pole that Ptolomie ascribed to the Brigants, agréeth well to the heigth of the pole ouer Gallowaie, which is verie far from Wales, fithens the Ile of Man lieth also 300 miles from thence, and in the sight of Gallowaie. In like sort by the testimonie of sundrie authors both Irish and Spanish (we affirme that out of Brigantium a citie in Spaine, now named Compostella) there came a new companie of people into Ireland called Spaniards, and out of Ireland another crew of the same nation with king Fergus into Albion, and in remembrance of the citie Brigance, wherein they inhabited whilest they were in Spaine, they called themselues Brigantes. To this opinion in like sort Cornelius Tacitus dooth séeme to leane, who saith, that the Brigantes descended from the Spaniards, which in his time dwelled in the vttermost parts of Britaine, including vnder that name all the Ile of Albion. These regions afore rehearsed, that is to say, Annandale, Niddesdale, and Gallowaie, beside fine woolls and store of cattell, dooth also a­bound with all kinds of graine, wheate onelie ex­cepted.

Aboue Gallowaie is Carrike, sometime a por­tion of the region of the Silures, of whose name it is not yet certeinelie knowne, whether it was deri­ued from the famous citie Carrike, whose ruines doo yet remaine, or not. Silurie is diuided into thrée parts, to wit, Carrike, Kile, and Cuningham. In the first, as I said, was Carrike the noble citie: and in this countrie are manie strong castels, both by naturall situation and policie of man: herein al­so are faire [...]ine and oren, whose flesh is delicat and verie tender to be eaten, the tallow moreouer of their wombs is so moist and sappie that it neuer Reade in the Latine Hector. 12 foot in hith 30 foot in length, and thrée elns thicke. waxeth hard, but relenteth of the owne accord, and becommeth like vnto oile. Beyond Carrike is Kile, so called of Coile king of Britaine, sometime slaine in the said region, and therein is a stone, not much aboue 12 miles from the towne of Air, full 30 foot high, and three elns of breadth, called the deafe stone, not without cause: for when a man is on the one side thereof, he shall not heare what is said or doone on the other, though there be neuer so great noise made, no not if a canon should be discharged of set purpose; which to me dooth séeme vnpossible, neuerthelesse the further a man standeth from the same, the better shall he heare, whatsoeuer the noise be. Next to Kile is Cuningham the third part of Silurie, whose inhabitants in time past were most noisome to the Romans. In Kile is a poole named Downe, from whence the riuer Downe dooth runne through the middest of that region into the Irish sea. In Cu­ningham likewise is a lake called Garnoth, equall in quantitie vnto the Downe, and no lesse famous for the abundance of fish that is dailie found there­in; and not farre from the same is the towne called Largis, where Alexander the third king of Scotland of that name, sometime ouercame the Danes and Norwegians, whereby it grew to be famous, and of more reputation among vs.

The situation of Renfrew, Clides­dale, Lennox, Lowmund, Argile, Louchquhaber, Lorne, and Ken­tire, with all the notable things conteined in the same. The fourth Chapter.

THe water of Clide diui­deth 10 Lennox on the north side from the baronie of Renfrew, and it ariseth out of the same hill in Calidon­wood, from whence the An­nand falleth, and goeth with a long course into the Irish sea; some call this riuer Gluda, and Cluda: but Tacitus nameth it Glota. Not far also from the foun­teines 20 of Clide, ariseth the water of Forth, that runneth on the contrarie side into the Germane ocean. In like sort after the water of Clude hath run for a season toward the north, it gathereth some­what inward, till it come to the mounteine of Gran­zeben, & from thence holdeth on with a swift course, till it fall (as I said) into the Irish seas. The coun­trie where it runneth is named Clidesdale. Betwixt Clide and Lennox lieth the baronie of Renfrew, wherein are two pooles named Quhinsouth and Le­both, 30 of which the first is 12 miles in compasse, the other 20, and both verie rich and plentifull of fish. But in Lennox, that lieth next aboue Renfrew to­ward the ocean (called by Ptolomie Lelgouia) is a great mere or lake that hight Lochmond, of 24 miles in length, and eight in breadth, and within this lhin or poole are 30 Ilands, well replenished with churches and dwelling houses.

And in the same also are three things woorthie con­sideration, whereof the first is, that the pleasant 40 and verie delicat fishes there bred doo want fins. The second is, that the water will often swell with huge waues though no wind be stirring, and that in such wise that the best mariners in the countrie dare not aduenture to saile thereon. There is also a ve­rie fruitfull and commodious Ile therein, verie ne­cessarie for the pasturage of cattell, which fléeteth hi­ther and thither as the wind bloweth. This lake is situat at the foot of the hill called Granzeben, which were sometime the marches or limits betwixt the 50 Scots and Picts, and are extended from Lochlow­mund to the mouth of Dée. Certes the Picts had no part of the countrie beyond the Granzeben, nor toward the Irish seas, for this region was inhabi­ted by the Scots. Eight miles from Lochlowmond is the castell of Dumbritteme named sometime Al­cluid, and here the water of Leuen falleth into the Clide.

Beyond Lochlowmund is Argile, an hillie coun­trie 60 and full of crags and mounteins, therein also are two lakes, Lochfine & Lochquho, that diuide the region into three parts, that in the middest being cal­led Knapdale. In Lochfine is more plentie of hering than in anie part of the coast that compasseth the I­land, but in Lochquho are such kinds of fish to be vsu­allie had, as are commonlie bred in fresh waters. There are moreouer in Argile two castels, Glenun­quhart and Enconell, & in it are 12 Iles, whose chiefe commoditie resteth rather in pasturage for cattell, than abundance of graine. In Argile furthermore are manie rich mines full of mettall, but the people there haue no skill to find and trie out the same. The constant report also goeth there, how there is a stone of such nature, that if it be hidden in straw for a cer­teine season, it will kindle of it selfe, and consume the straw to ashes. There are seuen other lakes in Argile, whereof some are thirtie miles in length and bredth, and other lesse.

It was told me once by Doncan Campbell a no­ble knight, that out of Ga [...]loll, one of the pooles of Argile, there came a terrible beast, in the yeare of Grace 1510, which was of the bignesse of a grei­hound, and footed like a gander, and issuing out of the water earlie in the morning about midsummer time, did verie easilie and without anie visible force or streining of himselfe ouerthrow huge okes with his taile, & therevnto killed thrée men out-right that hunted him with thrée stroks of his said taile, the rest of them sauing themselues in trées thereabouts, whilest the foresaid monster returned to the water. Those that are giuen to the obseruations of rare and vncouth sights, beléeue that this beast is neuer séene but against some great trouble & mischiefe to come vpon the realme of Scotland. For it hath béene de­scribed also before that time, although not verie of­ten. Lorne abutteth vpon Argile, which was once a part of Argile, and reacheth out into the Irish sea, in maner of a cape or toong, full sixtie miles. This point also was called Nouantia, but now it is na­med Kintire (that is to saie) the head of Lorne, whose vttermost part is not full 16 miles from Ireland. Some authors affirme, that both Argile and Can­tire, were called Nouantia in old time, sith Ptolo­mie maketh no mention of Argile in his cosmogra­phie. In this Lorne is great abundance of barleie, which the Scots call beir. Beyond Lorne is Loch­quhaber, heretofore a portion of Murrey land, verie rich in mines of iron and lead, and no lesse benefici­all to the countrie in all kinds of cattell.

There are likewise manie woods, manie lakes, and manie riuers, but two of them are most notable for the plentie of samons, and other delicate fish, as­well of the salt as fresh water, which be there taken, and almost without anie trauell; neither is there anie where else in all the Ile such store. The one of these is named Lochtie, & the other Spanze, but vpon what occasion these names were giuen to them I find as yet no certeintie. The Lochtie riseth not a­boue eight miles from Lochnes, and falleth beneath the same into the Germane ocean, and beside it, there is a rockie crag, running out at length into the sea, named Hardnomorth. In the mouth of Lochtie likewise was sometime a rich towne name Inuer­lochtie, whither the merchants of France & Spaine did make their dailie resort, till at the last it was so defaced by the warres of the Danes, that it neuer was able since the said time to recouer hir pristinate renowme. But whether the negligence of the due repare of this towne, procéedeth of the slouth of our people, or hatred that some enuious persons doo beare to cities and walled townes in our countrie, as yet it is vncerteine. Beyond Lochtie is the castell of Dunstafage, in time past named Euonium: beyond Dunstafage also is the mouth of the water of Spanze, where it falleth (as I heare) into the Ger­mane ocean.

The discourse of Ros, Stranauerne, & Murrey land, with the lakes, riuers, and notable townes in them. The fift Chapter.

BEyond the water of Spanze lieth Ros, sometime called Lugia, a verie nar­row region (God it wote) but running out in great length through the middest [Page 11] of the Iland, being enuironed on both sides with the ocean. That portion thereof which lieth néerest to the Irish seas, is verie difficult for such as trauell by the countrie, by reason of the high mounteins, which maketh the countrie more apt for wild beasts than mankind to inhabit: neuerthelesse waxing more fer­till on that part which stretcheth toward the German sea, it yeeldeth it selfe to culture, and rendreth some graine. In pasture also it is not altogither vnpro­fitable, sith there is good grasse and verie batable for 10 their heards: for the vallies there, being watered with sundrie pleasant streames, doo yeeld a sweet and verie sauorie grasse, wherewith all sorts of cat­tell are verie much delighted. In Ros are sundrie lakes, but Lochbrun is the greatest. There are also manie fresh riuers, fraught with excellent fish, and finallie a notable firth or safe hauen called Cromart, wherevnto diuers in time of necessitie doo resort, to a­uoid the danger of shipwracke, that otherwise would assuredlie annoy them. The Scotish men call it Heill 20 of shipmen. In this region moreouer is the towne called Thane, where the bones of Dutho an holy man (as they say) doo rest, & are had in greater estimation among the superstitious sort (as sometime ouer the whole Iland) than the holie gospell of God and me­rits of his sonne, whereby we are onelie saued. Two ancient houses are likewise mainteined in one vale of the Ros, whose formes resemble so manie belles, but to what end as yet I doo not find. Next vnto the said Ros lieth the Stranauerne, as the vttermost 30 region of Scotland, the coasts whereof abutting for a while vpon the Deucalidon sea, doo afterward turne againe toward the Almain seas, hauing part­lie the Deucalidon coast, and partlie Cathnesse vp­on the north side, Southerland on the east, Rossia on the south, and Deucalidon againe vpon the west. There are thrée great crags or points lieng on the vttermost side of Stranauerne, that is to saie, the Hoie, Howbrun (the greatest of the thrée) and Dow­nisbie, which bicause they shoot farre off into the sea, 40 doo make two great firths and lakes, each of them being seuerallie distinguished from other.

Next vnto Cathnesse lieth Southerland, a profi­table region both for graine and all kinds of proui­sion, but chieflie for the nourishment of bestiall, wherevnto it chieflie inclineth, as doo the other two last before rehearsed. On the further side also of this, lieth Murrey land, sometime called Vararis, al­though the marches thereof are changed from that they were of old. For whereas in time past all the re­gion 50 lieng betweene Spaie and Nesse to the Ire­land sea, was named Murrey; now it is knowne to be onlie beyond the water of Spaie & Kissocke, & rea­cheth on vntill it come to the Irish sea. Betwixt Ros and Murrey land, is a great baie, and likewise a descent of sundrie waters: for thereinto fall the Nesse, Narden, Findorne, Los and Spaie, whereof this latter runneth with so fierce & violent a streame, that the force of the sea at the floud striuing to enter into the same, is put back, & may not resist the inuin­cible 60 fall, and beates backe the water that descendeth into the ocean. The Nesse issueth out of a lake of the same name (which is not passing 8 miles from the said plash, from whence the Lochtie runneth) & thence go­eth into the Irish seas: and this propertie it hath, that neither the streame, neither the lake it selfe will yeeld to be frozen in the verie deepe of winter. Such also is the force thereof, that if anie yee or anie frozen substance be cast thereinto, it will by and by relent and dissolue againe to water, whereby it becommeth verie profitable for such cattell as are benummed with cold. In the mouth of the Nesse, standeth a towne called Inuernesse, where sometime was great abundance of herring taken, but now they be gone by the secret working of God. The common people put the fault in the rich & men of higher cal­ling, who enuieng the commoditie of the poore inha­bitants, will often séeme to bereue them of this emo­lument, by force and slaughter. Whervpon (as they say) it commeth to passe, that the increase estsoones decaieth, and verie small store is taken there by manie yeares after such iniurie offered.

But to procéed: beside Lochnesse, which is 24 miles of length, and foure in bredth, by reason of the great woods there standing, is great store of sauage beasts, as harts, wild horsses, roes, and such like. There are likewise martirns, beuers, foxes & wezels, whose skins and cases are sold vnto strangers at huge and excessiue prices. In Murrey land also is not alonelie great plentie of wheat, barlie, otes, and such like graine, beside nuts and apples, but likewise of all kinds of fish, and especiallie of samon. The peo­ple thereof in like sort doo vse a strange maner of fi­shing: for they make a long weele of wicker, nar­row necked, and wide mouthed, with such cunning, that when the tide commeth, the fish shoot themselues into the same, and foorthwith are so inclosed that whi­lest the tide lasteth he cannot get out, nor after the water is gone escape the hands of the fishers. In this region moreouer is a lake named Spiney, wherein is excéeding plentie of swans.

The cause of their increase in this place is as­cribed to a certeine herbe, which groweth there in great abundance, and whose séed is verie pleasant vnto the said foule in the eating, wherefore they call it Swangirs: and herevnto such is the nature of the same, that where it is once sowne or planted, it will neuer be destroied, as may be prooued by expe­rience. For albeit that this lake be fiue miles in length, and was sometime within the remembrance of man verie well stored with samon and other fish, yet after that this herbe began to multiplie vpon the same, it became so shallow, that one may now wade through the greatest part thereof, by meanes wherof all the great fishes there be vtterlie consumed. In this portion furthermore, is the church of Pette, where the bones of little Iohn remaine in great esti­mation. This was no Scot but an Englishman, fled into Ire­land, and then into Scotland Certes his carcasse hath béene 14 foot long, his members well proportioned according to his stature, and not fullie six yéeres before this booke was written (by Boetius) he saw his hanch bone, which sée­med so great as the whole thigh of a man, and he did thrust his arme into the hollownesse thereof, wherby it appeareth what mightie people grew vp in our re­gion before they were ouercome with gluttonie and excesse. In this quarter finallie is the towne called Elgin, not farre from the mouth of Spaie, and ther­in is a cathredrall church furnished with canons: there are thereto sundrie rich and verie wealthie ab­beies in Murrey, as Killos of the order of the Ciste­aux, and Pluscardie of the Cluniaks.

Of Boene, Anze, Buchquhane, Mar, Mernis, Fiffe, and Angus, with the lakes, flouds, abbies, townes, and o­ther notable things conteined in the same. The sixt Chapter.

NExt vnto the Murrey li­eth Boene, and Anze, two fertill and plentifull regions, which extend their bounds e­uen vnto the seas. They are both verie notablie indowed with batable pastures, and by reason thereof are verie full [Page 12] of cattell, they yeeld moreouer excellent corne, and by meanes of their large woods and forests not without great store of wild beasts of sundrie kinds and natures. Neere also vnto the Douerne water, which is a riuer maruellouslie stored with fish, stan­deth a towne named Bamfe, and vnder these two regions aforesaid lieth Buchquhane, a verie batable soile for all kinds of cattell, but especiallie of shéepe, whose wooll excéedeth that of the like beast of all o­ther countries thereabouts for whitenesse and fine­nesse. 10 The riuers that are in this countrie doo in like maner abound with samons, so that there is no one of them void of this commoditie, except the Rattra onelie, wherein it is not heard that anie hath béene séene I herein also standeth the castell of Slanis, in which the high constable of Scotland dwelleth, and néere vnto the same is a maruellous caue: for the water that droppeth into the same, in a short processe of time becommeth an hard white stone, and ex­cept they had béene oft remooued heretofore, the caue 20 it selfe had béene filled vp with the same manie yeeres agone.

This region is void of rats, and such is the na­ture thereof, that if anie be brought thither from o­ther places, they are found to die immediatlie: fi­nallie it is most maruellous of all, that as otes doo grow there in manie places of themselues without culture and tillage; so if a man come thither of set purpose to mow downe the same, he shall find no­thing els but emptie huls and straw: but if he chance 30 vpon the sudden and without premeditation of the thing to cut downe anie (a matter impossible in my mind) he shall find them so good and full as anie are elsewhere, to be gathered and led home. Certes it appeareth hereby, that this is nothing else but an illusion, wherewith the wicked féends doo capti­uate and blind the senses of the superstitious sort; for that it should be so by nature, it is a thing altogither impossible. Next vnto this lieth the great region of Mar, which is verie plentifull of cattell, and ex­tendeth 40 60 miles in length, from the Almaine seas to Badzenoch. In this is the citie of Aberden, wherin is a bishops sée, and noble vniuersitie, some­time founded by William Elphinston bishop there. This citie lieth betwixt two rich riuers, the Done and the Dée, wherein is the greatest store of samons that is to be found againe within the compasse of Albion, and likewise the greatest and longest if you respect their quantitie.

Next vnto Mar, we haue Mernis toward the sea, 50 a verie fat soile, full of pasture, and abundantlie re­plenished with euerie sort of cattell. In this portion standeth Dunnother the marshall of Scotlands house, and likewise the towne of Fordon, in which the bones of Palladius doo rest, who is taken general­lie for the apostle of our nation. The water of Eske is bound vnto this region, which is otherwise called Northeske, a verie dangerous chanell, and wherein manie haue perished for default of a bridge, as they haue attempted to passe and repasse ouer the same. 60 Angus bordereth vpon the Mernis, it was sometime part of Horrestra, and now watered with three nota­ble riuers, as the Northeske alreadie mentioned, and maruellouslie replenished with samons, like­wise the Southeske; and finallie the Taie, the no­blest water in all Scotland, and remembred by the Romane writers vnder the name of Tau.

In Angus also is an high mounteine or promon­torie, called the Red braes, which lieth out far off into the Almaine seas. The Taie also riseth farre beyond the mounteins of Granzben out of loch Taie, which is a poole of 24 miles of length, and 10 of breadth, wherein are not onelie diuers Ilands, with castels in them, but the water of the lake it selfe (being most fine and subtile) is notablie replenished with great store of fish, and therefore verie commodious for such as dwell about it. It falleth into the Almaine sea beside Dundée, a towne called in old time Alectum, wherein I was borne, and in which the people tra­uell verie painfullie about weauing and making of cloth. There are in Angus also manie other cities and rich abbeies, as Mountros, Brechin, and For­faire, beside so manie castels as lieth not in me to number. This likewise is not to be passed ouer with silence, that whereas Forfaire was in times past a notable citie, strengthened with two roiall castels, as the ruines doo yet declare, now it is brought vn­to little more than a countrie village, replenished with simple cotages. Manie lakes & pooles are also in Angus, and those well fraught with fish. There is also in this countrie one place called the vale of Eske, whose shéepe haue such white, fine, and excellent wooll, as the like vnto it is hardlie to be found againe within the whole Iland.

After we be ouer the Taie, we come vnto Fife, sometime a part of Ottoline. In this region grow­eth all maner of graine so plentifullie as elsewhere in anie part of Albion; and where no corne is, there is no lesse [...]oison of cattell. There are blacke stones also digged out of the ground, which are verie good for firing, and such is their intollerable heat, when they are kindled, that they resolue and melt iron, and therefore are verie profitable for smiths, and such artificers as deale with other mettals; neither are they found anie where else (that I doo know of) but betwéene the Taie and the Tine within the whole Iland. Salt is likewise made within this region in great quantitie of sea water, which they boile accor­ding to their maner. There are furthermore sun­drie cities in the same, of which S. Andrewes is the chiefe, wherein is both the sée of an archbishop and a famous vniuersitie. There are moreouer sundrie lakes, as loch Torre and loch Leuin, and in this later are diuerse Iles, and in one of them also the church of S. Phillane, a Scotish saint, of no small name and reputation.

Fife is diuided of Lowthian by the riuer of Forth that runneth a large & broad chanell into the ocean seas. Certes it is a water verie plentifullie indued with cockles, oisters, muskels, seales, pellocks, mereswine, whales, and great foison of white fish: and among manie other Iles that are to be found in this Forth, that of Maie is of greatest fame, because Adrian and his fellows were killed in the same. In the middest of this Ile springeth vp a founteine of fresh and cleare water, from an high rocke, which is not a little to be maruelled at, considering the quantitie and situation of the Ile. Beside this also is a woonderfull crag, rising within the sea, where­vnto is so strict and narrow a passage, that a man shall hardlie come vnto it by a fisher bote, and there­to but at one place. This rocke (called the Basse­castell) is inuincible, and therein are manie caues verie profitable for defense, made heretofore by great labor and industrie of men.

Certes, there is nothing in this rocke that is not full of admiration and woonder: therein also is great store of soland géese (not vnlike to those which Plinie calleth water eagles, or (as we saie) sea herons) and no where else but in Ailsaie and this rocke. At their first comming, which is in the spring of the yeare, they gather such great plentie of sticks and boughs togi­ther for the building of their nests, that the same doo satisfie the kéeper of the castell, for the yéerelie maintenance of his fewell, without anie other pro­uision. These foules doo féed their yoong with the most delicat fish that they can come by. For though they haue alreadie preied vpon anie one, and haue [Page 13] it fast in their beake or talons, yet if they happen as they flie toward the land to espie a better, they let the first fall againe into the sea, and pursue the later with great and eager swiftnesse, vntill they take hold thereof.

Sometimes their preie is taken from them by the kéepers of the castell, as also their sticks from time to time for the aforesaid vse; but they making small or rather no resistance, doo turne againe forthwith, for more wood or fish (as their losse requireth) not 10 ceasing till they haue builded their nests with the one, and nourished vp their yoong with the other, so that what by the timber of their nests, the begui­ling them of their preie, and stealing awaie of their y [...]ng, they bring yéerelie no small commoditie vn­to the owner of the castell. Within the bowels of these géese there is a kind of grease to be had of sin­gular force in medcine, and fleaing likewise the skin from their bodies with the fat, they make an oile ve­rie profitable for the gout and manie other diseases 20 in the hanches and groines of mankind. In this crag more, there groweth an hearbe verie pleasant and delicious for salads, but if it be taken vp and planted elswhere, it either groweth not at all, or vtterlie giueth ouer the vertues wherewith it was earst indued.

There was sometime a stone found here in this rocke much like to a water sponge or pumice, hol­low on the one side, and of such a nature, that if anie salt water had béene powred thereinto, and suffered 30 to run through, it would forthwith lose the naturall saltnesse, and become fresh and verie pleasant vnto the mouth and tas [...] We heare in these daies that this stone is to be séene in Fast castell, whither it was brought after it had passed manie hands for the triall of this matter. In this firth also is the Ile Aimon, wherein is an abbeie. There are likewise diuers o­ther Ilands, and those are verie full of conies; and in the said firth are sundrie fishes oftentimes seene of monstrous shape, with cowles hanging ouer their 40 heads like vnto moonks, and in the rest resembling the bodie of man. They shew themselues likewise aboue the water to the nauill, howbeit they neuer appeare but against some great pestilence of men, or murren of cattell; wherefore their onelie sight dooth bréed great terror vnto the Scotish nation, who are verie great obseruers of vncouth signes & tokens.

The description of Louthian, Striue­ling, Menteth, Calidon wood, Bouge­wall, 50 Gareoth, with the notable ci­ties, castels, and flouds thereof. The seuenth Chapter.

ON the south of the Forth lieth Louthian, so called of 60 Lothe or Loth, one of the kings of the Picts, it was sometime named Pictland; but now it is parcell of the Scotish kingdome, & there­to for bountie of soile is not inferiour to anie region of Scotland. In Louthian are manie abbeies, castels and townes, as Hadin­ton, Dunbar, Northberw [...] and Leith: but Eden­burgh passeth them all, as well in policie of regi­ment as in forme of building and wisedome, and riches of the inhabitants: therein also is the castell of Maidens, remembred by the most renowmed au­thors, & also the kings chiefe palace, the which tri­pleth the renowme of the foresaid citie. Not farre from thence moreouer is a certeine oilie spring, which riseth out of the ground in such abundance, that the more is caried from thence, the more is re­stored: and the people are persuaded hereof, that it is verie medicinable against all cankers and skalls.

Not farre from the mouth of Forth is the castell of Dunbar, which by naturall situation and indu­strie of man, is now become one of the cheefe holds in Albion. It was sometimes the principall house apperteining to the earles of March: and there hard by is a towne of the same name, wherin is a rich ab­beie or colledge of canons founded by those earles. Next vnto Louthian lieth Mers, whereof I haue spoken alreadie, but we will now go vp higher in­to the land. Neerest vnto Mers therefore lieth Te­uidale, and aboue it is Twedale: next vnto Twe­dale is Druisdale, Walcopdale, Douglassedale, and Cliddisdale, and all these are such names as the riuers haue that run along their bottoms. The prin­cipall towne of Cliddisdale is Glasco the archbi­shops sée, wherein is a notable church erected in the honor of saint Mongow, and builded with great magnificence. In Glasco also is a noble vniuersi­tie, where the liberall arts and sciences are verie ze­louslie taught.

In this region moreouer is a verie rich mine of gold, and another of azure, the commoditie of which later is reaped with small trauell. There are some­times found diuers pretious stones also, as rubies and diamonds. Certes this mine was disclosed in the time of Iames the fourth, who would no doubt haue brought it to full perfection, if he had longer li­ued, whereas now little profit redoundeth thereby to the commonwealth, bicause it is either vtterlie neglected, or not very much regarded. North of Glas­co lieth Menteith, and Striueling shire, bordering vpon Argile and Lennox. In Striueling shire is the towne of Striueling, and aboue it is the castell of Striueling, which was sometime called the dolorous mounteine. At this towne also began the great Ca­lidon wood, which ran through Menteith and Stra­therne, to Atholl and Lochquhaber, as Ptolome wri­teth in his first table.

In this wood were somtime white buls with shackt heares and curled manes like fierce lions, otherwise they were like vnto the [...]ame, neuerthelesse so wild and sauage, that they would neuer be made famili­ar, nor tast of any hearbe or grasse that mans hand had once touched, after manie daies. Being taken also by the industrie of man (which was very hard to doo) they would refuse all sustenance, & starue them­selues to death. Assoone as any did inuade them, they would rush vpon him with great violence, and beare him to the earth; as for dogs, nets, or any kind of weapon they feared not, neither cared for any ma­ner of engine.

It is said that Robert Bruze after his coronation did hunt one of these buls in the foresaid wood, be­ing accompanied but with a small traine, in which voiage he escaped narowlie with his life. For after the beast felt himselfe sore wounded by the hunters, he rushed vpon the king, who hauing now no wea­pon left in his hand wherewith to defend himselfe, he had suerlie perished if rescue had not come: howbeit in this distresse one came running vnto him, who o­uerthrew the bull by plaine force, and held him down till the hunters came that killed him outright. For this valiant act also the king indued the aforesaid partie with great possessions, and his linage is to this daie called of the Turnebuls, bicause he ouer­turned the beast, and saued the kings life, by such great prowesse and manhood. Certes the flesh of these beasts were reputed in old time as a most de­licate [Page 14] food, and onlie meate for the nobilitie, notwith­standing that it be verie full of sinews and gristries, whereat some delicat féeders doo often take offense. In times past also they were bred in many places of the Calidon, but now they be all consumed by the gluttonie of the inhabitants, so that none of them are left, but onlie in Comerland.

On the east side of Menteith lieth Stratherne, & bordereth also vpon Fife. Through the vallies like­wise of this region runneth the water of Ern, that 10 falleth into Tay. This is moreouer worthie to be no­ted, that not foure miles from the confluence of Ern and Tay, there is a stone of small quantitie, and yet of great woonder, for in what place soeuer it be laid, it will not be remooued from thence by manuall prac­tise, art, or engine, & yet one man may so soone moue it as an hundred. On the other side of Tay beyond Angus and Gowray lieth Stermond, a region plen­tifullie indued both with grasse and corne. Not farre from Stermond is Athole, wherein are manie noble 20 vallies and riuers full of fish, as pikes, lamperns, &c. The soile there also is so bountifull, that it yéeldeth corne in maner without any tillage. There is like­wise therein a towne called Lud, whose féelds are so plentious, that (if they be well tilled and dressed) they will yéeld great store of barlie without any sowing of seed. Howbeit, as this is in that part of the regi­on often verified, so in other there is a contrarious disposition to be found in the earth, which turneth wheat soone into good and perfect rie, the like wherof 30 I heare to be not far from Luke, & in the countries thereabouts.

West of Buchquhane and Bocne lieth Bostge­well and Gareoth, very plentifull soiles both for grasse and corne. In Gareoth also is an hill called Doundore, that is to saie, the golden mounteine: for the shéepe that féed thereon are yellow, and their téeth of the same hew, resembling burnished gold. Their flesh moreouer is red as it were tinged with saffron, and so is their wooll much after the same ma­ner. 40 There is furthermore in the same region, an heape of stones lieng togither in maner of a crown which yéeld a sound when one of them is stricken as if it were a bell. Some are of the opinion, that one idoll temple or other stood heretofore in that place, while the Scotish nation was addicted to the wor­shipping of diuels. Many other regions are in Scot­land, as Bradalbane, Strabraun, and Badzenoth, with diuers small territories and flouds, howbeit they are not so notable as those which we haue alrea­die 50 touched, and therefore I thinke it but follie to deale any further with them.

Of the great plentie of hares, red deer, and other wilde beasts in Scotland, of the strange properties of sun­drie Scotish dogs, and of the nature of samon. 60 The eight Chapter.

HAuing made this speciall description of the realme of Scotland, now will I touch such things as concearne the same in generall. First of all therfore in the fields and wild places of the country there is great plentie of hares, red déere, fallow déere, roes, wild horsses, woolues and foxes. These horsses are not gotten but by great flight and policie: for in the winter season the inha­bitants turne certeine fame horsses & mares among them, wherewith they grow in the end to be so fami­liar, that afterward they go with them to and fro, and finallie home into their maisters yards, where they be taken and soone broken to their hands. The woolues are most fierce and noisome to the heards and flocks in all parts of Scotland, sauing in one parcell of Angus, called Glennors dale, where these beasts doo no manner of hurt vnto the domesticall cattell, but preie onlie vpon the wild.

Foxes doo much mischéefe generallie in all steads, but chéeflie in the mounteines, where they be verie hardlie hunted, howbeit art hath deuised a meane to preuent their malice, and to preserue their pultrie. Certes there is almost no house that dooth no [...] certeine daies cherish vp a yong fox, which the Scots doo call a Todde, and then killing the same, they mince the flesh thereof amongst such meat, as they giue vnto their foules and other little bestials, and by this meanes so many foules and cattell as eate héer­of are preserued from danger of the fox, almost by two moneths after, so that they may wander whi­ther they will, for the foxes as it were winding or smelling the flesh of their fellowes yet in their crops will in no wise meddle with them, but eschew, and know such a one, although it were among an hun­dreth of other.

In Scotland also are dogs of maruelous conditi­on; for beside the common nature and vniuersall pro­perties of dogs of all other countries, there are thrée sorts with vs, which are not séene else-where in anie quarter of the world. The first is an hound of great swiftnesse, hardinesse, and strength, sterce and cru­ell vpon all wilde beasts, and eger against théeues that offer their maisters any violence. The second is a rach or hound verie exquisite in following the foot, (which we call drawing) whether it be of man or beast, yea he will pursue any maner of foule, and find out whatsoeuer fish is cast vp, or lurketh among the rocks, by that excellent sense of smelling where­with he is indued. The third sort is no greater than that of raches, in colour for the most part red, with blacke spots, or else blacke and full of red marks. These are so skilfull that they will pursue a théefe, or théefe stolen goods in most precise maner, and fin­ding the trespasser, with great assurance they will make a raise vpon him. Or if it be so that he haue ta­ken the water for his safegard, he shrinketh not to follow him, and entring and issuing at the same pla­ces where the partie went in and out, he neuer ceas­seth to range till he haue nosed his footing, & be come to the place wherein the théefe is shrowded. The dogs of this kind are called sleuthhounds. Certes this re­port would séeme méere incredible, except it were dailie had in experience vpon the borders of Eng­land and Scotland, where pillage is good purchase in­differentlie on both sides. There is a law also among the borderers in time of peace, that whoso denieth entrance or sute of a sleuthhound in pursuit made after fellons and stolen goods, shall be holden as ac­cessarie vnto the theft, or taken for the selfe theefe.

Of foules, such (I meane) as liue by preie, there are sundrie sorts in Scotland, as eagles, falcons, goshaukes, sparrowhaukes, marlions, and such like: but of water foules there is so great store, that the report thereof may seeme to excéed all credit. There are other kinds of birds also in this countrie, the like of which is no where else to be séene, as the capercailze or wild horsse greater in bodie than the rauen, and liuing onelie by the rinds and barks of the pine trees. We haue in like maner manie moore cocks and hens, the which absteining from corne, doo feed vpon nought else, but the leaues of Cy­tisus, which the Scots doo commonlie call Hadder. [Page 15] These two are verie delicate in eating. The third sort is reddish blacke of colour, in quantitie compara­ble to the phesant, and no lesse delicious in taste and sauor at the table, our countrie men call them wild cocks, and their chiefe sustenance is by wheat.

Beside these, we haue also another foule in Mers more strange and vncouth than all these afore men­tioned, called a gustard, fullie so great as a swan, but in colour of feathers and tast of flesh, little diffe­ring from a partridge, howbeit these birds are not 10 verie common, neither to be séene in all places, such also is their qualitie, that if they perceiue their egs to haue béene touched in their absence by mans hand (which lie commonlie on the bare earth) they forsake those nests, and laie in other places. All other our foules are common to vs and other nations. Sa­mon is more plentifull in Scotland than in anie o­ther region of the world, and bicause the nature of this fish is strange, I will set downe so much as I doo know hereof at this present time as followeth. 20

The samon in haruest time commeth vp into the small riuers, where the water is most shallow, and there the male and female rubbing their wombe one against another, they shed their spawne, which foorth­with they couer with sand and grauell and so depart away. From hencefoorth they are gant and slender, and in appearance so leane that they appeare nought else but skin and bone, and therefore worthilie said to be growne out of vse and season. It is said also that if they touch anie of their full fellowes, during 30 the time of this their leannesse, the same side which they touched will likewise become leane, whereby it commeth to passe, that a samon is oft seene to be fat on the one side of the chine, and leane on the other. But to procéed, the aforesaid spawne and milt being hidden in the sand (as you haue heard) in the next spring dooth yéeld great number of little frie, but so [...]esh and tender for a long time, that till they come to be so great as a mans finger (if you catch anie of them) you shall perceiue them to melt, and their 40 substance to dissolue and fade euen as it were gellie, or as yse laid foorth against the sun. From henceforth they go to the sea, where within the space of 20 daies they grow to a maruellous greatnesse, and then re­turning againe toward the place of their generati­on, they shew a notable spectacle not vnworthie to be considered.

Certes in Scotland there arc manie liunes or pooles, which being in some places among the rocks verie shallow aboue, are yet déepe beneath, with the 50 fall of the water, and thereto the samon not able to pearse through the chanell, either for swiftnesse of the course, or depth of the descent of such water as com­meth against him, he goeth so neere vnto the side of the rocke or dam, if I may so call it, as he may, and there aduentureth to leape ouer and vp into the lin, if he leape well at the first he obteineth his desire, if not, he assaieth the second or third time, till he re­turne now vnto his countrie: a great fish able to swim against the streame, that before was a litle 60 hod, and maugre his resistance, caried with the vio­lent course of the water into the maine ocean. Such as assay often to leape, and cannot get ouer, doo broose themselues and become measelled: others that hap­pen to fall vpon drie land, a thing often seene, are ta­ken by the people (that watch their times) in cal­drons of hot water, which they set vpon the shallow & drie plots with fire vnder them, in hope to catch the fattest, & such as by reason of their weight do oftnest leape short. Certes the tast of these is reputed to be most delicate, and therfore their price is commonlie greater than of the rest. It is inhibited in Scotland to take any samon from the 8 of September, vntill the 15 of Nouember. Finallie there is no man that knoweth readilie whereon this fish liueth, for neuer was anie thing yet found in their bellies, other than a thicke sli [...]ie humor.

Of the sundrie kinds of muskles and cockles in Scotland, and of pearles gotten in the same: of the vncouth and strange fish there to be seene, and of the na­ture of the herbe Citisus, com­monlie called Hadder. The ninth Chapter.

HEre it resteth that I shew the nature of muskles and cockles, wherof we haue ma­nie and sundrie kinds among vs: of these also some are small, and yet if they be eaten fresh, are not without a natu­rall delicacie in tast. Others are greater and not vnlike in forme and quantitie to those that haue the purple: and albeit that they are vtterlie void therof, yet is their meat and substance right pleasant in the eating. There are of another sort which are longer and greater than either of these, called Horsse muskles, to be had in Dee and Done, and in these are the pearles ingendered. Certes they loue to be resident in the déepest and clearest waters that are void of mud and filth, and such is their esti­mation among the deintiest kinds of food, that they were not vnwoorthilie called of old time, widowes lustes. Their shelles also is as it were wrought euen from the verie tops, and thereto full of spots, where­in (as in yéeld of gaine) they farre excéed all other. Cardane de­nieth this, lib. 7. de Sub­tilitate. These earlie in the morning, in the gentle, cleare, and calme aire, lift vp their vpper shelles and mouthes a little aboue the water, and there receiue of the fine and pleasant breath or dew of heauen, & afterwards according to the measure and quantitie of this vitall force receiued, they first conceiue, then swell, and fi­nallie product the pearle.

They are so sensible and quicke of hearing, that although you standing on the braie or banke aboue them, doo speake neuer so softlie, or throw neuer so small a stone into the water, yet they will descrie you, and settle againe to the bottome, without re­turne for that time. Doubtlesse they haue as it were a naturall carefulnesse of their owne commoditie, as not ignorant, how great estimation we mortall men make of the same amongst vs, and therefore so soone as the fishermen doo catch them, they bind their shelles togither, for otherwise they would open and shed their pearles of purpose, for which they know themselues to be pursued. Their maner of apprehen­sion is this, first foure or fiue persons go into the ri­uer togither, vp vnto the shoulders, and there stand in a compasse one by another with poles in their hands whereby they rest more suerlie, sith they fix them in the ground, and staie with one hand vpon them: then casting their eies downe to the bottome of the wa­ter, they espie where they lie by their shining and cléerenesse, and with their toes take them vp (for the deapth of the water will not suffer them to stoope for them) & giue them to such as stand next them.

The perls that are so gotten in Scotland, are not of small value, they are verie orient & bright, light and round, and sometimes of the quantitie of the naile of ones little finger, as I haue had and séene by mine owne experience. Almost such another mus­kle found on the coast of Spaine, the shels whereof are gathered by such as go in pilgrimage to saint Iames, and brought into Scotland, but they are [Page 16] without pearls, bicause they liue in salt water, which is an enimie to the margarite: but Cardane also denieth it. In all the sea coasts also of Scotland are cockles and muskles of the same forme, but without this commoditie. Many vncouth and strange shapes of fish likewise are seene there, whereof some are ar­med with shels, some with hard skales, and diuers round as a ball skinned like an yrcheon or hedghog, hauing but one cundit both for purgation of their excrements, and reception of their sustenance. To 10 shew euerie kind of fish that is in Scotland, it were but a vaine trauell, sith the same are knowne almost in euerie region.

In like sort we haue such plentie of fish vpon our seuerall coasts, that although milians and infinite numbers of them be taken on the one daie, yet on the next their losse will be so supplied with new store, that nothing shall be missing by reason of the yester­fang: so bountifull is God in these his benefits vnto vs. Furthermore, there is another gift bestowed 20 vpon vs by the singular prouidence of God. For the greater dearth & penurie of flesh and corne is séene in Scotland, the greater store of fish is taken vpon our shores. In like sort, in the deserts and wild places of this realme, there groweth an hearbe of it selfe called Hadder or Hather verie delicat, as Columel­la lib. 9. cap. 4. saith, for goats & all kind of cattell to Galen. lib. [...]. de Antidotis sai­eth that Citi­sus is no herb but a shrub, and so dooth Plinie lib. 12. cap. 3. lib. 13. cap. 24. lib. 16. chap. 38. And Columella in the end of his 5. booke, where he accompteth it amōg trées. feed vpon, and likewise for diuerse foules, but bées es­peciallie. This herbe in Iune yéeldeth a purple sloure, swéet as honie, whereof the Picts in time past 30 did make a pleasant drinke, and verie wholsome for the bodie: but forsomuch as the maner of making hereof is perished in the hauocke made of the Picts, when the Scots subdued their countrie, it lieth not in me to set downe the order of it, neither shewed they euer the learning hereof to any but to their owne nation. Finallie there is no part of Scotland so barren and vnprofitable, but it produceth either iron or some other kind of mettall, as may be proo­ued easilie throughout all the Iles that are annexed 40 to the same.

Of the Iles of Scotland, and such notable things as are to be found in them. The tenth Chapter.

BEing fallen at the last in­to 50 mention of our Iles, I will addresse my selfe to des­cribe the same, in maner and forme as followeth. In the Irish sea, betwixt Ire­land and Scotland are fortie and thrée Iles, whereof some are thirtie miles long, diuers twelue, and others more or lesse. These are called by some writers Eu­boniae, and by other Hebrides. But the principall of 60 them all is that of Man, which lieth ouer against Galloway, & was somtime the principall seat of the Druides, as Cornelius Tacitus, Caesar in his com­mentaries, and other Romane writers doo testifie at large. North from the Ile of Man lieth Arran, o­therwise named Botha after S. Brandons time, who dwelled there in a little cottage, which (as all o­ther the like were in those daies) was called Botha. From Arran we go to Hellaw and Rothesay, which later is so named of the Scot, which brought the Scots first out of Ireland into Britaine. Not far from this Ile is Ailsay, where there is such store of soland géese as they said before to be in Bas. Be­yond Ailsay lie manie other distinguished by their se­uerall names, but full of mines, as of iron, tin, lead, & sundrie other mettals. But the most notable Ile belonging to Scotland is Ila, that lieth beyond the promontorie of Nouant cliffe (in Scotish the toong of Lorne) within sight of Lochquhabre. Certes it is a rich parcell, thirtie miles in length, and full of corne and mettall, if the people were cunning to find and trim the same.

Not farre from thence is Cumbra, and Mula, ful­lie so large as Ila, both for length and breadth. In Mula is a faire spring two miles from the sea, from whence runneth a little brooke or strippet, whereof you shall read more in the description of Britaine, lib. 1. cap. 8. Neere vnto this is Iona, otherwise cal­led Columkill, in which is an abbie, wherin the kings of Scotland were commonlie buried from the time of Fergus the second, vnto Malcolme Cammof, who erected the monasterie of Dunfermelin, where since that time the most part of our kings haue béene of custome interred. Passing forward toward the northnorthwest seas, ouer against Rosse is an Ile named Lewis, 60 miles in length, in this Ile is but one fish riuer, & it is said that if a woman wade through the same at the spring of the yeere, there shall no samon be séene there for a twelue month af­ter, wheras otherwise that fish is knowne to abound there in verie great plentie. Beyond Lewis lie the Sky and the Rona, in the later whereof, it is incre­dible to saie what of seale, of pellocke and porpasse is to be séene, which are nothing abashed at the sight of any man. The last and vttermost Ile is named Hir­tha, where the eleuation of the pole is 63 degrées, and since the latitude of Man, is but 57.

I conclude, that from the Ile of Man the first Ile of Albion, to Hirtha the last Ile hereof are 377 miles, after 62 miles and an halfe to each degrée, as Ptolomie hath set downe. It is named Hirtha, which in Irish soundeth so much as a shéepe in English, for herein that kind of cattell aboundeth, each one be­ing greater than any bucke, their hornes longer and thicker than of the bugle, and thereto they haue side tailes that reach vnto the earth. It is enuironed on euerie part with rochie or rockie crags, whereby few vessels may land there but at one place, where the working of the sea is oftentimes so terrible & rough, that no man dare aduenture thither without danger of his life. They that go thither therefore, doo watch their times when the sea is calme and still. In the moneth of Iune also, a priest commeth vnto them out of Leuissa, and ministreth the sacrament of bap­tisme to all the children that haue béene borne there since that moneth in the yeare precedent: which bée­ing doone, and a certeine number of masses said, he receiueth tithes of all their commodities, and then returneth home againe.

In the Ile of Lewis are two churches or chappels, whereof one is dedicated to saint Peter, another to saint Clement. The fame is, that so soone as the fire goeth out in this Ile, the man that is holden of most cleane and innocent life, goeth to the altar with great solemnitie, and there laieth a w [...]pe of straw, which being doone they fall all to praier, in the mid­dest whereof fire commeth downe from heauen and kindleth or setteth the same on fire. Beyond this is yet another Ile, but void of people and all other li­uing creatures, sauing a certeine kind of beasts like vnto shéepe, whose nature and forme I haue al­readie touched in the description of Britaine, and therefore omit it here for hast and breuitie sake. Be­twixt these Iles also is a right dangerous passage, sith the sea by working of opposite streames hath in­gendred a g [...]lfe, which sometimes taketh in an in­comprehensible deale of water, and sometimes ca­steth it foorth againe, by meanes whereof many ships [Page 17] that by rage of wind and weather are inforced to come that waie, are either swallowed vp by the wauss, or throwne against the rocks to their vtter danger and ruine. The greatest rage of this conflu­ence is at a place called Corebrecke, where it will ei­ther sinke, or at the least wise draw any ship vnto it, though it be a full mile distant from the same.

Of the nature of the Claike geese, and sundrie maners of their pro­creation, 10 and of the Ile of Thule. The eleuenth Chapter.

NOw it is come to hand that I intreat of those géese which are ingendred by the sea, whose procreation hath 20 hitherto béen thought to haue beene made vpon trees. But the opinion is false, and yet sith their generation is strange indeed, I haue not a little trauelled, and with no small diligence indeuoured to search out the truth héereof, wherby I learne that their ingendrure is rather to be referred to the sea, than any thing els, if my coniecture be oughts: for although that they are in sundrie wise producted, yet I find the same to 30 be performed continuallie in the sea, and not else­where, as shall appéere hereafter. All trées cast in­to that element in processe of time become wormea­ten, and in the holes thereof are the said wormes to be found, though verie little and small (in compari­son to that they be afterward) to be perceiued at the first. In the beginning, these worms doo shew their heads and féet, and last of all their plumes & wings. Finallie when they are come to the iust measure and quantitie of géese, they flie in the aire as other 40 foules doo.

This was notablie prooued in the yeare of Grace 1490, in sight of many people, beside the castell of Pestego, whither the bodie of a great trée was brought by working of the sea. This trée being ta­ken, it was carried to the lord of the soile, who soone after caused it to be slit in sunder with a saw: which being doone, it is incredible to sée, what a multitude at wormes came out of their holes. Of these also some appeered as if they had béene but new shapen, 50 diuers had head, foot and wings, but no feathers, the rest were formed into perfect foules. At last when the people had gazed theron by the space of an whole daie, they carried it to saint Andrewes church beside Tire, where the said blocke remains still to be seene. Within two yeeres after there hapned such another trée to come into the firth of Tay beside Dundée, wormeaten and full of yoong géese after the same maner: the third was séene in the hauen of Leith be­side Edenburgh: and also within a few yéeres, in 60 like sort a ship named the Christopher, after she had lien thrée yéeres at anchor in one of these Iles, was broght to Leith, where bicause hir timber was found to be rotten she was taken in sunder, and in hir kéele were found infinite holes as if they had beene eaten with wormes, or bored with a wimble, and each one of them filled with such creatures as I haue said be­fore.

Héere if any man will alledge that the Christopher was builded of such timber onelie as grew in these Iles, and that all roots and trees there growing, are of such nature as in their corruption doo turne into these foules, I will disprooue his assertion by one no­table example shewed before mine eies. Maister A­lexander Galloway parson of Kinkell, was with vs in these Iles, & giuing his mind with attentiue dili­gence to search out a full resolution with vs of these obscure and hidden matters, it hapned on a time that he tooke vp a branch of Alga, called in Scotish, S [...]at­angle, which hanged full of muskle shels from the root euen to the verie top. Being also desireus to sée what was in them, he grew to be more astonished than before: for when he had opened one or two of them, he saw no fish but a foule perfectlie shapen, ful­lie answering to the capacitie of the shell.

Finallie, knowing that I was verie inquisitiue of these and the like rare nouelties, he came hastilie with the said hearbe & shewed it vnto me, who found no lesse by experience than I before reported. By these and many other reasons and examples I can­not beleeue that these Claiks (or Barnacls as I call them) are producted either by the qualities of the trées or the roots thereof, but onelie by the nature of the sea, which is the verie cause and productrir of so manie wonderfull creatures. Furthermore, bicause the rude and ignorant people saw oftentimes the fruits that fell from trées, which stood neuer in the sea, conuerted within short time into géese, they beléeued that these géese grew vpon trées, hanging by their nebs as apples and other fruit doo by their stalks, but their opinion is vtterlie to be reiected. For so soone as these apples or fruit fall from the trée into the sea, they grow first to be wormeaten, and in processe of time to be conuerted into géese.

Thus haue I spoken sufficientlie of the Iles of the Hebrides adiacent vnto the realme of Scotland, and therewithall would shut vp my discourse of the same, were it not that I haue somewhat to say also of Thule, not vnknowne vnto the Romans, as may appeare by Tacitus, who telleth how the Romane na­uie by the commandement of Agricola, was sent to view the coasts of the whole Iland of Britaine, and at their returne reported how they had séene the Thule, with other Ilands lieng about the same. Pto­lome writeth that the Ile of Thule is one of the Shetland Iles, which lie néere vnto Norwey, and be­yond the Orchades; but this cannot be prooued so by late experience: for Thule is manie miles distant from Shetland. Some say that Thule is the same which we call Island: other write that it is the last Ile of the ocean sea, and so is Island, which lieth in the cold srostie sea, beyond the Artike circle toward the north pole. The people of Island because no corne groweth among them, line onelie by fish, which they drie and powder so small as meale dooth come backe from the mill, afterward they mix it with water, and worke it vp for bread.

Of the description of Orkeney, and Shetland, with sundrie other small Iles, and of the maners and conditions of the people dwelling in the same. The twelfe Chapter.

BEyond the Iles of Scot­land lie those of Orkeney, partlie toward the north­west, and partlie toward the Almain seas. The principall Ile of these is called Pomo­nia, wherein is a bishops sée, and two strong castels. In these groweth no wheat, they are in like sort void of wood, howbeit all other graine groweth there verie plentifullie, they be without all venemous beasts al­so, neither can such as are brought thither liue anie [Page 18] while, more than in Ireland, which susteineth no crea­ture that is aduersarie to mankind. Ouer and beside this, there are no frogs: as for éeles they are seldome found and to be seene in the Orchades. Hauing thus fallen into the mention of Ireland, I thinke it good among diuers other rare gifts of nature, to remem­ber one thing that I haue prooued by experience to be done there (although the tractation of Ireland and hir commodities apperteine not to this place) which farre passeth all that euer I haue read in bookes. 10

Certes there is a loch, lin, or poole there, néere vnto the which by manie miles, there groweth neither herbe nor trée; howbeit such is the qualitie of this water, that if a stake be pitched in the same, the na­ture thereof dooth within one yéeres space alter and change excéedinglie, for that part thereof which stan­deth in the ground is conuerted into hard stone, the same that is inuironed with water turneth into tough iron, onelie that portion which is aboue the said element reteining hir former wooddie sub­stance, 20 whereby it is often seene how in one and the same bodie, thrée distinct substances are found, that is to say, stone, iron, and wood, which farre excéedeth all credit. But to returne againe to our Orchades, whereof things of little or no lesse importance are to be rehersed, for sith there is great abundance of bar­ley whereof they make the strongest ale that is to be found in Albion, and thereto knowne, that they are the greatest drinkers of anie men in the world; yet was there neuer drunken or man disguised with 30 drinke séene there, neither anie foole, or person other­wise berest of his wits through frensie or madnes. There is herevnto small vse of physicke: for man­kind liueth there most commonlie vnto extreame age in sound and perfect health, whose bodies also are of strong constitution and verie white of colour.

The ewes that are to be found in these Ilands haue for the most part two or thrée lambs a péece at euerie eaning, and therewithall they haue in this countrie such plentie of foules both wild and tame, 40 as the like number againe is not to be found in Bri­taine. Their horsses are litle greter than the French asses, but in their labour they excéed all other. What should I speake of the plentie of fish there to be had, which passeth all credit? among which there is one sort greater than anie horsse, of a maruellous and in­credible sluggish desire to sléepe. This fish when shée prouideth to sleepe, fastneth hir huge teeth vpon some crag that lieth aboue the water, and then slumbreth or falleth into a most sound rest, which the seafa­ring 50 men espieng, they foorthwith cast anchor, and then letting downe their ship-boats, they conueie themselues to the fish, and bore a great hole through hir taile, wherevnto they put one end of a cable, and so make it sure; the other end is fastened to a great anchor, which is let fall of purpose into the sea, and thus is their enterprise attempted yer long to be at­chiued. For after this wound, it is not long yer the fish awaketh, who féeling hirselfe to be hurt, leapeth at once into the sea, thinking to hide and shrowd hir 60 in the déepes: but being staid by the weight of the anchor, and indeuouring in vaine to breake the ca­ble, she laboureth so vehementlie, that at the last she windeth [...] selfe out of hir skin (for the which she is commonlie taken) and soone after also turneth vp hir bellie, yéelding hirselfe vnto the waues, and hir bodie to the mariners, who make an excellent oile of hir grease, and passing strong cables of hir hide or skin. Certes such is the force of rope made of the skin of this fish, that they will hold at a plunge no lesse than the Spanish sparto. Herein also they ex­céed the same, in that they will continue verie long without fretting asunder.

An hundred miles beyond the Orchades arc the Shetland Iles, whose chiefe commodities stand-one­lie by fish which is dried in the sun. There are brought also into Scotland out of these Ilands great store of shéepes felles, oxe hides, gotes skinnes, and cases of martirnes dried in the sunne. And in the same maner the merchants of Holland, Zeland and Ger­manie, fetch them yéerelie by barter and exchange for other common and necessarie wares, with the people of that nation, who for maners and conditi­ons resemble much the Orchanois. The same in like sort that is said of the Orchanois, concerning drun­kennes and frensie, is verified on them, as is also their length of life, although not in so rare maner: sith these in stead of strong ale, content themselues with water, and verie slender diet, Beyond the Shet­lands there are diuerse other Ilands of like condi­tion, but without corne and all maner of flesh to féed vpon. These drie their fish in the sunne, and when they are through stiffe, they grind them to small pow­der, which they worke vp with water into loaues, and so vse the same in lieu of other bread. Their firing consisteth of the bones of such fishes as they take, and yet they content themselues in such maner with this their poore kind of liuelode, that they thinke their estate most happie in respect of such as inhabit in the maine.

Certes there is no quarrelling amongst these for wealth or gaine, but each one prouideth such store of fish in summer which he taketh himselfe, as shall find his familie, or kéepe his house in winter. They are void of all ambitious mood, and neuer troubled with ciuill or forren warres, as men that déeme firme peace and quietnesse, with mutuall loue and a­mitie, to be the chiefe felicitie to be sought for in this life, and to remaine herein, each one to his power dooth shew his whole indeuour. This finallie is to be added vnto their commendation, that they are sim­ple, plaine, void of craft, and all maner of serpen­tine subtilt [...]e, which endeth commonlie with mis­chéefe, and reigneth in the maine. Once in the yéere there commeth a priest vnto them from Orkeney, (of which diocesse they are) who ministreth vnto them the sacrament of baptisme, and after a certeine time (hauing taken vp in the meane time his tithes in fish, which is their sole increase, and verie trulie paid) he returneth home againe the same way that he came.

If anie gifts of nature are to be numbred as par­cels of worldlie riches and renowme, they are not without these also: for the people of these Iles are lustie, faire, strong of bodie, and high of stature, so that nature hath not failed to indue them with these things, and that in most excellent maner. What should I say of their health, which is and may be pre­ferred aboue all treasure, as they well know that are oppressed with long and gréeuous infirmities? For here among these men, you shall very seldome heare of sickenesse to attach anie, vntill extreame age come that killeth them altogither, and this is that ex­ceeding benefit naturallie appropried vnto their car­cases. As for their quietnesse of mind, it is alwaies such as is constant, & vnchangeable, and therefore in­comparable vnto any riches or huge masse of world­lie treasure.

Herevnto furthermore, if it be true riches (as it is in déed) for ech one not to couet other mens goods, but to content himselfe with that which is his owne, and not to stand in need of anie thing, can anie man be found in anie other region more rich and fortu­nate than the Shetland men and these Ilanders? Fi­nallie, if those be the true honors, and reuerend du­ties which the obedient sonne with great sinceritie and void of all flatterie, dooth shew vnto his good pa­rents, and wherewithall the best sort doo maruellous­lie [Page 19] reioise and delite themselues: and that these are also not wanting in these regions, can we iustlie say that these men doo lacke anie thing, or shall we not rather affirme with great assurance, that they ra­ther stand in need of nothing that anie mortall man can iustlie with or desire.

But if there be anie man that will accuse me of vntruth in the recit all of these things, as one that li­eth lowd and by authoritie of a people dwelling far off, for so much as I my selfe was neuer in those I­lands, 10 he shall vnderstand that I learned all these things of the reuerend father Edward bishop of the Orchades, with whome one of these Ilanders dwel­led, who not onelie made a like rehearsall of these things with his owne mouth, but also verified the same in his owne person, for his height far passed the common stature of men, thereto he was excel­lentlie well featured in his lims, so white of skin ouer all, that he might contend in beautie with anie ladie of the land, and finallie so white and strong of 20 bodie, that no man in all those quarters durst run or wrestle with him. Hereby also we may sée, how far they are deceiued which iudge them to be barbarous, and miserable creatures, that inhabit far from the tropike lines, for there are no people more happie than those that dwell in these quarters, as I haue proued alreadie.

Furthermore, among the rocks and crags of these Iles groweth the delectable amber, called E­lectrum, [...]ee Matthio­lus vpon the first booke of Dioscorides capite de po­palo alba & nigra. Chrysolectrum, or (as Discorides saith) Pterygo­phoron, 30 indued wish so vehement an attractiue force, that being chafed it draweth straw, flor, and other like light matter vnto it. This gum is ingendred of the sea froth, which is throwen vp by continuall re­percussion of crags and rocks against the sea walls, and through perpetuall working of the waues grow­eth in time to become tough as glue, till it fall at the last from the rocke againe into the sea. Such as haue often viewed and marked the generation of this gum, whilest it hangeth on the rocke, affirme it 40 to be like a froth and bubble of water without all massie sadnesse, because that as yet it is not suffici­entlie hardened by the working of the element. Sometimes the Seatangle is found inuironed also [...]igs. withall, because it is driuen hither and thither by the working of the waues, and so long as it fléets to and fro in this maner, so long is it apt to cleaue to anie thing that it toucheth.

Two yeares before I wrote this booke, there came a great lumpe of amber into Buchquhane, in quan­titie 50 so big as anie horsse, which the heardmen that kept their cattell neere hand caught vp, & not know­ing in déed what it was, they caried it home, and threw a portion thereof into the fire: finallie, percei­uing a swéet and delectable sauour to procéed from the same, they ran by & by to the priest of the towne where they dwelled, telling him how they had found a péece of stuffe which would serue verie well in stead of frankincense, wherewith to perfume his saints or rather Idols in the church. These men supposed 60 that sir Iohn had béene more cunning than them­selues, but contrarie to their expectation, it fell out that he was no lesse vnskilfull & void of knowlege than they; and therefore refusing the whole lumpe, he tooke but a small portion thereof, and returned the rest vnto them, whereby it came to little proofe and lesse gaine among the common sort, who suffered it to perish by reason of their vnskilfulnesse. Certes when they brake it in peeces, it resembled in color vn­to the purest gold, & shined as if it had béene the laie or flame of a candle. Herein also the prouerbe was proued true, that the sow recks not of balme. But so soone as I vnderstood of the matter, I vsed such diligence, that one portion thereof was brought to me at Aberden. And thus much of the Hebrides, Or­chades; and Shetland Iles subiect vnto the Scotish regiment.

I might (no doubt) haue made rehersall of diuers other strange things woorthie the noting in this be­halfe: but I haue made choise onelie of the most rare and excellent, and so would finish this descrip­tion, were it not that one thing hath staied me right pleasant to be remembred, as an vncouth & strange incident, whereof maister Iames Ogilbie ambas­sadour from Iames our king (among other) vnto the king of France, hath certified me, and whereof he had experience of late, at such time as he was con­streined by tempest of wether to get to land in Nor­weie. Thus standeth the case, being driuen (as I said) vpon the shore of Norweie, he and his companie saw a kind of people ranging vp & downe in the moun­teins there, much like vnto those which diuers pic­tures giue foorth for wild men, hearie and vglie to behold. In the end being aduertised that they were sauage and wild beasts; yet neuerthelesse deadlie enimies to mankind: they vnderstood therevnto, that although in the day time they abhorred and fea­red the sight of man, yet in the night they would by great companies inuade the small villages & coun­trie townes, killing and sleaing so manie as they found, or where no dogs were kept to put by their rage and furie.

Certes such is their nature, that they stand in great scare of dogs, at whose barking and sight they flie and run away with no small hast and terror, wherefore the inhabitants are inforced to cherish great numbers of the said beasts, thereby to kéepe off those wild men that otherwise would annoy them. They are morouer of such strength, that some­times they pull vp yoong trées by the roots to fight withall among themselues. The ambassadours sée­ing these vncouth creatures, were not a little asto­nished, and therefore to be sure from all inuasion, procured a strong gard to watch all night about them, with great fiers to giue light ouer all that quarter, till on the morrow that they tooke the sea, and so departed thence. Finallie, the Norwegians shewed them, that there was another people not far off, which liued all the summer time in the sea like fish, & fed of such as they did catch, but in the winter half (because the water is cold) they preied vpon such wild beasts as fed on the mounteins, which com­ming downe from the snowte hils to grase in the vallies, they killed with darts and weapons, and caried vnto their caues. In this exercise also they tie little boords to their féet, which beare them vp from sinking into the snow, and so with a staffe in their hands they make the better shift to clime vp and come downe from the crags & mounteins, where­of in that region there is verie great plentie and a­bundance.

Of the maners of the Scots in these daies, and their comparison with the behauiour of the old, and such as liued long since within this Iland. The xiij. Chapter.

FOrsomuch as diuers no­ble men haue desired me to shew apart the old maners of the Scots touched in my historie, to the end it may be knowne how far our nati­on in these present daies are different in their maners and [Page 20] behauiour from those of our forefathers, and here­vnto although I assure muselfe alreadie that the re­uealing of these things will procure vnto me the ha­tred of sundrie woorthie or renowmed personages (of which few will yéeld to heare their doings touched or their errours reproued) yet because I owe such duetie and seruice vnto those that haue made this request vnto me, and least I should seeme ingrate not to hearken vnto them in this behalfe; I haue condescended to the performance of their desires, 10 and so much the rather, for that they alledge how it will be verie profitable vnto all the readers, but e­speciallie such as are not immoderatlie giuen ouer vnto their owne affections, nor so wholie drowned in their owne sensualitie and pleasures, but vpon consideration of wholesome admonition will be ve­rie willing to leaue whatsoeuer offendeth in them.

First of all therefore, I will declare what vsages haue béene among our elders both in time of warre and peace, and by what wisedome and industrie they 20 haue preuailed so long time against such and so ma­nie mightie aduersaries, as first the Britains, then the Saxons, next of all the Danes which haue ente­red into this Iland with huge armies to spoile and subdue the same. Furthermore, I will set downe with so much breuitie as I can, how the falling by little and little from the frugalitie and customs of their forefathers, their vertue and force also began in like order to decaie. And finallie how in these daies either by the clemencie of our neighbours, or 30 by their delicat negligence rather than by our owne prowesse, we liue in securitie, and thereby as it were ouerwhelmed and wrapped vp in all auarice and ex­cesse, whereinto our want of exercise and martiall prowesse dooth maruellouslie impell vs.

Certes I beléeue that by this meanes such as are of the more couragious sort (& yet reteining a sauour of the temperancie of their elders) will reioise to heare their manhood & great prowesse commended in this wise, as others of the contrarie sect (in ser­uile 40 maner addicted to gather goods, and spend their times in idle excesse and riot) séeing their errors iustlie reprehended, and the dishonor gotten thereby openlie reuealed, will the rather addresse them­selues to reformation of their estate, thereby to re­couer the ancient renowme of their forefathers, in answering to their prowesse, than proue a reproch vnto their successours, through their lewd behaui­ours neuer to be forgiuen. This I protest before all men, that whatsoeuer I shall speake of the euill 50 maners of our times, I doo not meane it vnto all, but those onlie whome blind selfe-loue, couetousnes, intemperancie, excesse and abuse of all Gods good gifts haue so touched, that they deserue much more to be reprehended than I will vouchsafe to attempt in this my lateward treatise. Therefore if anie man shall thinke himselfe to be rubbed on the gall by me, I counsell him that he conceale not his infirmitie, by séeking reuenge on other men, but rather inde­uour to procure the remedie in first acknowledging 60 his misdemeanors, which is the one and better halfe of his cure.

Our elders although they were right vertuous both in warre abroad, and at home in peace, were yet neuerthelesse in conuersation & behauiour verie temperat, which is the founteine & originall of all vertues. In sléepe they were competent, in meate and drinke sober, and contented with such food as was readie at hand and prepared with little cost. Their bread consisted of such stuff as grew most rea­dilie on the ground, without all maner of sifting and bolting, whereby to please the palate; but baked vp as it came from the mill without anie such curiosi­tie, which is a great abasing of the force thereof vnto our dailie nourishment. The flesh whereon they chiefeli [...] fed, was either such as they got by hunting, wherein they tooke great delight, and which increa­sed not a little their strength and nimblenesse, or else such tame cattell as they bred vp at home, whereof béefe was accompted the principall, as it is yet in our daies, though after an other maner and far dis­crepant from the vse and custome of other coun­tries. The stirkes or yoong béefets vngelded, we ei­ther kill yoong for veale, or geld, to the end that they may serue afterward for tillage in earing vp of the ground, but the cowcalfes and heifers are neuer killed till they be with calfe, for then are they fattest and most delicious to the mouth. The common meat of our elders was fish, howbeit not onlie or somuch for the plentie thereof, as for that our lands laie often wast and vntilled, because of the great warres which they commonlie had in hand. They brake also their fast earlie in the morning with some slender repast, and so continued without anie other diet vntill supper time, in which they had but one dish, whereby it came to passe, that their sto­machs were neuer ouercharged, nor their bones de­sirous of rest through the fulnesse of their bellies. At such time as they determined of set purpose to be merie, they vsed a kind of Aquauite void of all spice, and onelie consisting of such hearbs & roots as grew in their owne gardens, otherwise their common drinke was ale: but in time of warre, when they were inforced to lie in campe, they contented them­selues with water as rediest for their turnes. Ech souldier also had so much meale as might serue him for a daie which he made vp in cakes, and baked on the coles, as the Romans sometimes vsed to doo, and the emperour Caracalla himselfe (as Herodian hath remembred.) Seldome did they eate anie flesh in their tents, except they got it from their aduer­saries; such as they had likewise was eaten halfe raw, because they supposed the iuice thereof so vsed to nourish verie abundantlie. But fish was much more plentifull amongst them, especiallie when they wanted their vsuall preies, or could not atteine vn­to them.

They brought furthermore from their houses to the field with them, a vessell of butter, cheese, meale, milke, and vineger tempered togither as a shoot-an­chor against extreme hunger, on which they would féed and sucke out the moisture, when other proui­sion could not be gotten. In like maner, whensoe­uer they had entred into league and amitie with their enimies, they would not liue in such securitie, that thereby they would suffer their bodies & forces to degenerat, but they did keepe themselues in their former actiuitie and nimblenesse of lims, either with continuall hunting (a game greatlie esteemed amongest our ancestors) or with running from the hilles vnto the vallies, or from the vallies vnto the hilles, or with wrestling, and such kinds of pastime whereby they were neuer idle. Their heads were alwaies shauen after the maner of the ancient Spa­niards, with a little tuft of heare onelie left on their forparts, and neuer couered, except when they were troubled with sicknesse, by which means it came to passe, that few of our nation in old time was seene to be bald and hearelesse. They went also barefooted, or if they had anie shooes, they dipped them first in the water yer they did put them on, especiallie in winter when sharpest weather shewed it selfe, to the end that the soles of their féet (which were well hard­ned in summer with heat and in winter with cold) might be more strong and able to susteine great la­bor and dailie trauell.

Their apparrell was not made for brauerie and pompe, but as shuld séeme best to couer their bodies, [Page 21] and serue their appointed vses, their hosen were shapen also of linnen or woollen, which neuer came higher than their knees, their bréeches were for the most part of hempe, clokes also they had for winter made of course wooll, but in the summer time they ware of the finest that could be gotten. They slept moreouer either vpon the bare floore or pallets of straw, teaching their children euen from their in­fancie to eschew ease, and practise the like hardnesse; and sith it was a cause of suspicion of the mothers 10 fideltie toward hir husband, to seeke a strange nurse for hir children (although hir milke failed) each wo­man would take intollerable paines to bring vp and nourish hir owne children. They thought them fur­thermore not to be kindlie fostered, except they were so well nourished after their births with the milke of their brests, as they were before they were borne with the bloud of their owne bellies, nay they feared least they should degenerat and grow out of kind, except they gaue them sucke themselues, and 20 eschewed strange milke, therefore in labour and painfulnesse they were equall, & neither sex regar­ded the heat in summer or cold in winter, but tra­uelled barefooted, and in time of warres the men had their cariages and victuals trussed behind them on their horsses, or else vpon their owne shoulders without refusall of anie labour inioined vnto them by their capteins.

If it hapened them at anie time to be vanquished, they fled with such speed to the mounteins, that no 30 horsse might ouertake them, and verie oft escaped. The violence that was doone to anie one of them, was reputed common to all, & such was their dead­lie fude conceiued in these cases, that vntill they had requited the like with more extremitie, they would neuer be quiet nor let go their displeasure. The no­blest and most couragious gentleman would soonest desire to be placed in the fore ward, where his vassa­lage or seruice & manhood should readilest be séene, and such was the friendship of the nobilitie amongst 40 themselues, that whilst they contended which of them should be most faithfull and friendlie to other, they would oft fall out, and quarell one with another. Sometimes it happened that their capteine was be­set with extreme perill, or peraduenture some other of the nobilitie, in which cases they that were of his band would suddenlie rush in through the thickest of their enimies vnto him, and deliuer him, or else if they could not so doo, they would altogither lose their liues with him, thinking it a perpetuall note of re­proch 50 to ouerliue their leader.

The graues and sepulchers of our noble men had commonlie so manie obelisks and spires pitched a­bout them, as the deceassed had killed enimies be­fore time in the field. If anie souldier had beene found in the field without his flint and tinder box, or had walked or gene vp and downe with his sword at his side, and not naked in his hand, for then vsed they light armour for the most part, he was terriblie scourged: but he that sold or morga­ged 60 his weapon, was forthwith cut from his com­panie, and banished as an exile; he that fled or went from the battell without leaue of his capteine, was slaine wheresoeuer he was met afterward, without anie iudgement or sentence, and all his goods con­fiscated to the prince. Their light armour in those daies consisted of the lance, the bowe, the long sword which hanged at the side of the owner, and thereto a buckler, but afterward heauier armour came into generall vsage.

In these daies also the women of our countrie were of no lesse courage than the men, for all stout maidens & wiues (if they were not with child) mar­ched as well in the field as did the men, and so soone as the armie did set forward, they slue the first li­uing creature that they found, in whose bloud they not onelie bathed their swords, but also tasted ther­of with their mouthes, with no lesse religion and as­surance conceiued, than if they had alreadie béene sure of some notable and fortunate victorie. When they saw their owne bloud run from them in the fight, they waxed neuer a whit astonished with the matter, but rather doubling their courages, with more egernesse they assailed their enimies. This also is to be noted of them, that they neuer sought anie victorie by treason, falshood, or sleight, as thinking it a great reproch to win the field any otherwise than by meere manhood, prowesse and plaine dealing.

When they went foorth vnto the wars, each one went with the king of his owne cost (except the hi­red souldior) which custome is yet in vse. If any were troubled with the falling euill, or leprosie, or fallen frantike, or otherwise was out of his wits, they were diligentlie sought out: and least those diseases should passe further by infectuous generation vnto their issue & posteritie, they gelded the men. But the women were secluded to some od place far off from the companie of men, where if she afterward happe­ned to be gotten with child, both she and the infant were run through with the lance. Gluttons and ra­ueners, droonkards, and egregious deuourers of victuals were punished also by death, first bring per­mitted to deuoure so much as they listed, and then drowned in one fresh riuer or other.

Furthermore, as iustice in time of war was com­monlie driuen to perke, so in daies of peace our cun­triemen that offended, were off seuerelie punished and with inconuenient rigor. For they well consi­dered that after their people should returne & come home againe from the warres, they would be giuen to so many enormities, that the same their excesse should hardlie be restreined but by extreame seue­ritie: such also was their nature, that so soone as they knew themselues guiltie of any offense com­mitted against the estate or commonwealth, their first attempt was to set discord amongst the péeres and princes of the realme, neuerthelesse when they are gentlie intreated, and with courteous modera­tion, they are found to be verie tractable and pliant vnto reason: in priuate bargains & contracts they are so willing to giue euerie man his own, that they will yéeld the more. And so farre is it growne into a custome euen in these our daies, that except there be some surplusage aboue the bare couenant, they will breake off and not go forwards with the bar­gaine.

They vsed at the first the rites and maners of the Aegyptians from whence they came, and in all their priuate affaires they vsed not to write with common letters, as other nations did; but rather with ciphers and figures of creatures made in maner of letters, as their epitaphes vpon their toomes and sepulchers remaining amongst vs doo hitherto declare. Ne­uerthelesse in our times this hieroglyphicall maner of writing (I wot not by what meanes) is perished and lost, and yet they haue certeine letters proper vn­to themselues, which were somtime in common vse: but among such as reteine the ancient speach, they haue their aspirations, dipthongs, and pronunciati­on better than any other. The common sort are not in vre withall, but onlie they which inhabit in the higher part of the countrie, and sith they haue their language more eloquent and apt than others, they are called poets; they make also poets with great so­lemnitie and honour, being borne out therein by the authoritie of the prince. Besides the skill also of ma­ny other arts and sciences, whose rules and methods [Page 22] are turned into the said language, are giuen by tra­dition from their elders, they chéeflie excell in phy­sicke, wherein they go far beyond manie other, who learning of them the natures and qualities of such hearbs as grow in those quarters, doo heale all ma­ner of diseases euen by their onelie application.

Certes there is no region in the whole world so barren & vnfruitfull, through distance from the sun, but by the prouidence of God all maner of necessa­ries for the sustentation of mankind dwelling there 10 are to be had therein, if the inhabitants were such as had any skill how to vse the same in order. Neuer­thelesse our elders, which dwelled continuallie vpon the marches of England, learned the Saxon toong through continuall trade of merchandize and hazard of the wars long since, whereby it came to passe that we neglected our owne language, & our owne ma­ners, and thereto both our ancient order in writing and speaking is vtterlie left among vs, that inhabit neere vnto them; whereas contrariwise those that 20 dwell in the mounteins reteine still their ancient spéech and letters, and almost all their old rites, wher­vnto in time past their forefathers haue béene accu­stomed. One thing hereof also may euidentlie be séene (for an example) in their boats which they call carrocks, for being made of osiers and couered with bull hides, they vse to passe and repasse with them o­uer their riuers and waters in catching of samons, and when they haue doone, they beare them on their backs vnto what place soeuer it pleaseth them. 30

But we will now leaue the maners of our anci­ent friends, and intreat of our later countriemen. In processe of time therefore, and chéeflie about the daies of Malcolme Cammor, our maners began greatlie to change and alter. For when our neigh­bors the Britons began, after they were subdued by the Romans, to wax idle and slouthfull, and there­vpon driuen out of their countrie into Wales by their enimies the Saxons, we began to haue ali­ance (by proximitie of the Romans) with English­men, 40 speciallie after the subuersion of the Picts, and through our dailie trades and conuersation with them, to learne also their maners, and therewithall their language, as I haue said alreadie. Heereby shortlie after it came also to passe, that the tempe­rance and vertue of our ancestors grew to be iudged worthie of small estimation amongst vs, notwith­standing that a certeine idle desire of our former re­nowme did still remaine within vs.

Furthermore as men not walking in the right 50 path, we began to follow also the vaine shadow of the Germane honor and titles of nobilitie, and boa­sting of the same after the English maner, it fell out yer long, that wheras he in times past was accomp­ted onlie honorable, which excelled other men not in riches and possessions, but in prowesse and manhood, now he would be taken most glorious that went loaden with most titles, wherof it came to passe, that some were named dukes, some earles, some lords, some barons, in which vaine puffes they fixed all 60 their felicitie. Before time the noble men of Scot­land were of one condition, & called by the name of Thanes, so much in Latine as Quaestoresregij, gathe­rers of the kings duties, in English: and this deno­mination was giuen vnto them after their desert and merit.

But how far we in these present daies are swar­ued from the vertues and temperance of our elders, I beléeue there is no man so eloquent, nor indued with such vtterance, as that he is able sufficientlie to expresse. For whereas they gaue their minds to dowghtinesse, we applie our selues to droonkennes: they had plentie with sufficiencie, we haue inordi­nate excesse with superfluitie: they were temperate, we effeminate: and so is the case now altered with vs, that he which can deuoure and drinke most, is the noblest man and most honest companion, and there­to hath no péere if he can once find the veine, though with his great trauell to puruey himself of the plen­tifullest number of new fine and delicate dishes, and best prouoke his stomach to receiue the greatest quantitie of them, though he neuer make due dige­stion of it.

Being thus drowned in our delicate gluttonie, it is a world to sée, how we stuffe our selues both daie and night, neuer ceasing to ingorge & powre in, till our bellies be so full that we must néeds depart. Cer­tes it is not supposed méet that we should now con­tent our selues with breakefast and supper onelie, as our elders haue doone before vs, nor inough that we haue added our dinners vnto their aforsaid meales, but we must haue thereto our beuerages and reare suppers, so that small time is spared wherein to oc­cupie our selues in any godlie exercise, sith almost the whole daie and night doo scarselie suffice for the filling of our panches. We haue also our merchants, whose charge is not to looke out, and bring honre such things as necessarilie perteine to the maintenance of our liues, but vnto the furniture of our kitchen, and these search all the secret corners of our forrests for veneson, of the aire for foules, and of the sea for fish, for wine also they trauell not only into France, whose wines doo now grow into contempt, but also into Spaine, Italie and Gréece: nay Affrike is not void of our factors, no nor Asia, and onelie for fine and delicate wines if they might be had for monie.

In like sort they gad ouer all the world for swéet and pleasant spices, and drugs (prouokers vnto all lust and licentiousnesse of behauiour) as men that aduenture their owne liues to bring home poison and destruction vnto their countriemen, as if the mind were not alreadie sufficientlie bereft of hir image of the diuinitie, but must yet more be clogged and ouerladen with such a franked case, therewith­all to be extinguished outright, which alreadie dwel­leth or is buried rather in such an vglie sepulchre. The bodie likewise being oppressed with such a heape of superfluous food, although otherwise it be indued with an excellent nature, cannot be able to execute his office, nor kéepe him selfe vpright, but must néeds yeeld as ouercome, and to be torne in péeces and rent with sundrie maladies.

Hereof also it commeth to passe, that our coun­trimen trauelling into the colder regions are now a daies contrarie to their former vsage taken some­time with feuers, whereby their inward parts doo burne and parch as it were with continuall fier, the onelie cause whereof we may ascribe vnto those hot spices and drugs which are brought vnto vs from the hot countries. Others of them are so swollen and growne full of humors, that they are often taken suddenlie, and die of vehement apoplexies, and al­though here and there one or two recouer for a little while, yet are they but dead people, reuiuing againe, leading the rest of their liues like shadows, and wal­king about as if they were buried alreadie.

Our youth also following these vnhappie steps of their parents, giue themselues wholie to lust and licentiousnesse, hauing all vertue and knowledge in contempt, and eschewing the same as a pestilence and subuersion of their pleasures, wherevnto they applie themselues as vnto the most excellent trade. But sithens they are now inured, and as it were haunted with these vices, when time dooth come of seruice, and that our countrie shall stand in need of manhood, these will become so effeminate, that they must now ride on horssebacke as clad in heauie ar­mor, for on foot they cannot go by reason of their fat­nesse [Page 23] which choketh vp their vitall forces, neither be able to performe anie thing at all in comparison of the souereigne manhood and prowesse of their el­ders. So soone also as they returne home, bicause their possessions are not otherwise able to nourish them vp in pleasure and pampering of their mawes, they must fall to couetous and gréedie practises, ther­by to inrich themselues, or else proue strong théeues, or finally sowers of dissention and discord among the noble men, thereby to preie some commoditie. 10

Certes these and other vices following them ne­cessarilie, procéed generallie from none other foun­taine than voluptuous life and intemperancie, the which if we would refraine, there is no region vnder the sunne that would proue more wholsome, lesse sub­iect to pestilence, nor more commodious and profi­table for the sustentation of hir people. Certes I despaire not of the redresse of these things, but still hope that in short time these corrupt maners of my countriemen will be turned into better frame. We 20 are not yet become impudent, neither altogither haue cast off vnshamefastnesse, sith that in a great manie some remainder of our ancient sobernesse and manhood dooth yet appeare, and thereto newnesse of life with feruent deuotion increase euerie day, through the working of the zeale of our christian re­ligion in vs.

This also will I adde, without offense vnto other nations, that there was neuer people more stedfast to my knowledge in the christian faith, nor more 30 constant in their faithfull promises, than the Scots haue béene since their first beginning: and for a con­clusion I will say more, not onelie for their praise, but also in exhorting them vnto perseuerance, that as our people now liuing doo passe their ancestors in sumptuous and curious attire, so they are more neat and fine in their houses, better giuen to learning, and much more magnificent in building and decking of their churches. God grant them also to returne to their former frugalitie, and that with spéed, Amen. 40

¶ Hitherto haue I translated Hectors description of Scotland out of the Scotish into the English toong, being not a little aided therein by the Latine, from whence sometime the translator swarueth not a little, as I haue done also from him, now and then following the Latine, and now and then gathering such sense out of both, as most did stand with my purposed breuitic. Now will I set downe the descrip­tion of an ancient Pict, as I haue gathered it out of Herodian and other, and then I will giue ouer not 50 onelie to write more at this present, but for euer hereafter of anie historicall matters, sith I sée that this honest kind of recreation is denied me, and all time spent about the same in these daies vtterly con­demned, as vaine and sauouring of negligence, and heathenish impietie.

The description of an ancient Pict. The 14 Chapter. 60

THe Pict (saith Herodian) hath generallie no vse in ap­parell, howbeit the nobler sort of them doo wrap their heads and wombs in hoops of iron, which they take for great bra­uerie, esteeming this kind of attire, in such as weare the same, to be a token of wealth and riches, and so great an ornament, as if they had worne gold or any cost­lie iewels. Beside this, and the shauing of their ne­ther lip, they painted ouer their bodies with the ima­ges of all kinds of beasts, so that he was the gaiest man that had his skin most disguised in this maner. Certes none of them regarded to weare anie appa­rell, bicause they estéemed it a great glorie to haue these paintings séene. In warres they were bold, and desirous to shed blood, contenting themselues (in stéed of other armor) with a short lance, and narrow target or buckler, their swords were tied to their naked sides with a thong, and as for iacke, shirt of male, or helmet, they made no regard of them, bi­cause they would trouble them in swimming, or o­therwise at a pinch, when they should be compelled to wade.

Dion writing generallie of the whole countrie, di­uideth it with Herodian into the Calidons & Meats, saieng that the said countrie is verie sauage, their cities void of walles, and fields without townes: they liue moréouer (saith he) by hunting and preie, and oftentimes with the fruit of their trées: and al­beit that they haue excéeding plentie of fish, yet they eat not of it. They liue naked in tents, and without shooes on their féet, their wines are common, and children generallie looked vnto: they haue morouer a populous regiment, and are verie readie to steale: they fight in wagons, and haue little light and swift horsses, which run also verie swiftlie, & stand at their féet with like stedfastnesse. In the nether end of their lances they haue hollow bullets of brasse, in each is a little péece or two of iron, which ratleth when they shake it, and maketh a strange noise where manie of them are togither. They haue also narrow daggers, but chéeflie they can susteine hunger and cold best of all men, and likewise sore labour: and if it happen them to hunger and haue no meat at hand, they will sit in the marishes vp to the chins by manie daies togither. In the woods they féed on roots or barkes of trees, and they haue a kind of meat among them, whereof if they take but so much as a beane, they nei­ther hunger nor thirst in a long time after. And thus much of the Meats (which were the néerest vs) and the Calidons that dwelled beyond the wall, and both in their prouince called Maxima Cesariensis, where­of let this suffice.

The number of bishops in Scotland. The xv Chapter.

  • THe arch­bishoprik of S. An­drewes
  • Glasco
  • Dunfalden
  • Dunblanen
  • Aberden
  • Brechen
  • Morauie
  • Ros
  • Whitherne
  • Cathnes
  • Argadie
  • Orkenie
  • Ymor one of the Iles which are exempt and perteine vnto the pope.
  • Vniuersities.
    • S. Andrews
    • Aberden
    • Glasco.
  • Dukedomes.
    • Rothsay
    • Albanie.
  • Earledomes.
    • Cathnes
    • Sotherland
    • Rosse
    • Morauie
    • Buchquhan
    • Garuiach
    • Garmoran
    • Mar
    • Mernis
    • Angus
    • Gowri
    • Fiffe
    • Marche
    • Athole
    • Stratherne
    • Menteth
    • Leuenor
    • Wigton
    • Duglasse
    • Carrike
    • Crawford
    • Annandale
    • Ourmonth
    • Huntley.
  • Viscounties.
    • Berwike ali­as north Ber­wike
    • Roxborow
    • Selkirke
    • Twedale
    • Dunfrise
    • Niddisdals
    • Wigton
    • Are
    • Lanarke
    • Dumbritten
    • Sterueling
    • Louthian
    • Clakmanan
    • Kimos
    • Fiffe
    • Perth
    • Angus
    • Mernis
    • Aberden
    • Bamph
    • Fores
    • Inuernes.
FINIS.
1585THE Historie of …

1585

THE Historie of Scotland, conteining the beginning, in­crease, proceedings, continuance, acts and gouernement of the Scotish nation, from the originall thereof vnto the yeere 1571, gathered and written in English by Raphaell Hollinshead: and continued from 1571, to 1585, by others: With a table of the principall particularities herein conteined.

M. Pal. in Ari.
Historiae placeant nostrates ac peregrinae.

Cum priuilegio Regiae Maiestatis.

To the Right Honorable the Lord Robert Dudley, Earle of Leicester, Baron of Denbigh, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Maister of the Queenes Maiesties horsse, and one of hir Highnesse priuie Councell.

IT may seeme (Right Honora­ble) a great presumption in mee, to haue taken in hand the collec­tion of this Scotish historie, and other of diuers regions, conside­ring so many sufficient men as liue in these daies, farre more a­ble to performe the same. But where at the motion of a speciall friend, I vndertooke to deale therein, more vpon trust of his promised aid than of mine owne abilitie, it pleased GOD to call him to his mercie before the worke could be fullie brought to an end: but yet to answer the expectation of his friends, and trust which he had committed to them and me in this behalfe, I haue doone my good will to accomplish part of that, which in his life time was intended, although not to my wished desire, by reason of such wants as had beene supplied if he had liued to haue seene it published himselfe.

It resteth (right noble Earle) that it may please your Honor to ac­cept my dooings in good part, to whom I offer this parcell of my trauels in this historie of Scotland, in regard of the honor due to your noble father, for his incomparable valure well knowne and approoued, as well within that realme as else-where in seruice of two kings of most famous memorie, Hen­rie the eight & Edward the sixt, sounding so greatlie to his renowme, as the same cannot passe in silence, whilest any remembrance of those two most peerelesse princes shall remaine in written histories. I therefore most humblie beseech your Honor, to beare with my boldnesse in presen­ting [Page 28] you with so meane a gift, proceeding from one, although vnknowen to your Lordship, yet not without experience of your bountifull goodnesse ex­tended towards those, to whome I reckon my selfe most beholden. As what is he within this realme almost of anie degree, which findeth not himselfe bounden to your Honor, either in his owne causes or his friends? For such is your inclination to pleasure all men, as the same may seeme a peculiar ver­tue planted in your noble heart, mouing you so much to delight therein, as no time is thought by your Honor better spent, than that which you employ in dooing good to others.

But least I should enter into so large a discourse, as might be framed of this and other your excellent vertues (a matter far exceeding my simple knowledge) I will ceasse to speake further thereof, sith the same is spread ouer all, aswell this as other regions: for no where doo want great numbers of such as haue abundantlie tasted of your exceeding courtesies. In making you owner therefore of this abstract of the Scotish histories, I most humblie beseech your Honor, if anie thing be amisse, to impute the same to the im­perfection and defect of better instructions, and with your benigne and fa­uorable interpretation to haue me therein excused. Such as it is, I addresse it to your good Lordship with so dutifull a mind as may be imagined, beseeching God to preserue your Honor with plentifull increase of wisedome, vertue, and all wishfull prosperitie.

Your Honors most humble to be commanded Raphaell Hollinshed.

THE HISTORIE OF Scotland.

THe Scotish men, according to the maner of other nations, estéeming it a glorie to fetch their begining of great anci­encie, say that their originall descent cam frō 10 the Gréeks and Aegyptians: for there was (as the old Scotish historiographers haue left in wri­ting) a certeine noble man among the Gréeks, na­med Gathelus, the sonne of Cecrops, who builded the citie of Athens: or as some other would, he was Gathelus. the sonne of Argus Nealus, the fourth king of the Argiues. This Gathelus plaieng in his youth ma­nie Gathelus gi­uen to will and pleasure. wild and vnrulie parts in the countrie of Mace­donia 20 and Achaia, was diuers times sharplie rebu­ked by his father and other of his friends: so that in fine disdaining their correction and wholsome admo­nitions, he was banished by his father: after which he got togither a number of strong and lustie yoong Gathelus [...] into [...]pt, Anno [...] 2416. men, such as had vsed the like trade of liuing, and with them fled ouer into Aegypt; and comming thither in the 33 yeare of Pharao Orus as then king of that countrie, was receiued of him in most [...]helus was intertei­ [...] of Pha­rao. gladsome wise, for that his seruice (as was thought) 30 might stand in great stead in those warres, which the Aegyptians held at that time with the Aethiopians that had inuaded the realme of Aegypt, euen vnto Memphis. This Gathelus, to be short, went forth Gathelus went against the enimies. Moses cap­teine generall vnder Pha­rao. Ios. lib. 2. cap. 7. Gathelus, his dooings ad­uanced. with his bands against the same Aethiopians, vnder Moses the capteine generall of the armie, chosen thereto by diuine oracle (as Iosephus writeth) which Moses obteined the victorie, and conquered Saba by force being the chiefest and principall citie which stood in the Ile Meroe. 40

For such tokens of valiancie and worthie prowesse as Gathelus shewed, both in this countrie, and in other places, he grew also into such estimation with Pharao, that he gaue him his daughter in mariage. But Moses was rather enuied than honored for his Moses doo­ings not a­lowed. dooing, because the Aegyptians doubted least the Is­raelites should increase to such a puissant multitude, that in the end they might vsurpe and challenge the gouernance of the whole realme, and bring it by re­belling into their owne hands: wherefore diuers in­formations were made to the king against him, so that when he once perceiued himselfe to be in dan­ger of the lawe, and looked for no mercie at their hands, he fled from thence out of the countrie, & gat Moses fled. him into the land of Madian. Unto Gathelus and The citie of Thebes was giuen vnto Gathelus. his people there was giuen a citie called Thebes [Aegyptiaca] béeing taken from the Israelites. ¶ Here you must vnderstand, that Pharaos daugh­ter which Gathelus thus maried, was called Scota, Scota daugh­ter to Pharao. of whome such as came of the posteritie of that na­tion were afterwards, and are at this present day called Scoti, that is to say Scotishmen, and the land where they inhabit Scotia, that is to say, Scotland.

Gathelus thus being aduanced by such honorable The credit of this historie of Gathelus we leaue to the authors. Israel oppres­sed. mariage, liued all the daies of his father in law Pha­rao Orus, in great honor. But after his deceasse, and in the third generation, an other king named Pharao Chencres succeeded in his throne, who op­pressed the people of Israell then abiding in Aegypt, with more bondage than euer his father or grand­father had doone before him. Neither was there hope of anie redresse, till Moses returned by Gods ap­pointment Moses called out of Ma­dian into Ae­gypt. from amongst the Madianites (where he had remained in exile) into Aegypt, and there de­clared vnto this Pharao, Gods commandement, touching the deliuerance of his people.

But forsomuch as his words were regarded, nei­ther Moses not re­garded. Exodus 5. with the king, nor with his subiects, that land was plagued in most horrible maner; and moreouer it was signified vnto such as sought to know what was meant by way of oracles, that sorer and more grieuous plagues should after follow, if remedie were not found the sooner. Gathelus therefore be­ing certified hereof, and giuing credit to the ora­cles aforesaid, determined out of hand to forsake Gathelus lea­uing Aegypt, séeketh other countries. the countrie, and séeke him a new place of abode in some other parties of the world. Wherefore he cau­sed a number of ships to be rigged, and all necessa­rie purueiance to be prouided, and when the same was once readie, and all things set in order, he tooke with him his wife and children, and a great multi­tude of people both Gréekes and Aegyptians, whom he imbarked in those ships, and hoising vp failes, departed out of the mouth of the riuer Nilus, in the yeare of the worlds creation 2453, when he had Gathelus de­parting was, Anno mundi, 2453. W. H. 3643. H. B. He was re­pelled from Barbarie. dwelled in Aegypt 39 yeares and more. Being thus departed, after some trouble in the voiage, they arri­ued first on the coasts of Numidia, which is one of the regions of Affrike, now called Barbarie: but being put backe from thence by the stout resistance of the inhabitants, they tooke the seas againe, and landed in a part of Spaine, which long after was called Lusitania.

There be that haue written how it should be cleped port Gathele of this Gathelus, and certeine yeares He landed in Portingale. after Lusitania, and eftsoones againe in a maner to haue got the former name, being somewhat corrupt­lie called Portingale. But who is able in a matter of such anciencie to auouch anie thing for truth?

[Page 30] Gathelus with his companie being thus come to land, sought abroad in the countrie for victuals, and such other necessarie things as they wanted (for their long being on the seas had wasted all their The inhabi­tants resist Gathelus. purueiance:) whose arriuall being once knowne in the countrie, the people assembled togither, and fiercely incountring with the strangers, after sharpe and cruell fight, in the end the Spaniards were put to the woorst and chased out of the field. This victorie put Gathelus and his folks in hope of good successe 10 to haue there a place for them to inhabit in, and so to end their long wandering in strange and vncer­teine places. And to the intent they might bring their purpose the more easilie to passe, they found means by way of communication to ioine in friend­ship A communi­cation. Gathelus buildeth the citie Brac­chara. with the Spaniards, and obteining of them a plot where they might build a place for to inhabit in; shortlie after they began the foundation of a citie néere to the banks of the riuer called of ancient time Mundus, and afterwards Bracchara. 20

It chanced after this, that the Spaniards (percei­uing these strangers to increase further in puissance than, as they thought, stood well with their securitie) sought diuerse occasions to fall at debate with them, and to make warres vpon them: but when they vn­derstood that Gathelus was as readie to defend, as they were to inuade, they estsoones fell to a commu­nication, & persuaded with Gathelus, that it should A communi­cation. be best for him and his people, for the auoiding of va­riance to remooue vnto the northside of Spaine, li­eng 30 vpon the coasts of the Cantabrian seas, now called Galitia (where he should find much void ground, by reason of the small number of inhabi­tants) adding that if they would so doo, they would aid them to the vttermost against all such as should attempt to disquiet their indeuours in anie maner Gathelus lest Portingale, and went into Galitia. He builded a citie called Brigantia, and now Compostella. of wise. This offer Gathelus gladlie accepted, and causing publike sacrifice to be celebrated in honor of the gods, he departed with all his people into Gali­tia, and there concluding a league with the inhabi­tants, 40 builded a citie which he named Brigantia, but after it was named Nouium, and now Com­postella.

HEre Gathelus being intituled by the name of a king, deuised and ordeined lawes for his peo­ple Gathelus. to liue by, that the citie might not onelie be fen­sed with strong walles, but also with good and hol­some He maketh lawes and or­dinances. statutes and ordinances, the chiefest fortificati­ons that may be for all cities and countries. And bi­cause he would not onelie haue his said people to 50 liue vnder one law, but also to be knowne and cal­led by one name, he gaue commandement that they should be all called Scotishmen (as before is said) of his wife Scota. In continuance of time, this na­tion grew to a woonderfull multitude, so that the Spaniards doubting the woorst, determined to fore­sée remedie in time, and herevpon purposing vtter­lie The Spani­ards fight with the Scots in­fortunatlie. to destroie them, got them againe to armour, and with their whole puissance comming vpon the Sco­tishmen, gaue them a sore battell, though in the end 60 they were put to flight, the victorie remaining with the Scotishmen, albeit not without great bloud­shed on either part, as the Scotish historie saieth. At length a necessarie peace was agréed vpon be­twixt both parties, the conditions whereof were these: that aswell Scotishmen as Spaniards should liue after their owne lawes, and neither of them to A peace con­cluded. inuade other.

Gathelus hauing peace thus with his neighbors, sat vpon his marble stone in Brigantia, where he gaue lawes, and ministred iustice vnto his people, thereby to mainteine them in wealth and quietnesse. Gathelus mi­nistred iustice. A description of the seat. This stone was in fashion like a seat or chaire, ha­uing such a fatall destinie, as the Scots say, follow­ing it, that wheresoeuer it should be found, there should the Scotishmen reigne and haue the supreme gouernance. Hereof it came to passe, that first in Spaine, after in Ireland, and then in Scotland, the kings which ruled ouer the Scotishmen, receiued the crowne sitting vpon that stone, vntill the time of Robert the first king of Scotland. The inscription al­so of the stone, though ingrauen long time after, as should appeare, was this:

Nifallat fatum, Scoti quocún (que) locatum
Inuenient lapidem, regnare tenentur ibidem.

Which may be thus translated:

Except old sawes doo faile, and wisards wits be blind,
The Scots in place must reigne, where they this stone shall find.

But to returne where I left touching Gathelus. Galitia n [...] sufficient to find the Scots. When he perceiued that his people multiplied in such wise, as the countrie which was appointed him by the last agréement, was not able to susteine them, he was loth to breake the peace which he had established with the Spaniards, by séeking to in­large the bounds of his dominion with breach of co­uenant: and therefore vnderstanding that there was The Scots séeke new seats. an Iland lieng north ouer against Spaine, wherein were but few inhabitors, he caused all such ships as he was able to make, to be brought togither into an hauen néere vnto Brigantia, and commanding a great armie of his owne people and subiects to be assembled, he appointed his two sonnes whome hée had by his wife Scota, the one named Hiberus, and the other Himecus, to conueie them ouer into that Iland, which afterwards they named Hibernia, after Hiberus, but now it is commonlie called Ireland.

At their first arriuall there, they came into the ha­uen The Scots ariue in Ire­land. of Dundalke, where getting on land, they first incamped themselues néere the shore, and then sent foorth certeine of their folks to search if they could learne what people inhabited in the countrie, by whome at their returne, and by such as they had hap­pened vpon and brought with them, they vnderstood how there was no great number of inhabitants in that Ile, and that they which dwelled there were ve­rie simple, such I meane as liued onelie by milke Irishmen liue by milke and hearbes. and herbs, with other the like things as the earth by nature brought foorth of hir owne accord, without mans helpe or vse of anie tillage. Herevpon Hiber Irishmen are gentlie in­treated. with his brother Himecus, went not about with force, but by gentlenesse to win those people, min­ding to ioine them in friendship so with their Sco­tishmen, that both the people might be made as one. Neither was this hard to be doone, sithens the inha­bitants (perceiuing the Scotishmen not to go a­bout to harme them) came flocking in wholie about them, submitting themselues into their hands with gladnesse.

WHen things were once set here in a stay, and Hiber. that orders were giuen how the land should be conuerted vnto tillage, and manured for the bet­ter bringing foorth of such things as serue for mans sustenance, Hiber (leauing his brother in charge Hiber retur­ned into Spaine. with the gouernance of all those which were appoin­ted to abide there in Ireland) with the most part of the ships and residue of the companie, sailed backe into Spaine, where finding his father Gathelus Hiber succée­ded his father Gathelus. dead, he succéeded in his place of gouernement, to the great reioising of all the people there.

This Hiber was a man of great courage, and more giuen to the wars than his father before him, so that where his father contenting himselfe with the bounds and limits of the countrie assigned him by composition, sought no further (as is said) to inlarge [Page 31] the fame: Hiber ceassed not to conquer cities and [...]ber a con­querour. townes néere adioining to the borders of his sub­iects, by reason whereof hie fame spred ouer all those parties: and in the end constreined his enimies to séeke for peace, which he willinglie granted: so that a league being concluded betwixt the Scots and [...] peace. Spaniards, the same tooke such good successe, that within certeine yeeres after, both the nations, what by mariage and other contracts, which they [...]sed togither, became one. The succession also of kings 10 Spaniards & Scots becom one people. continued after Hibers deceasse in his posteritie a long season; amongst the which, Metellus, Hermo­neus, P [...]olomeus, Hibertus, and S [...]on Brechus were of most woorthie fame, as is recorded by such as haue written the histories of that nation more at large.

IN the meane while that these things were thus a dooing in Spaine, Himecus being left, as is before Hemecus. Hemecus K. of Ireland. remembred, in Ireland, to haue the gouernance there, ruled both the people of Scotishmen, and the 20 former inhabitans, with as much indifferencie as was possible: yet could he not ioine them so in one, but that after his deceasse either of them would haue seuerall rulers of their owne nation to gouerne them: by reason whereof, falling estsoones at discord amongst themselues, there insued sharpe and cruell wartes betwixt them, which being ended sometime [...]tion. by truce (when both parties happilie were throughlie wearied) they renewed notwithstanding their mali­cious stufe againe, so soone as they had once recoue­red 30 their decaied strengths, so that the one séeking the others destruction, they continued in great dis­quietnes for a long time. These Scotishmen being thus troubled in Ireland, finallie adressed an ambas­sage The Scots send an [...] am­bassador vnto Metellus in Spaine. vnto Metellus, who as then reigned amongst the Scotish men in Spaine, requiring: him of aid and succor against their enimies, who went about with tooth and naile to expell all the Scotish nation out of Ireland, which they were like inough to bring to passe, if in time there were not speedie remedie 40 through his aid prouided for the contrarie.

Metellus hearing these newes, as a man mooued Aid sent to [...]st the Scots in Ire land. with a naturall zeale toward all the Scotish linage, gaue eare to their request, supposing it should be his part to defend his kinsfolke from all wrong and iniuries: immediatlie therefore he sent his thrée sons, Hermoneus, Ptolemeus, and Hibertus, with a chosen power of wariors ouer into Ireland, where vanquishing the [...] with fierce and cruell bat­tels, they set the [...]men in sure and quiet pos­session 50 of all their lands and liuings. This doone Pto­lomens and Hibertus remained there to rule and [...]ermoneus returned into Spain againe inhabit the countrie. But Hermoneus, who was the eldest brother, returned backe againe to Spaine, there to succéed his father when time should serue thereto.

After this the Scotish estate continued many yeares in good quiet in Ireland, the people still in­creasing in wealth and puissance, till prosperitie the mother of contention, stirred vp grudge and parcia­lities 60 amongst them, which shortlie would haue de­caied the force of the Scotish nation, if the ancient lords had not prouided redresse in time, which was to persuade the people to haue a king of their owne, who being partaker with none of them in their facti­ons, might haue the absolute gouernance of the whole, so that by common consent they sent into Spaine for one Simon Brech, whose name was Simon Brech. right famous amongst them in that season, both as well for that he was lineallie descended of the bloud rotall, as also for that he had shewed many proofes of his noble valiancie in sundrie affaires and busi­nesse. This Simon being glad of these ridings, sai­led Brechus came into Ireland. quicklie into Ireland, and brought thither with him amongst othor princelie iewels and regall mo­numents, the fatall stone of marble wherein he cau­sed himselfe to be crowned, in token of his full pos­session and establishment ouer that kingdome.

B [...]echus being thus crownd, was the first king Brechus. that reigned ouer the Scots in Ireland, who [...] his reigne there, in the yéere from the creation of the world 3270, which time by master. Harisons, account is after the floud 1616, from the first buil­ding 4504 H. B. 60 H. B. 696 H. B. Fandufus. of Rome 55, after the entrie of Brutus into Britaine 870, and before the incarnation of our sa­ [...]our 697. And hauing ruled his subiects with great iustice by the space of fortie yéeres or thereabout, he died, after whose deceasse succéeded Fandufus, who had issue Eth [...]on, and he begat Glaucus, which Glau­cus begat Noita [...]ilus, the father of Rothsay: all of them reigned successiuelie ouer the Scotishmen in Ireland, as in the description of that land more p [...]inelie may appéete.

This Rothsay (perceiuing the Scotish nation in­creased Rothsay. The Scots ferris ouer in­to the we­sterne Iles. to a greater multitude in Ireland than the countrie was well able to susteine) transported o­uer certeine numbers of them into the Iles anci­entlie called Ebonides, afterwards Hebrides, but now by the Scots, the westerne Iles, bicause they lie on the west halfe of Scotland: and there they pla­ced them to inhabit. He named also that Ile which he first began to possesse Rothsay, after his owne They inhabie the Ile of Rothsay. name. Which translation of these Scotishmen into those Iles was 133 yeeres after the coronation of Brechus.

This Rothsay had not béene long in those Iles, but that hearing of his fathers deceasse, he returned in­to Ireland to succéed in his place. Where the Sco­tishmen perceiuing the fertilitie of the Iles, and how the same serued well for the breeding of cattell, became so des [...]ous to inhabit there, that they went ouer thither da [...]lie in great numbers, with their wiues, children, and whole families, so that within a short time they multiplied in such wise, that the Iles The Scots inhabit the maine land of Scotland. were not large inough to find them sustenance, by reason whereof diuers companies of them got them ouer into the maine land of the north part of this our Britaine, called as then Albion, where they first inhabited a waste and desert portion thereof, lieng toward the west, ouer against the foreremembred Iles, by them alreadie inhabited, Anno 3383. That 4617 H. B. They inhabit the countrie called Arguile part where they first began to settle themselues, they named Argathelia, after the name of their first cap­tein and guide Gathelus, but the inhabitants at this day call it Arguile.

At their first comming, bicause they perceiued they could not liue without lawes and ciuill gouern­ment, They make lawes and or­dinances. Gouernors had in reue­rence. they seuered themselues into tribes, or as it were into hundreds, or wapentakes, euerie of the same hauing a speciall gouernor to see their lawes ministred, and iustice mainteined: which gouernors were had in such reuerence, that they were as much afraid to sweare by the name of any one of them, as they were by the gods. In this state they continued many a yéere, increasing in processe of time vnto a mightie nation, and liued in good rest without trou­ble They liue in peace. The Picts came into Scotland out of Germanie. of warres or inuasion made vpon them by any forren enimie. In this meane time also, the Picts, which were a certeine people of Germanie, as most writers doo agrée, came and set foot also in another part of Britaine, which now is comprehended like­wise within Scotland.

Some saie that they came foorth of the hether part of Scithia, and other there be which hold opinion, that they descended of the people named in old time Agathyrsi, which inhabited in a part of Sarmatia, and were called Picts, bicause they vsed to paint and colour their faces, or (as some suppose) for that they [Page 32] vsed gaie apparell of diuers and sundrie colours; but the same writers generallie confesse, that they first came into Germanie or hither Scythia (that is to meane Denmarke) many yéeres before they entred into Britaine. Truth it is that they first came out The Picts came first into Orkeney, and changing their seats came into the maine land of Scotland, Pictland, Firth. of Germanie, into the Iles of Orkeney, and there inhabiting for a season, feried ouer into Cathnesse, whereof it came to passe, that the streict there at th [...] present is called Pictland fir [...]h: and so in continu­ance of time increasing in number, they passed fur­ther 10 into the land, and got possession of Rosse, Mur­rey land, Merne, and Anguse, and after that, en­tring into Fiffe and Louthian, they droue such Bri­tains from thence as inhabited there before, which were but a simple kind of people, as those that ap­plied nothing but onelie nourishing and bréeding of cattell.

These Picts, as by conference of times may ap­péere, entred first into Scotland, about the yeare af­ter the creation of the world 3633, and being once 20 arriued, they began to erect and build certeine forts, 4867 H. B. The Picts make strong holds. wherein they might defend themselues, if any force of enimies should chance to put them to such shifts; but perceiuing they could not continue any time without wiues to mainteine their stocke and proge­nie by bringing foorth issue, they thought it expedient to require of the Scotishmen some number of wo­men to marrie with, that thereby a sure aliance The Picts require womē of the Scots. might be had betwixt both nations, & that if néed re­quired, they might the better defend them from their 30 common enimies the Britains, whom they knew would be loth to sée the increase of either Scots or Picts, as those that were stangers to them, and v­surpers vpon their confines.

This request was granted, and a full league rati­fied betwixt the Scotishmen and Picts, with coue­nants, A league made. that neither of them should seeke to vsurpe any péece of that which the other held, but content themselues with their owne marches. And further, he that attempted to wrong the one, should be ac­counted 40 an enimie to both: and against whom they should be readie to ioine their powers in either o­thers defense. Also it was accorded, that if at anie time it were doubtfull who ought to succéed in the The successi­on of the go­uernement. gouernement of the Pictish kingdome, some one descended of those Scotish women should be admit­ted to the throne.

This aliance was euen at the first misliked of the Britains, who [...]ubted, that if these two nations Their aliance misliked. should once be ioined inseparablie togither, they 50 might in time to come increase to greater puis­sance than should stand well with the suertie of their estate. Therefore studieng how to preuent that dan­ger, Dissention a pr [...]sent de­stroier. they thought the readiest meane to destroie both those nations was (if they might bring it to passe) to set them first togither by the eares amongst them­selues, that afterwards when their powers were by such meanes sore abated, they might the more easilie subdue them at their pleasures. This deuise the Britains kept secret for a time, till occasion serued 60 to worke their intent. In which meane while the af­finitie betwixt the Scots and Picts increased to the wealth of both nations, and for the issue sake great loue and friendship was mainteined among them. The Picts applied themselues to tilling the ground, The Picts good husband­men. The Scots giuen to hun­ting and fou­ [...]ing. and building of fortresses: the Scots set all their de­light in hunting and fouling, vsing about the same to go armed in iacks and light [...]esternes with how and arrowes, no otherwise than if it had beene in o­pen warre: for in this exercise they placed all the hope of the defense of their possessions, lands and liberties.

At length, the Britains perceiuing happilie some grudge or enuie to be entred amongst them, they The Bri­tains send ambassadors vnto the Picts. sent solemne ambassadors vnto the Picts, declaring that it were more honorable for them to ioine in league with the Britains, than with the Scots: which Britains were knowne to be famous, both in peace and war, and inhabited a countrie most fruit­full A craftie sug­gestion. and replenished with all commodities necessarie hauing therein rich mines of diuers kinds of met­tall, where the Scots being a rude nation, wild and sauage, inhabited a barren countrie, full of rough and fruitlesse mounteins, delighting thereto in no­thing but in the slaughter of men and beasts. And herevnto they added that (which most mooued the Picts) how it was foretold them by prophesies, that Prophesies. the Scots through treason should vtterlie in time to come extinguish and destroie all the Pictish bloud. Which persuasions induced the Picts at the last, to make a league with the Britains, who promised their aid at all times, in whatsoeuer enterprise the Picts should take in hand against the Scots, and as often as occasion should require.

This league thus being confirmed with the Bri­tains, The Picts become eni­mies to the Scots. incouraged the Picts so, that they sought dai­lie how to picke quarels, and fall out with the Sco­tishmen: wherevpon making proclamation that no Scotishman should enter into their borders, vpon The Scots reuenge the in iurie doone vnto them. paine of death: some such as they tooke within the same, theytruellie flue; other they ransomed at ex­cessiue summes: wherevpon the Scots being kind­led with iust displeasure, on the other side requited them with the like, euer as they caught any of the said Picts by hap or otherwise amongst them, or in their walks.

The one nation séeking thus to be reuenged of the other, there insued open war betwixt them: whervp­on the Scotishmen, to the end they might be the bet­ter Scots send for aid into Ireland. able to [...]ainteine their quarell, sent ouer their ambassadors vnto their kinsmen in Ireland, requi­ring them of aid in that present danger, as hauing now not onelie warres with the Picts, but also with the Britains, who minded nothing but the vtter They require a gouernor. destruction of them and their linage, except speedie remedie were found. And for that they saw it néed­full to haue one onelie head and gouernor, they made sute also to haue some capteine of honor with them into Albion, vnto whom as to their king they would submit themselues. In that season amongst the I­rish Ferg [...]hardus king in Ire­land. Scotishmen, there reigned a king named Fer­guhardus, who inclining to the petition of the Bri­tish Scots, caused an huge armie forthwith to be le­uied, and thereto he appointed [...] owne sonne Fer­gustus to be generall of the same, a worthie yoong Fergusins sent into Scotland. The marble stone. gentleman, and an expert warrior: whome hee sent ouer with his puissant companie, in such speed as was possible. He had also with him the marble stone, that he might conceiue the better hope to reigne there as a king, bicause he went foorth vnto such a dangerous warre.

Such also as went with him in this iournie, had Fergusius landed in Albion. A parlement. their wiues, their children, and all their substance with them, as the maner of the nation then was, when they went forth into any forren countrie. Now it came to passe that this Fergusius was no sooner come into Albion among the Scotishmen there, but that in a parlement called and assembled in Argile for the purpose, they first consulted after what sort they might mainteine themselues against their eni­mies, and what order for gouernment should be ob­serued amongst them. Where finallie for auoiding of such inconuentences, as might rise through manie A king is [...] to be obeied. gouernors, they decréed to choose onlie one, whome in all things, as their king & head, they would from thencefoorth follow and obeie.

BUt bicause there was none thought so méet to Fergusius. beare that office, as Fergusius, and that the [Page 33] chaire of hope was also brought with him: they con­cluded by whole consent to commit that charge vnto him, and so to the great reioising of the people, he was placed vpon his marble stone, and crowned king, being the first of the Scotish nation that euer ruled in Albion as absolute gouernor, who began his reigne in the yeare after the creation of the world 3640, which is (as Harison saith in his chronologie) before the incarnation of our sauiour 327, after the building of Rome 420, and after the entring of 10 Brutus into Britaine 790.

The kingdome of the Scotishmen being thus be­gun in Albion, Ferguse tooke vpon him to rule as king, making prouision on all sides to resist his enimies: who whilest these things were a dooing in Argile, had assembled their powers: vnto whom also The Bri­tains aid against the Scots. the Britains had ioined themselues, and were now entred into the Scotish borders. Ferguse hauing hereof knowledge, spéedilie got togither his people, and came with banners displaied to encounter his 20 enimies. In king Ferguses banner, there was a red lion portraied rampant, with his rarle folden to­wards his backe, as though he did beat the same, which is the maner of them when they be mooued to displeasure. Ferguse was the first that bare this cog­nisance in Albion, which euer since hath béene borne by those kings that haue successiuelie reigned after him there.

Both the armies were now come within sight of other, and readie to haue giuen the onset, when there 30 went a murmuring amongst the Picts, that their companions the Britains were gotten to a hill a little beside them, minding to sée the end of the bat­tell The Bri­tains are a­bout to de­ceiue the Picts. before they did stir, and then if occasion serued (as their hope was it should) they purposed to fall vpon both parties, as well Picts as Scots, and so to destroie them both, the vanquishers togither with the vanquished, as they found them out of araie in following the chase. The like report was brought vn­to Ferguse by one that fled to his side from the eni­mies 40 [...]son [...] vnto [...] campe, touching this treason of the Britains, conspiring the exterminion of both the people.

By reason whereof, either part being put in feare of that which might insue through the malicious pur­pose of the Britains, they kept their tents certeine daies togither, without making any hast to battell. And in the meane while Ferguse sent a messenger vnto the king of the Picts, requiring him to come to a communication before they should fight, for that Ferguse sen­deth to the Picts. he had to informe him of such matters as pertei­ned 50 no lesse to the safegard and preseruation of the Picts, than of his owne people the Scots. The king of the Picts willinglie gaue eare to this message, and so a little beside both the armies standing in bat­tell araie, the two kings accompanied with a few of their nobles met togither, where in the end the dan­ger in which they both stood, being plainelie disclosed and throughlie weied, they condescended to haue a I peace to be concluded. further treatie of peace, which the king of the Picts alleged he might not conclude without the publike 60 consent of his subiects; and therefore he appointed on the daie following to returne to the same place a­gaine, there to giue a resolute answer, after he had vnderstood the minds of his lords and commons in the same.

Herevpon therefore returning to his campe, he called his councell afore him, declaring the sub­stance The king of the Picts cal­led his coun­cell and com­mons. of the communication which had beene be­twixt king Ferguse and him, which was in effect ten­ding to this end. First considering the present deui­ses of the Britains, there was nothing more expedi­ent than a peace to be agréed vpon, as well for the commoditie of the Picts as Scots, if they would yeeld withall to auoid the imminent perill of their vtter ruine and common destruction intended by the Britains.

Herevpon also he required their aduise what they thought good to be doone; declaring that according as they counselled him, he would worke therein. This matter being thus proposed, as there were diuerse heads, so were there sundrie opinions. Some iud­ged that in no case they could enter frendship againe with the Scots, who had so cruellie slaine and mur­thered a great number of the Pictish nation; and had shewed such tokens of a beastlie furious nature, that there was no hope to continue long in amitie with such a raging kind of people: and hereto they held that it was not vnknowne how the prophesie went, that the Scots should in the end destroie all A prophesie. the Pictish progenie. So that it were wisdome to kéepe their power vnder, so long as was possible, and not to increase the same by ioining with them in friendship.

Other were of a contrarie mind, esteeming that in no wise the Scotish mens friendship ought to be refused, vnlesse they would determine to séeke new dwellings in some other forraine parties; sith the Britains would not faile, but vpon occasion také what vantage they could to expell them both, as well Scots as Picts, out of the countries now by them possessed. And as for that, which was alledged tou­ching the prophesie, if the gods had so determined, then might no policie of man preuent it: and if there were no such thing appointed by the same gods, what follie then were it to cast such dreadfull doubts where no cause was? Ouer and besides this, they had taken them wiues of the Scotish nation, and thereby ingraffed their séed (the hope of their poste­ritie) in that stocke, which is the néerest meane and foreablest occasion to nourish friendship amongest people, that is or may be deuised; therefore it should not be onelie profitable but necessarie also to haue peace with the Scots, to renew againe with them the former league, to the perpetuall strengthening and aduancement of both the nations.

Whilest the Picts were thus in debating the mat­ter, The Picts admonished by their wiues to peace. their wiues also being present there in the armie, came in amongest them with their children, and in most lamentable wise besought their husbands to haue pitie vpon them, in their so sorowfull case, and not to suffer their hands to be defiled with vnnatu­rall murther, sith it were lesse discomfort to them with their sillie little ones to die anie kind of death whatsoeuer it were, rather than to behold their hus­bands with their fathers, their brethren, and their kinsfolke ioine togither in battell, and there to kill one another without all mercie and compassion. The The Picts are moued to pittie. nobles and gentlemen of the Picts hearing the cries of these women, and being now somewhat moued to pitie, consented at last to haue peace with the Sco­tish men, and to renew againe the old league that was heretofore betweene them: and for mutuall iniuries heretofore committed, that there should be a mutuall recompense, according as might stand with equitie and reason. So that where the Bri­tains had beene the chiefe procurers of all that mis­chiefe and discord betwixt them, in hope thereby to destroy both the parties, they should now be repu­ted Britains re­puted as eni­mies. from henceforth as common enimies to them both. As for all other articles & conditions of agree­ment, it was ordeined that their king should doo therein as vnto him might seeme good.

In the morning therefore, as was appointed, the The méeting of the two kings. king of Picts meeting with king Ferguse, decla­red what his subiects were agréed vpon: and further opening his mind touching the establishment of the peace, thought it conuenient to haue a day of mée­ting betwixt them to ratifie the same. Wherewith [Page 34] Ferguse being well contented & glad that through his motion a peace should thus ensue, a day was appointed betwixt them and kept accordinglie, so An other day taken for the ratification of the peace. that comming togither, the ancient league was in all points renewed, with some conditions added thereto, auailable (as was thought) for the stronger confirmation thereof. Before this, and after the first The Bri­tains go hom­ward disap­pointed of their purpose. méeting betwixt the Scots and Picts, I meane so soone as the Britains had vnderstanding of this a­gréement, they had no lust to tarie longer in the 10 field, but raising their power, they departed their waies homewards, doubting least the said agrée­ment might turne smallie to their gaine. The Picts The Scots and Picts re­turne home in peace. and Scotishmen also after they had thus fullie rati­fied the peace and league betwixt them, brake vp their camps, euerie man repairing to the place of his abode.

The king also of the Britains named Coill (so­iourning in that season néere about Yorke) being This Coilus by the circum­stance of the time, and o­ther conside­rations, should séeme to be the same whome the Britains name Gutte­ [...]e. informed of this sudden renouation of the league be­twixt 20 the Scotishmen and Picts, was nothing ioy­full of the newes: for he doubted least in time to come their confederacie might be occasion of their further increasing in puissance, and after that some new occasion of his trouble. Wherefore studieng by what waies and meanes he might best prouide reme­die for such inconueniences as might insue, he at­tempted nothing openlie for the space of two years, but onelie watched his time, to the end that if he Coilus his subtiltie. might in that season chance (thorough the insolent 30 courage of either nation) to espie anie occasion ser­uiceable for his time, he might set vpon and be a plague vnto them both.

At length also he caused his subiects (such I meane as bordered néere to the marches of both the people.) to fetch preies and booties out of the Pictish confins. The Britains rob the Scots and the Picts for to stirre discord. So that when the Picts sent thither with request to haue restitution made, it was by and by answered, that the Scots had doone such trespasses (being a people inured vnto such feats by nature, and not the 40 Britains, who were nothing guiltie in that kind of matter; and thus would the Britains doo in like sort when they had robbed the Scots, so that with such in­iurious dissimulation, aswell Scots as Picts be­ing not a little offended, they entred soone after in­to The Scots and Picts in­uade the Bri­tains. the British confins, robbing & spoiling the same, as their custome is, with all maner of crueltie. When Coill of Britaine had notice of these dooings, he tooke grieuous indignation thereat, and there­vpon Coilus entred into Scot­land with an armie. determined to prooue whether he might with 50 open warres atchiue his purpose, which he could not bring to passe by his former cloaked practise. And herewith assembling an armie, he entred into the Scotish borders lieng towards the Irish seas, wa­sting & spoiling with fire and sword whatsoeuer he found in his waies, till he came euen to the riuer of Dune, where incamping himselfe vpon the banks thereof, he sent forth companies of his souldiers to destroie the countrie, and to bring in all such priso­ners as they should lay hands vpon. 60

But in the meane time, and so soone as Ferguse heard of the approch of the Britains, he caused all Ferguse as­sembled a great power of Scotish­men. the people in the countrie to get them with their goods & cattels vnto the mounteins, except such as were able to beare armour: whome he appointed to attend vpon him, to defend the countrie as occasion serued. Whereof Coill hauing knowledge brought by an espiall, he sent foorth about fiue thousand nimble men, and such as had beene vsed to clime craggie hilles, to go before and win the passages, purposing the next day to follow himselfe with the whole armie. But the Scotishmen and Picts being now assembled togither, and certified hereof also by their spies, they first fell in consultation what they were best to doo; and in the end agréed that the same night they should set vpon the British campe: Fer­guse with his Scotishmen on the one side, and the king of the Picts on the other; so that in the dead of the night the Scotishmen killing the watch, were entered into the British campe, yer Coill had know­ledge of anie such thing.

Whereby it came to passe that whilest the Britains (awaked with the noise) drew vnto that part where the alarme rose, to beat backe the Scots; the Picts comming ouer the riuer of Dune, by a certeine blind foord, assailed them on the backs, to the great confusion of the whole armie, by reason whereof the Britains (séeing none other remedie but to saue themselues by flight) turned their backs and fled, in which turmoile they were trodden downe and fell by heaps one vpon an other, and were not able to helpe themselues, nor yet to make shift to auoid the hands of their aduersaries. In this businesse also Coill Coill was slaine and his whole armie discomfited, of whome as Hector Boet. saith, their countrie of Coill tooke name. himselfe chanced to be oppressed amongest the rest, so that he was found dead in the search of such as were slaine, and after solemnlie buried according to his estate in Troinouant, leauing the kingdome vnto his sonne Sisellius, who with his mother Mer­tia gouerned the same togither by the space of ma­nie yeares.

Such Britains also as escaped out of their enimies hands, got them togither in the next morning, & per­ceiuing what losse they had susteined not onlie by the death of their prince, but also in the slaughter of a great part of their whole armie, sent an herault vn­to Peace con­cluded. the Scots and Picts to require a peace: which though the most part of the people were not in will to haue consented vnto, yet persuaded in the end by their princes, they were contented to yéeld there­to: so that a generall peace was concluded, and spéedilie published betwixt them.

Immediatlie herevpon, the Picts with their part of the spoile gotten at this iournie, departed to their homes, and Ferguse returned into Argile; where studieng dailie for the quiet aduancement of the Scotish commonwealth, he called a parlement of A parlement his nobles, and first declaring to the assemblie how An exhorta­tion vnto qui­etnesse and peace. much bound they were to the gods for giuing them this victorie ouer so puissant enimies as the Bri­tains were, he exhorted them to liue in friendlie concord amongest themselues, and to absteine from violating the leagues now concluded, aswell with the Britains as before hand with the Picts.

Also for the auoiding of enuious contention, and for the better assurance of euerie mans estate, he The land is parted. iudged it necessarie to haue a partition made of all the lands belonging vnto the Scotish dominion. For before they occupied the whole as in commune, without knowing to whome this péece or that did be­long. Which politike aduise of Ferguse, the Scotish­men Obedient subiects. praised most highlie, promising not onelie to follow his counsell herein in all that he should wish, but also in all that he should otherwise command.

Wherevpon shortlie after there were chosen by his aduise seuen ancient personages, men of good conscience and great experience, which were appoin­ted Men diuide the land into portions. to be surueiors of the whole countrie, and to di­uide the same as néere as they could into a set num­ber of equall portions (but with this consideration, that according as the fruitfulnesse or barrennesse of the soile required, so they should inlarge or diminish the circuit of their bounds.) When they had viewed the countrie, and according to their commission se­uered foorth the same into parts, they returned into Argile, where Ferguse then soiourned, and there in The gouern­ment is giuen vnto the no­bles by lots. his presence, the names of all his noble men that were reputed as gouernors were put in lots, euerie of them to haue such part of the realme for his owne, [Page 35] as should fall to him by good lucke and present hap.

By this meanes each of them being placed as his [...]hance fell, they inhabited their quarters with such people as they had the leading of, so that afterwards the countries tooke their names of those the first go­uernors: which names for the more part (being a little changed) remaine amongst them euen vnto this day. Ferguse hauing thus without occasion of enuie diuided his countrie amongst his nobles and Statutes and lawes are made. subiects, studied further more to deuise lawes for the 10 maintenance of common quiet amongst them. And therefore amongst other ordinances he made sta­tutes against murther, robberie, burning of houses, and especiallie against theft.

He builded also the castell of Beregonium in Loughquhabre on the west side of Albion, ouer a­gainst Beregonium. the westerne Iles, where he appointed a court to be kept for the administration of iustice: that both the Albion Scots, and also those of the same Iles I place apoin­ted for iustice. might haue their accesse & resort thither for redresse 20 of wrongs, and ending of all controuersies. The re­sidue of his life he past in rest and peace with his neighbors the Picts and Britains, indeuouring by all meanes to knit and couple the hearts of his sub­iects in one friendlie bond of inward loue and ami­tie. Finallie, sailing afterward into Ireland to be arbitrator in a matter of variance betwixt the no­bles Ferguse went into Ireland and in his returne was drowned. of that land, as he returned homewards by force of tempest, the ship wherein he was inbarked, was driuen vpon a rocke, where he perished, after 30 he had reigned as king amongst the Scotishmen in Albion about 25 yeeres. The rocke where he was thus cast away, hath béene euer since called rocke Rocke Fer­guse, other­wise Knocke Ferguse. Ferguse, after his name.

In the same season there reigned amongst the Britains one Enanius, named by Hector Boetius Esdadus, and amongst the Picts one Cruthneus Camelonus that builded a famous citie vpon the Esdadus. Cruthneus Camelonus. This citie the Scotish wri­ters take to be Camelodu­nu [...], of the which there is so often mention made in the Roman writers: but verelie herein they doo great­lie erre. Agneda now called Eden­brough. The castell of Maidens. banke of the riuer called Caron, as the Scotish wri­ters affirme, appointing it to be the chiefe citie of all 40 the Pictish kingdome, where in times past there was a faire commodious hauen apt to harbour ships in at all seasons, but now it is dammed vp in such sort, that vneath there appeareth anie token where that hauen was: and the citie it selfe was finallie subuerted by Kenneth king of Scotland, as after shall appeare. The forenamed Cruthneus builded also the towne of Agneda, afterwards called Eden­brough, of Ethus king of the Picts, the castell was named the castell of Maidens, for that the daugh­ters 50 of the Pictish kings were there kept vnder strait custodie, appointed to learue to sow & woorke, till they came to yéeres of mariage.

But now to returne to the Scotishmen. After the death of Ferguse, the nobles of the realme assem­bled togither, to take counsell whome they might The Scots consult about an other elec­tion of a king. choose to succéed in his place. Manie of them, in re­spect of the high benefits which their nation had re­ceiued by the politike gouernement of king Fer­guse, would not in anie wise that his sonnes, though 60 yoong of yéeres, should be forgotten; but that accor­ding to reason and equitie, the eldest of them should be elected, sith they might not otherwise deliuer them selues of the note of ingratitude towards his fa­ther, vnto whome they were more bound than with toong can be well expressed.

Other hauing a speciall regard to the quiet of their commonwealth, doubted least if they crowned a child to their king, during his minoritie, it could not be but that there should follow strife, enuie, and contention for the gouernance of his person and realme amongst the nobles; and that in such wise, as the people being diuided into sundrie factions, the due administration of iustice should be neglected, the nobles bearing and bolstering vp all kinds of iniuries doone or committed by anie of their par­takers.

And though it might so happen that they agréed vpon one speciall gouernor, as reason was they should; yet should be séeke to aduance his kinsfolks more than reason happilie required, and peraduen­ture doo things otherwaies much displeasant to no small number of them by that his priuate authori­tie. And againe, the king should no sooner come to yéeres of anie discretion, but one or other would put him in mind to take vpon him to rule the whole him selfe, before he vnderstood what charge he had in hand: and by reason of his fraile youth he lightlie would not follow the counsell of anie, but such as consented vnto him in his sensuall lusts and inordi­nate fansies, which commonlie reigne in such princes as take vpon them gouernance of realmes, before they know (through want of sufficient yéeres) how to gouerne themselues.

For these and the like considerations, alledged by some of no small authoritie amongst them, it was Feritharis chosen king. agréed in the end, that one Feritharis the brother of the late deceassed Ferguse should be crowned king, and haue the gouernance of the realme during his life: and herewith in the meane time to see his ne­phues king Ferguse his sons brought vp in prince­lie nurture and discipline, as apperteined to the sons of a king: that after his deceasse, if he liued till anie of them were come to ripe yéeres, they might succéed him in the estate and kingdome.

This ordinance also they decréed to be obserued as a law from thencefoorth euer after, that if the king died leauing no issue, but such as were vnder age to succéed him, then should one of his néerest coosins, such as was thought méetest to occupie the roome, be chosen to reigne as king during his life, and after his deceasse the crowne to reuert vnto his predeces­sors issue without controuersie, if the same were once growne vp to lawfull age.

By this meanes then were children excluded from obteining the crowne, least the publike libertie of the realme might chance to be put in danger. But yet was it afterwards perceiued that this deuise for choosing of kings, ministred occasion sometimes to the vncle to séeke the destruction of the nephue, and likewise to the nephue to procure the dispatch of the vncle and vncles sonnes, with the committing of The choosing of kings was not allowed. manie heinous murders of right worthie princes, to the no small danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of the commonwealth, so that finallie that or­dinance was clearelie abrogated, as you shall heare hereafter.

BUt now to my purpose. After Feritharis with Feritharis the full consent of all the people was thus elec­ted king, he was inthronized with all solemnitie in receiuing his kinglie ornaments, as his two edged A two edged sword. sword, his scepter roiall, and his crowne of gold fa­shioned in forme of a rampire made for defense of a towne or fortresse, signifieng that he tooke vpon him to preserue the libertie of his countrie, to sée offen­dors dulie punished, and the execution of lawes with equall punishment trulie ministred.

These ornaments of inuesture remained vnto the Scotish kings, without being in anie point chan­ged, till the daies of Achaius king of Scotland, who establishing a perpetuall league with Charles the The crowne changed. great, emperour and king of France, to indure for euer betwéene the Scots and Frenchmen, added vnto the crowne foure flower de lices, togither with foure crostets, diuided in sunder with equall spaces, rising somewhat higher than the flower de lices: that thereby the obseruing of the christian religion and sincere faith, mainteined by the Scotish nation, [Page 36] might be the more euident to all men that beheld it. But now as touching Feritharis, shortlie after he The league with the Picts con­firmed. was thus inuested king, he came to an interuiew with the king of the Picts, where manie things be­ing communed of touching the wealth of both nati­ons, the league was in solemne wise confirmed, and such punished as had doone anie thing sounding to the breach of the same.

After this, being returned home, he ordered him­selfe in the administration of his charge verie vp­rightlie, 10 without giuing iust occasion vnto anie to find himselfe gréeued: and thus continued he cer­teine yéeres in such loue of all the estates of the realme, that afterwards when his nephue Ferlegus the eldest sonne of king Ferguse, being now come to full age, through instigation of some insolent per­sons, and such as by alteration hoped for aduance­ment, required (contrarie to the ordinance before established) to haue of him the crowne: the matter was taken in such ill part, that where before the same 20 Ferlegus was highlie beloued and honored of all the people, they were now readie (if Feritharis had not with authoritie and gentle persuasions staied them) to haue torne him all in peeces: but although their rage was somewhat appeased by Feritharis, as is said, yet would they not be pacified throughlie, till that all such as had béene of counsell with him in that practise, had suffered death, and new gouernors appointed to haue the ouersight of him.

Feritharis liued not passing thrée moneths af­ter 30 this businesse, but died suddenlie in the night, the truth not being knowne whether by naturall death, or through treason of Ferlegus and certeine of his complices (whereof there was no small suspicion) for Feritharis suddenly died. that he togither with them found meanes to flée first to the Picts, and after to the Britains, where he pas­sed Ferlegus exiled. the residue of his life in great shame and igno­minie. Feritharis being thus dead in the 15 yéere of his reigne, the nobles assembled togither for the e­lection An election of a new king. of a new king, and in the end they agréed vp­on 40 Mainus the yoonger sonne of king Ferguse, as then being about 24 yéeres of age.

THis Mainus being of contrarie conditions to his brother Ferlegus, was thus aduanced to Mainus. the crowne by the whole consent of the nobles and commons, who yet kept in fresh memorie the noble gouernement of his father Ferguse. He therefore studieng to answere the peoples expectation in follo­wing Iustice main­teined. his said fathers worthie acts, mainteined iu­stice in all points, without suffering anie bearing or 50 bolstering of wrong. If there were anie controuer­sie risen betwixt neighbour and neighbour within Small mat­ters redrest among neigh­bours. one hundred or cantred, he willed that the same might be taken vp and ended amongest them at home by order of some authorized court there. But if the matter were of such importance, as that it could Great mat­ters determi­ned by the king. not well be decided without authoritie of some high­er court, he would then haue the hearing thereof, at such time as he vsed euerie yéere once to haue a pub­liklie out of all parts of his realme, to conferre togi­ther 60 for such purposes; at what time also such as were notorious offendors were arreigned and punished by death or otherwise, according to the fault which they earst had committed.

Also for the more quiet of his subiects, he confir­med Mainus con­firmed the league with the Picts. the ancient league with the Picts, their king named Chrinus requiring the same by his ambassa­dors sent vnto him. Moreouer this Mainus vpon a religious deuotion toward the gods, hauing an assu­red beliefe, that without their fauours all worldlie policies were but vaine, deuised sundrie new cere­monies to be added vnto the old: and also caused cer­teine Mainus a de­uout man in his religion. places in sundrie parts of his dominion to bée appointed out, and compassed about with great huge stones round like a ring; but towards the south was one mightie stone farre greater than all the rest, pit­ched vp in maner of an altar, whereon their priests might make their sacrifices in honor of their gods.

In witnes of the thing, there remaineth vnto this day certeine of those great stones standing round ringwise, which places are called by the common people, The old chappels of the gods. A man would maruell by what shift, policie, or strength such migh­tie stones were raised in that maner. Amongst other the gods also, which the Scotishmen had in most re­uerence, Diana hono­red of the Scots. Diana god­desse of hun­ting. Diana was chiefe, whome they accounted as their peculiar patronesse, for that she was taken to be the goddesse of hunting, wherein consisted their chiefest exercise, pastime and delite. Unto hir there­fore he instituted monethlie sacrifice, by reason wher­of this vse was taken vp, that so soone as anie of them got sight of the new moone next after hir The new moone is wor­shipped. change, he saluted hir with certeine praiers or salu­tations most reuerentlie. Which custome indured a­mongst them manie hundred yéeres after. Mainus A liuing pro­uided for the priests. did also appoint foorth liuings for the priests to be ta­ken of such sacrifice as was offered vp to the gods. Finallie, when he had thus instructed his people in lawes and ordinances, aswell touching the religious seruice of the gods, as also for politike gouernment of his countrie, he ended his life, after he had reig­ned about 29 yéeres, leauing the estate to his sonne Doruadille, Elidurus reigning at the same time in Britaine, and Thaara amongst the Picts.

DOruadille being crowned king of the Scots, Dorua­dille. Doruadille a louer of peace. Doruadille had pleasure in hunting. established a new league with the Britains, by sending his ambassadors vnto them: and with the Picts he renewed & confirmed the ancient aliance. He set all his pleasure on hunting and kéeping of hounds & greihounds, ordeining that euerie hous­holder should find him two hounds and one grei­hound. If a hunter chanced in following the game to lose an eie or a lim, so that he were not able to helpe himselfe after that time, he made a statute that he should be found of the common treasurie. He that The reward for killing of a woolfe. killed a woolfe should haue an oxe for his paines. This beast in déed the Scotishmen, euen from the begining, vsed to pursue in all they might deuise, bi­cause the same is such an enimie to cattell, wherein consisted the chiefest portion of all their wealth and substance.

Thus the Scotishmen in this season, setting all their delite on hunting, began also to vse lawes and Lawes made for hunting. statutes in proces of time concerning the same. And first it was ordeined, that he whose dog did teise and go through to the end of the course with the deare, so that he were séene to be at the fall, should haue the skin; the head & hornes to remaine to him whose dog did best next. The body being drest & broken vp, should be distributed at the pleasure & discretion of the mai­ster of the game. The bowels and panch were cast The dogs rewarded. to the dogs as the case required. And if there rose a­anie doubt in anie of these points, they should choose by common consent, a iudge to determine of the matter. But whether these deuises were lawes made by the king as then for the further aduance­ment of his pleasure, or rather customes growne and ratified by long continuall vse, I cannot tell, but certeine it is, they were obserued through all the Scotish regions, as hauing the force of lawes, and so are vsed euen vnto these daies.

Beside these ordinances for hunting, Doruadille Old lawes allowed, and new estabi­shed. commanded also, that all such statutes as Ferguse had made, should be kept and obserued: wherevnto he added certeine new, namelie diuerse sorts of pu­nishments for sundrie kinds of transgressions, ac­cording to the qualities of the same: which he caused to be ingrossed in books of record, and committed to [Page 37] the custodie of a graue councellor, who by a common consent should haue the interpretation of those lawes if anie doubt arose, and that when anie offen­dor should come before the iudge, and heare the sen­tence read by him, the same offendor might vnder­stand that he receiued nothing but right at the iud­ges hands: by reason whereof it came to passe, that such offendors without repining willinglie were contented to suffer anie punishment whatsoeuer it was that the law did so appoint them. This custome 10 grew into such force, that it neuer might yet be ab­rogated amongst them of the westerne Iles, but that euen vnto this day they haue their lawiers a­mongst them, without whose denuntiation or decrée taken out of the register, no iudgement is reputed lawfull.

These were the acts and dooings of king Dorua­dille, who in the 28 yéere of his reigne departed this world at Beregonium, now called Dunstafage, lea­uing behind him a sonne called Reuther as yet not 20 of sufficient age to succéed in the estate. By reason whereof Nothatus the brother of Doruadille, a man Nothatus. of comelie personage and wit, apt (as was thought) to haue a realme in gouernance, was crowned king by force of law aboue remembred, debarring children vnder age to inherit the succession of the crowne.

THis Nothatus had vneath reigned two yéeres, when all the people began to crie out vpon him, Nothatus for such tyrannicall parts as he practised as well a­gainst the meane estates as the high. And for somuch 30 as he being admonished of his duetie, and required to reforme certeine dishonorable vsages by him ex­ercised, he would giue no eare thereto: therefore one Brigantia, now called as the Scots say Galloway. Doualus gouernor of Brigantia, conspiring with other nobles of the realme to depose him, intised Reuther king Doruadilles sonne, to take part with them, and to claime the crowne as due to him by des­cent from his father. And so assembling a companie of their faction sufficient for their enterprise, they en­tered the palace where Nothatus lay, and after rea­soning with him of certeine points touching his mis­gouernment 40 in the estate, diuers of their companie not tarieng till they were commanded, rashlie fell Nothatus murdered. vpon him, and murthered him togither with diuers of such nobles and gentlemen, as they knew to be enimies to Doualus and his friends.

AFter this they proclaimed Reuther king, and crowned him with all due solemnitie, diuers of Reuther. the nobles of the realme being highlie displeased Reuther crowned king. Diuers lords offended. therewith, for that they iudged it not onelie a great offense to haue the king thus traitoroustie murthe­red, 50 but also saw hereby the ancient ordinance of choosing their king through consent of the people, to be broken by the wicked attempt of a priuat person, & an vnskilfull yoong man aduanced to the crowne, contrarie to the decree of an autentike law. Among other one Ferquhard the sonne in law of Nothatus Nouantia. gouernor of Lorne and Cantir, called an assemblie I conspiracie of Ferquhard against Do­ualus. Ferquhard fled into Ila. of the people, and began to declare what enormities were like to insue through this tyrannicall attempt of Doualus. Doualus hearing whereabout Fer­quhard 60 went, hastilie came to the place where this as­semblie was made, and there sleaing diuers of the chiefe, he did put Ferquhard also in great hazard of his life, who by flieng yet escaped his hands, and got him ouer into the Ile of Ila, whither resorted vnto him diuers of the nobles (that fauored not Douale) with a great number of the commons.

In the end, Ferquhard persuaded his compani­ons to set all feare apart, and to returne with him Ferquhard returneth into Scotland for to reuenge his iniurie. into Scotland to take reuenge of Douale and his complices, being traitors and enimies to the realme and common-wealth, so that first ioining hands, which they did wet in mans bloud (according to the custome then vsed) they promised one to another to liue and die in the quarell, and after imbarking themselues in certeine vessels, they entred the sea, and passed ouer into Scotland, where gathering to­gither no small number of such as willinglie resor­ted vnto them to their aid, they encountred with Douale in battell, whose host twise in one daie was put to flight néere to the citie Beregonium with the losse of eight thousand men.

The night parted the fraie, but in the next mor­ning, Douale and his partakers through great in­dignation conceiued, for that they were so beaten backe by Ferquhard (hauing in all his host not past 10000 persons) fiercelie came foorth of their tents to giue battell afresh, and finding their enimies rea­die to receiue them, there was fought so cruell a battell betwixt them, that in the end either part be­ing sore trauelled with slaughter and long fight, was glad to giue place to the other, not passing an eight hundred of all those that were present that daie in Douale is slaine. the field as then being left aliue. Upon Douales part there was slaine Gethus king of Picts, whose daughter king Reuther had married, with a great number of his people: also Douale himselfe with di­uers of the nobles of Scotland, beside gentlemen & Ferquhard is slaine. cōmons that tooke part with him. On the contrarie side there died also Ferquhard himselfe with diuers gouernors of tribes, beside the residue of the nobles, gentlemen & cōmons of Rosse, Cathenesse, Marne, Argile, Cantire, and Lorne, with them of the we­sterne Iles which were there with him.

Reuther escaping with life from this bloudie en­counter, Reuther the king fled. in the night following departed his waies with such of his people as were left aliue. Whereof his enimies being aduertised in the next morning, pursued after him with such diligence, that in the end they tooke him within a castell in Cathnesse whi­ther Reuther pur­sued & taken. He is pardo­ned of his life. he was fled for succor: he was pardoned of his life, partlie in respect of his fathers merits, and part­lie againe for that it was knowne how his tender youth was such as had not deserued death by any fact, otherwise than in that he had followed the coun­sell of malicious persons. By this cruell murther and huge slaughter thus committed betwixt these two nations of Scotishmen and Picts, both their forces were so greatlie inféebled, that they became an easie prey to their ancient and common enimies the Britains, who in such oportunitie of occasion thought not to sit still till the same might happilie be past and gone.

First therefore with a mightie armie the Britains inuaded the Picts: the nobles of which nation per­ceiuing themselues not able to make resistance, fled with their wiues, their children, and the most part of their goods, ouer into the Iles of Orkenie, and there assembling togither, they created them a new king to haue the gouernance ouer them, who was Gethus king. also named Gethus, and brother to the other Ge­thus a little before mentioned. Héere also they re­mained certeine yeares after, liuing in peaceable manner with the former inhabitants, whom they found there, wronging them by no iniurious dea­ling Why Orke­nie was called Pictland as some suppose, but the truth should séeme to be that they were so called bicause the Picts inhabi­ted there be­fore they set foot in Bri­taine. at all (if the Scotish historie be true.) Hereof moreouer as some suppose it came to passe, that these Ilands of Orkenie are named by diuers writers the ancient kingdome of the Picts.

In the meane while the Britains seizing vpon such countries as these Picts had forsaken, that is to saie, the Mers, Louthian, and others, they left in diuers places where they thought expedient, gari­sons of men of war, to kéepe the same in due subiecti­on: and after entred into the confines of the Scotish kingdome, burning & wasting all afore them, where­with such Scots as yet remained aliue, being high­lie [Page 38] mooued to indignation, came stoutlie into the The Scots ouerthrowne. field to defend their countrie, and incountring with their enimies néere to Kalender wood, they lost two thousand of their companie: the residue also being sore chased, fled into sundrie parties for safegard of their liues.

This discomfiture put the Scotish nation into such feare and terror, that they vtterlie despaired of all recouerie, where contrariwise the Britains were so aduanced (in hope vtterlie to expell all aliens out 10 of their Ile) that pursuing the victorie in most ear­nest wise, they forced Reuther and all the nobilitie of the Scotish nation that was yet le [...]t aliue, to flée for safegard of their liues into the castell of Berego­nium, where they held themselues as in the surest hold. The Britains being certified of the repaire of their enimies to Beregonium, enuironed the ca­stell with a strong and vehement siege, vntill that the Scots within were constreined through want of Scots besie­ged deuoure one another. vittels to eate each other, according as the lots fell 20 by a common agréement made amongst them.

But when it came to passe, that euen those that were reputed as heads and gouernors, and in whom consisted the hope of their whole defense, did now and then come to the shambles as well as other of lesse reputation, they thought it best to trie by issu­ing foorth, if any of their haps might be so good as to escape the danger present, whereas by tarieng still within the fortresse, they should but deuoure one an­other without any reuenge for losse of their liues 30 had vpon their fierce and cruell enimies. Where­vpon The Scots come foorth and fight. by common consent there issueth foorth, first one Colane lord of Cantire with an hundred of his owne souldiors, and fiercelie skirmishing with the Britains, defended himselfe a good space right man­fullie, though in the end both he and his whole band were borne downe and slaine with prease and mul­titude of his enimies that assailed him on each side. In the meane season, whilest he thus occupied the Britains in fight on one side, Reuther with the resi­due 40 of his people brake foorth by another waie, and Reuther esca­peth. escaping to the sea side, got ships and fled ouer into the westerne Iles, where he found a great number of other Scotishmen that were gotten thither, be­ing compelled by Oenus king of the Britains to auoid foorth of the countries, which they before inha­bited.

Reuther remained not long in the Iles, but pas­sed ouer into Ireland. The Britains not a little moo­ued Reuther pas­seth into Ire­land. for his escape with the other of the Scotish lords, 50 reuenged their displeasure on such commons and o­ther meane people as fell into their hands, so that They inhabit the moun­teins. such as might escape, got them into the mounteins, and liued there by roots, berries, & other wild fruits in summer, and in winter by such veneson and flesh of wild beasts as they killed in the wildernesse: and sometimes they came downe and made raises vpon the Britains that occupied their houses and lands, fetching great booties verie often from amongest them. 60

This cruell warre lasted twelue yéeres, vntill in maner all such Scots and Picts as remained in Al­bion were brought vnder seruitude to the Britains. In which meane while, Gethus king of the Picts kept his siege roiall in Pomonia the chéefest Ile Reuther is sent for out of Ireland. of the Orkenies. Reuther also begot of his wife a sonne named Thereus, and shortlie after being pro­cured by letters and messengers sent vnto him from the foresaid Gethus and such Scots as were yet re­maining in Albion, he assembled a number of ships togither, and first with a chosen power of warriors sailed to the westerne Iles, where increasing his numbers, he passed ouer into Albion, landing on the west halfe of Rosse at Lough Bruum, and there comming on land, the first person that they met with (according to a custome vsed amongst them in those A custome. daies) they slue, and wetting the points of their wea­pons in his bloud, they first tasted thereof after their maner, then holding vp their weapons into the aire, they desired of the gods that they might reuenge the bloud of their elders with happie battell against the Britains their enimies. After this, hearing that Gethus king of the Picts was also entred the land with a mightie power of Germans, which were The Ger­mans in aid of the Picts. come to his aid, and was not past thirtie miles off, he staied there abiding for his comming, to the in­tent that ioining their powers togither, they might be the better able to furnish their enterprise.

The third daie after they met togither with great ioy and congratulations, vnto whom with all spéed Reuther and Gethus méet and ioine their powers togither. a great number also of those Scotishmen and Picts that had still continued in the countrie (during the time of the persecution by the Britains) dailie resor­ted and came flocking in from each side vnto them. Sisillius king of the Britains, who succéeded after Oenus, as then latelie deceassed, hauing knowlege hereof, assembled a great armie of his subiects, and The Bri­tains are discomfited by the Scots and Picts. hearing that the Scots and Picts were entred into the borders of his realme, he hasted foorth to incoun­ter with their powers, and so ioining with them in battell, after long and cruell fight, in the end the vic­torie remained with the Scotishmen and Picts, by the great valiancie and manfull prowesse of Reu­ther: wherevpon the place where that battell was fought hath béene euer since called Reuthirdale, as Wherof Reu­thirdale tooke the name. ye would say Reuthers vallie.

This victorie was not very pleasant to any of the parties, by reason of the great numbers of men A peace con­cluded. slaine on both sides, insomuch that they were glad to fall to agréement immediatlie after, and conclu­ded a peace, with conditions that the Scotishmen and Picts should be restored againe vnto their an­cient possessions and lands in Albion. This peace continued a long time after inuiolate betwixt these nations. The yeare that Reuther returned thus into Albion, was before the birth of Christ 216, after the building of Rome 529, and from the creation of the 240 H. B. 4995 H. B. Reuther by Beda is na­med Reuda. world 3750. Reuther by Beda in his ecclesiasticall historie of England is named Reuda, who also sup­poseth him to be the first of all the Scotish princes, that set any foot in Britaine there to inhabit: his comming thither was (as séemeth to some) long af­ter the supposed time here before alleged. And vere­lie there is great cause to mooue a doubt of the truth of that which Hector Boetius hath written, in follo­wing (as he saith) other authors, touching the first comming into Britaine, as well of the Scots and Picts. For if it were true, that so long before the comming of the Romans into this Ile, they were here planted and growne to such puissance; it is strange that no mention is made of them in any of their writings, till about the yeare 360 after Christ; as in place conuenient it shall more plainelie ap­peere. Reuther passed the residue of his daies with­out any further warres, forren and ciuill, and so de­parted this world at Beregonium, in the 26 yeare 4997 H. B. of his reigne.

AFter Reuther his deceasse, his vncles son cal­led Reutha. Reutha succéeded in the kingdome, chosen thereto by the common agréement of all the states, bicause that Thereus sonne to Reuther vnneath An ordinanc [...] for buriall of their princes. Obelisks or pointed stones come to the age of ten yeeres, was thought vnable to take the charge vpon him. Reutha therfore being thus elected to reigne as king euer the Scotishmen, ordeined that such noblemen as had atchiued anie notable exploit in defense of their countrie, should be had in perpetuall memorie, and buried in solemne wise in sepulchres aloft vpon hils or mounteins, [Page 39] vpon the which were set so manie obelisks or long pointed stones, as they had slaine enimies in the wars: whereof some remaine there to be séene euen to this daie.

This Reutha also vnderstanding of the lacke of all maner of craftsmen in his realme, and of such Craftsmen brought into Scotland to instruct the people. as were expert in the liberall sciences, caused a great number of most perfect artificers to be sent for, to inhabit amongest his people, the better to in­struct them in their occupations. Unto these also 10 as vnto other professing anie liberall art, were ap­pointed Liuings ap­pointed foorth vnto those craftsmen. honest liuings, by way of fées, assigned to be receiued of such oxen and beefes as were killed, to euerie man of science and artificer his part. And further, ech of them had certeine measures of otes and barlie in stead of yearelie annuities. For as yet the vse of coie was not knowen amongest the Scotishmen. The which custome of distributing their beasts, which they killed in this wise, is still v­sed in the westerne Iles euen to these our daies. 20

Reutha perceiuing furthermore that through vn­skilfull surgians and physicians manie wounded [...] [...]aw for phi­sicians and surgians. and diseased persons were oftentimes cast awaie, ordeined by the aduise and consent of his councell, that none should take vpon them as a surgion or physician, vnlesse they were by long experience well practised aforehand in those sciences. For before that time they vsed to carie foorth such persons as were sicke or otherwise hurt, and to lay them in some o­pen place in the streets or market sted, that all such 30 as came by, might according to their knowledge declare their aduise, and shew (if they had béene vexed with the like disease) by what means they had esca­ped the danger, and recouered againe their health. For no man might without the note of high reproch passe by, kéeping silence in this behalfe. And this was according to the custome of the old Aegyptians.

Reutha thus studieng for the aduancement of the commonwealth of his subiects, continued in the estate with great prosperitie, till finallie perceiuing 40 himselfe farre growen in age, and not so able to tra­uell in the affaires of the realme as he was before, he caused a parlement to be assembled, and there in presence of all the estates, required to be dischar­ged of the gouernement: and that the same might be committed vnto his coosin Thereus, who as then was not onelie of sufficient age to take it vpon him, but also of such towardnesse, as that in each mans opinion he was thought likelie to atteine vnto the prowesse of anie of his noble progenitors. Thus 50 Reutha, after he had reigned 17 yeares, returned to a priuat life, resigning the whole rule of his realme vnto the aforesaid Thereus, being through his per­suasion receiued as king of all estates by common Reuthi resig­ned the estate vnto his coosin Thereus. Thereus. consent there in that present assemblie.

THis Thereus for the first six yeares was equall in all points of princelie gouernement to anie of his predecessors, but afterward he changed his copie in such maner, that iustice and all other kinds of vertue being set apart, he neither regarded the 60 Iustice neg­lected and vice [...]mbraced. lawes of the gods, nor yet of men; but gaue him­selfe to all sorts of filthinesse and most detestable vi­ces, so farre forth, that his subiects (as their custome is in following the maners and vsages of their prin­ces) became so outragious in their licentious li­uings, and namelie the nobles and gentlemen, that thereof insued theft, murther, rape, spoiling, and all kinds of oppression of those sillie soules that had no meanes to resist, so as in fine, diuers gouernours of the tribes perceiuing no hope of amendment while Thereus should reigne, conspired togither, deuising meanes how to depose him of all kinglie authoritie. The nobles conspire a­gainst The­ [...]s. But he hauing notice of their purposed intentions, and doubting the sequele thereof, conueied himselfe out of the way in most secret wise, fléeing for succout vnto the Britains, vnto whome though he made earnest sute for aid to be restored home againe, yet could he purchase no such fauour amongst them: so Thereus fled to the Bri­tains. that leding a miserable life a long time after within the citie of Yorke, he finallie there ended his daies. He reigned in Scotland about 12 yeares or more.

IMmediatlie after this his auoiding the realme, the nobles and péeres chose one Conanus lord of Gal­loway Conanus. to rule the estate as gouernour, whose au­thoritie had beene euer great amongest the people. Conanus is chosen king. His studie was chieflie imploied how to reduce the lords and nobles of the realme into concord and friendlie amitie, where before through the negligence of Thereus each sought others destructions. Also he caused due punishment to be executed vpon all such as liued by robbing and reuing, of whome in the be­ginning of his gouernement there was no small number: but he wéeded them foorth, in such wise that Conanus persecuteth offendors. yer he left off, there was not one of them to be found. At length, after it was vnderstood that Thereus was dead, this Conanus renounced the administration in presence of all the estates assembled in parle­ment He renoun­ceth the estate. at Beregonium, where by common consent-Iosina brother of Thereus was chosen to reigne as Iosina elected king. king, for that Thereus had left no issue behind him to succéed.

THis Iosina being proclaimed king, renewed Iosina. the ancient leagues with the Picts and Bri­tains! He had physicians in great estimation; for that during his abode in Ireland, he was nourished of a child amongest them, and by reason thereof had some knowledge in the facultie, speciallie he vnder­stood the vertues and properties of herbes, where­with in those daies the Scots vsed to heale and re­medie all maner of sores and diseases, which as then were few in number, in respect of the sundrie kinds which are now knowen amongst vs; and all by rea­son of the superfluous féeding and excesse of meats and drinks vsed in our time, whereas our elders suf­ficed Surfeting the cause of strange disea­ses, which so commonlie now reigne. with a little, liued without surfeting, the chie­fest bréeder of such strange and manifold sicknesses. In this Iosina his daies it chanced that a Portin­gale ship was driuen and drowned by force of a streinable tempest néere vnto the shore of one of Two anti­ent philoso­phers through shipwrack ar­riue in Scot­land, and are ioifullie recei­ued of the king. the Scotish Iles, where diuerse of those that were within the same ship, mariners and other escaped to land, amongest whome were two ancient and fa­therlie old men of right reuerend aspect and counte­nance.

These two in companie with some of the inha­bitants of that Ile came ouer into Beregonium, where the king as then soiourned. They were Spa­nish priests of the pagane religion, whose purpose was to haue gone vnto Athens in Grecia (as some write) but whence soeuer they were, and what pur­pose soeuer they had, certeine it is they were phi­losophers; and therefore the king receiued them most ioifullie, dooing them all the honor he could deuise, and commanding that they should be lodged within his owne palace, where they had all things néedfull, and accordinglie ministred vnto them.

These philosophers, after they had refreshed them­selues at their ease for the space of 14 daies, the king caused them to come before him, requiring them to shew their opinion what they thought by the nature of the soile, the maners and customs of his people, so far forth as they had séene and heard. They with­out pausing for answere declared, that as yet they had not had time to learne those things, but onelie thus far by coniecture they supposed, that the ground was more like to be fruitfull of mettall mines, than of corne and graine, as conteining far more riches vnderneath the earth than aboue; & this they said that [Page 40] they gathered by the influence of the heauens vnder the which it laie. And as for the rites and vsages of the people, in one point they could in no wise com­mend The Scotish religion re­proued. them, for that in religion they followed the su­perstitious rites of the Aegyptians, woorshipping the immortall gods in the shape of beasts and fouls, whereas God was euen the same that did compre­hend both heauen and earth, with the waters and all things in them conteined, whome they named na­ture, and as it were the primordiall cause or begin­ning 10 of all things, vnto whome it was not possible to deuise anie similitude of liuing thing that might in anie wise represent him. Therefore (said they) men ought to woorship the liuing God with fire and deuout praier, building him a temple for that pur­pose, and onelie vnto him to burne incense, and to performe vowes: at whose hands such as liued chast­lie, vprightlie, and according to the rules of iustice, ought euer to looke for some high benefit, where other Upright li­uing well re­warded at Gods hands. that liued contrarilie might euer stand in doubt of 20 contrarie reward.

With these their sensible instructions they per­suaded manie of the Scotish nation vnto their o­pinion, though the greatest part would by no means follow anie other kind of religion, than that which they had receiued from their elders: neither could anie of them be brought to thinke otherwise of the sun, the moone, and stars, but that there was a cer­teine diuine power or godhead in euerie one of them. And thus much of these strangers brieflie and 30 by the way, who came into Scotland at this present: but now to procéed with our purpose. When Iosina Iosina depar­teth this life. had reigned 24 yeares, he departed out of this world at Beregonium, being a man of verie great age. He left behind him a sonne named Finnanus, who a little before his fathers deceasse was by consent of the people proclamed king of Scotland.

THis Finnanus had the nobles of his realme in such estimation, that he ordeined that nothing Finna­nus. should be decreed or practised touching the publike af­faires 40 of the realme, except they were first made pri­uie and of counsell in the same. He sought also to win the fauour of his people by méekenesse and gen­tle intreating of them, insomuch that though he went about to restore the old religion somwhat defa­ced by his father through information (as is said) of the two aboue mentioned sage philosophers, yet did he not constreine anie man to woorship the gods, Prelats orde­red in reli­gion. Druides in the old Sco­tish toong cal-Durcerglijs. otherwise than his fansie serued him. He was the first that instituted those prelats, which gouerned af­ter 50 the maner of bishops, in all matters perteining to religion, and were called in the Scotish toong Durceglijs in Latine Druides. These Druides were appointed to be resident within the Ile of Man, as the Scotishmen hold opinion: but other thinke ra­ther The Scots mistake Man for Angleseie. that they were resident in Angleseie, in the Bri­tish toong called Mon. Unto these also hauing great liuings assigned them, were the inferiour priests subiect, as receiuing at their hands all iniunctions and orders for the vse of their sacrifices and other ce­remonies. 60

These Druides afterwards applied themselues so earnestlie to the studie of philosophie, aswell natu­rall as morall, that they were had in no small re­uerence of the people, as they that were both ac­counted and knowne to be men of most perfect life and innocencie: by meanes whereof their authoritie The authori­tie of the Druides in­creased. dailie so far foorth increased, that finallie iudge­ments in most doubtfull matters were committed vnto their determinations, offendors by their dis­cretion punished, and such as had well deserued ac­cordinglie by their appointments rewarded. More­ouer such as refused to obeie their decrees and ordi­nances, were by them excommunicated, so that no creature durst once kéepe companie with such, till they were reconciled againe, and cléerelie by the same Druides absolued.

Plinie, Cornelius Tacitus, Strabo, and Iulius Cae­sar, with diuers other approued authors, make men­tion of these Druides, signifieng how the first begin­ning of their religion was in Britaine (which some comprehend all wholie vnder the name of Albion) and from thence was the same religion brought ouer into France, Finnanus was not onelie praised for his setting foorth of that heathen religion, but al­so for his politike gouernement of the estate in ioi­full rest and quietnesse. Neither was his same a lit­tle aduanced for the mariage concluded and made betwixt his sonne Durstus and Agasia daughter to the king of Britains, for by that aliance be wan diuers of the British nation vnto his friendship. Fi­nallie, this Finnanus died at Camelon, being come thither to visit the king of Picts as then sore disea­sed, after he had reigned about the space of thirtie yeares. His bodie was conueied vnto Beregonium, and there buried amongest his predecessors.

AFter him succéeded his sonne the forenamed Durstus. Durstus, farre differing from his noble father in all vertuous demeanour, as he that was altogi­ther giuen to banketting and excessiue drunken­nesse. Such of the nobles as his father had in high reuerence he made light account of; accepting onelie those that of their wicked deuises could find out new kinds of voluntuous pleasures, through whose persuasions some of his peeres he confined, Wicked coun­cellors. some he spoiled of all their substance & inheritance, other he put to death without iust cause or anie kind of lawfull means. Furthermore he forsooke the com­panie of his lawfull wife Agasia, causing [...]ix to be forced and abused by diuers vile persons in most villanous maner.

With these and the semblable inordinat practises [...] conspira [...]. he procured the indignation of his people so far forth against him, that those of the westerne Iles with them of Cantire, Lorne, Argile, and Rosse, conspi­red togither in the reformation of such disorders as were dailie vsed in the administration of iustice, by the wicked suggestion of euill disposed councel­lors, against whome they pretended to make their A craftie and cloked disti­mulation. war, and not against their king. There were also so manie that fauoured them in this quarell, and so few that leaned to the king to aid him against them, that he was constreined to dissemble with them for a time, in promising not onelie to remoue from him such as they would appoint, but also to be ordered in all things according as they should thinke good. And to put them in beléefe that he ment as he spake, be committed some such councellors as he had about him vnto ward, and other some (of whome he little passed) he sent vnto them as prisoners, to receiue such punishment by death or otherwise, as they should thinke conuenient.

He further also in presence of Doro the gouer­nour of Cantire, sent to him for that purpose, sware Craftie disti­mulation. in solemne wise afore the image of Diana, to per­forme all such promises and couenants as he was a­gréed vpon, and had made vnto the conspirators. With which cloked dissimulation they being decei­ued, came without suspect of further guile vnto Be­regonium, where at their first comming he was rea­die to receiue them (as séemed by his feined coun­tenance) with gladsome hart and most friendlie meaning; but they were no sooner entred the castell, A cruell mur­ther. but that a number of armed men appointed for the purpose fell vpon them, and slue them all without mercie.

This heinous act being once signified abroad in their countries amongst their friends and kinsfolke, [Page 41] caused a new commotion, so that within a few daies I new tu­mult. King Dur­stus besieged. after, manie thousands of men in furious rage came before the castell, and besieged the king most straightlie therein. Who perceiuing himselfe in such danger as he knew not well how to escape, came forth with such companie as he had about him, and incountring with his enimies, was straightwaies beaten downe among them, and so at once lost there both kingdome and life in the ninth yeare of his Durstus is slaine. reigne. Durstus being thus dispatched, his children 10 doubting the indignation of the people conceiued a­gainst them for their fathers fault, to auoid the perill fled ouer into Ireland, and immediatlie the nobles of the realme assembled themselues togither for the choosing of a new king, in no wise minding to haue anie of Durstus his race to reigne ouer them, least they would séeke by some means to re­uenge his death: howbeit at length when they were at point to haue fallen at variance in susteining of contrarie opinions about the election of their prince, 20 through a wittie oration made by Coranus gouer­nour of Argile, who alledged manie weightie rea­sons for the auoiding of sedition, they all agréed to commit the frée election vnto the same Coranus, promising firmelie to accept whomesoeuer he should name. Herevpon Coranus consulting a little with the péeres of the realme, named one Ewin the vnc­les sonne of Durstus, who as then remained in Pictland, whither he had withdrawen himselfe in Ewin is cho­sen king. Durstus his daies, being banished the realme by 30 him, for that he could not awaie with his corrupt maners. This election was acceptable to all estats, for that thereby the administration of the kingdome continued in the line of their former kings.

ANd Ewin shortlie after was brought forth of Pictland with all regall solemnitie, and at Be­regonium Ewin. placed vpon the stone of marble, to the great reioising of the people there assembled. Here­with also the nobles of the realme, putting their hands in his, bound themselues by oth to be loiall 40 and faithfull subiects vnto him in all points, which custome of swearing fealtie then first by Ewins commandement, begun and continued manie hun­dred [...]wearing of [...] first be­ [...]. yeares after amongst his and their posteritie; in somuch that the capteins of the tribes also requi­red the same kind of oth of them that inhabited with­in their liberties, which in part remaineth yet vnto this day amongest those of the westerne Iles, and such as inhabit in the mounteins. For at the crea­tion of a new gouernour, whome they name their 50 capteine, they vse the like ceremonies; which being ended, at the next faire kept within that countrie, proclamation is made, that no man inhabiting with­in his iurisdiction, shall name this new gouernour by anie other name from thenceforth, than by the ancient & accustomed name as such rulers afortime haue béene called by. And that so oft as they heare him named, they shall put off their caps or hats, and make a certeine courtesie in signe of honour due to Humble reue­rence. him, in such maner as we vse in hearing diuine ser­uice, 60 when anie holie mysterie is in dooing, or anie sacred name of the almightie creator recited,

But now touching king Ewin, his chiefest stu­die was to mainteine iustice throughout his domi­nion, The dutie of a good prince. and to wéed out such transgressours as went about to trouble the quiet estate of his subiects. Fur­thermore, considering what inconueniencies procée­ded through the vse of voluptuous pleasures & wan­ton A notable or­dinance. delites, he ordeined that the youth of his realme should be trained to endure hardnesse, paine, and trauell, as to lie vpon hard boords without anie fea­therbeds or pillows vnder them. Also to exercise themselues to throw the dart, to shoot, to wrestle, and to beare armour aswell in time of peace as of warre; that when need required, trauell and such kind of exercises should be no paine but pleasure vnto them; where otherwaies lacke of vse might make the same intollerable. Whilest Ewin is thus occupied about the setting foorth of necessarie ordi­nances for the wealth of his realme, the king of the Picts did send vnto him ambassadours to require his aid against the Britains, who were entred his countrie in robbing and spoiling the same.

Ewin consenting quicklie to that request, leuied an armie forthwith, and with all spéed passed forward to ioine with the Picts, in purpose to reuenge the old iniuries doone to his nation by the Britains, who likewise were as readie to receiue battell, as the Scots and Picts were desirous to giue it, so that both the armies incountring togither (the Scots and Picts on the one side, and the Britains on the o­ther) there insued a sore conflict betwixt them, con­tinued with vnmercifull slaughter till night parted them in sunder; no man as then able to iudge who A doubtfull battell. had the better, but either part being priuie to their owne losses, withdrew themselues further off from the place of the battell, so that the Scots and Picts the same night got them into the mounteins of Pict­land, and the Britains so soone as it was day made homewards with all spéed towards their countrie, leauing no small preie and bootie behind them, which the Scotishmen and the Picts recouered, comming downe with all spéed from the mounteins, when they once heard that their enimies were departed.

King Ewin being returned from this iournie, determined to passe the residue of his life in rest and quietnesse, appointing iudges in euerie part of his realme, for the ministring of iustice and executing of lawes, according to the due forme and ordinance of the same. He appointed also such as should watch for the apprehension of théeues and robbers by the high waies, assigning them liuings of the common trea­surie to liue by. And there be euen vnto this day that hold still such liuings, though the office be worne out of vse and forgotten.

After this, he builded a castell not farre distant from Beregonium, which he named after his owne name Euonium: but afterwards it was called Dunstafage, which is as much to say, as Stéeuens Dunstafage is builded. castell, which name it beareth at this present. Final­lie, this Ewin, after he had reigned to the great weale of the realme, about 19 yéeres, he departed this life, leauing behind him a son base begotten, na­med Gillus, who causing his fathers funerals to be executed with all solemne pompe and ceremonies, raised vp soone after sundry obelisks about his graue neere vnto Dunstafage, where he was buried.

There were present also at the buriall, two of Durstus his sonnes, whome Ewin in his life time had reuoked home out of Ireland, where they were in exile. Both these, as well the one as the other, bi­cause they were twins, and not knowne whether of them came first into the world, looked to be king af­ter Ewin: their names were Dothan and Dorgall. And such malicious emulation and enuious spite rose betwixt the two brethren, for the atteining of their purpose, that greater could not be deuised; which The craftie working of Gillus. Gillus, like a craftie & subtill fox, by couert means sought still to augment; and in the end causing them to come togither for some conclusion of agréement, at length when he had set them further at ods than they were before, he procured a number of souldiers appointed for the purpose to raise a tumult (as though it had bene in taking of contrarie parts) and there to slea them both.

Thus Gillus hauing brought to purpose that he came for, shewed in countenance as though he had Durstus two sonnes are slaine. béene much offended therewith, and done what hée [Page 42] could to haue appeased the matter, and herewith he commeth running foorth with a high voice, declaring to his companie, that if he had not made good shift for himselfe, he had beene slaine by the hands of Do­than and Dorgall, who fell into such mischéefe them­selues, as they had prepared for other. Herevpon al­so he required his friends and seruants most earnest­lie to conueie him into some sure place, where he might be out of danger, and in better securitie: in somuch that manie of those that heard him, giuing 10 credit to his words, went with him with all spéed vnto Dunstafage, where being receiued into the ca­stell with diuers of the nobles that followed him, he got him into a gallerie, and there making an inuec­tiue oration against the sonnes of Durstus, and tou­ching by the way what perill might insue to the com­monwealth by ciuill diuision, he persuaded them to commit the rule into his hands, vntill it might be certeinlie knowen, vnto whome the same of right apperteined. 20

Those that were present, perceiuing to what issue his painted processe tended, and doubting lest if they The nobles through feare consented to create Gillus king. should séeme to stand against him at that instant in this his demand, they might happilie be the first that should repent the bargaine, consented to proclaime him king: wherevpon he required all such as were present, to sweare vnto him fealtie, and to doo him homage according to the custome. And herewith a­gréeablie as he had before promised, and according to his fathers will (as he alledged) he distributed a­mong 30 them all such cattell as belonged to his said father. Whereby he wan the greater fauour of ma­nie, but yet not iudging himselfe altogither in suer­tie, by reason that Dothan had left behind him three sonnes, as then remaining in the Ile of Man, in the bringing vp of the Druides, he purposed therefore to dispatch them also for the better assurance of his estate, and therevpon he made a iournie thither him­selfe, Gillus goeth about to mur­ther Dothans sonnes also. feigning as though he meant nothing but all loue and fréendlie affection towards the children, by 40 which meanes he gat two of them into his hands, the one named Lismorus, being about twelue yeeres of age, and the other Cormacus that was two yéeres yoonger. The yoongest of the thrée named Ederus, be­ing about seuen yéeres old, as his better hap was, chanced to be sicke at that time, by reason whereof he escaped his hands: Gillus feigning as though he wished to haue the other two brought vp like the children of a prince, he led them away with him into Scotland, leauing certeine of his seruants behind him, to rid Ederus the yoongest out of the way at 50 leisure; and as for the other twaine, the night follow­ing after his comming home to Dunstafage, he cau­sed them to be murthered, euen in their tutors ar­mes, A detestable murther. whose aid most pitifullie they besought and re­quired. But the woman that had the kéeping of E­derus now in his sicknesse, prouided more warilie for his safegard, for she smelling out what was the kings purpose, in the dead of the night got hir selfe togither with Ederus into a ship, and passed ouer in­to 60 Ederus escapeth. Argile, where being set on land, she caried him on hir shoulders vp into the mounteins, and there with­in a secret den susteined his languishing life for cer­teine moneths in great care and miserie.

Gillus notwithstanding these his cruell acts, shew­ed yet in outward apperance that no man was more Gillus coun­terfeiteth a zeale to iustice. desirous of the quiet state and prosperous successe of the commonwealth than he: euer reasoning among his nobles, and that in the presence of his commons touching the maintenance of iustice, & punishment of misdooers, whereas he himselfe thirsted continu­allie, and most of all after the bloud of those whom he doubted anie thing likelie to attempt the reuenge of his wicked misgouernance: insomuch that he can­ [...]ed in one place and other, all such to be murthered and slaine as bare anie good will toward the lawfull line of Durstus.

Now the people séeing the dailie slaughter of the The Scots rise against Gillus. nobilitie, and at the last growing to be verie sore mooued against him, namelie those of Galloway, Kiley, Carrike, and Coningham, with them of Can­tire, Lorne, and Argile, they assembled their powers togither, and with all speed marched foorth towards the place where they thought to find the tyrant: who hearing of this their conspiracie, assembled such pu­issance as he could make, & hauing no other refuge but to trie the matter by battell, made towards his enimies with more spéed than good successe: for yer the two armies came to ioining, a great number of Gillus his friends fled to the contrarie part, so that herevpon doubting the issue if he were constreined to fight, he stale priuilie from amongst the residue of his folks, and getting into a fishers bote, conueied Gillus depar­teth secretlie and getteth o­uer into Ire­land. Cadall of Ga­loway is cho­sen gouernor of the realme. himselfe ouer into Ireland: whose departure being once knowne, his souldiors yeelded themselues vn­to Cadall gouernor of Galloway, who was capteine generall of all the conspirators, and now by the con­sent of all the estates created gouernor of the realme till they had chosen a king.

This Cadall, immediatlie vpon the great autho­ritie giuen him, gat first all the best fortresses into his hands, as Beregonium, Dunstafage, and other: then he passed ouer into the Ile of Ila, to prouide the better for the resisting of Gillus, if he shuld attempt anie thing by purchasing aid amongst them of the westerne Iles. Thither was brought vnhimto also, the yoong Ederus (by such of Durstus his friends as had escaped the cruell hands of Gillus) whome Ca­dall caused to be honorablie conueied vnto Epiake Leland and other take E­piake not to be so farre north. the chiefest citie of Galloway, there to be brought vp in princelie nurture, that comming to full age, hee might the better be able to take vpon him the go­uernance.

In which meane while Gillus made all the friends Gillus pur­chaseth aid in Ireland. in Ireland that he could, insomuch that vpon such golden promises as he made vnto the chiefest gouer­nors there, they consented to aid him with all their forces. Wherof Cadall being aduertised, he thought it best that a king should be chosen, and thereby an vnitie to be framed amongst all the estates of the realme, wherevpon causing a councell to be assem­bled for the same intent, by common agréement, one Ewin, a man of worthie fame, nephue to king Fin­nan Ewin the se­cond of that name chosen king. by his brother Douall, was in the end proclai­med king: who was latelie come from the Ile of Gowere into Albion, in companie with Cadall, and kept himselfe close hitherto within the said Ile, for doubt of Gillus that sought amongst other to haue destroied him also.

THis Ewin, being the second of that name, Ewin. made great prouision in the beginning of his reigne to resist the said Gillus his enimie. And hea­ring that he had béene in the Ile of Ila, and put the same to fire and swoord, he prepared an armie and ships also, to transport therewith ouer into Ireland, there to reuenge that iniurie vpon such as had aided Gillus therein to the hinderance of his countrie. The forenamed Cadall gouernor of Galloway, was ap­pointed Cadall with an armie is sent into Ire­land. also to haue the leading of this armie: who taking the sea at Dunstafage, directed his course streight ouer vnto the coasts of Ireland, where ta­king land and encountering with his enimies, he put them to the woorse, insomuch that Gillus fearing to fall into his aduersaries hands, fled out of the field into the next wood, where he thought to haue sa­ued himselfe. His souldiers also perceiuing him to be fled, gaue ouer the field, and yéelded themselues vnto Cadall, who tooke them to grace, and foorthwith [Page 43] sent out certeine companions to séeke Gillus, who Gillus ta­ken. found him in a den closed about with thicke woods and bushes, where he had lien hid certeine daies, and was almost starued for hunger. Those that found him immediatlie stroke off his head, and presented Gillus be­headed, the same vnto Cadall, to the great reioising of all the companie.

Thus after that Cadall had atchiued his enter­prise with good successe, he tooke the sea againe to re­turne into Scotland, but by meanes of a greeuous 10 [...] shipwrack by a tempest. tempest, he lost the greatest part of his armie, with all the spoile and riches that they had gotten in that voiage. Which mischance sore blemished the glorie of so famous a victorie, so that the reioising of ma­nie was turned into dolefull moorning for the losse Cadall for his good & faithful seruice is re­warded. of their friends and kinsfolke, but namelie Cadall tooke it so gréeuouslie, that nothing could be more of­fensiue vnto him. Howbe it, after he was come on land, the king and other of the nobles recomforted him in all that they might, and the king gaue him 20 also much faire lands, with diuers castels in Gallo­way, in recompense of his good faithfull seruice at sundrie times shewed in defense of his countrie, and made him gouernor of Galloway also, which he ve­rie thankfullie accepted.

After this king Ewin came to an interuiew with the king of Picts in the borders of Galloway, and An interview betwixt the kings of Scots and Picts. The people of Orkney in­uade Cath­nesse. there renewed th' ancient leage betwixt the Scotish men and the Picts. For more corroboration wherof S [...]jora the daughter of Gethus the third king of the 30 Picts, was ioined in marriage with Ederus, the so­lemnization being kept at Epiake. These things thus accomplished, Ewin returned to Dustafage, where being certified by letters from the lieutenant of Rosse, that the Ilanders of Orkney had passed Pictland firth, and were entred into Cathnesse, robbing and spoiling that countrie with a great part of Rosse, he leuied an armie with all spéed, and ha­sted towards the enimies, constreining them by his sudden comming to fight whether they would or 40 not, hauing no leisure to get awaie, so that with small resistance they were vanquished and chased, some into the mounteins, and other to the sea side: of whom part escaped by botes ouer into their coun­tries, the residue of them in this their sudden ouer­throw being either slaine, drowned, or taken. But Bladus the king of Orkeney, for that he would not Bladus king of Orkeney [...]ieth himself. come into his enimies hands, slue himselfe. And thus ended this enterprise against the enimies of Orke­ney: greatlie to the increase of Ewins fame a­mongst 50 the Scotish nation.

After this he visited the west parts of his realme, and at the mouth of the riuer of Lochtey he builded a citie which he named Enuerlochtey, infranchising the same with a sanctuarie for the refuge of offen­dors. Enuerio­chtey is buil­ded. This citie afterwards was much frequented with merchants of France and Spaine, by reason of the great abundance of samons, herrings, and other fish which was taken there. The old ru ines of this citie in part remaine to be seene in that place 60 where it stood, euen to this day. He likewise built an other citie in the east part of the realme néere to the water called Lochnesse, which he named Enuer­nesse, after the name of the water. Whither in Enuernesse builded. times past there resorted manie merchants of Ger­manie, with such merchandize as the inhabitants of the countrie there stood in néed of, exchanging the same with them for marterne skins, and other such furres, wherewith they made their returne. This ci­tie is as yet remaining, and beareth the old name, rich and well stored with diuers kinds of merchan­dize, so that this Ewin prooued a most famous prince for his worthie exploits right fortunatelie atchiued both in peace and warre. And finallie vnderstan­ding the death of his verie déere and intirelie be­loued friend Cadall, he repaired vnto Epiake, as Cadall de­ceased. well to giue order for the pacifieng of his sonnes be­ing at variance for their fathers inheritance, as also to doo the more honor to his friend now deceased, by erecting some monument néere vnto his sepulchre. Comming therefore to Epiake, and setting an ac­cord betwixt the yoong men, he caused an image to be made in all points resembling the personage of Cadall, as néere as might be: which he placed in the middest of the market steed, commanding the same to be honored with burning of incense and other di­uine ceremonies. Within a few daies also, through inward sorrow, as was thought, for the losse of so déere a friend, he began to wax sicke himselfe, and at length perceiuing he should not escape present death, he caused Ederus (of whom before mention is made) to be brought vnto him, into whose hands with manie wholsome aduertisements how to vse Ewin resig­neth the estate. himselfe in gouernement of his subiects, he wholie resigned the estate, the which after his deceasse he knew to be due vnto him without all question and controuersie: and afterward departed this world, Ewins de­cease. when he had reigned seuentéene yeares continuallie for the most part in high wealth and felicitie.

AFter the decease of Ewin, Ederus was, in Ederus. maner before expressed, receiued for king by the whole assent of all the Scotishmen. Whose chéefe delight was altogither in hunting and kéeping of hounds and greihounds, to chase and pursue wild beasts, and namelie the woolfe the heardmans fo, by meanes whereof his aduancement was much more acceptable amongst the nobles, who in those daies were wholy giuen to that kind of pleasure and pastime. In the beginning of his reigne there was no trouble towards, the publike state of the realme being mainteined by vpright iustice, and all trans­gressions through terror of due punishment politike­lie repressed.

The first that went about to put him to any nota­ble trouble, was one Bredus of the Iles, néere of Bredus in­uadeth the Scots. kin to Gillus that vsurper and murtherer, who with a power of Irishmen, and other of the westerne Iles landed in Argile, wasting & spoiling the coun­trie with fire & sword, wherof Ederus being aduer­tised (who was at the same time in those parts hun­ting amongst the mounteins) gathered an armie Ederus bur­neth his eni­mies ships. with all spéed, and hasting to the place where his eni­mies ships laie at anchor, he first burned the same, to take awaie all meanes from them to escape by flight. The morning next following he did set vpon them also at vnwares: of whom some he slue, and the residue being taken, either in the fight or chase by his commandement were hanged, and cruellie executed to the example of all others.

After this, he passed ouer into the westerne Iles, where he did execution vpon such as had aided Bre­dus, putting some to death, and causing other to fine Cassibilane king of the Britains re­quireth of the Scotishmen [...]id against the Romans. at his pleasure, and depriuing some vtterlie of all that euer they had. At his returne againe into Scot­land, there met him ambassadors sent from Cassi­bilane kings of the Britains, requiring him of aid against Iulius Cesar, who (as the same king had perfect vnderstanding) was appointed verie shortlie to passe the seas from France, ouer into this Ile, with a mightie power of Romans, to subdue the inhabitants vnto the seigniorie and iurisdiction of Rome.

Ederus receiued these ambassadors verie courte­ouslie: Androgeus cheefe ambas­sador of the Britains de­clareth the effect of his message. and forsomuch as their maisters request re­quired counsell, he caused his lords which were then present, to assemble togither the next daie, afore whome he willed that Androgeus, cheefe of the Bri­tish ambassadors, should declare the effect of his mes­sage, [Page 44] which he did so eloquentlie, and vttering such sensible matter, how it stood the Scotishmen vpon to aid the Britains against such common enimies to all nations as the Romans were, that in the end it was concluded by the king, with the aduise of his nobles, that he should not onlie send a power to The Scots grant to aid the Britains against the Romans. aid the Britains against the Romans, but also send some of his lords with Androgeus and his associats vnto Gethus king of the Picts, to mooue him to doo the like: who hearing how reasonable their demands 10 were, promised further to accomplish the same.

Thus the British ambassadors hauing sped accor­ding to their desires, repaired homewards: imme­diatlie vpon whose departure, both the kings Ede­rus & Gethus leuied their armies, & sent them foorth towards London, whereas then Cassibilane soiour­ned. I find that the Scots were ten thousand men vnder the leading of Cadallane gouernor of Gallo­way, the sonne of Cadall before remembred, and Cadallane & Douald with ten thousand Scotishmen send to aid the Britains. one Douald gouernor of Argile. But what successe 20 followed of this first iournie which Cesar made into Britaine, ye shall find the same in the historie of England more at length expressed. The yéere that Iulius Cesar came to inuade Britaine, was the fourth of Ederus his reigne, from the creation of the world 3912 complet, which is after Maister Ha­risons account 54 before the comming of our Saui­our, 5139 H. B. 60 H. B. and 692 after the building of Rome.

The Scotishmen and Picts hauing their part of the spoile which the Romans at their departure left 30 behind them, were sent home to their countries with great thanks and rewards for their pains, but the Britains were so exalted in pride by the departure of the Romans, that they beléeued verelie they shuld haue no more to doo with those enimies, or if they had they thought themselues strong inough to repell them without aid of other. By meanes wherof when king Ederus was informed how the Romans pre­pared The Bri­tains refuse aid being of­fered them. to inuade them afresh, and had sent them word thereof, offering to them his aid: they made no ac­count 40 of that offer, but answered that it was not necessarie, for euerie light inuasion of forren eni­mies, to séeke helpe at other mens hands, being of puissance sufficient of themselues to resist the same well inough.

But of this refusall of so friendlie an offer, it was not long yer the Britains sore repented them. For Iulius Cesar inuadeth this land the se­cond time. shortlie after Iulius Cesar with a farre greater po­wer than that which he brought with him at the first time, landed here in this Ile amongst them againe: 50 and being at thrée sundrie times fiercelie incountred by king Cassibilane, at length he put the same Cas­sibilane with his Britains to flight, slaieng and ta­king a great number of them. Amongst other of the The Bri­tains are ouer throwne. prisoners were thrée of their cheefest capteins, An­drogeus, Cisentoriges, and Tenantius. By reason of which ouerthrow Cassibilane was so discouraged, that doubting further mischéefe, he yéelded himselfe vnto Cesar, accepting such conditions of peace as were appointed him, and for performance of coue­nants, 60 deliuered sufficient pledges.

Cesar hauing thus conquered the Britains, sent his ambassadors vnto the kings of the Scotishmen Iulius Cesar his message to the Scots and Picts. and Picts, requiring them to submit themselues as Cassibilane had doone, or else he had them looke for o­pen warres at the Romans hands, which they might assure themselues they should in no wise be able to susteine, considering their mightie and huge puis­sance, hauing the most part of the whole world at The answer of the Scots and Picts vn­to Cesar his ambassadors. their commandement alreadie. Wherevnto aswell the one king as the other made this or much-what the like answer, that they were bent sooner to lose their liues than their libertie. Which their resolution, if they were put to the triall, should be euidentlie prooued by the déed it selfe.

Cesar hauing receiued this answer from these Cesar sendeth new messen­gers vnto the Scots and Picts, but they spéed much like to the former. two nations, he sendeth new messengers vnto them with a more rough message, who not onlie by threats but also by great reasons went about to persuade them vnto submission. But they persisting in their former opinion for defense of their liberties, and vt­terlie refusing all maner of bondage, would incline by no meanes to come in any bond of fréendship with the Romans. After the returne of these last messengers, Cesar was fullie resolued to enter into their countries, to force them vnto that by dint of sword, wherevnto by treatie he might not induce them: and had set forward on that iournie shortlie after indéed, if he had not béene called backe into France, to pacifie sundrie commotions there raised by the reuolting of the people inhabiting in those countries, where the Picards and Normans, with other the inhabitants néere about Chartres doo now dwell.

The common Scotish chronicles record, how Iu­lius Cesar came as far as Kalendar wood, and there wan by force the citie of Camelon, where the Pictish Kalendar or Caledon wood This cannot be true, for Cesar came not néer Scot land, as in the historie of England it appéereth. kings vsed most to soiourne. Herevnto the same chronicles adde, that Cesar builded a great stone­house of 24 cubits in heigth, & of 12 cubits in bredth, of square hewen stones, right workemanlie framed, which house they saie Cesar caused to be vsed in steed of a iudgement hall, and here placed it néere the ri­uer of Caron, ouer against the forenamed citie of Camelon, as a witnesse that the Romans armie had béene so far forward within that countrie. Such an house there remaineth to be séene euen vnto this daie, and is called Iulius hoff, that is Iulius hall, Iulius hoff. or Iulius court. Howbeit, other more agréeable to the likeliehood of a truth, write that this house was sometimes a temple builded to the honor of Claudi­us Cesar, and of the goddes Uictoria, by the Romane capteine Uespasian, at such time as he made wars in that countrie, before his aduancement to the empire.

But to returne vnto Ederus. About the same time, in which he looked to be inuaded by Iulius Ce­sar and the Romans, and for that purpose had sent for them of the westerne Iles to reinforce his host, he Murketus nephue vnto Gillus inua­deth the we­sterne Iles. was now inforced to conuert it another waie, for there was one Murketus, nephue vnto the aboue remembred Gillus, that came with a nauie out of Ireland to rob and spoile those Iles, being destitute as then of men to resist him. But Ederus hearing thereof, dispatched Cadallanus with an armie into those parties for defense of his subiects: which Ca­dallanus behaued himselfe so politikelie in this ex­ploit, that setting vpon the enimies as they laie at anchor, he tooke them in the night season, without making any great defense, and after hanged them vp along the shore side within the Ile of Gowre: Murket is hanged with manie more. 48 H B. 26 H. B. Ederus de­parteth this life. Murket himself being honored with an higher place to hang in than all the rest, as due to him that was their chéefe head and leader in that voiage. The rem­nant of Ederus his reigne passed without anie o­ther notable trouble: and so after he had reigned 38 yeeres, he deceased a verie old man, about the 23 yeare of the empire of Augustus Cesar. He was buried also at Dunstafage with all due pompe & so­lemnitie, hauing diuers obelisks (as the custome then was) erected and set vp about the place where he was so intumulate.

AFter him reigned his sonne Ewin, the third of that name, nothing like in any princelie quali­tie vnto his noble progenitors, but contrariwise Ewin. infamed by all kind of vices. In the first yéeres of his reigne he was wholy drownd in lasciuious leche­rie, A licentious king. abandoning himselfe altogither to lie weltering [Page 45] amongst a sort of vile strumpets, his lust being ne­uer throughlie satisfied, though neuer so often wea­ried. The nobles of the realme he had in no regard at all, of whom some he confined, and some he cau­sed to be murthered, onlie bicause he might the more fréelie without gainsaieng hant his vile trade of li­uing with their wiues and coosins. Such delight he had also in his filthie and abhominable ribaldrie, Filthie lawes that he made lawes for maintenance of the like a­mongst his subiects, as thus: That it might be law­full 10 for euerie man to marie diuers & sundrie wiues, some six, some ten, according to their substance and qualities. And as for poore mens wiues, they were appointed to be common vnto the lords of the soile: and further, that the same lords should first defloure the bride after hir marriage: which last ordinance tooke such effect, that of manie hundred yéeres after it could by no meanes be abrogated, though the two former liberties were by authoritie of the kings suc­céeding, shortlie after this Ewins deceasse, taken 20 awaie and reuoked.

But now to conclude touching the dooings of this Ewin is pur­sued and for­sake [...] of is subiects. Ewin, ye shall vnderstand, that at length such lords as greatlie abhorred his vile conditions & vsages, conspired against him, and raising an armie of their friends and partakers, incountred with him in the field, and there tooke him prisoner, being destitute of all aid and succors: for such as he brought with him, not once offered to strike one stroke in his qua­rell. Ewin con­demned to per petuall prison Ewin being thus taken, was by and by con­demned 30 to perpetuall prison; and Cadallan, of whom ye haue heard before, immediatlie proclamed go­uernor of the realme. Howbeit the night following, after that Ewin (according to the iudgement pro­nounced against him) was committed vnto ward, a presumptuous yoong man, in hope to haue thanks of Cadallan, entred into the chamber where he was inclosed, and there strangled him. But in stéed of thanks he was recompensed with death: for Ca­dallan detesting such a wicked déed, caused him to 40 be hanged in open sight of all men. Such was the end of Ewin, being thus dispatched in prison, in Ewin is strangled. the seuenth yéere after he began his reigne ouer the Scotishmen, being the 9 yéere of Augustus Cesar his gouernment of the Romane empire. 32 H. B.

AFter Ewin succéeded Metellanus, son to one Carren, the brother of Ederus a prince of most Metella­nus. gentle behauiour. This Metellanus mainteined his subiects in great quietnesse and rest, without anie maner of wars, either forren or ciuill. Such wic­ked 50 lawes as his predecessor had established, he did what he could to abolish. But such yoong gentlemen as delighted in sensuall lust, and licentious libertie, stood so stiffelie therein against him, that in the end he was glad to leaue off his purpose. About the same time also there came vnto Kimbaline king of the Kimbaline king of the Britains. Britains an ambassador from Augustus the empe­ror, with thanks, for that entring into the gouerne­ment of the British state, he had kept his allegiance toward the Romane empire: exhorting him to keepe 60 his subiects in peace with all their neighbors, sith the whole world, through meanes of the same Augustus, was now in quiet, without all warres or trouble­some tumults.

These ambassadors went also vnto Metellanus the K. of the Scotishmen, exhorting him to acknow­ledge a superioritie in the Romane emperour, vnto whome the people inhabiting in the furthest parts of the east, had sent their ambassadors with rich iewels to present his person withall. Wherwith Metellanus Metellanus becommeth friend to the Romans. being partlie mooued to haue a freendlie amitie with the Romans, he sent vnto Rome certeine rich pre­sents to the emperour, and to the gods in the capitoll, in signe of honour, by which means he obteined an amitie with the Romans, which continued betwixt them and his kingdome for a long time after.

Thus a generall peace as then reigning through­out the whole world, it pleased the giuer and authour of all peace to be borne at the same time, of that bles­sed virgin Marie, in the citie of Bethlem in the tribe The birth of our Sauior Christ. of Iuda. Which most blessed and salutiferous birth did come to passe in the 12 yeare of Metellanus reigne, and in the 42 of Augustus his empire: from the first 10 H. B. 330 H. B. 5199 H. B. establishing of the Scotish kingdome by Fergusius 324 yéeres, and after the creation of the world 3966, as Harison in his chronologie dooth manifestlie con­clude. After this, Metellanus reigned certeine yeeres in continuall peace and quietnes, euermore Metellane departeth this world. 29 H. B. 14 H. B. Caratake is proclamed K. This Cara­take all the British and English wri­ters take to be a Britaine, and inhabi­ting within that portion of the Ile now called Eng­land. Cara­take. readie to doo the thing that might be to the con­ [...] and the weale of his people. Finallie, he pushed out of th [...] life in the [...] yéere of his reigne, which was the 28 after the birth of our Sauior, and 13 of Tibe [...] the emperor. Howbeit he lest no issue aliue behi [...] [...] succéed in the gouernment of the kingdome [...] those children which he had begotten, he buried in his life time, by meanes whereof, one Caratake, [...] to Cadallan, and nephue to king Metellan by his sister Europeia, was proclamed king; as he that excelled in riches and puissant autho­ritie aboue all other the [...]eres and high estates of the realme, and had not a little to doo in the administra­tion of publike affaires in the latter daies of his vncle Metellane.

THe first thing he did after he was established in the estate, he sailed into the westerne Iles, to appeale a rebellion moued by the gouernour there. Which doone, and the authors punished, he returned into Albion, and came into Ca [...]um, which was sometimes a famous citie, and metropolitane of Scotland, situat within the countrie cleped Car­rike, as it appeareth by the ruines there remaining euen vnto this day. In this citie was Caratake Caratake was borne in Carrike. borne, & therefore fauouring it the more, he lay there most commonlie, and did what he could to aduance the wealth and state thereof. Whilest these things were a dooing in Scotland, Kimbaline king of the Kimbaline king of the Britains dieth. Britains died, who for that he had béene brought vp in Rome, obserued his promised obedience towards the empire; but Guiderius succéeding, disdained to sée the libertie of his countrie oppressed by the Ro­mans, Guiderius the British king rebelleth against the Romans. and therefore procuring the Britains to assist him, assembled a power, and inuaded the Romans with such violence, that none escaped with life, but such as saued themselues within castels & fortresses.

The emperour Claudius that then gouerned the Romane empire, aduertised hereof, sent two cap­teins, Aulus Planctius, and Cneus Sentius to ap­pease Planctius o­therwise Plautius. that rebellion. They landing in Britaine with their armie, vanquished Guiderius in battell, so that he was constreined to send to Caratake king Guiderius sendeth to Caratake for aid. of Scots for aid against the common enimies of both nations. Caratake hauing considered the ef­fect of this message, gaue counsell to the Britains to send into France then called Gallia, to prac­tise with the people there to moue some rebellion a­gainst the Romans, in hope of helpe, which they were assured to haue by the Britains. This coun­sell France in those daies Gallia. was followed, for immediatlie vpon the ambas­sadours returne, there were sent ouer into France certeine intelligenciaries to moue some conspiracie which had taken effect (by reason of the generall hate Guiderius slaine. of seruitude, whérein the Romans kept the people subiect to them in those daies) if Guiderius had not beene constreined to giue battell, and chanced to be slaine in the same, yer the Galls could be resolued vpon anie determinat purpose.

This ouerthrow being reported in France, cau­sed the Galls to staie their intended rebellion. Short­lie [Page 46] after Claudius himselfe came ouer into Bri­taine, and receiuing the Britains vnder his obei­sance, The empe­rour Claudi­us commeth into Britaine. ordered things among them at his pleasure. And after preparing his nauie and armie with all purueiance conuenient, he set forward towards the Iles of Orkneie, purposing to conquere the same, Claudius sai­leth into the Orkenies. for that they had aided the Britains in these last warres against the Romans. But approching neere to those Iles, he was in danger to haue beene cast awaie by a tempest rising by chance, euen as he was entred the streict betwixt the Orkenies and 10 Dungisbie head in Cathnesse called Pictland frith; yet at length getting to land, he found in that Ile where he first arriued, no bodie at home, all the peo­ple through seare vpon the first fight of the great multitude of ships being fled to hide themselues in caues and dens amongest the rocks & [...].

Claudius therefore leauing this Ile, passed into Pomonia the chiefest of all the Or [...]nies, where Now Kirke­wale. discomfiting such as appeared abroad to make resi­stance, 20 he besieged the king of those Iles named Ga­nus, Claudius ta­keth the king of the Orke­nies. within a castell where he was withdrawen, and finallie causing him to yeeld himselfe prisoner, led him with other nobles of Britaine (whome he had for pledges) vnto Rome, the more to set forth the glorie of his triumph at his returne vnto the citie. ¶ But whatsoeuer Hector Boetius and others write The doubt of Claudius go­ing into the Orkenies. Dion Cassius. of this passage of Claudius into the Orkenies, it is not like that he came there at all, for if he staied not past 16 daies in Britaine, as by Dion Cassius it 30 appeareth that he did not in déed; how should we imagine that he could both pacifie the south parts of Britaine, and after go into Orkenie and conquere the same within so small a time, being readie to re­turne towards Rome at the end of those 16 daies, as the said Dion affirmeth? But this discourse haue I made according to their owne histories, least I should séeme to defraud them of whatsoeuer glorie is to be gotten by errours, as the maner is of them as well as of other nations, which to aduance their 40 antiquities and glorie of their ancestors, take the aduantage oftentimes of writers scant woorthie of credit.

But now againe to our purpose. Aruiragus be­ing established in the kingdome of Britaine, vpon Aruiragus forsaketh his lawfull wife. some priuat displeasure forsooke his wife named Uo­ada, the sister of Caratake king of the Scotishmen, and maried Genissa a Romane ladie, which act ma­nie of the Britans disallowed; the more in deed, be­cause he had faire issue alreadie by Uoada, as a son 50 and two daughters. But this was doone, as all men iudged, by the counsell of Aulus Planctius, there­by to breake all friendship and aliance betwixt the Britains and the Scots, to the end that in no case of rebellion they should ioine their powers togither. Neither did he onelie refuse Uoada, whome all men knew to be his lawfull wife, but also caused hir Uoada impri­soned. to be kept in prison, till that the Britains (hauing indignation thereat) got hir out of the place where Uoada is de­liuered out of prison, and conueied into wales. she was kept, and conucied hir into Wales togither 60 with hir children.

With which dealing Aruiragus being highlie mo­ued, determined with force of armes to punish them that had thus misused him: but perceiuing that not onelie those people which inhabited the countrie, now called Wales, and other that adioined on the north marches thereof were readie to defend the queene against his malice, he was faine to require aid of the Romans, who with their capteine Aulus Planctius assembling togither with such of the Bri­tains as tooke part with Aruiragus, set forward to­ward the enimies, and ioining with them in bat­tell, Aruiragus giueth his eni­mies an ouer­throw. did giue them the ouerthrow. The next day af­ter this victorie thus gotten, word was brought that the people inhabiting in the countries which we A commotion against Arui­ragus. now call Lanchashire, Yorkeshire, and Darbishire, were vp in armour against the king and the Ro­mans, by reason whereof Aruiragus and Aulus Planctius withdrew towards London, that defen­ding the sea coasts towards France, they might yet h [...] the sea open at all times whatsoeuer chan­ced. And to reenforce their power, Aulus Plan­ctius sent ouer for two legions of souldiers into France, to come with all spéed to his aid.

The Britains, who had gone so farre in the matter The Bri­tains make themselues strong. that they could not well withdraw themselues, now being certified of all their enimies dooings, thought best to make themselues so strong as was possible. And to the end that they might procéed in some or­derlie meane, all the greatest lords and estates as­sembled The Bri­tains assem­ble them­selues at Shresburie. togither at Shrewsburie, in those daies cal­led Coriminum, where they concluded vpon a league to aid one another with all their might and maine against the Romans & Aruiragus, who went about to bring them wholie vnder seruile subiection and thraldome of the same Romans. They being They confe­derat them­selues togi­ther. thus agréed to make warres in this quarrell, and for the same purpose to ioine their whole puissance togi­ther, there rose a doubt whome they might choose for their generall capteine, for that it was feared least there might grow some secret enuie amongest the nobles being of equall power, if one should be in this case preferred before an other. For the auoi­ding of which mischiefe, by the graue admonition of one Comus a noble man of the parties of Wales, they accorded to send messengers vnto Caratake Caratake chosen to be capteine of the Britains. the king of Scotland, requiring him to aid them in their right and iust quarrell against Aruiragus and the Romans, whereby he might reuenge the iniu­rie doone to his sister quéene Uoada and hir issue, Aruiragus would dis­herit his own children which he had by Uoada. whome the father through counsell of the Romans purposed to disherit to the end, such children as he had by Genissa (for that they were of the Romane bloud) might inioy the kingdome. They further de­clared, that all the British lords which were confe­derat in this enterprise, had chosen him by common assent to be their generall and chiefe leader, if it might so please him to take it vpon him, as their trust was he would: considering the iust causes of their warre, and the suertie which by victorie gotten might insue vnto all the inhabitants of the whole Ile of Albion.

Caratake hauing heard the summe of their re­quest, Caratake promised aid to the Bri­tains. and throughlie weieng the same, promised them to be readie with his whole puissance in the be­ginning of the next spring, to come to their aid, vn­to what place soeuer they should thinke expedient: and thereof he told them they might be most assured, willing them in the meane time so to prouide for themselues, as their enimies might haue no ad­uantage at their hands. With this agreeable an­swere the British messengers returned to Shrews­burie to the confederats, who reioising at the news, made prouision against the next spring to go against the Romans, in hope of good successe, speciallie through aid of the Scots and Picts, who also with The Picts ioine with Scots and Britains a­gainst the Ro­mans. their king called Conkist were willing to helpe to­wards the deliuering of the land from bondage of the Romans, whose nestling so neere their noses they were loth to sée or heare of. So soone therefore as the spring approched, all those thrée people, Britains, Scots, and Picts, gathered their powers together, and met in Yorkeshire, in purpose to incounter with their enimies in battell, wheresoeuer they found them.

Aruiragus and Aulus Planctius hauing know­ledge of all the dooings of the confederats, likewise assembled their power, & comming towards them, [Page 47] for a while forbare to ioine in battell, through coun­sell of Planctius, who perceiuing the most part of the Britains and Scots to be but new souldiers, taken vp of late to fill the numbers, knew that by protracting time they would be soone out of heart, through watching and euill harborough, in such sort that in the end they should be easie inough to deale with; and euen so it came to passe. For the Romans refusing to fight a generall battell, yet scoured so the fields on ech side abroad, that neither the Britains 10 The Bri­tains wea­ned through trauell. nor Scots could go forth anie waies for forage or vittels, but they were still snatched vp, so that what through hunger, lacke of sléepe, and other diseases, manie of the Britains began to conueie themselues from the campe home to their houses, of whome some being taken by the enimies, declared that the whole armie of the confederats was in great distresse, and sore inféebled by such vnaccustomed trauell and dis­eases as they were inforced vnto in the campe. Wherevpon Aruiragus and Aulus Planctius deter­mined 20 the next day to giue battell. And so in the morning they arraied their people, & marched foorth betimes towards the campe of the confederats.

Caratake, who (as ye haue heard) was generall of The Romans giue battell to the Britains. all the confederates, vnderstanding the enimies in­tent, was as readie to receiue battell as they were to offer it; wherevpon there insued right great and vnmercifull slaughter betwixt them on both parts, without sparing any at all, till such time as the night parted the sraie, with such losse on either side, that af­ter 30 Night par­teth the fray. they were once got in sunder, neither part had a­nie hast afterwards to ioine againe: so that in the morning there appeared none in the field but onelie the dead bodies, those that were left aliue as well on the one part as the other being fled and scattered in­to the woods and mounteins. Aruiragus and Planc­tius got them vnto London: and Caratake com­manding his people home each man into his coun­trie, Caratake re­turneth home to Caricto­nium. he himselfe withdrew first towards Yorke, and after vnto the citie of Carrike; whither shortlie af­ter 40 there came vnto him ambassadors from Aulus Ambassadors are sent vnto Caratake [...] Aulus [...]. Planctius, sent to know vpon what occasion he did aid the British rebels against the Romane empire, declaring that if he would not be conformable to make a woorthie amends for so presumptuous an en­terprise, he should be sure to haue the Romans his enimies; and that in such wise, as he should perceiue it were much better for him to séeke their friendship, than to abide their enimitie.

Herevnto Caratake answered, that he had iust cause to doo that which he did, considering the iniu­ries 50 which his sister Uoada with hir sonne Guide­rius Caratake his [...]er vnto [...] ambassa­dors. had and were like to receiue by their counsell and meanes: and therefore he was so little minded to make anie amends for that was doone, that hee thought it more reason that the Romans should clearelie auoid out of the whole possession of Bri­taine, either else they might assure themselues to haue aswell the Britains, as also the Scots & Picts to be their perpetuall enimies, and that onelie for 60 the chalenge of their ancient liberties and fréedome. The Romane ambassadors being returned with this answer, Planctius tooke no small indignation there­at, sore menacing to be reuenged of so high and con­tumelious words pronounced against the maiestie of the Romane empire.

About the same time Aruiragus, vpon trust con­ceiued by ioining his power with the other confede­rate Britains, to expell the Romans quite out of the realme, and so to recouer the intire estate, reuolting from them, fled into Shrewsburie, where, at the same Aruiragus reuolteth. time such British lords as were enimies to the Ro­mans, were assembled againe in councell, by whom Aruiragus was receiued with great gladnesse (ye maie be sure) of those lords, trusting by his meanes to haue their force in maner doubled. His wife Ge­nissa being at the same season great with child, tooke such thought for this reuolting of hir husband, that Genissa the wife of Arui­ragus d [...]th. trauelling before hir time, she immediatly died ther­with. But Aulus Planctius, perceiuing now tho­roughlie how little trust there was to be put in the Britans, dispatched a messenger in all hast with A messenger sent vnto Claudius the emperor from Planctius. letters vnto Claudius the emperour, who as then so­iourned at Rome, signifieng vnto him in what dan­ger the state of Britaine stood, if timelie prouision were not the sooner made.

Claudius weieng the matter by good aduise of councell, ordeined by decrée of the senate, that Ues­pasian (of whome ye haue heard before) should be sent hither with an armie, to tame the proud and loftie stomachs of the Britains, with their confederats the Scots & Picts. Uespasian herevpon departing Uespasian commeth into Britaine. from Rome, came into France, & increasing his le­gions, with a supplie of such souldiers as he found there, passed ouer into this our Britaine, where con­trarie to the report which he had heard afore his com­ming, he found euerie fortresse so well furnished af­ter the warlike order of the Romane vsage, and moreouer all such companies of men of warre as kept the field so well appointed and ordered, that he could not but much praise the great diligence and politike gouernement of Planctius.

Now when Uespasian had a little refreshed his men, and taken order how to procéed in the reducing of the Britains to their former obedience, he set for­ward toward Aruiragus & other the enimies, whom he vnderstood as then to be at Yorke, making their The Bri­tains gather an armie. assemblie, not generallie of all that were able to beare a club, as they did the yeere before; but out of all parties a chosen number of piked men were sent for, as out of Deuonshire & Cornewall there came 6000, foorth of Wales and the marches 12000, and the like number out of Kendall, Westmerland, Iceni. and Cumberland. Out of Oxfordshire and other the parties of Britaine subiect vnto Aruiragus, there came 35000. All which numbers assembled nere vn­to Yorke, euerie man bringing his prouision with him to serue him for two moneths space. Unto the The Scots & Picts come to aid the Britains. Illithara or Tharan king of Picts. same place came also Caratake with 30000 Scotish men: and Illithara otherwise called Tharan, king of the Picts, with almost as manie of his subiects.

Uespasian being certified still from time to time of all the dooings of his enimies, hasted with all spéed towards them; and by the leading of trustie guides comming to the place where they were incamped within a marish ground not passing 12 miles from Yorke, he fiercelie vpon a sudden setteth vpon them Uespasian assaileth the Britains in their campe. within their campe, yer they thought he had béene néere them. But yet notwithstanding they manful­lie stood to their defense: insomuch that those in the right wing of the Romans armie were like to haue beene idstressed, if Uespasian perceiuing the dan­ger, had not sent a legion to their aid in time, wherby the battell was newlie in that part restored. The cap­teins on either side did what they could to incourage their folkes to sticke to their tackle, without giuing ouer by anie meanes, considering what gaine came by victorie, and what losse insued by receiuing the o­uerthrow.

The Britains, Scots, and Picts, like inraged li­ons, ran vpon the Romans, with such cruell desire The desperat hardinesse of the Britains and Scotish­men. of reuenge, that euen when they were thrust through vpon the point of any weapon, they would run still vpon the same, to come vnto him that held it, that they might requite him with the like againe. But yet would not all that their fierce and desperate har­dinesse preuaile, for fortune by fatall appointment Fortune fa­uoureth the Romans. being bent to aduance the Romans vnto the domi­nion [Page 48] of the whole world, shewed hir selfe so fauoura­ble vnto them in this battell, that in the end, though the Britains with the confederats did what lay in men to doo for atteining of victorie, yet were they The Bri­tains receiue the ouerthrow beaten downe and slaine euerie mothers sonne, a few onelie excepted, which escaped by flight.

Aruiragus séeing the slaughter of his people, would haue slaine himselfe, but that some of his ser­uants caried him by force out of the field, that hée might be reserued yet vnto some better fortune. 10 Caratake escaping by flight, fled into his countrie, Caratake escapeth. Tharan king of the Picts is slaine. but Tharan king of the Picts, not coueting to liue after such losse of his people, threw away his armor with all his kinglie ornaments, and sitting downe vpon a stone, as a man past himselfe, was there slaine by such as followed in the chase. Aruiragus be­ing conueied out of danger, and gotten into Yorke, considered how by reason of this great discomfiture, it was vnpossible to resist the Romane puissance, and therefore with consent of the residue of his no­bles 20 that were escaped from the battell, he sent an herald vnto Uespasian, offring to submit himselfe in Messengers sent by Arui­ragus vnto Uespasian with sub­mission. most humble wise vnto anie reasonable conditions of peace and agréement. Whervpon Uespasian com­manded that Aruiragus should in priuate apparell come in vnto him, for he would not talke of anie peace, except he had Aruiragus present, and there­fore he sent vnto him his safe conduct to assure him safetie both to come and go.

Aruiragus séeing no other remedie, came in vn­to 30 Uespasian, according to his appointment, and vp­on Aruiragus commeth in vnto Uespa­sian. Aruiragusis restored again to his former dignitie. The Bri­tains are par­doned, but yet deliuer new hostages. Their lawes abrogated. New lawes. his submission was pardoned of all his trespasse, and placed againe in the kingdome. The cities and good townes also that were partakers in the rebel­lion, were in semblable wise forgiuen without fi­ning or other indemnitie, and so likewise were all the nobles of the countrie. Howbeit, for the better assurance of their loialtie in time to come, they deli­uered new hostages. Their ancient lawes also were abrogated, and the Romane lawes in their place 40 established. For the administration of the which, in euerie prouince was appointed a Romane iudge to sée good orders obserued according to the forme there­of. By which meanes the British nation eftsoones re­turned vnto hir former obedience of the Romane empire. All the winter following, Uespasian laie at Yorke, making his apprests against the next spring to go against the Scots and Picts. So soone therefore as the summer was come, Uespasian set­teth forward with his armie, and entering into the 50 marches of his enimies, he did put them in such feare that the Picts were glad to yéeld themselues vnto him, a few of the nobles & some other excepted, which were withdrawne into Camelon, in hope through strength of that town to defend themselues from all assaults. Uespasian being certified therof, came & be­sieged them within the same citie, not minding to de­part till he had them at his pleasure. This siege con­tinued till they within, being in danger to famish Camelon be­sieged by Uespasian. through want of vittels, surrendred themselues 60 with the town into Uespasians hands. In this town were found all the regall ornaments, as the crowne Camelon surrendred. The kings regall orna­ments taken. & sword, with other iewels belonging to the kings of the Picts. The sword hauing the haft of gold, & a pur­ple scabberd very finely wrought & trimmed, Uespa­sian vsed to weare in all the warres wherin he after­wards chanced to be, in hope (I wot not) of what good successe and lucke to follow therof. The Pictish lords which were within Camelon, were commanded to deliuer pledges: and after licenced to depart with­out anie other damage. Uespasian himselfe remai­ning at Camelon, tooke order for the peopling of the Camelon peo­pled with Romans. towne with Romans, granting them the vse of the liberties and priuileges which the Romans inhabi­ting in Rome inioied. Also ouer against the towne Iulius Hoff. This was [...] Colchester, as the British & English wri­ters doo gesse. vpon the banke of the riuer of Caron, he builded a temple in honor of the emperor Claudius, wherein he set vp two images, the one representing Claudi­us, and the other the goddesse Uictoria.

Whilest he was thus occupied, tidings came to him, that Caratake king of the Scotishmen had as­sembled Caratake as­sembleth an armie. in Galloway a great army of Scots, Picts and Britains, in purpose against the Romans, to reuenge the last ouerthrow. Whervpon Uespasian with all spéed sent foorth a strong power vnder the leading of Aulus Planctius to incounter the eni­mies. Planctius sent forth with an armie a­gainst Ca­ratake. Planctius being approched within foure miles of them, incamped himselfe in a strong place, as though he minded not to passe further, till Uespasian with the rest of his whole puissance were come to his aid. Neuerthelesse, night was no sooner come on, but that he gaue generall commandement through his host, that euerie man should make him readie to depart at a certeine houre vnder the standards of their capteins in order of battell.

Then in the second watch of the night he set for­ward, following certeine guides (which knew all the straits and passages of the countrie) till he came to the place where Caratake with his armie was lod­ged: Planctius setteth vpon the Scotish campe. and first killing the watch which stood to defend his entrance, till the armie was raised, he set vpon the whole campe, and though he found such resistance that the battell continued right fierce & cruell from the dawning of the day, till it was hie noone, yet in the end the victorie remained with the Romans; and the Scots with the Picts, & such Britains as were on their part, put to flight and chased. Caratake esca­ping out of the battell, fled into Argile, and got him Caratake [...] vnto Dunstafage. to the castell of Dunstafage. Diuerse of the Bri­tains & Picts, which as yet had not submitted them­selues, were put in such dread through brute of this ouerthrow, that immediatlie therevpon they came in and yéelded themselues vnto Uespasian. And in semblable wise the people of Galloway vtterlie des­pairing The people of Galloway submit them selues to the Romans. any longer to defend their countrie against Planctius (who was now entred into their confines, and had taken the citie of Carrike) offred to become subiects vnto the Romans, which they might neuer be brought vnto before that time.

These newes being certified vnto Uespasian by a purseuant, he rode streightwaies vnto Carrike, & there receiued the oths of the nobles, and other the in­habitants of the countrie. That done, he sent ambas­sadors vnto Caratake, to trie if he might by anie Ambassadors sent vnto Caratake. meanes to become friend vnto the Romane em­pire, in acknowledging some maner of subiection therevnto: but this deuise was to small purpose, for Caratake was determined rather to end his life as a frée Scotishman in defense of libertie, than to be­come Caratake vt­terlie refuseth to become a subiect. thrall vnto anie forreine nation, in hope to liue long time in seruitude, doubting least if he came anie waies foorth into danger of the Romans, they would vsurpe the whole dominion vnto themselues. Whose mind when Uespasian vnderstood by his an­swer made to the ambassadors which were sent vnto him, he was minded to haue gone with an armie vn­to Dunstafage where Caratake lay, but that he was informed what dangerous passages he must march thorough, all full of desart mounteins, bogs, and qua [...]emires, without anie prouision of vittels or forrage to bée found by all the way as the armie should passe.

Leauing therfore this enterprise, he caused so ma­nie vessels to be assembled, as could be prouided on all parts, purposing to haue passed ouer into the Ile of Man, into the which there were gotten togither a great sort of Britains and Picts, that had escaped the Romans hands. But this iournie also was bro­ken [Page 49] by another incident, for euen at the same time, The Ile of Wight re­belleth. newes were brought that the Britains of the Ile of Wight, with the Kentishmen, and diuerse others the inhabitants vpon the south coast, were reuolted, and had slaine diuerse Romans, which lay in gari­sons in those parts. Uespasian therefore minding to cure this wound yer it should throughlie fester, ha­sted Uespasian appeaseth the rebels. thither with all spéed, and with litle a doo pacifi­eng the rebels, caused the chiefe offendors to be pu­nished according to their deserts. 10

Shortlie after being sent for by the emperour Claudius, he returned vnto Rome with great glo­rie Uespasian returneth to Rome. for his noble and high atchiued victories. Aulus Planctius was left in charge with the gouernement of Britaine after Uespasians departure: who hea­ring that Caratake had assembled a great armie of Scots, and other such Britains and Picts as had Planctius left as gouernor. Planctius prepareth to méet the Scots. not yet submitted themselues vnto the Romans, in purpose to recouer againe those countries which Uespasian had latelie conquered, he likewise prepa­red to meet them, so that both the armies incounte­ring 20 togither, there was fought a right terrible bat­tell with great slaughter on both parties, till finallie the victorie inclining to the Romans, more through skilfull policie than puissant force, the Scots, Picts, The Romans through poli­cie vanquish the Scotish­men. and Britains were discomfited and chased into the bogs and marishes, the common refuge in those daies for the Scots, when by anie aduenture they chanced to be put to flight.

After this ouerthrow the warre was continued for two yéers space, by rodes and incursions made 30 one vpon another in the confines of Kile and Gal­loway. In which meane while Planctius fell sicke of the [...]ix, which still continuing with him, brought him at length in such case, that he was not able to Planctius fal­leth sicke. trauell at all in the publike affaires of his office. So that he wrote his letters vnto the emperour Clau­dius, signifieng vnto him in what case he stood, and therevpon required that some sufficient personage might be sent to occupie his roome. Claudius hauing receiued his letters, and vnderstanding the effect of 40 the same, sent one Ostorius Scapula, a man of high linage, and of good experience both in peace and war, Ostorius Scapula is sent into Britaine. to haue the gouernance in Britaine.

About the time of whose arriuall into Britaine, Aulus Planctius departed out of this world at Ca­melon, where he then soiourned. His bodie was bur­ned, Aulus Plan­ctius dieth. and according to the vsage of the Romans in those daies, the ashes were closed in a chest, and buri­ed within the church of Claudius and Uictoria, which (as is said) Uespasian builded néere vnto Camelon, 50 vpon the riuers side there. Hereof was a custome The vsage a­mongst the Scots to burne the deadbodie. taken vp amongst both Scots and Picts (as some thinke) to burne the bodies of the dead, and to burie the ashes: whereof there haue bene found diuerse to­kens and monuments in this our age. As in the yere 1521 at Fi [...]dor a village in Merne, fiue miles distant from Aberdine, there were found in an old graue two chests of a strange making full of ashes, either of them being ingrauen with Romane letters, 60 which so soone as they were brought into the aire, fell to dust. Likewise in the fields of another towne called Kenbacten in Marre, ten miles distant from Aberdine, about the same time were found by cer­teine plowmen two sepulchres made of cut and squared stones, wherein were foure chests, of worke­manship, bignesse and inscription like to the other two. Manie the semblable monuments haue béene found in diuerse places in Scotland in times past: but it is to be thought, that in these sepulchres there were Romans buried, and neither Scots nor Picts.

But now to our purpose. Immediatelie vpon the comming of Ostorius into Britaine, the people of the west countries rebelled, procuring the nor­therne The Bri­tains yet eft­soones rebell. The Bri­tains require aid of Cara­take. men with the Scots of Galloway, and all the Picts to doo the like. They sent also vnto Caratake, requiring him in this common quarell against the Romans to put to his helping hand for recouerie of the ancient libertie of the whole land of Albion, considering it was like they should match well i­nough with this new Romane capteine Ostorius Scapula, that vnderstood little of the maners and vsages of the Britains. But this notwithstanding, Ostorius being informed of all these practises, and remembring what furtherance it were for a cap­teine in the begining to win a name by some praise­woorthie The Bri­tains of the west part are chased. enterprise, he made first towards the we­sterne Britains, whome he thought to surprise yer they should assemble with the other rebels, and so méeting with them, he chased and tooke a great num­ber of them, as they fled here and there out of all order.

After this, he went against the people called Ice­ni, Iceni. Oxfordshire is assailed. Some take the Iceni to be the North­folke men. which (as some thinke) inhabited the countrie now called Oxfordshire, but other take them to be North­folke men, who being gathered togither, were gotten into a strong place, inclosed about with a great ditch as they vse to fense pasture grounds, that no horsse­men should breake in vpon them: yet this notwith­standing, Ostorius assailed them within their strength, & in the end breaking downe the rampire, with such aid as he had, burst in at length amongst them, sleaing and taking the most part of them: for few or none escaped, they were so kept in on ech side. But of this battell, and likewise of other enterpri­ses, which Ostorius and other of the Romane lieute­nants atchiued here in Britaine, ye shall find more thereof in the historie of England according to the true report of the Romane writers, the which verelie make no mention either of Scots or Picts till the yéere of our Lord 320, at the soonest. And as for the Silures and Brigants remooued by Hector Boetius so farre northward, it is euidentlie prooued by Hum­frey Llhoid, and others, that they inhabited coun­tries conteined now within the limits of England. The like ye haue to vnderstand of the Ordouices where Caratake gouerned as king, and not in Car­rike, as to the well aduised reader I doubt not but it may sufficientlie appeare, as well in the descrip­tion as in the historie of England aforesaid.

But now to returne where we left: the brute of this late victorie quieted the busie minds of such o­ther They of Gal­loway are bea ten and paci­fied. of the Britains, as were readie to haue reuol­ted. But they of Galloway would not at the first giue ouer, but in trust of aid at the hands of Cara­take continued in their rebellion, till Ostorius came thither, and beate downe such as made resistance, whereby the other were soone pacified. After this he Kile and Can tire wasted and spoiled. Caratake as­sembleth an armie. entred into the confines of Kile and Cantire, spoi­ling and wasting those countries, and brought from thence a great number of captiues. With which in­iurie Caratake being not a little kindled, he assem­bled a mightie armie, wherein he had at the least 40 thousand men, what of his owne subiects and other such as came to his aid. For after he was entred in­to Pictland, there came vnto him out of all parties no small number, of such as desired either to be re­uenged on the Romans, either else to loose life and libertie both at once, for the tast of bondage was so bitter vnto all the inhabitants of Albion in this sea­son, that they in maner were wholie conspired togi­ther to remooue that yoke of thraldome from their shoulders which so painefullie pinched them.

Caratake thus furnished with an armie, chose The strength of the place where Cara­take was in­camped. foorth a strong place to lodge in, fensed on the one side with the course of a déepe foordlesse riuer, and on the other sides it might not be approched vnto for the [Page 50] stéepnesse of the crags and such fensing as they had Of this mat­ter ye may read more in England. Women in­camped. made with great stones, in places where there was any waie to enter. All such women as were some­what stept in age, and came thither with them, in great numbers, were by Caratake placed on either side his battels, both as well to incourage the men to doo valiantlie with shouting and hallowing vnto­them, as also to assails the Romans with stones as they should approch. Other such as were yoong and lustie, were appointed to kéepe araie amongst the 10 Women pla­ced in order of battell. Caratake and his capteins exhort their men to fight. men to fight in the battell.

Caratake hauing thus ordered his field, and hea­ring that Ostorius was come to giue battell, ex­horted his people to sticke to it like men, and so in semblable wise did all his capteins and sergeants of the bands, going from ranke to ranke to incourage their souldiors, declaring how that this was the ar­mie that must either bring libertie or thraldome to them and their posteritie for euer. On the other part Ostorius minding to trie the matter by battell, set 20 his people in araie after the ancient maner of the Romans, willing them to consider that they were descended of those parents and ancestors which had subdued the whole world: and againe, that those with Ostorius in­courageth his Romans. whome they should now match, were but naked people, fighting more with a certeine maner of a fu­rious rage and disordered violence, than with any politike discretion or constancie.

Herewith vpon commandement giuen on both parts, the battell began right hot, & for a good space 30 Caratake ouer throwne by the Ro­mans. His quéene taken. verie doubtfull, till the practised knowledge of the Romans vanquished the furious violence of the Scots, Picts, and Britains: who being put to flight fled into the mounteins to escape the enimies hands who pursued them most egerlie. Amongst other of Caratake be­traied by his stepmother. the prisoners there was taken Caratakes wife, with his daughter & brethren. He himselfe fled for succor vnto his stepmother Cartimandua: but as aduersi­tie findeth few friends, she caused him to be taken and deliuered vnto Ostorius. This was in the ninth 40 yeare after the beginning of the warres. Ostorius vsed him verie honorablie, according to the degrée of a king: finallie he sent him vnto Rome, togither Caratake is sent to Rome. with his wife, his daughter, and brethren. His same was such through all places, that where he passed by, the people came flocking in on each side to sée him, of whom they had heard so much report for his stout resistance made so long a time against the Romane puissance.

At his comming to Rome he was shewed in tri­umph, 50 all the people being called to the sight: for the He is shewed to the people in triumph. victorie and apprehension of him was iudged equall with anie other atchiued enterprise against whatso­uer the most puissant enimies of former time. The Emperor Claudius vpon respect as was thought of his princelie behauior and notified valiancie, restored him to libertie, and reteining his daughter and el­dest brother at Rome as pledges, vpon his oth re­ceiued to be a true subiect vnto the empire, he sent him home into his countrie againe, assigning vnto 60 him the gouernance of Galloway, with Kile, Car­rike, and Coningham. He liued not passing two yéeres after his returne into Scotland, studieng Caratake departeth this life. most cheeflie (during that time) how to preserue his people in peace and quietnesse. He departed this world one and twentie yeares after the deceasse of his vncle Metellan, in the yéere of our Lord 54.

A little before his falling into the hands of the Ro­mans, 54 Strange sights séene. there were sundrie strange sights seene in Albion, as fighting of horssemen abroad in the fields, with great slaughter, as séemed on both parts: and forthwith the same so vanished awaie, that no appée­rance of them could any where be perceiued. Also a sort of woolues in the night season set vpon such as were kéeping of cattell abroad in the fields, and caried awaie one of them to the woods, and in the morning suffred him to escape from amongst them againe. Moreouer, at Carrike there was a child borne, perfect in all his lims sauing the head, which was like vnto a rauens. These vnketh signes and monsters put the people in no small feare: but after that Caratake was restored to his libertie & coun­trie, all was interpreted to the best.

AFter Caratakes decease, his yoongest brother Corbreid was chosen to succeed in his place, in Corbreid. the fiftie and eighth yéere after Christ, for his elder brother was departed at Rome through change of aire not agréeable to his nature. This Corbreid was a stout man of stomach, much resembling his bro­ther Caratake. In the first beginning of his reigne, he did his indeuor to purge his dominion of such as troubled the quiet state thereof, by robbing and spoi­ling the husbandmen and other the meaner people of the countrie, of the which robbers there was no small number in those daies, speciallie in the we­sterne Iles, also in Rosse & Cathnes. In the meane time the Picts hauing created there a now king called Conkist, gouernour of Mers and Louthi­an, they set vpon the Romans being about to make fortresses in those parties. And but that succours The [...] [...]ue war a­gainst the [...] mans. came in time from the next townes and castels ad­ioining, they had slaine all the whole number of them, & yet aided as they were, the maister of the campe, and eight other of the capteins, with diuers offi­cers of bands, besides common souldiors, lost their liues there.

Shortlie after also, the same Picts ouerthrew a The Picts ouerthrow the Romane for­ragers. number of forragers, with such companies of horsse­men as came to defend them. Herewith Ostorius being not a little mooued, made readie his bands, and fiercelie incountred with the Picts, who defen­ded themselues so vigorouslie, that the fore ward of the Romans was néere hand discomfited. Which danger Ostorius perceiuing, speedilie came to re­lieue Ostorios is [...]nded. the same, but preasing too farre amongst his enimies, he was sore wounded, and in great danger to haue béene slaine. The night comming vpon par­ted the fraie, not without huge flaughter on both The [...] trained [...] into a [...] ­shes and [...] distre [...]. parts. After this, the warre continued still betwixt them with often incursions and skirmishes. At the length the Picts with such other Britains as were come vnto them out of the Ile of Man and other parties, incountred with the Romans in battell, and vpon the first ioining, of purpose gaue backe, training some of the Romans to pursue them vnto such places, where they had laid their ambushes, and so compassing them about, flue a great number of them, and chased the residue into the streicts of the mounteins, wheré they were also surprised by such of the Picts as returned from the battell.

Ostorius vnderstanding how the matter went, withdrew with the rest of his people to his campe, and shortlie after sent a purseuant vnto Rome, to informe the emperour in what state things stood in Britaine, by reason of this rebellion of the Picts, who neither by force nor gentle persuasions could be pacified. The emperour determining to prouide re­medie therefore, sent word againe that he would not that the Picts should be e [...]soons receiued vpon their submission, if they were driuen to make sute for pardon, but vtterlie to be destroied and extermina­ted. For the accomplishment whereof he appoin­ted two legions of such men of warre, as soiourned in France to passe ouer into Britaine. But in Ostorius [...] ­eth. the meane while Ostorius departed this world, whe­ther of his hurts (as the Scotish chronicles make mention) or through sickenesse (as should rather séeme by Cornelius Tacitus) it forceth not. After [Page 51] whose deceasse Manlius Ualens had the chiefest Manlius Ualens inua­teth the Picts. charge, who bringing his armie foorth to incounter the Picts that came to séeke battell, was fiercelie fought withall, notwithstanding the victorie had a­bidden on his side, if at the verie point there had not come succours to the Picts (that is to wit) 400 The Ro­mans are dis­comfited by the Picts. horssemen out of the countrie of Kendall, by whose fresh onset the Romans were discomfited and cha­sed vnto their campe, there being slaine aboue 3000 of them at that ouerthrowe, and on the Picts side 10 there wanted 2000 of their number at the least.

About the same time there arriued in Britaine an other Romane capteine to be generall in place of Ostorius now deceassed, his name was Aulus Di­dius, Aulus Didi­us commeth into Britaine. with him came the two legions afore remem­bred. At his first comming ouer he mustered the old crewes of the Romane souldiers first, much blaming them for their negligence, in suffering the enimies so to increase vpon them, to the great dan­ger of loosing all that (through sloth and faintnesse 20 of courage) which latelie before in Britaine had béen woone and conquered by high prowes and valiant conduct of his predecessours. In the end he exhorted them to put away all feare, and fullie to determine with themselues to recouer againe the honor which they had latelie lost, which he said would easilie be brought to passe, if they would take vnto them man­full stomachs, and obeie him and such other as had the gouernance and leading of them. The Picts being informed that this Aulus Didius was arriued with 30 this new supplie of men, & prepared to come against them, they thought good to send vnto Corbreid king of Scotland, to require his aid against the Romans, The Picts sent to the Scots for [...]d. reputed as common enimies to all such as loued li­bertie, and hated to liue in seruile bondage. For which respect Corbreid was the sooner moued to con­descend vnto the request of the Picts; and therevpon assembling an arme entred into Galloway. Wher­of Aulus Didius being certified, sent an herald vn­to him with all speed, commanding that he should 40 depart out of those quarters, sith he had no right there, considering that Galloway was assigned vnto Caratake but for tearme of his owne life, by force of the emperours grant, and now by the death of the same Caratake was reuersed againe vnto the empire.

The herald had vimeath doone his message, when word came vnto Corbreid how an armie of the Ro­mans Caesius Na­sica entred with an armie in to Gallo­way. vnder the guiding of Caesius Nasica was entred into the marches of Galloway, to the great 50 terror of all the inhabitants, doubting to be spoiled and robbed on ech hand. These newes put the herald in danger of his life, had not Corbreid vpon regard to the law of armes licenced him to depart. The host which Corbreid brought with him into Gallo­way, he bestowed in castels and fortresses abroad in the countrie for more safegard, but he himselfe rode in all hast vnto Epiake, to haue the aduise and aid of one Uenusius that had maried the forenamed Car­timandua Uenusius the husband of Cartiman­dua. that vnkind stepmother of Caratake, as 60 ye haue heard before. This Uenusius was of coun­sell with his wife Cartimandua in the betraieng of king Caratake, and therefore was growne into much hatred of the people for that fact, but through support of the Romans he was for a time defended from all their malices. Notwithstanding in the end being wearied of the proud gouernment of the Ro­mans, Uenusius re­uolteth. he reuolted from them vnto Corbreid. Where­with his wife being offended, found means to ap­prehend both him and his brethren with certeine of his kinsfolks, and laied them fast in prison.

But now Corbreied at his comming thither, did not onelie set them at libertie, but also tooke & cau­sed Cartiman­dua is buried. quicke. Cartimandua to be buried quicke. In the meane while a certeine number of Scots distressed a few forragers of the Romans, but following the chase somewhat rashlie, they were inclosed by the enimies and slaine. This mischance put the Scots in great feare, and the Romans in good successe, so that Na­sica was in purpose to haue assailed a certeine strong place, wherein a number of the Scotishmen were gotten, and had fortified the entries, had not other newes altered his purpose; for hearing how an other armie of the Scots was ioined with the Picts, and were approched within thrée miles of him, he brought his host foorth into a plaine where he ordered his battels readie to receiue them. Whereof the Scotishmen hauing knowledge, hasted foorth to­wards him, and were no sooner come in sight of the Romans, but that with great violence they gaue the onset, most fierclie beginning the battell, which continued till sun-setting with great slaughter on both sides; at what time the Romans were at the point to haue discomfited their enimies, had not those Scotishmen which were left in fortresses (as is said) abroad in the countrie, come at that selfe instant to the aid of their fellowes, by whose means the battell was renewed againe, which lasted till the The darke night parted the fraie. mirke night parted them in sunder. The Romans withdrew to their campe, and the Scots and Picts got vp into the mounteins.

Shortlie after a peace was concluded betwixt the A peace con­cluded. parties, with these conditions; that the Romans should content themselues with that which they had in possession before the beginning of these last wars, and suffer Corbreid to inioy all such countries as his brother Caratake held. And likewise the Picts pai­eng their former tribut for the finding of such gari­sons of Romans as laie at Camelon, they should be no further charged with anie other exactions. Moreouer it was agreed, that neither the Scots nor Picts from thenceforth should receiue or succour a­nie rebels of Frenchmen or Britains, nor should aid by anie maner of means the inhabitants of the Ile of Man, who had doone manie notable displea­sures to the Romans during the last warres. This peace continued a six yeares during the life of Aulus Aulus Didi­us departeth this life at London. Didius, who at the end of those six yeares, depar­ted this life at London, leauing behind him all things in good quiet.

After his deceasse the emperour Nero, who succee­ded Uerannius is made lieu­tenant of Bri­taine. Claudius, appointed one Uerannius to be lieutenant of Britaine, a man verie ambitious and much desirous of honor, by means whereof, in hope to aduance his name, he sought occasions to haue warres with the Scotishmen; and at length hearing that certeine of them being borderers had fetched booties out of Pictland, he did send a great power of Romans to make a rode into the next marches of the Scots, from whence they brought a great spoile, both of men and of goods. With which iniuries the Scots being moued, sought dailie in semblable sort to be reuenged, so that by such means the warre was renewed. But before anie notable incounter chanced betwixt them, Uerannius died. His last Uerannius departeth this life. words were full of ambitious boasts, wishing to haue liued but two yeares longer, that he might haue subdued the whole Ile of Albion vnto the Ro­mane empire, as if he might haue had so much time he doubted not to haue doone.

Paulinus Suetonius succéeded in his place, a Paulinus Suetonius. man of an excellent wit, and verie desirous of peace. He first confirmed the ancient league with Cor­breid king of Scotland: a recompense being made in euerie behalfe for all wrongs & iniuries doone on Angleseie and not Man was thus in­uaded by Suetonius. euerie part. After this (as Hector Boetius hath ga­thered) he conquered the Ile of Man; but for somuch as by probable reasons it is apparant inough, that [Page 52] it was not Man, but the Ile of Angleseic which the Britains name Môn, and at this time was sub­dued by Suetonius, we haue here omitted to make report thereof, referring you to the place in the En­glish chronicle, where we haue spoken sufficientlie after what sort Suetonius both attempted & atchi­ued this enterprise, which being brought to end, he was sent for into Gallia, to represse certeine tu­mults raised among the people there. In whose ab­sence the Britains thinking to haue a meet time for 10 their purpose, mooued a new rebellion. But by the relation of Cornelius Tacitus, this chanced whilest Suetonius was busie in requiring the Ile of An­gleseie, as in the English chronicle it likewise ap­peareth, with the strange fights and woonders which happened about the same time, wherevpon the south­saiers (as Hector Boetius saith) declared that the Ro­mans should receiue a great ouerthrow. Upon trust of whose words the Picts and other Britains inha­biting Camelon and in the marches thereabouts, 20 The Scots and Picts kill the Romans. set vpon such Romans as inhabited there, and fiue a great manie of them yer they were in doubt of a­nie rebellion. The residue which escaped, got them into an old church, where they were slaine ech mo­thers sonne.

Also Petilius Cerealis comming with a legion of footmen and a troope of horssemen to their succours, Petilius Ce­realis his men being slaine returned. was incountred by the Picts, & being put to flight, lost all his footmen, hardlie escaping himselfe with the horssmen to the campe. Shortlie after he tooke vp 30 his tents and returned towards kent, where Catus the procurator or receiuer (as I may call him) of Bri­taine Catus the procurator of Britaine fled into France. as then soiourned, who vnderstanding how the whole Ile was on ech side in an vprore, fled ouer into France then called Gallia. This meane while quéene Uoada sent vnto hir brother Corbreid king of Scotland, requiring his aid against the Romans, Quéene Uo­ [...]da desireth [...]d of hir bro­ther Corbreid. who had so vilie vsed hir and hir daughters, to the great dishonor of hir and all hir linage, and now was the time to be reuenged of such iniuries, the 40 whole nation of the Britains through the couetous dealing of the procurator Catus, being risen in armes to recouer their ancient liberties.

Corbreid being highlie displeased towards the Romans for the euill intreating of his sister, deter­mined either to sée hir satisfied by woorthie recom­pense, or else to be reuenged on them that had mis­vsed hir: and hereof gaue signification vnto Catus the procurator that was as then returned into Bri­taine with a power of men of warre. Corbreid re­ceiuing 50 but a scornefull answere from him, found meanes to ioine in league with Charanach king of the Picts, and gathering togither a mightie armie Charanach K. of the Picts. of one & other, pursued the Romans and their asso­ciats, slaieng downe a woonderfull number of them. He also burned and destroied diuers townes, such as in kéeping their allegiance to the Romans stood earnestlie to their defense, as Berwike and Carleill The Romans slaine. with others. About the same season there arriued in the frith a number of Dutch ships, fraught with 60 Dutchmen ar­riue in Scot­land. people of Merherne or Morauia, a region in Ger­manie situat betwixt Boheme and Hungarie. They were driuen out of their owne countrie by the Ro­mans, and assembling togither vnder a famous capteine named Roderike, came down to the mouth of the Rhene, where making shift for vessels, they tooke the seas to séeke them some new habitations; and thus arriuing in Pictland, were ioifullie recei­ued of the Picts and Scots, for that they were re­puted right valiant men, and glad to reuenge their owne iniuries against the Romans. Namelie with the Picts they were much estéemed, for that they came forth of the same countrie from whence their ancestors were descended.

Their huge bodies and mightie lims did greatlie Merth [...] were [...]en of goodlie sta­ture. commend them in the sight of all men before whome they mustered, so that comming to the place where the kings of Scots and Picts were incamped with their people readie to march foorth towards the eni­mies, they were highlie welcomed, and vpon their offer receiued into companie, and appointed to go forth in that iournie, in aid of quéene Uoada against women come with the [...]eene in ar­mour. the Romans. With this Uoada was assembled a mightie host of the Britains, amongest whom were fiue thousand women, wholie bent to reuenge the villanies doone to their persons by the Romans, or to die in the paine. And for this purpose were they come well appointed with armour and weapons, to be the first that should giue the onset. Uoada hea­ring of hir brothers approch with the king of Picts and their armies, met them on the waie accompa­nied with a great number of the nobles of Britaine, and brought them to hir campe with great ioy and triumph.

After taking aduise how to behaue themselues in their enterprise, they thought it good to make hast to fight with the procurator Catus, yer anie new power of men of warre might come to his aid forth of Gallia now called France. Wherevpon mar­ching The Romans are put to flight and o­uerthrowne. towards him, they met togither in the field, where betwixt them was striken a right fierce and cruell battell; but in the end the horssemen of the Ro­mans part being put to flight, the footmen were bea­ten downe on ech side; Catus himselfe being woun­ded, Ca [...]s was wounded. escaped verie hardlie by flight, and shortlie after got him ouer into France. The Scots and Picts with other the Britains, hauing atchiued this victo­rie, 70000 Ro­mans [...]laine, and 30000 Britains. pursued their enimies from place to place, so that there died by the sword, what in the battell and else­where in the chase, seuentie thousand Romans and other strangers, which serued amongest them; and of Scots, Picts, and other Britains, were slaine thirtie thousand.

The gouernour Suetonius being then in Gallia, hearing of this ouerthrow, & in what danger things stood in Britaine, by reason of the same, came ouer with two legions of souldiers, and ten thousand of other Brigants as aiders to those legions. Uoada Uoada assem­bled an armie against the Romans. the quéene vnderstanding of his arriuall, assembled againe hir people, and sent vnto the Scots and Picts to come to hir aid: who togither with the Morauians came with all spéed vnto hir. When they were thus assembled, Britains, Scots, Picts, & Morauians on one part, and Romans with their aids on the o­ther, they marched forth to incounter togither with deliberat minds to trie the matter by dint of sword, being earnestlie exhorted thereto by their gouernors on either side. So that ioining puissance against puissance, they fought a right cruell battell, manie in the beginning being slaine and borne downe on both sides. But in the end the victorie abode with the Romans, the Britains with other the Albans were chased out of the field. There were slaine of them at the point of foure score thousand persons, as Taci­tus The Romans ouerthrow the Scots and Picts. The Mora­uians all slaine. Uoada [...]e hir selfe. writeth. The more part of the Morauians, togi­ther with their capteine Roderike, were in that number. Uoada the quéene, doubting to come into the hands of hir enimies, slue hir selfe. Two of hir daughters were taken prisoners, and brought ar­med, euen as they were found fighting in the bat­tell, vnto Suetonius.

The eldest of them within a few moneths after was maried vnto a noble Romane named Marius, Marius was made king. who had defloured hir before time. He was also cre­ated king of Britaine by the emperours authoritie, that thereby the state of the countrie [...]ght be r [...] ­ced vnto a better quiet. He vsed to lie most an end in the parties of [...]endale, and named a part th [...] of [Page 53] (where he passed the most part of his time altogether in hunting) Westmerland, after his owne name, Westmerland. though afterwards, when the Romans were expel­led, a portion of the same adioining next vnto the Scots was called Cumberland. The Morauians Humf. Lluid doubteth of this historie of the Mora­ [...]ns. Murrey land. which escaped from the discomfiture, had that por­tion of Scotland assigned forth vnto them to inha­bit in, that lieth betwixt the riuers of Torne and Speie, called euen vnto this day Murrey land.

Corbreid being thus ouerthrowne, and hauing 10 his power greatlie inféebled thereby, passed the re­sidue of his life in quietnesse. For the Romans be­ing troubled with ciuill warres, medled neither with the Scots nor Picts, but onlie studied to kéepe the south parts of Britaine in due obedience. Finallie Corbreid departed this world, after he had reigned Corbreid dead Anno Christi, 71. H. B. 34 yeares, and was buried amongest his elders néere vnto Dunstafage, with manie obelisks set vp about him.

AFter Corbreid succéeded one Dardan, which 20 Dardan. for his huge stature was afterward surnamed the great. He was lineally descended frō Metellane, who was his great grandfather. The nobles and commons of the realme chose him to be their king, onelie for the good opinion they had conceiued of him in his predecessors daies, by whome he was had in great estimation, and had atchiued vnder him ma­nie worthie enterprises, so that he was thought most meetest for the roome, considering the sonnes of Corbreid were not as yet come vnto ripe yeares to 30 inioy the same. For the said Corbreid had three sons Corbreid his thrée sonnes. in all, Corbreid, Tulcane, and Bréeke. The eldest had beene brought vp with Uoada, quéene of the Britains, whereby he had learned the maners and vsages of the British nation, and therevpon was surnamed Gald; for so doo the Scotishmen vse euen vnto this day to name anie of their owne countrie­men that hath learned the courtesie and maners of strange countries.

But to returne to Dardan, in the beginning of 40 his reigne he gouerned the estate by good indifferent iustice, but after he had continued therein by the space of two yeares, he began to fall into all kinds Dardan fal­leth into all kind of vices. of vices, remoouing from offices such as were vp­right bearers of themselues in the same, and ad­uancing to their places bribers and extortioners. The nobles he had in suspect, fauoring onelie such as thorough flatterie were by him preferred. And where he was drowned beyond all the terms of hone­stie in fleshlie and sinfull lust, yet was his couetous­nesse 50 so great, that all was too little which he might lay hands vpon. He also put to death diuers hono­rable personages, such as he perceiued to grudge at His cosin Ca­dorus and o­ther. his dooings. He likewise purposed to haue made a­way the sonnes of his predecessor Corbreid, but his traitorous practise being disclosed, the most part of the nobles and commons of the realme rebelled a­gainst The com­mons rebell. him, and sending for Corbreid Gald the eldest sonne of the former Corbreid, remaining as then in the Ile of Man (where he should haue béene mur­thered) 60 they chose him to their king. And at length beating downe all such as made resistance, they got that cruell tyrant Dardan into their hands, & brin­ging Dardan is beheaded. 75. H. B. 6 of Vespa­sian. H. B. him foorth before the multitude, they caused his head to be openlie stricken off. This was the 81 yeare after the birth of our Sauiour, being the first of the emperour Domitian, & the fourth complet of his owne reigne ouer the Scotishmen.

COrbreid Gald being thus chosen (as I haue said) Corbreid Gald. Galdus other wise called Galgacus, not a Scot but a Britaine as other thinke. to succéed in the gouernment of Scotland after Dardan, is called by Cornelius Tacitus Galgacus, a prince of comelie personage, and of right noble port. In the first begining of his reigne he punished such as had béene furtherers of his predecessors mis­gouernement, and afterwards he passed ouer into Sée more of him in Eng­land. the westerne Iles, where he appeased certeine rebels, which went about to disquiet the state of the com­mon-wealth there. From thence he sailed vnto the Gald puni­sheth such as disturbe the quiet state of his subiects. Iles of Lewis and Skie, and put to death certeine offendors that would not be obedient vnto their go­uernors and iudges. After this he returned by Rosse, and set a stay also in that countrie, touching certeine misdemeanors of the people there. To be short, hée purged the whole realme of all such robbers, théeues, and other the like offendors against the quiet peace of his subiects, as were hugelie increased by the li­centious rule of his predecessor Dardan, and here­vnto he was mightilie aided by the Morauians, who The Moraui­ans helpe to apprehend theeues and offendors. pursued such offendors most earnestlie, and brought in vnto him no small number of them, euer as they caught them.

By this meanes was the state of the common­wealth brought into better quiet, and the yeere next insuing, being the third of Gald his reigne, he cal­led a councell at Dunstafage, wherein he laboured much for the abrogating of the wicked lawes insti­tuted Gald laboreth to abrogate wicked lawes by king Ewin, as before is partlie specified: but he could not obteine more, than that poore men from thencefoorth should haue their wiues frée vnto themselues, without being abused from time to time indifferentlie by their landlords, as heretofore they had bene. Whilest he was thus busied about the esta­blishing of holsome orders & statuts for the welth of his subiects, woord was brought him that Petilius Petilius Ce­realis a Ro­mane capteine sent by Ues­pasian into Britaine. Cerealis a Romane capteine, being sent from Ues­pasian the emperour to haue the gouernement of Britaine, was landed with a puissant armie in the countrie, and minded shortlie to inuade the bor­ders of his realme, as Annandale and Galloway.

With these newes Gald being somewhat asto­nished, The Ordoui­ces and Bri­gants mista­ken by the Scotish writers. thought good to vnderstand the certeintie of the enimies dooings, before he made anie sturre for the leuieng of his people, and therefore appointed certeine light horssemen to ride foorth, and to bring certeine newes of that which they might heare or see: who at their returne declared that the enimies armie was abroad in the fields, vpon the borders of Pict­land, The picts o­uerthrowne by the Ro­mans. The Romans purpose to enter into Galloway. Gald deter­mineth to fight with the Romans. and had giuen the Picts alreadie a great ouer­throw; and further, how they were turned westward on the left hand, in purpose to enter into Galloway. Gald being thus certified of the Romans approch towards his countrie, determined to giue them bat­tell, before they entered into the inner parts of his realme, and therefore with all spéed he assembled his people, to the number of fiftie thousand men, all such as were able to beare armor, being readie to repaire vnto him in such present necessitie for defense of their countrie.

It hath béene reported, that as he marched foorth Strange sights appéere to the Scotish armie. towards his enimies, sundrie strange sights appea­red by the way. An eagle was seene almost all a whole day, flieng vp and downe ouer the Scotish ar­mie, euen as though she had laboured hir selfe wea­rie. Also an armed man was seene flieng round a­bout the armie, and suddenlie vanished away. There fell in like maner out of a darke cloud in the fields, through the which the armie should passe, di­uerse kinds of birds that were spotted with bloud. These monstruous sights troubled mens minds diuerslie, some construing the same to signifie good successe, and some otherwise. Also the chiefest cap­teins amongst the Scots were not all of one opini­on, The Scots not all of one mind. for some of them weieng the great force of the Romane armie, being the greatest that euer had béene brought into their countrie before that day, counselled that they shuld in no wise be fought with­all, but rather to suffer them to wearie themselues, till vittels and other prouision should faile them, and [Page 54] then to take the aduantage of them, as occasion serued.

Other were of a contrarie mind, iudging it best (sith the puissance of the whole realme was assem­bled) to giue battell, least by deferring time, the cou­rage and great desire, which the people had to fight, should wax faint and decaie: so that all things consi­dered, it was generallie in the end agréed vpon to giue battell, and so comming within sight of the eni­mies The Scots agrée to fight with the Ro­mans. host, they made readie to incounter them. At 10 the first the Scots were somewhat amazed with the great multitude of their aduersaries, but through the chéerefull exhortations of their king, and other their capteins, their stomachs began to reuiue, so that they boldlie set vpon the Romans, whereof insued betwixt them a right fierce and cruell battell, howbe­it in the end the victorie inclined to the Romans, and the Scots were chased out of the field. Gald himselfe was wounded in the face, yet escaped he out of the The Scots are discom­fited. battell, but not without great danger in déed, by rea­son 20 the Romans pursued most egerlie in the chase.

There were slaine of the Scotishmen (as their chronicles report) aboue twelue thousand, and of the Romans about six thousand. This victorie being thus atchiued, the Romans got possession of Epiake The citie cal­led Epiake is woon by the Romans. with the greatest part of all Galloway, and passed the residue of that yéere without anie other notable exploit: but in the summer following, Petilius the Romane gouernor went about to subdue the rest of the countrie, the Scots oftentimes making diuerse 30 skirmishes with him, but in no wise durst ioine with them, puissance against puissance, least they should The Scots durst not fight any field with the Romans. haue put their countrie into further danger, if they had chanced eftsoones to haue receiued the ouer­throw.

¶ Here haue we thought good to aduertise the reader, that although the Scotish writers impute all the trauels, which Petilius spent in subduing the Brigants, and Frontinus in conquering the Si­lures, to be imploied chieflie against Scots & Picts: 40 the opinion of the best learned is wholie contrarie therevnto, affirming the same Brigants & Silures not to be so far north by the distance of manie miles, Touching all the dooings of the Romans in Britaine ye shall find suffi­cientlie in the historie of England. as Hector Boetius and other his countriemen doo place them, which thing in the historie of England we haue also noted, where ye may read more of all the dooings of the Romans here in Britaine, as in their writers we find the same recorded. But ne­uerthelesse wee haue here followed the course of the Scotish historie, in maner as it is written by the 50 Scots themselues, not binding anie man more in this place than in other to credit them further than by conference of authors it shall seeme to them ex­pedient.

In the meane time then, whilest Petilius was occu­pied (as before ye haue hard) in the conquest of Gal­loway, Uoadicia the daughter of Aruiragus (whom Uoadicia re­neweth wars with the Ro­mans. the Romans had before time misused, as before in this treatise is partlie touched) gathered togither a crew of souldiors within the Ile of Man, partlie of 60 the inhabitants, and partlie of such Scotishmen of Galloway as were fled thither for succor: with these shée tooke the seas, and landing in Galloway, vpon purpose to reuenge hir iniuries in times past recei­ued at the Romans hands, she set vpon their tents in the night season, when they looked for nothing lesse The Romane campe assailed in the night by Uoadicia. than to be disquieted, by reason whereof they were brought into such disorder, that if Petilius had not caused such fierbrands to be kindled as he had prepa­red and dressed with pitch, rosen and tallow, for the like purpose, the whole campe had beene in great danger: but these torches or firebrands gaue not on­lie light to sée where to make resistance, but also be­ing cast in the faces of the enimies, staied their har­die forwardnesse, whereby the Romans hauing lea­sure to place themselues in arraie, defended the en­tries of their campe, till the day was sproong, and then giuing a full onset vpon their enimies, they put them quite to flight.

But Uoadicia not herewith discouraged, hasted with all speed vnto Epiake, and taking that citie she Epiake is ta­ken & burned by Uoadicia. set fire on it, and slue such Romans as she found there, whereof Petilius being certified, sent foorth a legion against hir to withstand hir attempts. Those that had the charge of them that were thus sent, vsed such diligence, that laieng an ambush for hir in a place fit for that purpose, they so inclosed hir, that slaieng the most part of hir company, she was taken prisoner hir selfe, and being brought aliue vnto Peti­lius, vpon hir stout answer made vnto him, as he questioned with hir about hir bold enterprises, shée Uoadicia is slaine. was presentlie slaine by the souldiors.

Anon after Petilius was certified, that the inha­bitants The Bri­tains rebell. of the Ile of Wight, with other southerne Britains, had raised a commotion against king Ma­rius, so that without spéedie succors they were like to The Bri­tains are appeased. driue him out of his kingdome: wherevpon he ha­sted thither with all conuenient speed, and subduing the rebels, set all things there in good order and staie: Petilius the Romane le­gat dieth. and so remaining there till the next yeere after, he fell sicke of the flix and died. Immediatlie wherevp­on the emperour sent one Iulius Frontinus to suc­céed in his place. This Frontinus brought with him Iulius Fron [...]inus sent into Britaine. two legions of souldiors, and after he had taken or­der with king Marius for the kéeping of the Bri­tains in due subiection of the empire, he purposed to bring such vnto obedience, as inhabited within and The Silures mistaken for Scotishmen. beyond the woods of Calidon, and as yet not van­quished by anie man.

Therefore entring first into Galloway, and visi­ting such garrisons of the Romans, as Petilius had Frontinus purposeth to pursue the con quest of the Silures whō the Scots mi­stake for Gal­loway men. left there for the keeping of that quarter, he com­mended their loialtie and diligence, in that they had looked so well to their charge, that the enimie had gained no aduantage at their hands, whilest the ar­mie was occupied in the south parts about other af­faires there. He also sent an herald vnto the king of the Picts with letters, requiring him to renew by Frontinus requireth to ioine in amitie with the Picts. The Pictish king refuseth to be in league with the Ro­mans. confirmation the former league betwixt his people & the Romans, & not by any means to aid the Scots as before they had done to their great losse & hindrance. Hervnto the king of Picts much suspecting the mat­ter, made a direct answer, that he saw no cause why he should in fauor of the Romans suffer his confede­rats the Scots to be subdued, and brought to destruc­tion without all reason or equitie: and therefore he was determined by the aduise of his péeres & coun­cellors, to aid the Scots against such as sought no­thing but the meanes how to bring the whole Ile of Albion into thraldome and seruile bondage.

Frontinus little regarding this vntowardlie an­swer, set forward to subdue such Scots as were yet Gald resi­steth the Ro­mans. By reason of sicknesse he withdraweth to Argile. disobedient. And so entring into the borders of Kile, Carrike, and Coningham, had diuers skirmishes with such as king Gald had assembled to defend his countrie, but forsomuch as he was diseased with sick­nesse, he was at length constreined to withdraw himselfe into Argile, leauing his power behind him to resist the enimies attempts: but shortlie after his departure from amongst them, they were fought withall by the Romans, and discomfited, thrée thou­sand of them being slaine in the field. By reason of They submit themselues to the Ro­mans. which ouerthrowe those countries submitted them­selues to the Romans, perceiuing no hope other­wise how to escape that present danger.

These Scots of Carrike, Kile, and Coningham, being thus brought into subiection, the armie was licenced to withdraw to their lodgings for the win­ter [Page 55] season, during the which, Frontinus fell sicke of Frontinus being vexed with sicknesse returneth to Rome. superfluous abundance of flegme, which vexed him in such sort, that the emperor Domitian, who as then gouerned the Romane empire, sent for him home to Rome, and appointed a right valiant personage, one Iulius Agricola to succéed as lieutenant of Bri­taine in his roome. About the time of whose arriuall there, the Scots of Annandale slue a great number Iulius Agri­cola is sent into Britaine. The Scots of Annandale beat downe the Romans. Agricola pre­pareth to go against the Scots. Karanach K. o [...] the Picts discomfited by the Romans. of the Romans, with which successe they procured al­so the Picts with the inhabitants of Galloway, Kile, 10 Carrike, and Coningham to rebell.

These newes being reported vnto Agricola, he made his prouision with all spéed to go against them, and first entring into the borders of Pictland, he re­duced such as inhabited about the confines of Ber­wike to their former subiection, and after marching towards the citie of Camelon, Karanach king of the Picts incountred him by the waie, but being fierce­lie beaten off by the Romans, he fled backe into the citie, and within three daies after hauing reinforced 20 his power, he eftsoones gaue battell againe to his e­nimies; but then also being vanquished, he lost the most part of all his men, and so immediatlie there­vpon was Camelon woone by force, & a great num­ber of the citizens slaine.

Agricola caused it to be newlie fortified, and fur­ther through fame of this victorious beginning, he recouered the most part of all the castels and fortres­ses of Pictland. The forenamed Karanach escaping out of that present danger, got him beyond the wa­ter 30 Karanach [...]eth beyond the Firth. of Firth, for the more suertie of his owne person. Agricola hauing sped thus in Pictland, marched foorth against them of Annandale, who at the first ma­king resistance for a time, at length were constrei­ned to giue backe, and so fled to their houses, where in the night following by their owne wiues they were murthered each mothers sonne: for so the wo­men of that nation vsed to put awaie the shame of The Scots of Annandale slaine by their wiues. their husbands, when they at any time had fled out of the field from their enimies. 40

Agricola vnderstanding that by winning him fame in the beginning, it should be no small furthe­rance vnto him for the atchiuing of other enterpri­ses in time to come, determined to pursue his good fortune, and therevpon prepared to subdue the Ile Here is a ma­nifest error in the Scotish writers, ta­king Man for Anglesey. Agricola as­saileth the Ile of Anglesey and not Man as Hector Boe [...]ius mistaketh it. of Man; but wanting vessels to conuey his armie ouer, he found meanes that such as could swim, and knew the shallow places of that coast, made shift to passe the goolfe, and so got on land, to the great woon­der and amazing of the inhabitants, who watched the 50 sea coasts, to resist such ships as they looked for to haue arriued vpon their shore: but now despairing to resist such kind of warriors as indangered them­selues to passe the seas in that maner of wise, they submitted themselues vnto Agricola.

Who taking pledges of them, and appointing cer­teine garisons to kéepe diuers holds and places of defense within that Ile, passed ouer with the residue The Ile of Ang [...]sey is subdued by Agricola. of his people into Galloway, where he soiourned all the winter following: which being passed, and sum­mer 60 once come, he assembled his men of warre a­gaine, and visited a great part of that countrie with Kile, Carrike, and Coningham, the inhabitants whereof he put in such feare with the onelie shew of his warlike armie, disposed in such politike order and wise conduct, that there was none to be found that durst aduance themselues to incounter him, so that he spent that summers season in kéeping such of the Scots as had beene aforetime subdued, from at­tempting any commotion. And when winter was come, he assembled the nobles of the countrie, ex­horting Agricola stu­dieth to bring the Scots vnto [...]itie. them by gentle persuasions, to frame them­selues to a ciuill trade of liuing, as well in building of temples, houses, and other ed [...]ces after the Ro­man maner, as also in wearing of comelie and de­cent apparell; and aboue all things to set their chil­dren to schoole, to be brought vp in eloquence and good nurture. By this meanes he thought to traine them from their accustomed fiercenesse, and to win them the sooner to be content with bondage, though he coloured it with neuer so faire a glose of huma­nitie.

The third winter being thus spent, and the next summer commen vpon, Agricola inuaded such coun­tries as were yet vndiscouered by the Romans, en­tring Kalenda [...] wood. Agrico­la commeth to Sterling. by the nether side of Calidon wood, euen vnto the dolorous mounteine, which afterwards by the Scots was cleped Sterling. It was called the do­lorous mounteine, for that in the night season there was heard right lamentable noise & cries, as though the same had béene of some creatures that had be­wailed their miserable cases: which vndoubtedlie was the craftie illusions of wicked spirits, to kéepe mens minds still oppressed in blind errors and su­perstitious fantasies.

Agricola considering the naturall strength of this mounteine, with the site of an old ruinous castell that stood thereon, he caused the same with all dili­gence to be repared, and a bridge to be made ouer Agricola buil­deth the castle of Sterling with the▪ bridge. the Forth there, by the which he passed with his whole armie ouer into Fife: and the daie after, hearing that the king of the Picts was withdrawne into a castell thereby, standing vpon an high mounteine cleped Beenart, he inuironed the same with a strong Mount Béenart. siege, howbeit his hoped prey was not as then with­in it, for Karanach king of the Picts, informed of the Romans approch, got him foorth abroad into the fields, and assembling his power, purposed by night to haue broken the bridge, which Agricola had made Karanach as­saileth Ster­ling bridge, which the Ro­mans defen­ded. ouer the Forth at Sterling, but being repelled by such as were set there to defend the same, in his re­ [...]ne from thence he was incountred by Agricola himselfe, who being certified of this attempt of his enimies, had leuied his siege, and was comming to­wards them, so that both the hosts méeting togither in the fields, there was fought a sore battell betwixt them, though in the end the Picts were discomfited, and their king the foresaid Karanach chased vnto the r [...]er of Tay, where he got a bote, and escaped to the further side of that water. By reason of this ouer­throw, Karanach is eftsoones chased. Fife with o­ther countries brought into subiection of the Romans. Agricola brought in subiection those coun­tries, which lie betwéene the waters of Forth and Tay, as Fife, Fothrike, and Ernedall, and soiour­ning there all the winter following, he built sundrie fortresses in places most conuenient for the kéeping of the inhabitants in their couenanted obedience, af­ter his departure from amongst them.

In the meane while, the king of the Picts kept him at Dundée, whither resorted vnto him a great number of the Pictish nobilitie, such as had escaped Karanach comforted by his nobles. the Romans hands. These comforted their king in all that they might, willing him to be of good chéere, and to hope well of the recouerie of his losses againe by some good fortune and meanes that might happen to come yer ought long, promising to the furtherance thereof all that in them laie, as well for counsell as aid of hand: and herevpon they tooke aduise which waie to worke, insomuch that at length it was by great deliberation thought good to séeke for succor at the hands of their ancient confederats the Scots, and so incontinentlie there were certeine messin­gers dispatched with all speed vnto Gald the Scotish The Picts send for aid to king Gald. king, requiring him in that common ieopardie to ioine in league with his ancient friends the Picts, against the ambitious and most cruell Romans, who sought nothing else but the vtter subuersion of the whole land of Albion, as manifestlie appéered by their procéedings, hauing alreadie occupied and wrong­fullie [Page 56] surprised a great part not onlie of the Pictish kingdome, but also of the Scotish dominions, min­ding still to go foreward in such vnrighteous con­quests, if by timelie resistance they were not staied. Gald vpon this request and motion of the Picts Gald promi­seth to ioine in league with the Picts against the Romans. gladlie consented to ioine his power with theirs, in common defense of both the realmes (against such common enimies as the Romans were esteemed) hauing herevnto the assent of all his péeres and chée­fest councellors. 10

Thus whilest the kings of the Scots and Picts were concluding a league togither for defense of themselues and their countries, certeine Scots en­tred into the confines of Kile, Carrike, and Coning­ham, and wan diuers fortresses, wherein certeine garrisons of Romane souldiers soiourned, whome The Scots slea the Ro­man souldiers lieng in cer­teine garisons The riuer of Clide, other­wise called Clude. Agricola re­pelling the Scots, could not yet win the castell of Dunbreton, ancientlie called Arold­cluch, or Al­cluth. they slue downe right without all mercie, spoiling the whole countrie. Agricola hauing knowledge hereof, went streightwaies thither with a power, and pursuing them that had doone those iniuries, 20 some he tooke amongst the hilles and mounteines, whither they fled; and the residue he chased beyond the riuer of Clide, but the castell of Dunbreton he could not by any meanes obteine, though he assaied to win it euen to the vttermost of his power. It was called in those daies Alcluth, that is to meane: All stone. The Scotishmen being thus driuen backe, Agricola repared such castels and fortresses as they had ouerthrowne and beaten downe.

In the yeare following, being the fift after the 30 first comming of Agricola into Britaine, he caused his ships to be brought about frō the Ile of Wight into the water of Lochfine in Argile, thereby to put his enimies in vtter despaire of escaping his hands either by water or land: and therevpon passing ouer the riuer of Clide with his armie, and finding his nauie there, he set vpon the countrie of Lennox, in purpose to subdue the same. But after he had made Agricola inuadeth Lennox. sundrie skirmishes with the inhabitants, he was certified by letters from the gouernor of Camelon, 40 that the Picts were readie to rebell, by reason wher­of he left off this enterprise against the Scots, and drew backe into Pictland, leauing a part of his ar­mie Agricola re­turneth into Pictland, to appease a re­bellion of the people there. He returneth vnto Clide. to keepe possession of the water of Clide, till his returne againe into those parties. At his com­ming into Pictland, he appesed the rebels with small adoo, punishing the chéefe authors according to their demerits. This doone, he returned vnto the water of Clide, lieng all that winter beyond the same, ta­king order for the gouernment of those parties, in 50 due obedience of the Romane empire.

The summer following he appointed his nauie to search alongst by the coast all the hauens and créeks Agricola pur­sueth his en­terprise against the Scots. of Argile, and of the Ilands néere to the same. Whi­lest he by land passing ouer the water of Leuine, went about to conquer townes and castels, though halfe discouraged at the first, by reason of the rough waies, streict passages, high mounteines, craggie rocks, thicke woods, déepe marishes, fens and mos­ses, with the great riuers which with his armie he 60 must néeds passe, if he minded to atteine his pur­pose: but the old souldiers being inured with paines and trauell, ouercame all these difficulties by the wise conduct of their woorthie generall and other the cap­teins and so inuading the countrie tooke townes and castels, of the which some they beat downe and raced, and some they fortified and stuffed with garisons of men of warre.

About the same time by commandement of king Gald, and other the gouernors of Scotland, all the a­ble men of Cantire, Lorne, Murrey land, Luge­marth, Al the Scots assemble. also those of the westerne Iles, & of all other parties belonging to the Scotish dominions, were appointed to assemble and come togither in Atholl, at a place not passing fiue miles distant from the castell of Calidon now cleped Dunkeld, there to abide the comming of Karanach king of the Picts, to the end that ioining togither in one armie, they might work some high exploit. But he hauing assembled fiftéene thousand of his men of war, as he marched alongst by the mounteine of Granzbene, in times past cle­ped Mons Grampius, there chanced a mutinie a­mongest his people, so that falling togither by the eares, Karanach himselfe comming amongst them Karanach K. of the Picts slaine by mis­fortune of one of his owne subiects. vnarmed as he was to part the fraie, was slaine pre­sentlie at vnwares, by one that knew not what he was. By reason of which mischance that iournie was broken, for the Picts being vtterlie amazed and dis­comforted héerewith, skaled and departed asunder.

Gald with his Scots now being thus disappointed of the Picts his chéefest aid, durst not ieopard to trie the chance of battell with the enimies, but determi­ned with light skirmishes, and by withdrawing of vittels out of their walke, to stop them from further proceeding in conquest of the countrie, & in the mean time to prouide against the next summer new aid and succors to kéepe the field, and so to incounter with them, puissance against puissance, if they re­mained so long in the countrie. The Scots resting vpon this resolution, thought good to send some hono­rable An ambassage frō the Scots to the Picts. ambassage vnto the Picts to mooue them vnto mutuall agréement & concord amongst themselues, whereby they might be able to resist the common ru­ine of their countrie as then in present danger to be oppressed by the Romans.

Those that were sent on this message, did so dili­gentlie The Picts brought to agréement amongst them selues. behaue themselues, in bringing their purpose to passe, that the Picts in the end agréed to ioine in friendlie amitie one with another, and to choose one Garnard to their king to succéed in the roome of Ka­ranach. They also confirmed the former leage with the Scots, and by their procurement sent messen­gers vnto the Norwegians and Danes, requiring them of aid against the Romans the common eni­mies of all such nations as loued to liue in libertie, wheresoeuer the same were inhabiting in anie part on the whole face of the earth. There were also sent ambassadors vnto the Irishmen from the Scots for Ambassadors sent vnto the Danes and Irishmen for aid. the same intent, and from both those places there was great aid promised, as frō them that estéemed themselues halfe bound by a naturall respect, to suc­cor such as were descended of the same ancestors and countries that they were of, and now like to be expelled out of the seats which their forefathers had got possession in by iust title of conquest, and left the same vnto their posteritie to enioy for euer.

Whilest these things were thus in dooing, Galdus diuiding his armie into sundrie parts, did what was possible to resist all the attempts of the Romans. The fame of Gald his puis sance putteth the Romans in scare. Who standing in doubt of his puissance, rather through fame thereof, than for anie apparant sight or other knowledge had, durst not put themselues in danger to enter into Calidon wood, of all that sum­mer; and the winter following was so extreame, by reason of frost, snow, and coldnesse of aire, that they were not able to enterprise anie exploit on neither part: howbeit the summer was no sooner come (be­ing the seauenth after the comming of Agricola in­to Britaine) but that they prepared to inuade one an other againe with all their forces.

Foorth of Ireland there came (according as was An aid of I­rishmen come to the succors of the Scots. promised) a great power of men of warre, and ioi­ned with an armie of Scotishmen in Atholl, being there alreadie assembled in great numbers out of all the quarters of the Scotish dominions. Thither came also Garnard king of the Picts with his pow­er. Gald chosen to be generall against the Romans. All which forces being thus assembled togither by common agréement amongest them, Gald king of [Page 57] the Scots was chosen to be their generall, who hea­ring that Agricola with with his host was entred into Kalendar wood, diuided the whole armie into three battels, and so marched foorth towards the eni­mies in purpose to incounter them. Agricola being of this aduertised by spials, parted his people also in­to thrée wards, doubting to be inclosed within some combersome place by reason of the great multitude of his enimies, that were estéemed to be in number aboue 50000 of one and other. 10

Gald on the other side vnderstanding by spials this order of the Romans, in the dead of the night setteth vpon one of those legions, which was lodged next vn­to him, and finding meanes to slea the watch, was entred into the enimies lodgings, before they had a­nie knowlege of his comming, so that the fight was Gald setteth vpon one part of his enimies to the night. right fierce & cruell euen among the Romans tents and lodgings. But Agricola being certified of this enterprise of the Scots, sent foorth with all spéed a certeine number of light horssemen and footmen to 20 assaile them on the backs, & so to kéepe them occupi­ed, till he might come with all the residue of his peo­ple to the rescue. They that were thus sent, accompli­shing their enterprise according to the deuise in that behalfe appointed, gaue a right fierce & stout charge vpon the Scots and Picts, greatliè to the reliefe of those that were by them assailed, and withall sore a­mazed and disordered by reason of the enimies sud­den inuasion.

By this meanes the fight continued right fierce 30 Agricol [...] com meth to the succors of his [...]. and cruell on all sides, till at length the daie begin­ning to appéere, shewed to the Scots and Picts the plaine view of the whole Romane armie, appro­ching vnder the conduct of Agricola, to the succour of his people, being thus in danger to be distressed. Heerewith were the Scots and Picts put in such feare, that immediatlie they fell to running awaie Agricola dis­co [...]fiteth his [...]mies. towards the woods and bogs, the accustomed places of their refuge. This ouerthrow did so abash both the Scots and Picts, that they durst attempt no more 40 the fortune of battell, till they had some aid out of Denmarke, but onelie did what they could to de­fend their townes and countrie, by making sundrie raises vpon their enimies, as occasion and oportuni­tie serued. But the Romans, supposing nothing to be hard for their vndaunted valiancie, but that they were able to ouercome whatsoeuer should stand at defiance against them, determined at length to find an end of the Ile of Albion, and so passing thorough The Ro­mans passe through Cal [...] ­bon wood ouer the riuer of Amond. Kalendar wood, and ouer the riuer of Amond, they 50 pitched their field néere to the riuer of Taie, not far from the castell named Calidon or Kalendar.

The Picts, by reason that their enimies were lod­ged so neere to the confines of their countrie, doub­ting what might follow thereof, burned the citie of Tuline, least the same enimies chancing to take it, should furnish it with some garrison of men, to the The Picts burne the citie of Tuline. The place where Tu­ [...]ne stood is called by the inhabitants at this daie Inchtuthill. great danger of the whole Pictish kingdome. This citie stood vpon the banke of Taie, right beautifullie built, with many faire castels and towers, as may 60 appeere euen vnto this daie by the old ruines therof, strong rather by the workemans hands, than by na­ture. The Scotishmen in our time call the place Inchtuthill. All their wiues and children they remoo­ued vnto the mounteins of Granzbene for their more suertie and safegard.

About the same time the Romans were not a lit­tle The Ger­mans cōming to serue the Romans re­bell against their captein and leaders. disquieted, by reason of a mutinie which chanced amongst such Germans as were appointed to come ouer to Agricola, as a new supplie to furnish vp such numbers as were decaied in his armie. These slai­eng their capteine, and such other Romans as were appointed to haue the order of them for their trai­ning in warlike feats at the beginning, as the ma­ner was, got certeine pinnesses which they happened vpon in the riuer of Thames, and sailing about the east and north coasts of this Ile, arriued in Taie water, offering themselues to the Scots and Picts to serue against the Romans, whose malice they dread for their offense committed if they should re­turne into their owne countries, which laie about the These [...] ­tes first inha­bited the par­ties betwixt the moun­teins of Hessen and the Rhene, now called Hochrug, [...]rō whence they remoued into the nether countries. Danes, and Norwegians, come to aid the Scots and Picts. Gildo is kept off from lan­ding by the Romans. Gildo arri­ueth in Tai [...] water. Cornelius Ta­citus maketh no mention of anie forraine aid to come to the succours of his enimies comprehen­ding them all vnder the name of Bri­tains. Garnard the king of Picts io [...]ullie recei­ued Gildo. Gald com­meth into Dundée to welcome Gil­do. Gald Gar­nard and Gil­do assemble a councell at Forfare, where they deuise how to procéed in their warre. mouth of the Rhene, and was as then subiect to the Romane empire, the inhabitants in those daies be­ing cleped Usipites, the which (as some suppose) inha­bited Cleueland and Gulike.

Their offer was accepted most thankefullie, and places appointed for them to inhabit amongest the Murraies, because they were descended as it were of one nation. Whilest these things were thus a dooing, there came also the long wished aid from the Danes and Norwegians, to the number of ten thousand men, vnder the leading of one Gildo. This Gildo with his nauie first arriued in the frith be­twixt Fife and Louthian, but for that the Romans kept him off from landing there, he cast about and came into the riuer of Taie, where he landed all his people, for prouision wherof he had good store both of vittels and armour. Garnard king of the Picts hearing of their arriuall there, foorthwith vpon the newes departed from Dundée, accompanied with a great number of his nobles, and comming to the place where Gildo with his armie was lodged, re­ceiued him in most ioifull wise, feasted and ban­keted him and his people, and shewed them all the tokens of most hartie loue and friendship that could be deuised. Gildo himselfe was led by the king vnto Dundee, and lodged with him there in the castell, his people were prouided for abroad in the countrie in places most for their ease, to refresh themselues the better after their painefull iournie by the seas.

Shortlie after there came vnto Dundée the Sco­tish king Gald, who for his part did all the honour that in him lay vnto Gildo, shewing himselfe most ioifull and glad of his comming, yéelding vnto him and his people such thanks and congratulations as serued best to the purpose, and receiued no lesse at his and their hands againe. After they had remained thus certeine daies togither at Dundée, both the kings Gald & Garnard, togither with this Gildo, went vnto the castell of Forfare, there to consult with their capteins and gouernours of their men of warre, how to mainteine themselues in their en­terprise against the enimie. At length they resolued not to go foorth into the field till the winter season were past, for doubt of the inconuenience that might insue, by reason of the extreame cold intemperancie of the aire, whereto that countrie is greatlie subiect.

In the meane time they tooke order for the furni­ture They deter­mine to rest all the winter, and make fronter warr [...] onelie. of all things necessarie for the wars, to haue the same in a perfect readines against the next spring, and till then they did appoint onelie to kéepe fronter warre, that the Romans should not straie abroad to fetch in vittels and other prouisions to their owne gains, and to the vndooing of the poore inhabitants. Upon this determination when the councell was broken vp, Gald withdrew into Athell, to defend those parties; and Garnard with the Danish gene­rall Gildo, furnished all the castels and holds in An­gus ouer against the riuer of Taie, to stop the passa­ges of the same, that the enimies should enter no further on that side. Thus passed the winter for that yeare, without anie great exploit on either part at­chiued.

In the beginning of the next summer, Agricola Agricola sen­deth forth his name of ships, to discouer the furthest point of Britaine northward. appointed his nauie of ships to saile about the coasts of the furthest parts of Albion, making diligent search of euerie créeke & hauen alongst by the same. The mariners, executing his commandement, [Page 58] sailed round about the north coast, discouering ma­nie of the westerne Iles and likewise those of Ork­neie, till at length they found out Pictland firth, be­ing a streict of the sea of twentie miles in bredth, which separateth the Iles of Orkneie from the point of Cathnesse, passing with so swift a course, that without an expert pilot the ships that shall passe the same are oftentimes in great danger, by reason of the contrarie course of the tides. The Romane mariners therefore, finding certeine husbandmen 10 in the next Iles, constreined them to go a shipbord, & to guide them through that streict, promising them high rewards for their labour; but they vpon a ma­licious intent not passing for their owne liues, so they might be reuenged of their enimies in casting away such a notable number of them togither with their vessels, entred the streict at such an inconueni­ent The Romane ships through want of pilots are lost in Pictland frith. time, that the ships were borne with violence of the streame against the rocks and shelues, in such wise that a number of the same were drowned and 20 lost without recouerie.

Some of them that were not ouer-hastie to fol­low Agricola ma­king a bridge ouer Tay wa­ter, passeth by the same with his host, and incampeth néere to the foot of the mounteine of Granzbene. the first, séeing the present losse of their fellows, returned by the same way they came vnto Agricola, who in this meane time had caused a bridge to be made ouer the riuer of Tay, by the which he passed with his whole armie, and incamped on the further side thereof néere to the roots of the mounteine of Granzbene, leauing the bridge garnished with a competent number of souldiers to defend it against 30 the enimies. The Picts being not a little troubled herewith, dispatched forth a messenger with all hast vnto Gald the Scotish king, signifieng vnto him the whole matter, and thervpon required of him aid.

Gald hauing mustered his people aswell Scotish as Irish, assembled them togither to the number of fortie thousand persons, what of one and other, and incontinentlie with all spéed marcheth forth to come vnto the aid of the Picts, and so within a few daies passing ouer the mounteine of Granzbene, he arri­ueth 40 in a vallie beyond the same mounteine, where Gald king of the Scotish men commeth to the aid of the Picts. he findeth the Picts, Danes, and Norwegians in­camped togither not far off from the host of the Ro­mans. Here taking aduise togither, & in the end de­termining to giue battell, king Gald (vnto whome as before is expressed, the gouernance of the whole The Scots and Picts de­termine to giue batttell to the Ro­mans. Gald exhor­teth his peo­ple to fight manfullie. was cōmitted) assembling togither all the number of the confederats, made vnto them a long and pi­thie oration, exhorting them in defense of libertie (the most pretious iewell that man might inioy) to 50 shew their manlie stomachs against them that fought onelie to depriue them of that so great a be­nefit. And sith they were driuen to the vttermost bounds of their countrie, he persuaded them to make vertue of necessitie, and rather choose to die with honor, than to liue in perpetuall shame & igno­minie, which must néeds insue to their whole nation, if they suffered themselues to be vanquished in that instant. With these words, or other much what of the semblable effect, Gald so moued the hearts of 60 his people, that they desired nothing but to ioine with their enimies, & to trie it by dint of sword, which they vniuersallie signified according to their ac­customed vse with a great noise, shout, and clamor.

On the other part Agricola, though he perceiued a great desire amongest his souldiers to fight, yet he was not negligent on his owne behalfe to incou­rage them with most chéerefull words and counte­nance; so that both the armies being thus bent to haue battell, the generals on both parties began to set them in araie. Agricola to the end his armie be­ing the lesser number should not be assailed both a front and on the sides, prouided (by disposing them in a certeine order) a remedie against that disaduan­tage. On the other side, king Gald by reason of Gald by rea­son of his multitude, thinketh to inclose his enimies. the aduantage which he had in his great multitude and number, ordered his battels thereafter with a long and large front, placing the same vpon the higher ground, of purpose to compasse in the eni­mies on ech side. At the first approch of the one ar­mie towards the other, the battell was begun right The armies approch togi­ther to fight. They [...]. fiercelie with shot of arrows and hurling of darts, which being once past, they ioined togither to trie the matter by hand-strokes, wherein the Scots & Picts had one disaduantage, for those that were archers, or (as I may call them) kerns, comming once to fight at hand-blowes, had nothing but broad swords The Scotish mens disad­uantage, by reason of th [...] vnfit wea­pons. and certeine sorie light bucklers to defend them­selues with, such as serue to better purpose for men to ride with abroad at home, than to be carried foorth into the warres, though the same haue béene so vsed among the Scotishmen, euen till these our daies.

The Romans therefore being well appointed with armor and broad targets, [...]lue downe right a great number of these Scots and Picts thus slenderlie furnished, without receiuing anie great damage a­gaine at their hands, till king Gald appointed his spearemen to step forth before those archers & kerns, to succor them, and therewith also the bilmen came forward, and stroke on so freshlie, that the Romans were beaten downe on heaps, in such wise that they were néere at point to haue bene discomfited, had A cohort of Germans re­stored the Ro­mane side néere at point to haue had the worse. not a band of Germans (which serued amongst the Romans) rushed foorth with great violence vpon the Scotishmen, where most danger appeared, and so re­stored againe the fainting stomachs of the Romans, whereby the battell renewed on both sides againe right fierce and cruell, that great ruth it was to be­hold that bloudie fight, and most vnmercifull mur­ther betwixt them, which continued with more vio­lence The night seuereth the armies in s [...] ­der & parteth the [...]ray. The Romans withdraw to their campe, & the Scots to the moun­teins. on the Scotish side than anie warlike skill, till finallie the night comming on, tooke the daies light from them both, and so parted the fraie. The Romans withdrew to their campe: and the Scots and Picts with their confederats the Danes, Norwegians, and Irishmen, such as were left aliue, got them into the next mounteins, hauing lost in this cruell con­flict the most part of their whole numbers.

Cornelius Tacitus agréeth not in all points with the Scotish chronicles, in a booke which he wrote of the life of Iulius Agricola, where he intreateth of this battell. For he speaketh but of thirtie thousand Sée more hereof in the historie of England. men (which he comprehendeth vnder the generall name of Britains) to be assembled at that time a­gainst the Romans, making no mention of anie Scots, Picts, Irishmen, Norwegians, or Danes, that should be there in their aid. The number of them The number of them that were slaine at this battell. that were slaine on the Britains side (as the same Tacitus recounteth) amounted to about ten thou­sand men, and of the Romans not passing three hun­dred and fortie. Amongst whom was one Aulus At­ticus, a capteine of one of the cohorts. But as the Scotish writers affirme, there died that day of Scots, Picts, and other their confederates at the point of twentie thousand, and of the Romans and such as serued on their side, as good as twelue thou­sand. Moreouer, the night following, when Galdus with the residue of his people which were left aliue was withdrawne to the mounteins, and that the huge losse was vnderstood by the wiues and kinswo­men of the dead, there began a pitifull noise among them, lamenting and bewailing their miserable case and losses.

But Gald, doubting least the same should come Women be­waile their friends. to the eares of some espials, that might lurke neere to the place where he was withdrawne, caused an huge shout and noife to be raised by his people, as though it had béene in token of some re [...]ising, till [Page 59] the women bewailing thus the deth of their friends, might be remooued out of the way. This doone, they fell to take counsell what was best to doo in this case: and in the end all things considered, it was determi­ned that somewhat before the dawning of the next morrow, euerie man should dislodge and withdraw himselfe into such a place as he thought most méet The Scotish men & Picts breake vp their campe. for his safegard, saue onelie such as were appointed to attend Gald and Garnard into Atholl, whither they minded with all spéed to go. 10

Thus leauing a great number of fiers to dissem­ble their departure, they dislodged and made awaie with all spéed possible. In the morning when their departure was once discouered, a great number of the Romans followed as it had beene in the chase, but some of them vnaduisedly aduenturing too farre The Romans in pursuing vnaduisedlie [...]re distressed. forward, were inclosed by their enimies and slaine. Those that wrought this feat got them to the next hils and so escaped. At length, when all the fields and countries adioining were discouered, and the same 20 appearing to be quite deliuered of all the ambush­ments of the enimies, Agricola caused the spoile to be gathered, and after marched foorth vnto Angus, where (forsomuch as summer was past) he appointed to winter, and so comming thither and subduing the countrie, he tooke pledges of the best amongst the in­habitants, Agricola sub­dueth Angus and wintereth there. and lodged his people about him in places most conuenient.

About the same time Agricola heard newes from his nauie (as then riding at anchor in Argile) what 30 mishap had chanced to the same in Pictland frith. But herewith being not greatlie discouraged, he Agricola is certified of the mischance of his name. gaue order that the ships that had escaped, should be new rigged and furnished with all necessarie proui­sion, and manned throughlie, both with able mari­ners and men of war. This doone, he appointed them eftsoones to attempt fortune, and to take their course againe to come round about by the Orkenies, and so vp alongst by the east coast: which enterprise they The Romane fléet saileth round about the north point of Albion. luckilie accomplished, and in the water of Taie 40 they burnt the Danish fléet lieng there in harbrough.

¶ Here is to be noted, that before the fore-remem­bred ouerthrow of the Scots and their confederats at the foot of Granzbene, there happened manie sun­drie vnketh and strange sights in this Ile. Amongst other there appeared flieng in the aire certeine firie Strange visions. visions, much to be wondered at. Also a great peece of Kalendar wood séemed in the night time as it had béene on a flaming fire, but in the morning there ap­peared no such token. There was in like maner séene 50 in the aire the similitude of certeine ships. And in Ships séene in the aire. It rained frogs. A mōstruous child borne. Angus it rained frogs. At Tuline there was a child borne hauing both shapes, so filthie a sight to behold, that forthwith they rid it out of the way for offen­ding others eies. These prodigious things were di­uerslie interpreted, according to the variable fansie of man.

After that the prosperous successe of Agricola Domitian the emperour en­ [...]ieth the pros­perous succes of Agricola. Agricola is sent for to Rome, one Cneus Tre­bellius appoin ted in his place which causeth the souldiers to make a [...]nnie. The Scots vpon occasion of discord amongst the Romans, come forth against them. was once notified to the emperour Domitian, he 60 tooke such enuie thereat, that shortlie after, vnder a colour to send him into Syria to be lieutenant there, he countermanded him home vnto Rome, appoin­ting one Cneus Trebellius to succéed him in the go­uernment of Britaine, but the armie bearing more fauour vnto one Trebellianus being cousine to A­gricola, caused no small trouble amongst the souldi­ors, so that in the end after certeine bickerings be­twixt them, Trebellianus tooke a sort of the best soul­diors away with him, and went ouer with them into France.

The Scots taking occasion hereof, ioined with the Picts, and entred into Angus. Whereof Cneus Trebellianus being informed, assembled his people, who perceiuing no great forwardnesse in their lea­der, created Caius Sisinnius (brother to the forena­med Trebellianus) their capteine, but he would in no wise meddle with that charge, though they were verie earnest in hand with him to take it vpon him. In the meane time came the enimies vnder the lea­ding The Scots set vpon the Romans. of Gald readie to giue the onset, wherewith the Romans being sore troubled, by reason of this dis­cord amongst themselues, set forward yet right va­liantlie, to giue battell to their enimies: howbeit in the end, bicause that Sisinnius receiued a mortall wound, and so departed out of the field, they fell at The Romans are discōfited. length to running awaie, the Scots and Picts fol­lowing in the chase right fiercelie.

This atchiued victorie, after so manie vnluckie enterprises, highlie reioised the appalled harts of the Albions, hauing béene continuallie in maner now for the space of fiftie yéeres through aduerse fortune grieuouslie oppressed by the Romans, who being not a little discouraged by this ouerthrow, withdrew The Romans withdraw vn­to Tuline. They retire backe ouer the water of Tay and breake the bridge after them. themselues wholie vnto Tuline, and shortlie after for their more safegard, they got them ouer the riuer of Tay, breaking the bridge which they had made there, to the end that by the same the Scots & Picts should haue no passage in that place. But Gald hauing got this notable victorie with the spoile of the Romans campe, thought it best with the aduise of his nobles, to pursue the Romans without delaie, not suffering them to haue time to prouide for resistance. And herevpon comming to the castell of Calidon other­wise Kalendar, they got ouer the riuer of Tay, by a bridge of wood laid ouer the same riuer, which in that The Scots get ouer the water of Tay néere to Cali­don castell. The Scots eftsoones giue battell to the Romans. place is but narrow, by reason of the rocks & cliffes forcing the banks on either side to a streictnesse.

The Romane capteins also not ignorant of the pas­sage of the enimies, brought foorth their armie, and made themselues readie to incounter them, but for that the forenamed Caius Sisinnius was not able to stirre by reason of his wounds receiued in the last battell, they chose one Titus Celius, a valiant gen­tleman The Romans are againe discomfited. of Rome to be their leader, and so vnder his conduct setting vpon their enimies they fought right fiercelie for a time, but yet in the end they were put to flight, & chased into Calidon. There were slaine of the Romane part in this incounter to the number of fiue thousand, and of the Scots and other the confe­derats two thousand. After this victorie thus obtei­ned by the Scots, a great number of the Britains The Bri­tains hearing of the euill ad­uentures fallen to the Romans, re­uolt frō their obedience. reuolted from the Romane obedience, as those that inhabit the countrie which we now call Wales, with the marches, slaieng & chasing awaie such Romans as lay abroad in those parties.

This doone, they sent vnto Gald king of the Scots, certeine messengers with rich iewels and gifts, in token of their reioising and gladnes for his victories, promising him furthermore such aid as they were a­ble to make against the Romans the common eni­mies of all the whole Albion nation. Moreouer, in this meane while did the Romans within Ca­lidon The Romans send vnto Marius king of the Bri­tains for and. castell direct their messengers with letters vn­to Marius king of the Britains, signifieng vnto him the present danger wherein things stood in those parties by the cruell rage of the Scotishmen and Picts, whom fortune had aduanced with the gaine of two foughten fields, insomuch that if timelie suc­cours were not the sooner sent, the losse would be ir­recouerable. Herevnto Marius answered, that as Marius king of the Bri­tains doub­teth rebellion of his sub­iects. then a common conspiracie appeared to be in hand amongest his subiects, so far foorth that he doubted greatlie the suertie of his owne estate; and as for hope of aid to be sent from Rome, he saw small like­liehood; considering the slender prouision there through the misgouernement of cruell Domitian, who by reason of the hatred which the people bare him, regarded nothing but how to kéepe them from [Page 60] rising vp in armour against him, and therefore he Marius coun telleth the Romans to leaue the north parts vnto the eni­mies, and to draw vnto him into the south parts to keepe the same. thought it necessarie that leauing the north parts to the enimies, they should all withdraw towards him into the south parts, to kéepe yet the more fruitfull portion of the Ile in dus obedience, sith their puis­sance might not suffice to reteine & rule the whole.

These newes greatlie abashed the Romane ar­mie, & so much the more, for that about the same time it was shewed them how king Gald with an huge armie of Scotishmen and Picts, was come within 10 ten miles of them. Wherevpon the Romans not knowing at that instant what was best for them to doo, in the end they concluded to withdraw into Cantire, where being arriued, and perceiuing them­selues The Romans withdraw in­to Cantire, & [...] into Galloway. as yet to be in no great suertie there, they went awaie from thence with spéed into Galloway. In the meane time king Gald, supposing it best eft­soones to fight with them yer they might haue anie space to reinforce their power, followed them with Gald pursu­eth the Ro­mans. all diligence, not forcing though he left behind 20 him diuerse castels and fortresses furnished with sundrie garrisons of his enimies, so that he might discomfit and chase away their maine power, which he thought might as then easilie be doone, conside­ring the great multitudes of people which came floc­king in on each side, presenting themselues with of­fering their seruice vnto him, and shewing further­more great tokens of ioy and gladnesse, for that it had pleased the gods at length yet to declare them­selues fauourable in this their relieuing of the op­pressed 30 Britains. Herevnto Galdus on the other side, giuing them heartie thanks for their trauell, receiued them verie gentlie, mixing his talke with most comfortable words, therewith to put them in hope of such good and prosperous successe, as that shortlie they should thereby be restored intierlie vn­to their former liberties, and perpetuallie deliuered from all forren seruitude and bondage.

But to procéed, at length he did so much by his iournies, that he came into Galloway, where the 40 Romans with all spéed (séeing none other remedie) resolued themselues to giue him battell, and there­vpon The Romans determine a­gaine to fight [...]th the Scots. exhorting one another to plaie the men, sith their onelie refuge rested in their weapons points, they fiercelie gaue the onset, and at the first put the left wing of the Scots and Picts wholie vnto the woorst. In which wing, according to their maner in those daies vsed, there were a great number of wo­men mingled amongst the men. Gald therefore per­ceiuing The Romans fiercelie assaile the Scots. the danger, succoured them with such as 50 were appointed to giue the looking on till néed requi­red, and then to go where they should be comman­ded. By which meanes the battell on that side was renewed afresh, the women shewing no lesse vali­ancie than the men, and therewith much more cruel­tie, Strange dea­ling in womē, and contrarie to their nature for they spared none at all, though they offered neuer so much to haue their liues preserued.

In fine, the Romans being chased in the left wing, their ouerthrow gaue occasion to all the resi­due to flee backe to their campe, being pursued so e­gerlie 60 by the Scots and Picts, that they had much The Romans flie to their campe. adoo to defend the entries of their trenches, where both parties fought right egerlie, till at length the night parted them both in sunder. Being parted, the Scots gaue not themselues to rest, but prouided them of all things necessarie against the next mor­ning The Scots purpose to as­saile the Ro­mane campe. to assaile their enimies afresh, and namelie from the next wood they fetched great plentie of fa­gots and brush to fill the trenches withall. But this their demeanor and purpose being vnderstood of the Romans, they required a communication, the which The Romans require a com­munication. (though some persuaded Galdus to the contrarie) vpon déepe considerations of fortunes fraile fauor, was at length granted vnto them, and foure anci­ent Romans clad in right honorable and verie rich apparell came foorth and were admitted to the pre­sence The Romans submit them­selues as van­quished. of the kings [Gald of the Scots, and Gar­nard of the Picts] vnto whome with humble submis­sion they acknowledged themselues as vanquished, and that by the iust wrath and reuenge of the equall gods, which against them they had conceiued for the wrongfull inuasion of that which in no wise of right apperteined vnto them. Therefore if it might please those kings to bridle and refraine their displeasure against them, in licencing them vnder some reaso­nable conditions of appointment to depart, it should be a thing resounding so much to their fame and glo­rie, as nothing could bee more; considering so humble sute made to them by the orators of those people, who were reputed as vanquishers of the whole world.

Herewith falling prostrate at the féet of those kings, they besought them of pardon, in such pitifull wise, that the hearts of the hearers began somewhat to mollifie, and at length Gald tooke vpon him to an­swer in name of all the residue of the Scotish and Pictish nations, and in the end concluded, that they were contented to grant a peace on these conditi­ons: That the Romans should ceasse from that day The conditi­ons of peace prescribed to the Romans by the Scots and Picts. forward in anie wise to infest or disquiet by way of anie inuasion the Scotish and Pictish borders, and also to depart wholie out of those countries, resto­ring all such holds and fortresses as they held with­in the same: and further, to deliuer all prisoners, pledges, and fugitiues whatsoeuer as then remai­ning in their hands, togither with such goods & spoiles as they had latelie taken.

These conditions being certified to the Romans by their orators, were gladlie accepted, sith they saw no better meane how to deliuer themselues out of that present danger. And so deliuering sufficient ho­stages for performance of all the articles of agrée­ment, The Romans depart out of Galloway. they departed without protracting time, mar­ching southwards to come into Kent, where Ma­rius king of the south Britains soiourned as then. Agricola, as the Scotish chronicles report, left at his departure towards Rome, to the number of thréescore thousand men in the Romane armie, what of one and other, but now at their departure out of Galloway, there remained vnneth twentie thou­sand, the residue being dispatched by one meane or other. By this conclusion of peace then, the Scots The Romans giue vp all their holds and fortresses which they kept within the Scotish or Pictish do­minions. and Picts got againe the whole possession of all such countries as the Romans had before woonne and taken away from them, as the Mers, Louthian, the marches about Berwike, Fiffe, and Angus, with Kile, Cantire, Coningham, and Galloway: all the Romane garrisons departing out of the fortresses and holds, and leauing the same vnto the former owners.

Galdus hauing thus ended the warres with the Romans, tooke order to set good directions amongst his people for the quiet and peaceable gouernement of the commonwealth, visiting dailie the countries abroad, the better to vnderstand the state of them, and to reforme the same where it was needfull. Fur­ther Galdus studi­eth to preserue his subiects in good quiet now after the warres were ended. considering that as warre bréedeth good souldi­ers, so peace by iustice riddeth them out of the way, if they be not the better prouided for. Such as had serued long time in the last wars, and had not anie trade now in time of peace whereby to get their li­uing, he placed in garrisons néere to the borders of the Britains for defense of the countrie. After this, Such as sought to trou ble the peace were punished▪ hee came to an interuiew with Garnard king of the Picts at Calidon, or Kalendar, to represse cer­teine troubles raised betwixt their subiects being borderers, concerning the limits of their countrie: where perceiuing a sort of euill disposed persons to [Page 61] be wholie in the fault, vpon a naughtie intent to steale, and trouble the peace, which they had with such trauell and labour sought to restore, they puni­shed the offendors, and set all things in good qui­et, and so departed in sunder with great loue and friendship.

Thus Galdus applieng all his studie and diligence to aduance the common-wealth and quiet state of his countrie, liued manie yéeres so highlie in the fa­uour of all his subiects, that the like hath béene but 10 seldome heard of: finallie, to their great griefe and displeasure he ended his life, more déere to them than their owne at Epiake, in the 35 yéere of his Gald depar­teth this life at Epiake. reigne, which was about the 15 yéere of the empire of Adrian, the 4098 yéere after the worlds creation, and from the birth of our Sauiour 131, and was 3. H. B. 5302. H. B. 130. H. B. buried with great lamentation in most pompous maner, and laid in a goodlie toome which was raised with mightie huge stones, hauing a great number of obelisks set vp round about it according to the 20 maner. Furthermore, to the end his memorie should euer indure, the countrie where he fought last with Galloway ta­keth the name [...] Gald. the Romans was called Galdia, after his name, which by addition of a few letters is now called Gal­loway, and before that time Brigantia, as the Scots doo hold: but how that séemeth to agrée with a truth, ye may read in the historie of England.

AFter this famous prince was thus departed hence, his sonne Lugthake succéeded in rule of Lugthake In vngrati­ous son suc­ceedeth after his woorthie father. the Scotish kingdome, no lesse abhorred of all men 30 for his detestable and filthie vices, ioined with all kind of crueltie and couetousnesse, than his father was beloued for his noble and excellent vertues. This Lugthake went so farre past the bounds of all continencie in following his sensuall lusts, that hée The inconti­nencie of Lugthake. forced and rauished not onelie aunt, néece, and sister, but euen his owne daughters also. Such as were honorable personages, and méet to gouerne in the His small re­gard to the nobilitie. Fauor shewed to men of base condition. common-wealth he nothing regarded, but commit­ted the administration of things vnto vile persons, 40 and such as could best deuise how to inuent quarels against the rich, whereby they might be fléeced of all whatsoeuer they had: and oftentimes vpon some forged cause cruellie put to death. So little did he prouide to sée offendors in anie wise corrected, that Offendors mainteined. contrarilie he mainteined them in such sort therein, that iustice was quite banished, and nothing but Iustice is banished. spoile and rauine exercised.

Thus hée continued aboue two yéeres, to the great ruine of the common-wealth. Finallie, when 50 he went about to put vnto death such as in an as­semble called at Dunstafage spake against the mis­ordered Lugthake would haue put to death such as spake against his misgouern­ment. Lugthake is murthered with a num­ber of his men. Mogall ne­phue to Gal­dus is admit­ted king and studieth to redresse abu­ses. gouernement of the realme, he was there murthered amongst the people, with a number of those also whome he vsed to haue attendant on his person for safegard of the same. His owne bodie was solemnelie buried by appointment of the no­bles, hauing respect to his fathers benefits, but the carcasses of his gard were cast out into the fields, there to bée deuoured of beasts and birds of 60 rauine.

AFter Lugthake was thus dispatched, one Mo­gall the nephue of Galdus by his daughter was admitted king in his place. His cheefest studie was to reforme the decaied state of his countrie, and first he caused such wicked councellors of his predecessors and vncle Lugthake, as had escaped with life (when their maister was made awaie) to be put to death, according to their iust deseruings. He restored also the due worshipping of the gods, in part as then neg­lected, by the wicked counsell of their former rulers. The Scotishmen in like maner conceiuing an assu­red hope of a good redresse in all their [...]réefes and op­pressions, by the means of such a well disposed prince, began to beare him incredible loue and fauor, euen Mogall is beloued of his subiects. The Picts desire aid of the Scots against the Romans. the like as they had doone his grandfather Galdus. In the meane time came certeine ambassadors from the Picts, vnto this Mogall, requiring him of aid a­gainst the Romans and Britains, who by a sudden inuasion had doon much hurt in Pictland, to the great distresse of the inhabitants.

At the same time they of Galloway certified him The Ro­mans inuade the Scotish borders. also by letters, that the same Romans had made a rode into their countrie, and led awaie a great bootie of goods and prisoners. Mogall hauing a mind no lesse giuen to déeds of chiualrie, than to the studie of ciuill gouernment and religious deuotion, reioised that he had iust occasion giuen him to shew some proofe of his valiant inclination, and so herevpon Mogall re­quireth resti­tution of wrongs doone by the Ro­mans. Mogall pre­pareth to the wars. Mogall visi­teth his grand fathers se­pulchre. sent an herald at armes vnto the Romans, requi­ring to haue restitution and amends for the iniuries thus by them committed. The herald dooing his message, receiued nothing but scornefull words, and disdainfull menaces, wherby Mogall being through­lie kindled with despite, assembled his power togi­ther foorth of all the parties of his dominions, and comming with the same into Galloway, visited his grandfathers sepulchre, honoring it with great reuerence and solemne supplications, requiring as it were his aid against those enimies, which had vio­lated the league made betwixt him and them, by so­lemne oths and other accustomed meanes of ratifi­cation. This doone, he drew into Annandale, where The Picts and Scots ioine their powers togi­ther and enter into the lands of their eni­mies. Unipanus as then king of the Picts abode his com­ming. There ioining their powers togither, they marched foorth into Cumberland, and so forward in­to Westmerland, with fire and sword wasting and spoiling those countries, as then belonging to the Romans.

Lucius Antenous the Romane lieutenant, lieng Lucius Ante nous lieute­nant of Bri­taine. Mogall exhor teth his men to doo valiant­lie. at the same time at Yorke, being certified hereof by such as fled for feare out of those parties thus inua­ded by the Scots, gathered a mightie armie out of all the countries of Britaine, and hasted forth with the same towards his enimies; of whose approch Mo­gall hauing notice, he made a long oration vnto his people to incourage them to fight manfullie against the Romans, persuading them effectuallie thereto by manie familiar examples brought in of the vali­ant enterprises atchiued by their elders, in the de­fense of their countrie and libertie of the same. In like maner Lucius Antenous for his part exhorted the Romans, and other his souldiers, to call to re­membrance the victorious exploits of their predeces­sors, and how that as then they should fight but with a rude and barbarous people, running to battell more vpon a furious rage and violent madnes, than with any discretion or aduised order, saieng further­more, that it laie now in their hands with no great adoo to recouer that which through the negligent sloth of Cneus Trebellius was before lost, whereby they should atteine great honor and famous renowme for euermore.

By this meanes the armies on both sides being kindled with desire of battell, in hope of victorie, they drew neere togither, and began the fight right fierce­lie The battell beginneth be tweene the Romans and Albions. at the first, with throwing and shooting of darts and arrowes so thicke that one might vnneth sée an­other. The place was more for the aduantage of the Scots than of the Romans, bicause they were com­pelled to fight as it were by companies and parts, by reason of bogs and marishes, with such sideling banks on the sides that they could kéepe none araie: yet all these impediments notwithstanding, this bar­tell was fought so far forth to the vtterance, that in the end, after a woonderfull slaughter on both sides A cruell fight. made, when their swords and other weapons were spent, they buckled togither with short daggers.

[Page 62] Finallie the violent charge of the Scots & Picts was such, that the Romans were constreined to re­tire, which their generall Antenous perceiuing, did what he could to staie them, and to bring them for­ward The Ro­mans retire. againe, but as he was most busie in the fore­front to exhort them hervnto, he was wounded with an arrow, and therevpon departed out of the bat­tell, which gaue occasion to diuers other of his com­panie to follow him, by meanes whereof all the re­sidue fell to running awaie, and made toward the 10 Lucius Ante nous is woun ded. The Ro­mans are put to flight. next wood, there to saue themselues as well as they might, though some companies perceiuing that they could not reach thither without manifest danger, clo­sed themselues togither and departed by another waie, which they tooke at aduenture, not knowing towards what parts they drew, so that they laie all the night following within two miles of the Scots and Picts, who for that the daie was in maner spent (before the Romans were put to flight) incamped themselues in the selfe-same place where the battell 20 was fought, and in the morning, hearing that part of their enimies were lodged so néere them, & knew not which waie to draw, they sent a number foorth of their campe to fight with them, & to kill them if they resisted, or to bring them captiue to the king if they should seeme willing to yéeld. Those that were thus sent, found the Romans in verie good order of bat­tell for so small a band, not minding to yéeld them­selues as prisoners. By reason of which their obsti­nate wilfulnesse, they were slaine in the end euerie 30 motherssonne.

Lucius Antenous hauing thus receiued the ouer­throw, dispatched a post vnto Rome with all hast, signifient vnto the emperor Adrian the whole ma­ner of the discomfiture, and how that by reason ther­of things stood in great danger here in Britaine, if spéedie succors were not the sooner sent, for the eni­mies were neuer more cruell and fierce, than at this Women as readie to the battell as the men. present, not onelie the men, but also the women (as in the last battell he saw plaine proofe) who cared not 40 for the losse of their owne liues, so that they might die reuenged.

When Adrian vnderstood these newes, he purpo­sed forthwith to go himselfe into Britaine. Causing therefore an armie to be leuied, he passed foorth with Adrian the emperor pre­pareth to go into Britain. Adrian trans­porteth into Britaine. the same into France, then called Gallia, and com­ming to Calice, he transported ouer into Britaine, where he learned how the Scots and Picts were ne­uer more busie than at this present, hauing of late wasted and spoiled the countrie euen to the riuer of 50 Tine. Herewith Adrian being sore offended, ioined Adrian com­meth to yorke the power which he had brought with him frō Rome, with the other which he had caused to be raised in France and Britaine. This doone, he remooued to Yorke, where soiorning certeine daies to refresh his people, he afterwards drew toward the borders, and cōming to the riuer of Tine, he passed ouer the same.

The fourth daie after, he came into a countrie wherein was left no kind of earthlie thing seruing to mans vse, and so passing forward a daie or two, he 60 He passeth ouer the riuer of Tine. Adrian fin­deth nothing abroad in the countrie of his enimies. found neither corne, nor other prouision of vittell, nor any kind of liuing creature, all the people being fled into the mounteins and marish grounds, where no man might come vnto them, as commonlie in case of extreme danger they were accustomed to lie abroad in the same without house or any couerture ouer their heads. Howbeit, for all that he gaue not ouer to pursue them, but finding them out where What maner of people he had to doo withall. they lurked in the hilles and woods, he gréeuouslie af­flicted them, and that in sundrie maner. In the end espieng the barrennes of the soile, the rudenes of the people, and that there was no hope left to come by sufficient prouision for the maintenance of his ar­mie, he determined not to spend anie longer time in such a vaine and fruitlesse trauell, and therefore re­turned vnto Tine, there to restreine the Scots and Picts from inuading such of the Britains as were subiect to the Romane empire, he caused a great Adrian begin­neth to make a wall for safe­gard of the Britains against the Picts and Scots. The Romans writers [...] confirme the same. [...]rench to be cast ouerthwart the land from the mouth of Tine to the riuer of Eske, and a wall to be made on the inner side of the same, of turfe and sods. ¶The Scotish chronicles make mention that it was be­gun by Adrian, but not finished till the daies of the emperor Seuerus, who made an end of it, and ther­fore the same chronicles name it the wall of Septi­mius Seuerus.

Adrianus hauing thus dispatched in the north parts of Britaine, in his returne visited Wales with the marches of the same, setting an order amongst such as had mooned a commotion against the magistrats in those parties, the authors whereof he punished ac­cording to their offenses, & so then he came to Lon­don, whither at the same time a great number of the Britaine nobilitie resorted to doo him honor, accor­ding Adrian com­meth to Lon­don. to their duties. And he for his part shewed them such friendlie interteinment, that they could not wish any better. After this he sailed into France, taking Lucius Antenous with him, bicause he could Adrian retur­neth toward Rome. Aulus Uicto­rinus lieute­nant of Britaine. not awaie with the aire of Britaine, in whose place he left one Aulus Uictorinus lieutenant there, who dis­posed diuers garisons of souldiers in places néere vnto the fore-remembred wall, for defense of the in­habitants against the violence of the Scots & Picts. Who seeing this demeanour of the Romans, diuided those lands and countries (which they had latelie wa­sted on the further side of Tine) in such sort betwixt them, that all what soeuer laie towards the Irish sea, The Scotish men & Picts diuide the countries beyond Tine betwixt them. Mogall through pride abuseth him­selfe in sun­drie kinds of vices. remained to the Scots, and the rest coasting vpon the Almane seas, sell vnto the Picts for their portion.

After this Mogall liued manie yeares in good qui­et without anie trouble of enimies. But being puf­fed vp in pride, by such notable victories as he had thus got of the Romans the conquerours of the world, he could not in time of peace maister his owne vnrulie appetites; but that drowned in the fil­thie lustes of the bodie, he spared neither maid, wi­dowe, nor wise. Againe, he was giuen to such vn­quenchable couetousnesse, that nothing might suffice him, finding manie forged matters against the rich, whereby to bereue them both of life and substance. He was the first which ordeined that such as were banished or condemned for anie crime, should forfeit all their lands & goods without any consideration had A couetous and cruell or­dinance. either of wife or child, which is obserued at the full euen vnto these our daies, where before it was o­therwise in that countrie. But these so notable vices in the prince could not long continue vnpunished, for at last a conspiracie was practised against him, whereof he hauing knowledge (whether by witch­craft A conspiracie attempted a­gainst Mo­gall. Mogall fléeth out of his owne house. or otherwise by relation of friends, the cer­teintie is not knowen) in the dead of the night he ar­med himselfe, and with two of his seruants onelie fled to the next wood, not giuing notice of his depar­ture to anie other of his houshold.

The morning being come, and knowledge had how he was thus departed, the conspiratours pursued af­ter him, who perceiuing them to approch, sought waies how to haue escaped their hands; but such was his hap, that he fell amongest other that were as readie as the first to wreake their malice vpon him, and so by them he was immediatlie murthe­red in the 36 yeare of his reigne, being the 4136 of Mogall is murthered. 148. H. B. the world, and after the birth of our sauiour 169, Antoninus Pius then gouerning the Romane em­pire, and Phiatus surnamed Albus reigning a­mongest the Picts. His head being smitten off, was set vpon a poles end, and caried about in derision; but afterwards in respect of his linage it was bu­ried [Page 63] togither with the bodie by appointment of the nobles, notwithstanding the commons thought it most vnworthie of anie such honor.

MOgall being thus dispatched, as ye haue heard, his sonne Conarus was admitted king, who Conarus. Conarus the sonne of Mo­gell succéedeth his father. (as is reported) was priuie to the conspiracie deui­sed against his father, and as he came to the gouern­ment by wicked means, so in the end he vsed him­selfe much what accordinglie in the same; for after he had for a time dissembled his naughtie nature, 10 he began at the last openlie to shew himselfe in his right colours, committing first of all the admini­stration of publike affaires vnto men of base condi­tion and vile nature. His chiefe delight was altogi­ther in banketting and costlie fare, not regarding the ancient temperancie in féeding, vsed amongest Conarus giuē to ex [...]essiue gluttonie. his woorthie ancestors.

In wasting therefore his kinglie reuenues vpon such riotous excesse, he was nothing abashed to re­quire in an open assemblie of his nobles, a subsidie 20 to be granted, towards the maintenance of such roi­all chéere, as he iudged to stand with his honor to haue dailie in his house. And therefore whereas the rents that belonged to the crowne were not suffici­ent to furnish the charges, he requested a generall contribution to be leuied through the realme, of eue­rie person according to their abilities, for the main­tenance of such superfluous expenses as he dailie vsed in excessiue banketting. The lords maruelling to heare him moue anie such demand, and consi­dering 30 withall the occasion thereof, they asked re­spit The lords conspire a­gainst Cona­rus. to make their answer till the next day: which be­ing granted, in the night following they commu­ded secretlie togither, and in the end concluded, not onelie to denie his request, but also to depose him of all kinglie gouernement, sith his naughtie life re­quired no lesse.

The next day therefore when they were againe set downe in the councell-chamber, one of them in name of the residue tooke vpon him to speake, decla­ring 40 that the lords and commons of the realme mar­uelled The answere of the lords to the demand of Conarus. not a little how it should come to passe, that the king hauing no warres wherewith to consume his treasure, should yet be inforced to demand a tallage for maintenance of his estate and charges of his houshold; but the fault was knowen well inough to rest in such as he most vnworthilie had preferred to rule things vnder him, who being come of naught did nothing but deuise means how to cause the king to spoile his naturall subiects of their goods and pos­sessions, 50 therewith to inrich themselues, but (saith he) as they shalbe prouided for well inough yer long, and so aduanced as they shall not néed to thirst for other mens liuings, that is to wit, euen to a faire paire of gallowes, [...] to end their liues with shame, as a number of such other loosengers had of­ten doone before them: so it is conuenient that the K. sith his skill is so small in the administration of his office, should be [...] vp in some one chamber or o­ther, and such a one to haue the gouernance of the 60 realme, as may be thought by common assent of the lords most meet to take it vpon him.

The king hearing this tale, started vp, & with a lowd voice began to call them traitors; adding, that if they went about anie hurt to his person, they shuld deerelie abide the bargaine. But notwithstanding Conarus is taken and committed to close kéeping. these words, such as were appointed therto, caught him betwixt them, and had him forth to a place assig­ned, where they laid him vp, maugre all his resi­stance. In like maner, all such as had borne offices vnder him, were attached and had to prison, where Conarus his ministers are punished for their offenses. the most part of them, vpon examination taken of their offenses, suffered death according to their iust demerits.

Then was the rule of the realme committed vn­to Argadus is chosen to go­uerne the realme. one Argadus, a man of noble birth, and ru­ler of Argile, who vnder the name of a gouernour tooke vpon him the publike regiment, vntill other aduise might be taken. This mans studie in the be­ginning was onelie to clense the countrie of all mis­dooers, and to sée the peace kept to the quiet of the people; & finallie in all his dooings shewed himselfe Argadus an vpright iusti­cer. a perfect patterne of an vpright iusticer. But with­in a few yeares after (as it often happeneth) prospe­rous successe changed his former mind to an euill Prosperitie changeth con­ditions. disposition, whereby he ordered things after his owne selfewill more than by reason, without the ad­uise of his péeres. And further, to the manifest ruine of the common-wealth, he nourished ciuill discord and sedition amongest the nobles, supposing it to make for his welfare, so long as they were at ods. He also maried a Pictish ladie, the better to streng­then himselfe by this his forren aliance.

Herevpon the péeres of the realme, vnderstan­ding what mischiefe might insue by these manifold and sundrie abuses of the gouernour, caused a par­lement to be called, where, in presence of the whole assemblie, they laid vnto his charge, how that Argadus is rebuked. (through his misgouernement and presumption, not onelie in coupling himselfe in mariage with a wife of a strange nation, but also for attempting manie other things preiudiciall to the estate of the realme, without consent of the nobles or commons of the same) he had deserued grieuous punishment; his trespasse being so much the greater, in that conside­ring the meane how he came to that dignitie, he answered not their expectation, nor performed the Argadus con­fesieth his fault. trust and credit which was generallie committed vnto him.

Argadus hearing himselfe thus charged, and not able to laie anie likelie excuse, fell vpon his knées, & partlie confessing his fault with feares gushing from his eies, besought them of pardon, wholie sub­mitting Argadus is permitted to continue in his office. himselfe to be ordered at their discretion. The lords being mooued with this humble submis­sion of Argadus, vpon promise he should redresse all his former misdemeanours, were contented that he should continue still in the administration. But such as had beene his chiefest councellors were Argadus [...] ­inendeth his former misg [...] ­uernance, and ruleth him­selfe by better aduise. committed to ward. After this sharpe admoni­tion and warning thus giuen, Argadus did no­thing touching the gouernement of the common­wealth, without aduise of his peeres; and soone after, amongest other things, he tooke order for the limiting how far the authoritie of inferiour of­ficers, as bailittes, boroughmaisters, constables, and such other should extend. But especiallie he tra­uelled most diligentlie for the punishing of theeues and robbers, of whome none escaped with life that A notable sta­tute. fell into his hands. Moreouer, he ordeined by sta­tute, that no man exercising anie publike office, should taste of anie drinke that might make him Fine cookerie banished. drunken. He also banished all such persons as vsed with dressing of delicat meats, and (as I may call them) deintie dishes, or banketing chéere, to allure mens appetites from the old rude fare accustomed amongest their elders, who sought not to follow their delicious appetites, but onlie prouided to susteine na­ture, which is satisfied with a little, & that void of cost­lie furniture. Argadus thus being occupied in refor­ming the state of the common-wealth, brought ma­nie euill dooers into good frame and order, and such as were vpright liuers of themselues, indeuored still to Conarus de­parteth out of this world. 162. H. B. procéed forward to better and better. At length, in the eight yeare of his gouernement, Conarus be­ing consumed with long imprisonment, departed out of this life, in the fourteenth yeare after the be­ginning of his reigue.

[Page 64] AFter whose deceasse, the nobles and other e­states of the realme assembling themselues to­gither, Ethodius. Ethodius the nephue of Mogallis chosen king. chose one Ethodius, nephue to king Mogall by his sister, to reigne ouer them. But Argadus being highlie rewarded with lands and liuings for his faithfull & diligent paines taken in the aduance­ment of the publike weale, during the time of his go­uernement, was thereto soone after created as it were lord president of the councell, thereby to be chie­fest Argadus is created lord president of the councell. in authoritie next to the king, in ordering and ru­ling 10 of all publike affaires & causes. Shortlie after Ethodius (as the custome of new kings in those daies was) went ouer into the westerne Iles, there to take order for the administration of iustice, where immediatlie vpon his arriuall, it was shewed him, that not passing two or thrée daies before, there had beene a great conflict fought betwixt the nables or clannes of the countrie, by reason of a strife that was stirred amongest their seruants, being a companie Ciuill discord amongest the lords of the Iles. Argadus is sent forth to apprehend the rebels. of naughtie and vnrulie fellowes, to the great dis­quiet 20 of the inhabitants. Herevpon was Argadus sent forth incontinentlie with a power to appease that businesse, and to bring in the offendors, that they might receiue reward according to their deme­rits. Argadus forthwith hasted towards the place where he vnderstood the rebels to be remaining, and apprehending the whole number of them, some by force, and some vpon their humble submission, he returned backe with them to the king, who causing the matter to be throughlie heard, such as were the 30 chiefest beginners and most in fault, were punished by death, and the other fined at the kings pleasure. The Iland rebels are pu­nished. The Iland people being thus appeased, the king returned into Albion, where as then lieng at En­uerlochthée, a towne (as is said) in Louchquhaber, The Romans inuade the Pictish and Scotish bor­ders. word came vnto him that the Romans had broken downe the wall builded by the emperour Adrian, and made a great rode into the Scotish and Pictish borders, where méeting with the inhabitants assem­bled togither in defense of their countrie (after a 40 sore conflict) the victorie remained with the Ro­mans; by reason whereof they led a great bootie of cattell and other goods away with them to the places where they soiourned.

Ethodius being mooued herewith, sent foorthwith Ethodius re­quireth resti­tution of his subiects goods taken away by the Ro­mans. an herald vnto Uictorine the Romane lieutenant, requiring that his subiects might haue restitution of their goods wrongfullie taken from them, or else to looke for warres within fiftéene daies after. Uicto­rine answered herevuto, that the Scots and Picts 50 had first begun to breake downe the foresaid wall, and to build a tower vpon the same, fortifieng it Uictorines answere to E­thodius re­quest. with a number of men of warre, who running dai­lie into the British confines, fetched preies thence from amongest the Romane subiects, and though he had sent diuers times to the Scotish and Pictish wardens for restitution, yet could he neuer haue a­nie towardlie answer, so that he was constreined to begin the warre in maner and fourme as he had doone alreadie. 60

Ethodius not a little kindled with this answere, Ethodius ex­horteth the king of the Picts to make warre against the Romans. wrote streightwaies to the K. of the Picts, exhor­ting him in reuenge of such iniuries as his subiects had latelie receiued at the hands of the Romans, to inuade the wall on that side where it diuided his countrie from the Britains, and to breake in vpon the enimies by the same, and for his part he promi­sed shortlie after to come, and to ioine with him in such a necessarie enterprise against the common eni­mies of both their countries. The Pictish king gi­uing thanks to the messenger for his pains, promi­sed with all speed to set forward according to the ad­uise of Ethodius. The Romans in like maner ha­uing knowledge of the whole intention of the two kings, with all spéed made preparation also for the wars, but the Scots and Picts first breaking in v­pon The S [...] ­men and the Picts [...] the British borders. them, did much hurt abroad in the countries next adioining. Which when the Romans perceiued, they passed by the enimies campe in the night sea­son, and entred into the Pictish borders, wasting and spoiling all afore them.

When the two kings vnderstood this, they hasted forth towards them, and were no sooner come with­in sight of them, but that they made ech towards o­ther, The Romans incountred by the Scotish­men and Picts. and so incountring togither, there was fought a sore battell with doubtfull victorie, for the right wings on either side vanquished the left, the breasts of both the battels kéeping their ground, the one not once shrinking backe from the other till night seue­red Night parted the battell. them in sunder, but not without such slaughter made on both sides, that being once parted, they made no great hast to ioine againe togither; for as well the one part as the other being thus disseuered, drew incontinentlie homewards without abiding for the morning. Neither did they attempt anie fur­ther exploit of all that yeare following.

In which meane time Uictorine sent letters to Uictorine sendeth let­ters to Rome. Rome vnto the emperour Marcus Antonius Aure­lius, who as then gouerned the empire, signifieng vnto him in what state things stood in Britaine; fur­ther declaring, that if conuenient succors were not sent in time, it would be hard to resist the furious rage of the enimies, by reason of the small trust he perceiued was to be had in the Britains, being no lesse readie vpon occasion to make warres in reco­uerie of their libertie, than the Scots & Picts were to ineroch vpon them. The emperour vpon receit of these letters, thought in his mind that Uicto­rine was not so valiant a capteine as the case requi­red, and that therevpon the Scots and Picts became the more imboldened to resist, therefore he sent for Uictorine is sent for to re­turne vnto Rome, and one Calphur­nius sent into Britaine to succéed in his roome. him home, appointing one Agricola Calphurnius to succéed in his roome, who was (as some haue left in writing) the nephue of Iulius Agricola, the most famous capteine of the Romans that euer came in­to Britaine.

This Calphurnius comming into Britaine with an armie, ioined to the same the power which he found there, as well of the Britains, as of other ser­uing vnder the Romane ensignes. Which doone, he repaired toward the riuer of Tine, where being ar­riued, Calphurnius entreth into the borders of his enimies. he marched foorth into the borders of his eni­mies, finding all the countrie round about him so clearelie wasted and burned, that there was not a house left standing, nor a graine of corne, nor one hed of cattell to be found therein. Yet notwithstanding all this, foorth he passed thorough Northumberland, and entring into Pictland, wasted all that was be­fore him with fire and sworn. And for so much as winter came vpon him, when he had doone his will Calphurnius returneth to yorke. in that behalfe, he returned vnto Yorke, where he soiourned vntill the spring.

When summer was once come, hauing made his prouision to warre on the Scots and Picts, word came vnto him that the Welshmen were reuolted, The welsh­men rebell a­gainst the Ro­mans. and began to raise warre against the Romans, so that taking order for the reparing of the wall made by Adrian, which the enimies in diuers places had broken downe, and leauing a sufficient number of The welsh­men brought to their former obedience. The inhabi­tants of the Ile of might reuolting frō the Romens, are constei­red againe to be obedient. men of warre for defense of the same against all in­uasions that might be attempted, he turned the resi­due of his power against those Welsh rebels, whom in the end, though not without much adoo, he reduced to obedience. Immediatlie after this, he heard also how the Britains of the Ile of Wight were vp in armour against such Romans as ruled there, sundrie noble men of the maine Ile taking their part, but they also were at length brought againe [Page 65] to their former subiection, and the authors of that re­bellion punished by death.

In the meane time the Scots and Picts determi­ned not to attempt anie further exploit against the Romans, doubting the verie name and linage of A­gricola The name of Agricola dredfull to the Scotishmen and Picts. in the lieutenant Calphurnius, by calling to remembrance the noble atchiued conquests of his grandfather Iulius Agricola, of whose victorious exploits, besides that which ye haue before heard, the English historie also dooth make a long rehearsall. 10 Calphurnius studieth to re­forme the e­state of Bri­taine. Calphurnius returneth vn­to Rome. Publius Trebellius sent as lieute­nant into Britaine. Calphurnius being thus at quiet on that side, inten­ded wholie to reforme all misorders amongest the Britains, which being brought to indifferent good passe, he was sent for home againe vnto Rome by the emperour Antonius Commodus, the sonne and successour of the fore-remembred Marcus Aurelius sending one Publius Trebellius into Britaine, there to supplie his charge.

This Trebellius comming into Britaine, at the first vsed himselfe verie vprightlie in his office, 20 shewing all honor and loue towards the Britains, subiects to the Romane empire, and namelie to Lu­cius, who reigned as king of the land, vnder the name and authoritie of the Romane empire. But after that he had once woone him a péece of credit a­mongest Publius Trebellius giuen to coue­tousnesse. them, he changed his maners, or rather dis­couered his naturall inclination, so wholie giuen to couetousnesse, that his onelie studie was set which way to fill his bags, not caring how vntrulie he forged accusations against the rich, so that either by 30 death or banishment their goods might be confiscat, and so come to his hands. By this wicked gouerne­ment, He is hated of the Britains. the Britains began so sore to hate him, that had it not béene for the loue of their king the foresaid Lucius (who holpe to appease them) there had béene some rebellion practised against him in the south part. Now the Scots and Picts hauing knowledge of this misliking in the Britains towards the Ro­mane The Scots and Picts re­new the warre against the Romans. lieutenant, thought it a time conuenient for them also to be dooing, to the end they might re­uenge 40 their former iniuries; and herevpon leuieng an armie, they came to the oft remembred wall, and ouerthrowing the same in diuers places, they entred into the British confins with great spoile and crueltie. Trebellius being hereof informed, hasted forth with all the power he could make, to resist their inuasions; but finding the enimies readie in the field, and incountring them sooner than he looked for, he was euen vpon the first ioining abandoned of the Trebellius fighteth a­gainst his eni­mies, is for­saken of his owne men, and chased out of the field. most part of his whole armie, which consisted of 50 Britains and Frenchmen, then called Galls, so that the residue being beaten downe, he was glad to saue himselfe as well as he might, by setting the spurs to his horsse and galloping away.

After this, gathering togither his people againe as they fled from the discomfiture, he retired backe with them vnto Yorke, hauing lost in this bickering a great number of his best souldiors, and men of warre: for the Scots and Picts, missing no small number of their friends in that battell, were not 60 satisfied with those whome they had likewise slaine in the fight, but also fell vpon their prisoners which they had taken, and slue them also in reuenge of their fellowes whome they had lost. Afterwards they harried the countries of Westmerland and Kendall Westmerland and Kendall spoiled by the Scotishmen and Picts. in most cruell wise, Trebellius not being so hardie to fight with them againe for doubt of some traine that might be practised by the Britains. Neither was his suspicion grounded vpon the credit of any light information, as may appeare by that which fol­lowed: The British commons rise against Tre­bellius, one Caldorus a Pict béeing their capteine. for immediatlie after, the commons of the countrie rose against the Romans, in purpose to haue driuen them all out of the land.

Their capteine was one Caldorus a Pict borne. There were also diuerse of the British nobilitie a­mongst them not knowne, for they were disguised in strange apparell, counterfeting themselues to be of the vulgar sort. The furie of these people was The same commons are vanquished. Caldorus re­ioiseth at the slaughter as well of the one part as of the other. great, but yet in the end the politike order of the Romans vanquished them, howbeit not without great slaughter on both sides. Caldorus escaping the hands of his enimies, fled into his natiue coun­trie of Pictland, not a little reioising that he had pro­cured such slaughter amongst the Romans and Bri­tains, both being enimies to him and his countrie. Such prisoners also of the Britains as fall into the hands of the Romans, were hanged vp vpon sundrie trées and gibets: whereat other of the Bri­tains being offended, in the night season tooke down The spite of the Britains shewed to­wards the Romans. those dead bodies, and hanged vp as manie of the Romans in their places, the truth being neuer knowne who where the dooers of that act.

The lieutenant Trebellius perceiuing thus what Trebellius writeth to the emperor Com­modus for aid. danger he stood in on euerie part, wrote vnto the emperour Commodus, that without some reforma­tion were had, the Romans were not like to keepe foot anie long season in Britaine, and therefore re­quired to haue some aid sent ouer vnto him in time. But the emperour doubting least the fault rested most in the lieutenant himselfe, appointed that one Pertinax sent as lieutenant into Britaine. Pertinax an ancient gentleman, and one for his high and notable vertues greatlie esteemed both a­mongst the men of warre, and also in the senat, should go into Britaine, to be legat there in place of Trebellius. This Pertinax comming into Bri­taine, according to the emperors appointment, tooke vpon him the office: and first setting a staie among the Britains, by right prudent and well aduised gouernement, he afterwards made a iourneie a­gainst Pertinax dri­ueth back both the Scots and Picts. the Scots and Picts, driuing them by great slaughter beyond Adrians wall, and so constreined them to remaine within their owne confines, pursu­ing them no further, for that he was sent for home Pertinax is chosen em­perour. to Rome, where the emperour Commodus being murthered amongst his owne men, he was against his will preferred to his place.

About the same time the state of the Scotish com­monwealth was brought into great danger through an other incident, as by reason of a rebellion stirred by them of the western Iles, who not quieted in their stomachs for the death of their friends executed by Argadus (as before ye haue heard) assembled them­selues togither, and comming ouer into Argile, spoi­led Argile infe­sted by the Ilandmen. and harried the countrie in pitious wise. For re­dresse whereof, Argadus was sent thither againe with an armie, and in the meane time Ethodius the king with a great host of Scotishmen and Picts lay in campe néere vnto Adrians wall, to resist the inua­sion of the enimies on that side, if happilie they shuld attempt any new exploit against him in those parts. The Iland-men hearing of Argadus his approch, drew themselues togither to receiue him by battell, if he minded to offer it.

In which meane time two thousand Irishmen The Irish men land in Argile. were landed in that countrie, in hope of spoile, and hearing that Argadus was comming that waies forth to fight with his enimies, they laid themselues secretlie in ambush by the waie where hée should The Irish men lay an ambush to in­trap Argadus passe, and when he was passed by them, they brake foorth vpon his rereward suddenlie, putting his peo­ple in such disorder by their violent impression at the first brunt, that though he did what in him laie to bring them againe into araie of battell, yet in the Argadus is slaine. end he was there slaine with two thousand of his ar­mie, the residue escaping by flight out of the hands of their wild and cruell enimies. Ethodius hauing knowledge hereof, with an armie of twentie thou­sand men hasted foorth towards Argile, to reuenge [Page 66] the death of his valiant capteine Argadus vpon the rebels. Who hearing of his comming, made to­wards the sea, and would gladlie haue béene gone, but by reason of a contrarie wind they were forced to stay against their wils, so that he finding them still in the countrie, wrought so warilie by closing them vp among the hils and mounteins, that final­lie constreined through famine, they submitted them The Iland­men yéeld themselues. selues vpon these conditions, that their head cap­teine with two hundred others of the chiefest, should 10 yéeld themselues simplie to the kings mercie, and the residue to be licenced to depart againe into their countries.

Those that were appointed to be deliuered to the king with their capteine, suffered death by sentence of the nobles and péeres of the realme. Whereat the Execution. other taking indignation, though they had alreadie yéelded vp their weapons, yet began they to fall vp­on the Scots with hurling of stones, and other such things as came to hand, till finallie they were bea­ten 20 downe by the armed soldiers, and a great num­ber of them slaine: the residue escaping as well as they might, fled into the mounteins. The Iland­men Ethodius vi­siteth his coun tries, to sée iustice main­teined. being thus vanquished, and the Romans at­tempting nothing against the Scotishmen or Picts, Ethodius visited all the parts of his realme, taking order for the due execution of iustice amongest his subiects.

And for that he would not spend his time in idle­nesse, being now at rest from warres, he began to 30 exercise himselfe in hunting, and for the better nou­rishing of game, he tooke order that all such ordinan­ces He giueth him selfe to hun­ting, & causeth the lawes for the mainte­nance of game to be wel kept & looked vnto, as had béene deuised by his elders, should streict­lie be obserued and kept: as that no man should be so hardie to go about to destroie anie hares with nets, grens or hare-pipes: neither to kill them in their formes by anie meanes: nor after that they had béene once coursed and escaped, to follow the sute, to the intent to start them againe. Also that none should go about to kill anie hart or hind, du­ring 40 all the winter season, at what time they were accustomed for hunger to leaue the mounteins, forrests and woods, and to come downe into the fields and couerts, néere vnto the townes & houses.

He ordeined moreouer therevnto, that no man should presume to kill anie hind-calues, detesting nothing more than to haue such game destroied, as serued for the exercise and solace of him and his no­bles. The other vacant time, whilest he rested from hunting, he spent for the most part in hearing of 50 musike, hauing diuerse cunning plaiers of sundrie kinds of instruments attending in his court. At length setting all his pleasure in hearing of a musi­cian being borne in one of the west Iles, he was murthered by him in the night time within his owne chamber. The murtherer being apprehended, and ex­amined Ethodius murthered by a musician. 194 H. B. vpon what occasion he did that heinous fact, for the which he had deserued the most extreme kind of punishment that might be deuised, he answered: that in reuenge of the death of such his kinsmen and 60 friends as the king had caused to be executed in Ar­gile, he purposed long before to doo that déed, and now that he had accomplished his purpose, he was readie to receiue what kind of death they would ad­iudge him vnto. For sure I am of this, saith he, that how terrible soeuer my execution shall be, yet can it not bée so painfull, but that I shall reioise euen in the verie instant of my death, for that I haue in such notable sort reuenged the deaths of all my kinsmen & friends. Finallie by commandement of the magi­strates he was drawne in peeces with wild horsses in most violent wise.

Ethodius reigned 33 yéeres, vntill the latter daies of Caracalla the emperor. He was buried at Dun­stafage, Septimus Seuerus. H. B. with all such pompous ceremonies as was accustomed about the interrement of kings in that age. In his daies Lueius the king of Britaine re­ceiued Britaine re­ceiued the christian faith in the yéere 187. the faith with a great part of his people, being the yéere after the birth of our Sauior, as the Scots chronicles haue 187, but after the British 177.

AFter the death of Ethodius, his brother Satra­hell Satrahell. or Serrahell (as some write him) was cho­sen to succéed by the common consent and voices of all the estates of the realme. For although Ethodius left a sonne behind him; yet bicause he was verie yoong in yéeres, he was thought insufficient to haue so great a charge as the rule of a kingdome com­mitted vnto his hands. This Satrahell was subtile of nature, and a great dissembler, whose pur­pose was to defraud the issue of his brother Ethodi­us Satrahel sée­keth to destroy such as were in fauor with his predecessor from atteining at anie time vnto the rule of the kingdome, and therefore to bring his purpose the better to passe, he found forged matter against all such as were familiar friends vnto Ethodius, there­by to put them vnto death. Neither dealt hee anie thing more sincerelie with a great number of other of his wealthie subiects, whose lands and goods hée onelie sought to inioy at his owne will. By means Discord ari­seth among the people through the kings misgo­uernment. whereof such mischéefe insued through the realme, and such ciuill sedition dailie rose amongst the peo­ple, that pitie it was to behold it: the king being not so bold all the while, as once to shew his face abroad for redresse thereof, by reason he vnderstood well i­nough what hatred the people bare towards him, Satrahell strangled to death by his owne ser­uants. 397 HB. Donald. neither did his kéeping within doores saue his life anie long time, for in the end his owne seruants found means to strangle him, and that before he had reigned full foure yéeres.

IN his place succeeded his brother Donald, a prince of a farre contrarie nature and conditi­ons, for he was frée, courteous, and without all de­ceit, more righteous than rigorous, and afore all things destrous that peace and concord might pros­per among his subiects. Neither bare he with offen­dors, but such as were disobedient against the lawes and wholsome ordinances of the realme he caused to be dulie punished: finallie he tooke such order for re­formation of things, that he reduced his subiects as it had beene from a wild and sauage rudenesse, vnto a perfect ciuill trade of humanitie. About the same Donald stud [...] ­eth to reduce his subiects vnto all ciui­litie. Lucius king of Britains dieth. time Lucius king of the Britains being dead, the Romans perceiuing that a kings authoritie among the Britains, did nothing else but diminish the ma­iestie of the imperiall iurisdiction amongst them, de­termined not to suffer any more of the British na­tion to inioy that title.

This thing mooued the Britains to such indignati­on, that by procurement of one Fulgentius, diuers of them rebelled, and choosing the same Fulgentius to their generall, they directed a messenger with let­ters The Bri­tains rebell and choose one Fulgentius to their cap­tein who sen­deth for a [...]d vnto the Sco tishmen. vnto Donald king of the Scots, requiring him to ioine with them in league against their ancient enimies the Romans, whose endeuor (as he knew) had euer béene from time to time, how to bring the whole Iland vnder their subiection, and to extinguish all the nobilitie and ancient inhabitors of the same: adding furthermore, that if he would now put to his helping hand, the time neuer serued better for the dispatching of them wholie out of the Ile, consi­dering the sundrie rebellions attempted as well by the people of Germanie and France, as also of the easterlie nations and countries.

Donald receiued the messenger most friendlie, and being glad to vnderstand of these newes, he promi­sed Donald pro­miseth to a [...]d Fulgentius. to aid Fulgentius with all the power he was a­ble to make, and to méet him at such daie and place as he should afterward appoint. The like answer was made also by the king of Picts, vnto whome in [Page 67] semblable wise Fulgentius had directed his letters. Thus the Britains (being confirmed with hope of The Bri­tains come to Adrians in all, and pull it downe to let in the Scots. The Scotish men & Piers come to the [...]d of the Britains. great aid from the Scots and Piers) assembling their host togither, resorted vnto the wall of Adrian, which they ouerthrew in diuers places, that their friends might haue the more frée accesse and entrie vnto them by the same. Neither were the Scots and Piers slow for their part to make forward: so that they likewise comming thither, holpe to throw down that wall, and to fill vp the trench or ditch that went 10 alongst the same.

This doone, ioining their powers togither, they passed forth towards Yorke, in hope to haue found the Romane lieutenant Trebellius within that citie The Scots and Piers [...] the Britains. The Scots helpe the Bri­tains to spoile their owne countrie. and to haue besieged him therein: but hauing know­ledge how he was withdrawne into Kent, there to gather a power, they left their purpose of besieging that citie, and fell to spoiling & harrieng of the coun­trie abroad on euerie side, constreining the most part of the people to come in and yéeld themselues 20 vnder their obeisance. Thus they continued in pas­sing from one quarter of the countrie to another, till winter inforced them to breake vp their campe, and to licence the souldiers to depart home into their countries, till they had new summons to assemble and méet againe.

In this meane time Trebellius certified the empe­ror Seuerus of all this trouble and rebellion in Bri­taine: Trebellius certifieth the [...]peror of the state of Bri­taine. whervpon he with all spéed leuied an armie, & set forward with the same himselfe in person toward 30 Britaine, as in the English historie more plainlie may appéere. At his comming into Britaine, he slac­ked no time, but assembling his power, prepared to go against the enimies. Fulgentius doubting the force of his enimie, sent ambassadors vnto him to treat for peace, but Seuerus would not grant to a­nie, wherevpon Fulgentius confirmed the minds of the Britains with all comfortable words, in the best Fulgentius incourageth the Britains to sticke vnto their begun enterprise. wise he could, exhorting them to sticke to their neces­sarilie begun enterprise, for recouerie of their long 40 wished libertie, which he doubted not, but by vanqui­shing the emperor at that present they should assured­lie atteine: and as for victorie, he was in no doubt, so that they would plucke their harts vnto them, and trie it forth manfullie by dint of sword, like fellowes and brethren knit in one faithfull band of trustie con­cord, considering the enimies armie being gathered of so manie sundrie nations & languages that con­sent in one opinion, the cheefest meane for the obtei­ning of victory must néeds be wanting among them. 50

The Britains mooued herewith, promised him to liue and die in the quarrell. Wherevpon he tooke ad­uise with them, which waie to mainteine themselues against Seuerus, of whose comming they were al­readie certified. For Seuerus hauing dispatched the British ambassadors from him, set incontinentlie Seuerus setteth foorth towards his enimies. forward towards Yorke, leauing his yoongest sonne Geta in the south parts to haue the gouernance of the same in his absence. His eldest sonne Antoninus he tooke with him in his iournie against his enimies. 60 At his comming to Yorke, he did sacrifice to the gods, according to the Ethnish custome, & also tooke aduise with his capteins how to procéed in his en­terprise Seuerus commeth to [...]ke. against his enimies.

This doone he marcheth forth with his armie to­wards them, who being alreadie [...] with the Scots and Piers, were determined to abide him, in­somuch that those of the one side came no sooner in sight of the other, but that they hasted foorth to ioine Seuer [...]s is incountred by his enimies. togither in battell, whereof insued great slaughter betwixt them, though the British part (notwithstan­ding their aid of Scots and Piers) were not able long to endure against the great at multitude and prac­tisedskill of the Romane souldiers, so that in the end they were opened perforce and put to flight with the Fulgentius is put to flight and his armie discom­fited. losse of thirtie thousand, what of Britains, Scotish, men and Piers.

Fulgentius himselfe, seeing the discomfiture and huge slaughter made of his people, had runne in a­mongst the thickest prease of his enimies, had not those that were about him led him awaie by force, and so at length he got him amongst the troops of the Scotishmen and Piers, and togither with them pas­sed ouer Tine, and so into the borders of his friends where he got togither such souldiers as he could, that Fulgentius withdraweth into Pierland. had escaped from the battell, and reteined them with wages so well as he might, in hope vpon occasion to imploie them e [...]t soones against his enimies. The Scots also sent into Ireland for aid, and the Piers into Denmarke and Norwaie. Such of the British nobilitie as fell into the hands of the Romans, Se­uerus punished most gréeuouslie, but the commons he vsed more gentlie, as it were making excuse for them being procured thereto by their capteins. After this, when winter was come, he appointed his men Seuerus wintereth at yorke. of warre to draw vnto places conuenient for them to lodge in, till the next spring. He himselfe wintered at Yorke.

In the next summer there was little doone worthie to be spoken of, but that there were certeine skirmi­shes betwixt the Romans lieng on the borders, and the Scots and Piers, euer as occasion serued, either of the parties to worke any exploit for their aduan­tage. But for somuch as the Scots had no aid sent them foorth of Ireland, they were not minded to tes­pard againe in a foughten field, supposing it sufficient if they might defend their owne, though they gained nothing as then, considering the puissance that was readie bent against them. At length Seuerus fell sicke at Yorke, and his son Antoninus lieng on the Seuerus sick neth. The wall is repared. borders beyond Tine, caused the wall afore mentio­ned, diuiding the Britains from the Scots and Piers, to be repared. This wall was built (as is before re­cited) first by Adrian the emperor, to staie the Sco­tishmen from inuading the lands apperteining to the subiects of the Romane empire, & after ouerthrowne in diuers places as well by Scots and Piers, as by the Britains, in sort as before is partlie mentioned. Antoninus caused it to be fortified with bastilions, one placed so néere to another, as trumpets being appointed in each of them, the sound might be heard betwixt to warne one another vpon the first descri­eng of the enimies approch.

Finallie Seuerus dieth, though not so soone as his Seuerus dieth. son Antoninus wished, in hope after him to atteine the imperiall dignitie. Concluding therefore a leage Antoninus in hope to be em­peror conclu­deth a peace with the enimies. with the Scotishmen and Piers, and granting peace to Fulgentius, and other such British rebels as were fled with him into Pietland, he receiued sufficient pledges, and then returned towards London, where his mother with his brother Geta as then laie. Short­lie after both the brethren departed forth of the Ile, & went to Rome, as in the historie of England it ap­peereth. But now to returne vnto Donald the Sco­tish Donald studi­ous to main­teine his sub­iects in peace and concord. king, ye shall vnderstand, that being deliuered of forren trouble, he studied chéeflie how to preserue his people in good peace and perfect tranquillitie. Which mind our Sauiour Christ the author of all peace and concord had giuen vnto him, being latelie afore conuerted vnto the true faith from his wicked paganisine and heathenish idolatrie.

For as we find in Hector Boetius, in the daies of Donald con­uerced vnto christian be­leefe in the daies of the emperor Se­uerus. the aboue said emperor Seuerus, he sent a messen­ger with letters vnto pope Victor (Zepher [...]s saith Harison) being the [...] in number, as they sa [...], after saint Peter, declaring [...] him that he was [...] minded to receiue the christian religion, and vtterlie to forsake the superstitious [...] of the hea [...] [Page 68] gods, and therefore instantlie required him to send ouer into Scotland some godlie learned men, to in­struct him in the right beléefe. The pope hearing this, and being glad to increase the faith of Christ through all parts of the world, sent with all spéed into Scot­land such well disposed persons as he thought most méet for that purpose, who at their arriuall there, did their endeuour in such diligent sort, that not onelie the king, but also through his example a great num­ber of the nobilitie were baptised, and cleerelie for­sooke 10 their former errors and idolatrie. This was in The Scotish men receiued the faith in the péere of our Sauiour 203. 5399. H. B. 533 H. B. the yeare after the birth of our sauiour 203, from the creation of the world 4170, & after the first erection of the Scotish kingdome 330, as W. Harison in his chronologie dooth manifestlie confirme.

Moreouer this Donald was the first as the Sco­tish chronicles alledge, that caused siluer and gold to be coined in his realme. The stampe which he deuised for the same, was a crosse on the one side, and his face on the other. Before that time the Scots vsed 20 no coine, but either exchanged and bartered ware for ware, either else occupied with British and Romane monie, as diuers marble chests full of the same which haue béene found of late yeeres in sundrie parts of Scotland doo verie well witnesse. Finallie K. Do­nald in the 21 yeare of his reigne departed out of this life, and was buried according to the maner of Donald depar teth out of this world. 216 H. B. Ethodius. our christian religion, without any heathenish cere­monies.

AFter him succéeded Ethodius the second, and 30 sonne of the former Ethodius, which prince proo­ued so verie a foole, that the regiment of the realme was quite taken from him, and committed vnto The gouer­nance of the realme com­mitted to sun­drie noble men. certeine noble men, who being diuided into sundrie quarters of the realme, tooke verie good order for the due gouernment of the parties so to them limited, and vsed themselues verie vprightlie in all their doo­ings. As for cause of wars they had none, for Se­uerus before his death had giuen such order for the gouernement of the Britains, that they durst not 40 once stir by reason of such pledges as were deliuered and conueied to Rome, which were the chéefest of all the British nobilitie. At length Ethodius being apt for nothing but to fill his cofers, as one though dol­tish, yet naturallie giuen to vnquenchable couetous­nesse, Ethodius being giuen to couetous­nesse is slaine by his owne seruants. Athirco. was slaine by those that were appointed to the gard of his person, in the 16 yeare of his reigne.

THen was his sonne Athirco elected by the gene­rall voices of all the estates, who in the begin­ning of his reigne shewed himselfe verie sober, gen­tle, 50 courteous, and friendlie of behauiour, exercising himselfe in all laudable pastimes conuenient for his estate, and herewith he was so frée and liberall to­wards all men, that he wan him woonderfull much praise and loue amongest his people. But these his noble vertues increased not in him togither with his age, but contrarilie decaied, in such sort, that after he had reigned eight yéeres, he was quite al­tered: Athirco chan­ged in conditi ons from good to bad. in place of liberalitie, imbracing auarice: for courtesie and amiable countenance, he vsed sterne 60 and loftie lookes: for commendable exercises, he gaue himselfe wholie to filthie pleasures and sensuall lusts of the bodie: and such as could further his pur­pose most in these his beastlie affections, he cherished Athirco regar deth not his nobles. and had them most in estimation, not regarding at all the nobilitie of his realme, but was as readie to wrong them by vilanous iniurie, as he was anie other of the lowest and meanest degrée.

It chanced that a noble man in Argile (being one of no small authoritie amongst the people of that The vila­nous act of Athirco in ebusing a no­ble mans daughters. countrie) named Natholocus, had two faire yoong gentlewomen to his daughters: now the king be­ing verie desirous to satisfie his lust vpon them, for­ced them both the one after the other, and not so con­tent, deliuered them afterwards to be abused in semblable sort by his pages and seruants. The fa­ther vnderstanding this vilanie doone to his daugh­ters, by their owne lamentable complaint, sent for his friends, and opening vnto them the whole mat­ter, he required their assistance. They being in a woonderfull furie to heare of such an iniurie doone to their bloud, promised in reuenge therof to spend life, The kinsmen and friends of the gentlewo­men conspire against A­thirco. lands & goods, and foorthwith departing in sunder, they prepared themselues to assemble their powers, procuring a great number of other noble men to ioine with them in so necessarie an enterprise, as to rid the countrie of such a catife wretch, respecting no­thing but the satisfieng of his filthie carnall lusts, and the accomplishment of his most beastlie appe­tites.

When they were once got togither in a companie, they marched forth towards Dunstafage, where they vnderstood that the king as then did soiourne, a great multitude of people still resorting vnto them by the waie, after it was once knowne whereabout they went. Athirco hearing of their approch, called togither his power, supposing at the first to haue bea­ten downe his enimies; but when he had throughlie weied the matter, and considered of what force and Athirco [...] ting to be for­saken of his owne men [...] came to the triall of [...] conueied him­selfe from among them. Athirco slaeth himselfe. power they were, & how feeble his part was through want of good wils in his people, he priuilie stole a­waie from them, and would haue passed ouer into Ila, one of the westerne Iles, to haue procured some succor there, but being imbarked and set from the shore, he was by contrarie winds driuen backe againe to land, where doubting to come into his eni­mies hands, he chose rather to slea himselfe, and so ended his wretched life in such miserable extremitie after he had reigned the space of 12 yéeres. His reigne continued till the daies of the emperor Gor­dian the third, or (as others saie) till the time of the emperor Ualerian. But as William Harison hath 242 H. B. Doorus the brother of Athirco con­ueieth himself out of the [...] gathered, he reigned in the daies of the emperor Au­relius Claudius. Doorus the brother of Athirco vn­derstanding of the death of his brother, disguised himselfe in beggers weed for doubt of death, and went into Pictland with thrée of his nephues, sonnes to the same Athirco, whose names were Sindocke, Carance, and Donald.

Howbeit, Natholocus hauing knowledge whi­ther Natholocus séeketh the li [...] of Doorus. he was fled, sent forth certeine of his seruants, with commandement to search him out, comman­ding furthermore verie streictlie, that if they found him, they should dispatch him out of life, for feare of further mischeefe. But they that were sent, finding one in all features and proportion of bodie resem­bling Doorus, slue the one in stead of the other, and so returning home to their maister, they made him verie ioifull of the newes, although indéed they came not néere to Doorus. Then Natholocus causing the estates of the realme to assemble, he handled the matter in such wise, by disuading them to choose any of Athircos bloud to reigne ouer them (for doubt least they should séeke any meanes how to reuenge Natholocus is chosen to be king. his death) that in the end this Natholocus was e­lected himselfe, more by force than by anie common consent of the nobles: for diuers of them doubting the craftie nature, which they knew to be in him, wished rather that the issue of Athirco (hauing de­serued nothing why to be defrauded of the kingdom, saue onlie in respect of the fathers offenses) might haue inioied that which of right they ought to haue had, that is, either one of them to be king, or else some néere kinsman of theirs to reigne as king, till the eldest of them might come to sufficient yeares to beare the rule himselfe.

BUt Natholocus being once proclamed king by Natholo­cns. the multitude, and Athircos bloud attainted of [Page 69] treason, and so published, according to the custome Natholocus goeth vnto Dunstafage to be inthroni­zed. he tooke the othes of those that were present, and then repaired vnto Dunstafage, there to be inuested according to the maner. This doone, he called such aside as he suspected, and talking with them alone, he erhorted them to be faithfull, promising to be their assured good lord and maister, and for an earnest thereof, he gaue vnto diuerse of them verie great Natholocus seeketh to pro­cure loue of the nobilitie through bribes. rewards. Generallie vnto all men he shewed him­selfe verie gentle and tractable, thereby to win their 10 loues, for the better establishment of his new at­chiued estate: and hereto he imploied such riches as the former kings had heaped togither amongst the nobles, studieng by all meanes to auoid all sediti­ous quarels and secret discords amongst them.

Thus ruling the realme at his will for certeine yéeres, at length fortune began to shew a change of Fortune fa­uoring Na­tholocus for a time began to change. Doorus wri­teth vnto certeine Sco­tish lords to moue them to rebellion. countenance after hir old accustomed guise. For Doorus the brother of Athirco (whome, as ye haue heard, Natholocus supposed to haue béene dead) 20 wrote certeine letters, signifieng his owne estate with the welfare of his nephues the children of Athir­co vnto certeine Scotish lords, whom he knew to fauour his cause. Which letters he deliuered vnto a Pictish woman, appointing hir how and to whome she should deliuer the same, but the woman appre­hended by the waie, and brought vnto Natholocus, he caused hir secretlie to be sacked and throwne into a riuer. Afterwards sending for such of the nobles Natholocus putteth such to death as he suspecteth to fauour Do­orus. as the direction of the forsaid letters had giuen him 30 occasion to haue in some suspicion, he committed them first to prison, and at length caused them to be secretlie strangled.

Which wicked déed being once notified abroad, so mooued the harts of their friends and alies, that they procured the people to rebell: and so gathering them togither, they raised open and cruell warres against him. Natholocus informed of their determi­nations, withdrew himselfe priuilie into Murrey land, there to get togither an armie to resist his eni­mies, 40 Natholocus sendeth vnto a witch to know the con­clusion of his enimies attempts. and for that he was desirous also to vnder­stand somwhat of the issue of this trouble, he sent one of his trustie seruants, being a gentleman of that countrie, vnto a woman that dwelt in the Ile of Colmekill (otherwise called Iona) estéemed verie skilfull in forshewing of things to come, to learne of hir what fortune should hap of this warre, which was alreadie begun.

The witch confulting with hir spirits, declared in the end how it should come shortlie to passe, that 50 The witches answere. the king should be murthered, not by his open eni­mies, but by the hands of one of his most familiar friends, in whome he had reposed an especiall trust. The messenger demanding by whose hands that should be? Euen by thme saith she, as it shall be well knowen within these sew daies. The gentleman hearing these words, railed against hir verie bitter­lie, bidding hir go like an old witch; for he trusted to sée hir burnt before he should commit so villanous a déed, And departing from hir, he went by and by to 60 signifie what answere he had receiued; but before he What happe­ned by giuing credit to the woords of a witch. came where the king lay, his mind was altered, so that what for doubt on the one side, that if he should declare the trueth as it was told him, the king might happilie conceiue some great suspicion, that it should follow by his means as she had declared, and there­vpon put him to death first; and for feare on the o­ther side, that if he kéepe it secret, it might happen to be reuealed by some other, and then he to run in as much danger of life as before; he determined with himselfe to worke the surest way, and so comming to the king, he was led aside by him into his priuie chamber, where all other being cōmanded to auoid, he declared how he had sped; and then falling foorth­with vpon Natholocus, with his dagger he slue him Natholocus murthered. outright, and threw his bodie into a priuie; and af­terwards getting out by a backe doore, and taking his horsse which he had there readie, he fled with all spéed vnto the campe of the conspirators, and was the first that brought news vnto them of this act thus by him atchiued. This chanced in the yeare of 252. H. B. our Lord 280, & in the eleuenth yeare after the first entring of Natholocus into the estate.

After Natholocus was thus dispatched, the péeres The lords of the realme as­semble togi­ther to chuse a new king. assembled togither to ordeine one for gouernement of the realme, where in the end it was amongest them concluded, that the sonnes of Athirco should be sent for into Pictland, and Findocke receiued for king. The Morauian that slue Natholocus was The sonnes of Athirco are sent for, and the eldest of them named Findocke cho­sen to reigne. appointed to fetch them, who (according to his com­mission) comming into Pictland, conueied them right honorablie into Argile, where Findocke being alreadie chosen king, was placed on the stone of marble, with all the ceremonies in that case apper­teining.

THis Findocke was in the flower of his age, of Findocke. Findocke his noble quali­ties and ver­tuous disposi­tion. person most beautifull, cleane made, & of a good­lie stature; wherewith were ioined most excellent gifts of the mind, not so much desirous to séeme as to be vertuous in déed. He was courteous, méeke, & full of affabilitie, studieng alwaies to win friend­ship and loue, rather by gentlenesse, than by feare and menacing words. The leagues with the Bri­tains, Findocke ob­serueth the leagues con­firmed of for­mer times with his neighbors. Those of the out Iles in­uade the coun­tries of Rosse and Murrey land. Findocke ma­keth a iournie into the Iles, to subdue the rebels. Picts and Romans he firmelie obserued. But as peace with forraine enimies breedeth oftentimes ciuill discord at home, so came it then to passe with him at this present: for one Donald of the Iles, a noble man borne, came ouer with an armie into Rosse and Murrey land, fetching from thence a great spoile and bootie, not without great slaughter of such as inforced themselues for to resist him. The occasion as he pretended was to reuenge the death of Natholocus. But Findocke vnderstanding his dooings, prepared an armie with ships, and sailed ouer with the same into the Ile of Ila, where in­countring with Donald and other his enimies, he vanquished and chased them egerlie, without retur­ning once backe, till either the sword or the sea had made an end of them all.

Donald himselfe taking a bote, in hope to haue Donald is drowned. escaped, the prease was such at his entring into the same, that before they could get it off from the shore, it sunke by means of the ouerlading, and so he and The Iland­men with aid of the Irish Kerns, make often inuasi­ons into Ar­gile, and other of the Scotish countries. all they that were on boord were drowned there­withall. The king hauing atchiued this victorie, re­turned into Albanie; but the Iland-men not fullie quieted with this slaughter of their fellows, sent o­uer into Ireland, and got from thence certeine Kerns, who vnder the leading of an other Donald, the sonne of the former Donald, made starts now and then into Argile and Cantire, dooing manie shrewd turnes in the same, yer they could be sup­pressed. Findocke go­eth againe to subdue the re­bels of the Iles. But Findocke being soone informed of these tidings, went ouer againe into the Iles, and such of his enimies as he found, he caused to be hanged, to giue other example what to looke for when they should rebell, but Donald escaped, and got ouer in­to Ireland, where he remained, till he heard that the king was returned backe into Albanie, and then he came againe. But perceiuing himselfe not able to Donald offe­reth to yéeld himselfe v­pon certeine conditions, but is not re­ceiued. worke such feats as he hoped to haue doone, he sent a messenger vnto the king, offering to yéeld him­selfe, and to become his true subiect if he might get his pardon, and be at his owne libertie. But being answered that he should not be receiued, vnlesse he would come vnto Dunstafage with other of his chiefest complices, and to stand fullie at the kings mercie; he refused thus to doo, deuising an other [Page 70] meane how to be reuenged.

Therefore to begin withall, he procured two Donald deui­seth how to murther king Findocke by two naughtie persons. naughtie persons to go ouer into Albaine, and to feine themselues to haue fled from him, where also he willed them to offer their seruice vnto the king, and to disclose vnto him certeine light secrets of the said Donalds, thereby to win credit if it might be, and in the end to espie a time to rid him out of the way. These crastie mates working according to Do­nalds wicked instructions, at length with much adoo 10 they got credit, and after credit they got place so néere the king by the furtherance of Carantius the kings brother (whome they made priuie also vnto their intent) that finding all things correspondent vnto their purpose (one day as the king hunted) the one began to féed him with a tale of the hatred which the Ilanders bare towards him, whereto he gaue verie good eare, whilest the other smote him to the heart with a iaueline, & so leauing the iron sticking in his bodie, he fled away in hast with his traitorous 20 companion and fellow. Those that were néere, see­ing Findocke is slaine. what had happened, some of them ran to him, to sée if they might relieue him as then strugling with the pangs of death; others followed the murtherers, and ouertaking them, brought them backe to receiue their meed according to that which they had iustlie de­serued; being also examined, they confessed how they were procured vnto it, not onelie by Donald The murthe­rers confesse by whose pro­curement they did the déed. A pretie in­duction (if not forged) to the historie that afterwards followeth of Carausius or Carantius as the Scots write him. of the Iles, but also by Carantius the kings owne brother, who of set purpose being out of the way at 30 that present, and hauing knowledge that be was ac­cused of the kings death, fled out of the countrie as a banished man, first into Britaine, from whence (after he had remained there for a time) he went vn­to Rome, and seruing in the wars vnder the empe­rours, Aurelius Probus, Carus, and Dioclesianus, he became a right famous and a verie skilfull cap­teine.

But if this report be true that Caraussus (of whom 40 Eutropius maketh mention) were descended of so high parentage, maruell it is, that neither the same Eutropius, nor anie other of the Romane writers, could at no time come to the knowledge thereof, which if they had doone, no doubt they would haue spoken somewhat of the same; for although he might happilie vpon the consideration aforesaid counter­feit himselfe to be borne of some base kinred, and so for a time to dissemble what he was, yet afterwards that he atteined vnto so high degrée of honour, as to vsurpe the imperiall robes of purpure, and to pos­sesse 50 the dominion of Britaine, it is not like but that to aduance his credit and authoritie roiall, he would haue set foorth to the vttermost the nobilitie of his birth, if he had beene come of anie, and that so apparantlie to the world, that aswell his enimies as friends should both haue knowen and spoken of it.

FIndocus being thus slaine in the tenth yeare of his reigne, and buried with great lamentation 60 Donald. of the people at Dunsta [...]age, his brother Donald, the third son to Athirco, was admitted to the king­dome, who immediatlie vpon his entring into the estate, prepared to go into the Iles against Donald that common enimie of Scotland. But this Do­nald Donald of the I [...]es inua­deth Scot­land. himselfe deliuered the king of a great péece of that trauell: for so soone as he heard that the mur­ther by him contriued was executed, he assembled a mightie power of the Iland-men, and transporting with them ouer into Rosse, proclamed himselfe king, persecuting with fire and sword all such as de­nied him obedience. King Donald being aduertised of that attempt of his aduersarie, spéedilie mar­cheth foorth with such power as he had alreadie assem­bled, sending proclamations abroad, that all other appointed to serue, should follow him with speed.

Thus comming into Murrey land, he pitched downe his tents, purposing there to abide the com­ming of the residue of his armie. But Donald of the Iles vnderstanding all his demeanour and whole intention, thought it best to assaile him within his campe, before all his power should come vnto him, Donald of the Iles sudenlie setteth vpon the en [...]es. and being thus resolued, he set forward in the night time, and was vpon his enimies, before that his comming towards them was once signified in their campe. The king then vnderstanding his aduersa­ries to be at hand, bringeth foorth his men, setteth them in arraie, and exhorteth them with many pithie words to receiue their enimies with manlie sto­machs. But the Iland-men incouraged also by their capteine, gaue the onset so roundlie, that the Sco­tishmen had not leasure to occupie their shot, but were inforced euen at the first to ioine at hand­blowes, which were bestowed in such furious sort, that in the end the Scots being oppressed with mul­titude, were constreined to giue backe, some sauing themselues by flight, and some standing at defense The Scots ouerthrowen. till they were beaten downe and killed in the place. There were slaine on the kings part thrée thousand men, and two thousand taken prisoners; amongest whome were thirtie personages of honorable estate, togither with the king himselfe being wounded so sore, that he died within thrée daies after the battell, Donald dpar­teth this world. rather through anguish of mind than of his hurts (as some haue written) in the same yeare that he began his reigne. Donald of the Iles hauing thus got the Donald of the Iles taketh vpon him as king. Donald. victorie, tooke vpon him as king, accordinglie as he had caused himselfe at the first to be proclamed.

But because he came to the estate thus by bloud, he continued still in doubt and feare of new conspi­racies, being guiltie in conscience of his wrong­full vsurpation. Those prisoners also, which he had ta­ken Agusitie co [...] science. in the battell, he kept in perpetuall captiuitie, menacing them present death, if anie of their friends and allies attempted anie stirre against him. More­ouer he nourished priuie factions amongest the no­bilitie, supposing thereby that their powers would be the more féeble in anie publike exploit that was to be mooued against him; finallie, if anie mischiefe happened amongest them, he caused the matter thoroughlie to be looked vpon, but with such regard that he alwaies inriched his owne cofers with the forfeitures and penalties which he tooke vp amongst them. He seldome times went abroad, and when he stirred foorth anie whither, he had his gard about him, appointed with weapons in warlike sort for dout of treason. He aduanced diuers of base condition to great wealth and honor, and behaued himselfe so in sundrie sorts with his mi [...]ull crueltie, that manie there were which dread him, and but a few that loued him, so that in the end being in a maner run into the deadlie hatred of all men, he was mur­thered Donald of the Iles is mur­thered. Anno Christi. 273. H. B. one night at Enuerlachthée (whither he was come to haue passed ouer into the Iles) by certeine that had conspired his death in the twelfth yeare of his reigne.

The chiefe of the conspirators was one Crathlint Crathlint chiefe conspi­rator to the murthering of Donald. the sonne of king Findocke, who immediatlie after the déed doone, conueied himselfe secretlie out of the chamber, and repairing vnto certeine nobles and gentlemen inhabiting néere hand in the countrie, he declared vnto them the whole matter, exhorting them to aid him, in reuenging the iniuries doone not onelie to them priuatlie, as he knew verie well; but Crathlint pro cureth the no­bles of the countrie to oppresse the seruants of king Donald. also to the whole state of the Scotish common welth, by the naughtie suggestion of diuerse of the kings complices, who as yet vnderstood nothing of their maisters death, but were all quiet in their beds, as men suspecting nothing lesse than that which was [Page 71] now happened.

The gentlemen hearing the newes, and reioising greatlie thereat, got them to their weapons, and earlie in the verie dawning of the day, comming vpon the kings houshold meanie they slue aboue two hundred of them in the place where they lodged, the residue escaping foorth of the house, and thinking to saue themselues, were beaten downe in the coun­trie as they passed by the people, who bare so deadlie and mortall hatred vnto the late king, that they not 10 onelie reiossed much at his death, but thought them­selues sufficientlie reuenged, when they could kill anie that did belong vnto him.

AFter this, Crathlint being certeinelie knowne to be the sonne of king Findocke, by such eui­dent Crathlint tokens as were shewed by him that brought him vp, was (partlie in respect of his iust title, and Crathlint is made king. partlie for consideration of his good seruice in deli­uering his countrie of so detestable a tyrant) aduan­ced to the gouernement of the kingdome, by con­sent 20 of all the estates, and so being confirmed king, he persuaded the people that all the linage of the late tyrant Donald might be plucked vp, euen as it were a trée by the roots, least anie of them happilie remaining aliue, should find meanes afterwards to disturbe the common-wealth. The people consented lightlie herevnto, as they that beside the mortall hate which they bare towards Donald, were now suddenlie in loue with Crathlint, not onelie for his wit and other qualities of the mind, but also by rea­son of his comelie personage and passing beautie, set­ting 30 foorth all his dooings greatlie to his high praise and commendation.

The issue therefore with other the kinsmen and a­lies of Donald were sought for, and those that were The kinsmen and friends of Donald of the Iles are per­secuted. found, without anie difference or respect of age or sex, were cruellie put to death. Which doone, Crath­lint appointed foorth iudges and other administra­tors of iustice to see the laws executed, and the coun­tries gouerned in good and quiet order, euerie man 40 The politike gouernment of Crathl [...]nt. being assigned to his owne proper circuit. These hée chose out of the most ancient peeres and barons of his realme. The yoonger sort he reserued to attend vpon his person.

When he had taken direction in this wise for the rule of his kingdome, he went vp into the moun­teins Crathlint go­eth to hunt in the mounteins of Granzbene, ancientlie cal­led Grampeus mon [...]. An ambassage from the Picts. The Picts re quire the league to be renewed. of Granzebene, there to passe the time for a while in hunting the hart, and other wild beasts, whi­ther came vnto him ambassadors from Thelargus king of the Picts, declaring the ioy which their mai­ster 50 had conceiued for the slaughter of Donald, and the restoring of the right blood againe vnto the e­state, requiring that the ancient league betwixt the Picts and Scotishmen might be once againe re­newed. Crathlint receiued these ambassadors most ioifullie, giuing them heartie thanks on the behalfe of their maister for this signification of his good will shewed by their comming, and herewith promised, that during his life he would gladlie obserue the Crathlint pro miseth to ob­serue the an­cient a [...]tie betwixt the Scotishmen and Picts. The present sent by Crath­lint vnto the king of the Picts. Diuers Pic­tish lords come to Crathlint to hunt and make merie with him. A praise of the Scotish dogs. old ancient amitie established betwixt the two na­tions: 60 according to the tenor of the old league. More­ouer, when the said ambassadors should depart, he tooke vnto them to deliuer from him as a present vn­to their maister certeine horsses, with hounds and greihounds, such as he thought that king Thelar­gus wanted.

And shortlie after the returne of these ambassa­dors into their countrie, diuerse yoong gentlemen of the Pictish nobilitie repaired vnto king Crath­lint, to hunt and make merie with him: but when they should depart homewards, perceiuing that the Scotish dogs did farre excell theirs, both in fairnesse, swiftnesse, hardinesse, and also in long standing vp and holding out, they got diuerse both dogs and bit­ches of the best kinds for breed to be giuen them by the Scotish lords, and yet not so contented, they stale The Picts steale one of the kings best greihounds. one belonging to the king from his keeper, being more estéemed of him than all the other which he had about him. The maister of the leash being informed hereof, pursued after them which had stolen that dog, thinking in déed to haue taken him from them, but they not willing to depart with him, fell at alterea­tion, and in the end chanced to strike the maister of The Scots & Picts right for a gre [...] ­hound. the leash through with their borespeares that he died presentlie, wherevpon a noise and crie being raised in the countrie by his seruants, diuerse of the Scots as they were going home from hunting, returned; Wha [...] mischief insued vpon so light an oc­casion as the stealing of a dog. This chanced about the pere of▪ Christ 288, as Io. Ma. noteth. and falling vpon the Picts to reuenge the death of their fellow, there insued a shrewd bickering be­twixt them, so that of the Scots there died thréescore gentlemen, besides a great number of the com­mons, not one of them vnderstanding (till all was doone) what the matter ment. Of the Picts there were about an hundred slaine.

The kinsmen and friends of the Scots that were thus slaine, were woonderfullie mooued with the in­iurie committed, insomuch that without comman­dement of king or capteine, they assembled in great numbers togither, and entring into the Pictish con­fines, The Scots rob the Pic­tish borders. The Scots & Picts incoun­ter in battell. they began to rob, spoile and kill after the ma­ner of warre, wherewith the Picts being set in a rage, same foorth togither into the field, and incoun­terisag with the Scots, there was fought a sore bat­tell betwixt them, without capteine, order, or stan­dard, till at length the victorie remained with the Picts, of whom were slaine notwithstanding the day went on their sides, about two thousand men, but of The Scots discomfited by the Picts. Of what con­tinuance the league was betwixt the Scots and Picts, & now broken about a small matter as begun a­bout a dog. the Scots there died aboue thrée thousand, or more, as was supposed. Thus vpon a light occasion was the league broken betwixt these two nations, who had continued as friends, the one still readie to aid the other, euer sith the daies of king R [...]tha, being the 7 in number that reigned after Ferguse.

These two nations being thus fallen at debate, it was woonder to vnderstand with what crueltie the one sought to destroie the other. No pitie might mooue their cruell harts to spare either man, woman or child that fell into their hands: such was their in­ordinate Cruell wars and like desire which they had to shed each others bloud. At last Thelargus K. of the Picts being Thelargus king of the Picts being an aged man, desireth to haue peace, and therevpon sendeth his ambassadors vnto Crath­lint. a verie aged man, and perceiuing what mischiefe was happened through the follie of a few wilfull per­sons, appointed certeine of his counsell to go as am­bassadors vnto king Crathlint, to find some means to haue the matter taken vp, for the auoiding of the imminent danger that was like to insue to both na­tions. They according to their instructions com­ming to the place where Crathlint as then [...]oiour­ned, had much adoo to get licence to come vnto his presence: but at length being admitted, they vsed such humble persuasions grounded vpon reasona­ble considerations, that although no peace could be A truce granted. fullie concluded, yet a truce was granted them for thrée moneths space, which was but sorilie obserued, for deadly hatred and inward desire of reuenge was entred so farre into the breasts of the commons on both sides, that neither commandement nor punish­ment might staie them from the inuading of one anothers confines, mauger their princes and all their sore restraints.

In this meane time was the estate of the Ro­mane Carantius named by Eu­tropius Ca­rausius, trou­bleth the estate of Bri­taine. empire in Britaine brought into trouble by Carantius, of whome a little before mention hath béene made. Eutropius nameth him Carausius: he would not be acknowne at his comming to Rome of what linage he was descended, and so he was reputed to come of some base stocke, but yet through his worthie seruice in the warres, he atteined vnto [Page 72] great honor, and was appointed by Dioclesian to haue the souereigne regard ouer the coasts of the French ocean, to defend the same from pirats of the Saxons and other Germans, that sore molested the same in those daies. But for that he vsed to suffer those rouers to take spoiles and prises, to the end The wilie practise of Carantius. he might in their returne take the same from them againe, and conuert the gaine wholie to his owne vse, without restoring that which was due to the owners, or sending anie portion thereof to the Ro­mane 10 emperor, he was complained vpon, and sent Carantius fereth to come to make an­swer to such matters as he was charged with. Carantius reuolting cō ­meth into Westmerland, & causeth the people there to take his part against the Romans. for; but for that he doubted to come to his answer, as one which knew himselfe guiltie, he furnished his nauie with men, vittels and ordinance, and with the same tooke his course about the west parts of Bri­taine, and landed in Westmerland, where he easilie procured the people there to submit themselues to be vnder his rule and obeisance, and promised to de­liuer them from the gréeuous yoke and bondage of the Romans. 20

Thus hauing begun the foundation of that which he purposed to atchiue, for his further aduancement therein, he sent ambassadors vnto his nephue king Crathlint, both declaring what he was, and also ex­cusing the trespasse surmised against him, for being Carantius sendeth mes­sengers vnto king Crath­lint, in excu­sing his fault for his brother Findocke death. Carantius requireth to be aided a­gainst the Romans. of counsell touching the murther of his brother Fin­docke, father to the same Crathlint: and therefore if in putting away all mistrust of his innocencie in that behalfe, he would aid him against the Romans, he doubted not but that he should in short time vt­terlie 30 expell them out of all Britaine, and enioy all those prouinces within the same (which as then they possessed) vnto his owne vse, and this he said should be more honor and gaine both to the Scotishmen & Picts, if they could be contented to renew friend­ship, and ioine with them in aid against their com­mon enimies, than to séeke to destroie one another, as he latelie vnderstood they had doone for a dog.

Crathlint hearing the words of these ambassadors, reioised not a little, that his vncle Carantius was 40 Crathlint re­ioiseth to hear that Caranti­us was aliue. not onelie aliue, but also had through his valiancie atchiued so high renowme as to be accounted one of the worthiest warriors amongst all the Romane capteins. And herevpon with good aduise he deter­mined to aid him in that his enterprise for the con­quest Crathlint re­solueth to aid Carantius, & certifieth him of the same. of Britaine to the vttermost of his power. Ad­ding further, that if it were not for the warres which he doubted to haue with the Picts, he would not on­lie send him aid of men, but also come with them himselfe: and hereof he assured the ambassadors both 50 by word of mouth and letters. Who returning with such answer vnto their maister Carantius, he reioi­sed The king of the Picts also promiseth to aid Caran­tius. not a litle, to vnderstand how well they had sped, and so much the more, for that he receiued about the same time the like answer from the king of Picts.

Shortlie after he came to an interuiew with the king of Scots at the water of Eske, where after he Crathlint king of the Scots and Carantius come to talke togither. had purged himselfe with manie words of excuse, touching the murther of his brother Findocke, there was an assured friendship concluded betwixt them. 60 And at the motion of Carantius, Crathlint was contented to come to a communication with the king of Picts, for the conclusion of a peace, to the intent that both of them might ioine their powers togither, in aid of Carantius against the Romans. At this communication both the kings met, and Ca­rantius likewise was there, as a man indifferent Crathlint and the king of the Picts come to a communica­tion by Caran tius his means, who trauelieth to set them at one betwixt them both, to doo what he could to linke them both in amitie. And verelie his presence therevnto stood so much in stéed, that chieflie through his persua­sion grounded vpon great reasons and weightie considerations, they agreed to conclude a peace, and to renew the old league in such maner and forme, and with such conditions, as should be thought re­quisite by the aduise and discréet order of eight anci­ent persons: foure to be chosen on the one part, and foure on the other. Which eight persons taking the matter in hand, did so aduisedlie giue order for the Peace confir­med againe betwixt the Scotishmen and Picts. auoiding of all causes of grudge and hatred, that both parts held them satisfied with their arbitre­ment and direction, so that a ioifull peace was confir­med, and all variance vtterlie quenched.

In this meane time Quintus Bassianus the Romane lieutenant in Britaine, vnderstanding how Carantius was thus reuolted, and had not one­lie caused them of Westmerland to rebell, but also slaine and chased the Romans out of that countrie, he was not a little disquieted, and determined with all spéed to go against him, and to reuenge these in­iuries. Within a few daies after, hauing his armie Quintus Bassianus entreth into Westmerland but hearing that his eni­mies were at yorke he tur­neth thither. wards. readie, he entered into Westmerland: but hearing that his enimies were alreadie come to Yorke, and had woone, the citie by surrender, he turned his force thitherward, in purpose to fight whith them, though he vnderstood they were in thrée great battels, as the Scots in one, the Picts in another, and those of Ca­rantius retinue in the third. He lodged that night within a verie strong place, fensed about with ma­rishes.

But Carantius vnderstanding all the maner of his enimies by his espials, and being in campe within ten miles of them or thereabout, in the same night he raised his field without anie great brute, and by the leading of certeine guides he marched streight toward the place where Bassianus was in­camped, so that anon after the spring of the day he came thither: whereof Bassianus being aduertised, and perceiuing he should haue battell, maketh rea­die for the same, giuing the best exhortation he could vnto his people to plaie the men: but forsomuch as the most part of his armie were Britains, all his words nothing auailed: for they desirous to sée the vt­ter The Bri­tains betray the Romans. ruine of all the Romane power, euen at the verie point when the battels should haue ioined, withdrew themselues apart without anie stroke striken, and got them vp into the next mounteins, to see what would insue. The residue of the Romane armie, sée­ing themselues thus forsaken of their fellowes, and their sides left bare and open for the enimie to enter The Romans are discōfited. vpon them, fell to plaine running away, but by rea­son of the marish ground compassing them in on each side, seruing well to purpose for the Scots, and other the confederates, a great number of the Ro­mans, and other of their part were ouertaken and The slaugh­ter of the Romans. slaine. Amongst whome Bassianus himselfe was one, and Hircius the emperors procurator an other.

The Britains (who as is said refused to fight in the beginning of the battell) yéelded themselues vn­to The Bri­tains yeeld themselues vnto Ca­rantius. Carantius, and sware to be his true liege men and subiects. In like maner Carantius appointed all such of the nobilitie as were betwixt twentie yéeres and thréescore, to remaine with him in ho­stage: but the spoile of the field he diuided amongst his people equallie, so that as well the Scotishmen and Picts, as also his owne souldiers held them well contented and satisfied therewith. After this victo­rie Carantius or Carausius, as Eutropius na­meth him, vsurpeth the kingdome of Britaine. Carantius caused himselfe to be proclamed king of Britaine, vsurping the gouernment therof wholie to himselfe, and reteining two thousand of the Scots and Picts to attend vpon the safegard of his per­son, sent the residue home laden with riches of the enimies spoile. He sent also with them his ambassa­dors, to render thanks vnto both the kings for their aid in this so prosperous a victorie, assigning vnto Carantius hauing got the victorie, diui­deth the gaine in assigning to his cōfederats their [...]ue portions. them as a portion of the conquest, the countries of Westmerland and Cumberland, with all that region which lay betwixt Adrians wall, and the citie of Yorke, to inioy as their owne proper patrimonie [Page 73] for euermore. Finallie the said Carantius was slaine by his companion Alectus, as in the English historie ye may find more at large.

After this, Crathlint king of Scots deliuered from troubles against the Romans, deuised sundrie good ordinances for the quiet state of the Scotish common-wealth, causing the peace to be diligentlie obscrued betwixt him and the Picts. Also in his The perse­cution of the christians by Dioclesian. daies the persecution of the christians chanced, which the emperour Dioclesian commanded to be execu­ted 10 in most furious wise, so that there were few partes of the world (where anie christians were knowne to inhabit) that tasted not of that his cru­ell ordinance and scourge in that behalfe. In Bri­taine also, as well as in other places, there was no small quantitie of innocent bloud shed, with most vnmercifull murther committed, to the great tri­umph of Christs crosse, that glorious ensigne of our religion.

In which time Constantius Chlorus father to 20 Constantine the great, was resident in Britaine, who adiudging the Scots to be a people wholie gi­uen to pillage and slaughter, as they were in déed, determined with himselfe to haue brought them to subiection. But yer he could atchiue any notable en­terprise, he died, leauing behind him the fame of a right gentle and woorthie prince, sauing that in one point he sore stained his honor, for that he was one Constantius persecuteth the christians. of the chiefe that persecuted the christian flocke vn­der Dioclesian, forcing no small number of the faith­full 30 amongst the Britains, to flée vnto the Scots Manie of the Britains flee to the Scots to auoid per­secution. Crathlint de­stroieth the temples of the false gods in Man. and Picts to auoid his persecution. Whome Crath­lint receiued for his part most louinglie, and assig­ned vnto them (as the Scots say) the Ile of Man for a place of habitation, destroieng all such temples of the heathens religion belonging to the Druides, which had continued there since the begining; and vt­terlie abolished all the superstitious rites and cu­stomes of the same Druides, with their whole order and brotherhood. He erected a temple there, which hee 40 dedicated vnto Iesus Christ our sauiour, wherein the christians might celebrate their diuine seruice, accor­ding to their profession. This church being richlie in­dowed, The first bi­shops sée in Scotland. Sodorensis ecclesia. Crathlint de­parteth out of this world. was the first bishops sée amongst the Scots, and there vpon was taken for the mother church of the realme. It is now called the church of saint Sa­uiour. Finallie Crathlint departed out of this life, after he had reigned 24 yéeres, being much praised aswell for his politike gouernment, as for his great and earnest zeale which he bare toward the aduance­ment 50 of the true christian religion.

FIncomarke that was his vncles sonne, succéeded him in the kingdome, & was placed on the stone Finco­marke. of marble, to the great reioising of all the estates, who wished him a prosperous reigne, and long to continue therein. There liued in king Crathlints daies a noble christian called Amphibalus, a Bri­taine [...]mphibalus. borne, who fléeing from the persecution then raised in his countrie, came vnto the same Crath­lint, and by him was created the first bishop of saint 60 Sauiours church in Man: this Amphibalus did ve­rie The church of S. Sauior, otherwise cal­led Sodorensis ecclesia. much good amongst the Scots and Britains in setting foorth the word of life, and rooting out of their hearts all superstitious errors of blind gentilitie. There were other also of right famous memorie a­bout the same time, that ceassed not in preaching, and instructing the people in the right beliefe, as Modo­cus, Priscus, Calanus, Ferranus, Ambianus, and Carnocus, called by an old ancient name in the Scotish toong Cul [...]i, that is to vnderstand, Cultores Culdei. Dei, or as you would say in English, the worshippers of God.

But now to the purpose touching Fincomarke, what yéere Fincomarke began his reigne. ye shall vnderstand, that he began his [...] in the yéere (as W. Harison saith) after the birth of our Sa­uiour 322. H. B. 5490. H. B. 655. H. B. First o [...] Con­trantine. H. B. Octauius is vanquished, & flieth into Scotland. 325, after the creation of the world 4292, and from the first establishing of the Scotish king­dome 652, and in the 20 yéere of Constantine the emperour. It chanced that Octauius king of the Britains was vanquished by Traherus a Romane capteine, and forced for his refuge to flee vnto this Fincomarke then king of Scots, who receiued him as a friend. And furthermore though he were requi­red by Traherus to deliuer him into his hands, as a traitor and a rebell vnto the Romane empire, yet Fincomarke refused so to doo, choosing rather to su­steine all Traherus his malice, and to haue warres with the Romane emperor, than to betray his friend who had put his life into his hands vpon an especiall trust of safegard,

Herewith Traherus being not a little mooued, as­sembled Traherus inuadeth west merland. his power, and entred into Westmerland, the which countrie had remained in the Scotish­mens hands euer since Carantius deliuered it ouer vnto them. Fincomarke hearing that the Romans would thus make him wars, had likewise raised a puissant armie to resist them, so that he had at the Fincomarke raiseth his power. least 60 thousand persons togither in one armie, as 30 thousand of his owne countriemen, 20 thou­sand Picts, & ten thousand of such Britains as follo­wed after Octauius. Fincomarke being thus furni­shed, hasted foorth to incounter with his enimies, be­fore they should haue time to doo any notable da­mage vnto his subiects, & so comming within sight of them, sent an herald vnto Traherus, to vnder­stand the cause why he thus inuaded his countrie, but receiuing frō him an vntoward answer, he brought forth his people into the field in order readie to giue battell, and so ioining with the enimie, there was Fincomarke ioineth in bat­tell with Traherus. fought a right sore and cruell conflict, which continu­ed for a time with vnmercifull murther and slaugh­ter on both parts.

Finallie, when the Romans were at a point to haue got the vpper hand, they were suddenlie put in such feare with the sight of a number of husband­men, who had got togither their cattell and were dri­uing the same awaie, that supposing they had beene some new succors comming to aid their enimies, they immediatlie fled vpon the same, leauing the The Ro­mans flée. victorie to their aduersaries: howbeit of the Scots side were slaine (as their chronicles report) fiftéene thousand men, and on the Romane part about six­teene The number is slaine. thousand. Traherus himselfe escaped vnto Yorke, but hearing that Fincomarke and Octauius pursued after him, he forsooke that citie, and got him into places of more suertie, so that when the enimies yorke is yéel­ded vnto Octauius. came thither, the citizens yeelded themselues, and receiued Octauius as their prince, offering from thenceforth to be vnder his rule and gouernement. The newes of these atchiued victories being bru­ted throughout the realme, caused a great number of the nobles to come in vnto Octauius, who recei­ued Octauius obteineth the rule of Bri­taine. them most thankfullie; & to conclude, wrought so by their support, that he was shortlie after resto­red to the gouernance of the whole realme, and esta­blished therein according to his owne wish.

This doone Fincomarke returned into his coun­trie, as well himselfe as other of his nobles and men of warre, being highlie rewarded for their westmerland assigned to the Scotishmen. paines and trauell susteined in that iournie. There was also promise made and confirmed by solemne oth, that the countrie of Westmerland, with such o­ther parts as were assigned to his predecessor king Crathlint, by order of Carantius at the time of their ioining togither in league against the Ro­mans, should for euer remaine vnto Fincomarke, & to his successors the Scotish kings, without anie claime or title to be made to the same by any of the [Page 74] Britains: but this promise was not long kept, for shortlie after that Octauius had once chased all the Romans foorth of the British confines, and that Tra­herus was fled ouer into France, there was a coun­cell A councell [...] at yorke. called at Yorke, where it was not onelie ordei­ned, that from thencefoorth there should neuer anie stranger be suffered to reigne ouer the Britains, but also that the bounds of the realme should be ex­tended foorth beyond the wall made (as before is re­cited) by the emperor Adrian, euen vnto the old an­cient 10 bounds and limits, expelling foorth the inhabi­tants of forren nations.

Such an immoderate lust of inlarging his domi­nion inflamed the hart of Octauius, that neither re­gard Octauius coueteth to in [...]arge his [...]ominion. of his oth, nor remembrance of benefits recei­ued, might staie him from séeking to wrong them, whose aid had restored him vnto his former estate and dignitie, as before we haue rehearsed. For here­vpon there were ten thousand men of war sent into Westmerland, to the intent to conquer the same 20 The Bri­tains inuade Westmerland. out of the Scotishmens hands: but being incoun­tred with a power of Scotishmen & Picts, they were sharpelie repelled & quicklie put to flight. About the same time also, Traherus returned out of France Traherus returneth into Britain. Octamus is vanquished by Traherus. with two legions of Romans and twentie thousand of other aids: and giuing battell vnto Octauius, he vanquished his armie, and constreined him for his refuge to flée vnto the mouth of Humber, where he got certeine vessels, and sailed into Norwaie, there to saue his life, bicause that Scotland was now no 30 sure refuge for him. Thus was Traherus againe in possession of Britaine as lieutenant to Constan­tine the emperor: but shortlie after he was by cer­teine conspirators in fauour of Octauius murthe­red, Traherus by a conspiracie to murthered. Octauius is reconcied with Fin­comarke. and then Octauius returned againe: as in the English chronicle is mentioned more at large.

Immediatlie vpon his returne, he reconciled himselfe with Fincomarke the Scotish king, and was contented that he should quietlie inioy the countries of Westmerland and Cumberland, with 40 such other territories as Carantius had granted in former time vnto Crathlint. He likewise sent vnto the king of the Picts, and concluded a friend­ship Octauius entreth into a [...]tie with the Pictish king. with him, to the intent he might haue aid from him also, if it chanced the Romans est soones to in­uade his countrie, as shortlie after they did, not cea­sing till they had so wearied him with continuall wars, that in the end to be at rest (as his age and other necessities then required) he deliuered into their hands certeine castels and fortresses, and also 50 Octauius be­commeth tributarie vnto the Ro­man emperor. 17 of Cōstans [...] Cōstantins emperors. H. B Fincomarke deceased. 358. H. B. became tributarie to the emperor, on condition that he might vse the office and name of a king all the residue of his daies. These things being thus quie­ted in Albion, the Romans, Britains, Scotishmen and Picts, continued in friendlie peace without any notable trouble, till the ninth yeare of the reigne of Ualentinian emperor of Rome: & first of Damasus the pope. In the which yeare Fincomarke king of Scots departed this life, after he had gouerned the estate aboue 47 yéeres. This was in the yéere of 60 our redemption 172. This Fincomarke left behind him two sonnes, the one named Eugenius, being as then about 18 yéeres of age; the other hight Etho­dius, Eugenius & Ethodius sons to Fin­comarke. and was yoonger than his brother by one yéere, so that neither of them might succéed their father, by reason they were not of yéeres sufficient to rule, ac­cording to the ancient ordinance.

Herevpon a councell was called in Argile, where Roma [...]s. Fethelmacus and Angusia­nus sonnes to thrée seuerall brethren pre­tend a right to the estate. there was hard hold betwixt the three nephues to king Crathlint, that were begotten by thrée of his brethren, which of them should gouerne the land: their names were Romacus, Fethelmacus, and Angu­sianus. Romacus had a Pictish ladie of the bloud roiall of that nation to his mother, and for that his father was eldest brother next vnto Crathlint, he looked to be preferred, though he himselfe was yoon­ger in yéeres than either Fethelmacus or Angusia­nus. Fethelmacus gaue his consent with such voi­ces Rom [...]s seeketh m [...]ans to des [...] his cousins. as he had vnto Angusianus, wherewith Roma­cus being not a little offended, sought meanes to haue destroied them both: but his practise being dis­couered, caused manie to withdraw their good wils from him, whereby his aduersaries were the more incouraged: and therevpon the councell brake vp, ei­ther part deuising how to strengthen themselues a­gainst Angusianus with vpright deeling pur­chaseth the more friend­ship. the others practises. But forsomuch as Angu­sianus vsed plaine meanes without any fraudulent dealing, he got the more friends, so that Romacus was constreined in the end to require aid of the king of Picts, who being néere of kin to him, might not denie his request. Angusianus therefore vnderstan­ding whatdanger he was in, if he fell into his aduer­saries hands, got togither an armie of such as fauou­red Romacus vanquisheth Angusianus. his cause, and incountring with him in battell was put flight, and forced to flie into the westerne Iles with his cousine Fethelmacus, where remai­ning for a while, at length he was aduertised that the inhabitants had conspired against him, for doubt whereof he got him ouer into Ireland.

ANgusianus being thus chased out of the relme, Romacus Romacus is receiued for king. Romacus was receiued by the most part of the nobles and commons for their king. But as the ac­customed maner of tyrants, comming thus to the go­uernement of a realme through euill meanes, is to rule with erueltie, so did he behaue himselfe, accor­ding to that semblable rate, so soone as he thought himselfe to be sure of the estate. Wherefore such as had borne any euill will to Fincomarke, and were out of sauor in his daies, those did Romacus call vn­to him, and afterward vsed their counsell aboue all other mens, aduancing them also to most high rule and rich offices. Againe, those which had béene in fa­uor with Fincomarke, or bare any affection toward Ro [...]cus gouerneth tyrannicelli [...]. Ethobius & Eugenius the sonnes of Fincomarke are con [...]ed into the Ile of Man. his issue, he sought couertlie to bereaue them both of life, lands and goods, so that by such his dooings, there was gathered no light suspicion, that he would like­wise yer long find meanes to dispatch Ethodius and Eugenius the sons of the same Fincomarke, there­by to be the more assured of the crowne & kingdome itselfe. The two children also fearing as much on their owne behalfe, by the aduise and helpe of their trustie friends, conueied themselues into West­merland, and after ouer into the Ile of Man, where they remained looking for a daie.

Then began banishments, confiscations of goods, and slaughter of such as were thought to be fauorers of Angusianus cause, without respect either of sex or The Scotish lords conspire against Ro­macus. age, till the nobles of the realme being not a little mooued with such his cruell dooings, and tyrannicall gouernment, conspired togither by secret meanes how to deliuer their countrie of so pernicious a ty­rant. And to bring this their purpose the more spéedi­lie to passe, they wrought so closelie, that they had assembled a great armie, and were come with the same within ten miles of the place where he then laie, yer he had any vnderstanding of their enter­prise, Romacus apprehended and put to death. so that whereas he (being vnprouided of resi­stance) assaied by flight towards Pictland to haue escaped their hands, it preuailed him nothing, for he was taken by the waie, and receiued such end as his former passed life had verie well deserued, in the fourth yéere of his reigne: his head was set vpon the end of a pole, and carried about to be shewed vnto the people to their great reioising. There were slain at the same time beside him, diuers Scots & Picts, of counsell with him in all his cruell practises.

After which execution doone, they sent for Angusia­nus, Angusianus proclamed king. who returned into Scotland, & was proclamed [Page 75] king, as well by consent of the lords, as fauour of the commons. About the same time, [...]eause the Bri­tains had slaine the Romane lieutenant▪ the empe­ror Constantius sent one Maximus thither to cha­stise the rebels, with whom the same Maximus in­countring in battell, gaue them a great ouerthrow. And within three daies after Octauius king of the Britains, through gréefe, age, and long sicknesse, being consumed to the last point, departed this life. He left a sonne behind him named also Octauius, 10 who doubting to fall into the hands of the Romans, fled into the Ile of Man, and remained there cer­teine yéeres vnknowne with Eugenius and Etho­dius, the sonnes of Fincomarke. The Britains also persisting in their rebellion, were [...] discom [...] ­ted in battell by Maximus, and sore by him persecu­ted, till he had brought them againe to their full sub­iection.

While these troubles continued in Britaine, An­gusianus K. of Scots was sore disquieted by Nec­tanus 20 Nectanus king of the Picts maketh [...]re w [...]rres [...]pon the Scots. king of Picts, who inforced himselfe to re­uenge the death of his cousine Romacus, making sundrie rodes & forraies into the Scotish confines, and greatlie indamaged the countrie, by spoiling of goods, murthering of the inhabitants, and burning of townes with villages; and in the end hauing his power increased by the aid of certeine Scotish­men, which had borne good will vnto Romacus, he preased so sore vpon Angusianus, that he had no re­medie but to trie the hazard of battell in a pitched 30 field; for no friendlie persuasions to haue peace or anie agréement could be heard, though Angusianus made humble sute to haue purchased the same. Wherefore perceiuing no hope of attonement, he prepared an armie, and met his enimie in the field, where (after sore fight and much slaughter) the victo­rie remained with Angusianus and Nectanus with The Picts [...] by Scots. his Picts were chased and forced to saue themselues by flight.

Nectanus himselfe neuer rested till he came vn­to 40 Camelon, where he called a councell of his nobles to haue their aduise by what meanes he might be re­uenged of the iniuries receiued by the Scots, where­of Nectanus de­s [...]ous of re­uenge. he was most desirous, not regarding into what danger he brought his owne realme, so he might somewhat ease his rancour and displeasure, which he had thus conceiued against his enimies the Scots. Neither wanted there diuers great personages in that assemblie, which (to content his mind and to win fauour of him) set forward the matter in such 50 earnest wise that (notwithstanding what other could say to the contrarie) it was ordeined that with all spéed an armie should be leuied, and led foorth into the Scotish borders. Nectanus hauing thus the con­sent of his nobles to inuade the Scots anew, cau­sed men of warre to be taken vp through all the par­ties of his dominion, and that of the choisest men that might be got; the which being once assembled, he staied not long but set forward with them, and Nectanus in­uadeth the Scotish con­fines. entred into Kalendar wood, spoiling and destroieng 60 all afore him at his owne will and pleasure.

Angusianus vnderstanding his furie, and doub­ting [...]east the Britains through setting on of the Ro­mans should seeke to ioine with the Picts, to the de­struction of the Scots, thought good to assaie if by anie friendlie meanes he might bring Nectanus to fall vnto some reasonable point, rather than by the warres to indanger both the Pictish and Scotish estates, in putting the same in aduenture to fall in­to the hands of their ancient enimies the Romans and the Britains. Herevpon therefore he wrote vn­to Nectanus a gentle letter, declaring therein all Angusianus [...] for peace such dangers and inconueniendes as might insueby this warre thus by him attempted. And againe, how necessarie it were for both the nations to haue peace togither as then, considering how it was not to be thought that Maximus the Romane legat (hauing now all the Britains at his commande­ment) would rest (if occasion were offered) till that he had f [...]llie subdued both the Scots and Picts: for the auoiding of which perill he offered for his part, to accept anie reasonable conditions of peace, that should by him be prescribed.

But Nectanus in no wise would giue eare to anie Nectanus re­fuseth all of­fers of peace. treatie of peace, so that Angusianus being forced to giue battell for defense of his subiects, brought his people into the field, and exhorting them to plaie the men with sundrie comfortable woords, he placed them in order of battell. On the other part Necta­nus likewise incouraged his folkes to doo valiantlie, Angusianus and Nectanus ioine in battell with their ar­mies. so that the archers on both sides stepped forward, lef­ting their arrowes flie fréelie one at an other, vntill at length comming to handblowes they stroke on freshlie, beating downe and killing without sparing on either side, so that a good space the victorie was doubtfull. At length Angusianus perceiuing his peo­ple to be put to the woor [...], rushed foorth into the thic­kest Angusianus is slaine. of the prease amongst his enimies, where he was quicklie espied, oppressed with prease, and slaine out of hand. The most part of his people missing him, & not vnderstanding what was become of him, The Scots are discomfi­ted. supposed that he had béene fled, and therefore fell al­so to running away; but the residue that stood still at their defense were slaine downe right. Thus the victorie remained with the Picts, but neither part had anie cause to reioise, for the capteins on both sides were slaine, besides manie thousands of other; Nectanus is also slaine. so that aswell the one nation as the other departed from the place right pensife and sorrowfull, giuing manie a sore cursse vnto such as had béene the procu­rers and nourishers of such detestable hatred be­twixt those two nations, which had so long a time beene conioined in the faithfull band of amitie, to the great quiet and wealth of both the countries. After this bloudie battell, aswell the Scots as Picts sat still for a season, not attempting anie enterprise of importance the one against the other.

Angusianus reigned not past two yeares before Fethel­macus. he was slaine thus in the field, as before ye haue heard, in whose place succeeded his cousine Fethel­macus with little better successe: for in the second yeare of his reigne, desirous to be reuenged of the Picts, he assembled an armie, and entring into An­gus, began to spoile & slea downe right all that was before him, without regard to impotent, aged, ten­der infants, or other. The Picts also being kindled herewith, gathered their power togither, and incoun­tring with the Scots, there was a sore battell fought The Scots discomfit the Picts. betwixt them: but the Scots first putting the wings of their enimies host to flight, at length discomfi­ted their maine battell also, being left naked on both sides of all aid or succour, great slaughter was made in the chase of the Picts as they fled hither and thi­ther to saue themselues. So that among other, their An other Nectanus king of the Picts dieth of hurts recei­ued in the fight with the Scots. king named Nectanus, brother to the aboue remem­bred Nectanus, being wounded with an arrow, died within thrée daies after this cruell conflict was en­ded. The courage of the Scots now being aduan­ced with this their prosperous successe, they passed forthwith ouer the riuer of Taie, to rob, harrie, and spoile the countrie of Fife.

The Picts, perceiuing themselues not to be strong [...]nough to match with their enimies in plaine field at hand-strokes, determined yet with skirmishes and light incounterings (if it were possible) to kéepe them off from the winning of anie of their fensed townes, castels or strong holds. And to be the more able to mainteine themselues in this their purposed [Page 76] intention, they did choose on Heirgust to their king, a Heirgust is chosen king of the Picts. man of subtill nature and craffie imagination. This Heirgust deuising how to deliuer his countrie of such an intollerable enimie as Fethelmacus was, procured two slie fellowes Picts by nation, to coun­terfeit themselues for Scots, and for that they were cunning throwers of the dart, in which kind of ex­ercise A pretended, treason. the same Fethelmacus tooke great pleasure, they were appointed to make sute to be in seruice with him, to the intent that when they might espie 10 their time, they should slea him, by one kind of meane or other.

They (according as they were instructed, comming into Scotland) found meanes not onelie to haue place in the kings house, but also to corrupt one of his musicians an harper, and to bring him to be of counsell with them in this their wicked purpose. By reason whereof, in one night as he laie at Carrike, where he was busie to make his prouision there for the warres against the Picts, the same musician 20 (hauing plaid in the kings bed-chamber till he had brought him asléepe) did let in those two Pictish traitors, who foorthwith slue him euen as he laie so Fethelmacus is murthered in his hed. sléeping: but the king groning gréeuouslie at the deadlie stroke, some of them that watched before the chamber doore perceiuing what was happened, fol­lowed after the murtherers, who fled with all speed vnto the next mounteins, where they sought to de­fend themselues with hurling downe stones, vpon them that came vp towards them: but in the end, 30 being taken, and confessing the déed, with the whole maner of the same, they were drawen in péeces with wild horsses: the musician also being apprehended and conuict of the treason, suffered semblablie the like kind of death. Fethelmacus came to his end in the third yeare of his reigne, being the second In the fift yeare of the emperour Constantius. yeare after the death of the emperour Ualentinian.

In this season (as in times past hath béene belée­ued) certeine bones of the apostle saint Andrew were brought foorth of Achaia, a prouince in Gre­cia, 40 369. H. B. into Scotland by a Gréekish moonke named Re­gulus Albatus, commonlie called S. Reule, a man Saint Reule commeth into Fife, then a part of Pict­land, and now of Scotland. in those daies highlie estéemed, for the opinion which the world had conceiued of him for his holie and ver­tuous life, to whome king Heirgust gaue his palace that stood in that part of Fife, where the same Regu­lus first landed; at whose contemplation also, he e­rected a church in old time called Kirkruill, that is, the church of S. Reule, afterwards named the old church of S. Andrews, standing in the abbie church­yard, 50 where the chanons were woont to be buried. But to leaue this matter to the further report and credit of the Scotish chronicles, we will procéed with our purpose. After the death of Fethelmacus, the nobles and commons of the Scotish nation sent in­to the Ile of Man for Eugenius the sonne of king The Scots send into the Iles of Man, for Finco­marke his sonnes. Fincomarke, where he with his brother Ethodius had remaned, during the daies of the thrée last re­membred kings, Romacus, Angusianus, and Fe­thelmacus. 60

THis Eugenius at his comming into Albanie was inuested king of the Scots by common Eugenius. consent of all the nation. About the same season, Maximus the Romane lieutenant in Britaine, vn­derstanding of the late dissention betwixt the Sco­tishmen and Picts, deuised which waies he might Eugenius is inuested king. best subdue both those nations, thereby not onelie to inlarge the bounds of the Romane empire, and to deliuer the Britains from inuasions of those so cru­ell enimies, but also to haue the south part of the Ile more obedient and loiall vnto the same empire than The practise of Maximus to destroy the Scots. heretofore it had béene. He thought good therefore in the beginning to assaie if he might ioine in friend­ship with the one of the nations, till he had destroi­ed the other: for he considered it would be an hard péece of worke to haue to doo with them both at one instant. Wherevpon directing his letters vnto Heir­gust He sendeth vnto Heirgust king of the Picts. king of the Picts, he required to renew the old league with him and his people, promising to aid him against the Scots, common enimies not onelie to the Pictish nation, but also to all such peo­ple as loued rest and quietnesse, as might easilie be perceiued by their continuall practise and vsage, e­uer séeking to disturbe their neighbors with rodes & forraies, so that it stood with a generall common­wealth to haue them vtterlie destroied and extirped.

Heirgust right ioifull of these newes, gaue hartie thankes vnto almightie God, that had mooued the Romane lieutenant to make such offer vnto him, whereby the furious rage of the Scots might be once repressed, and put away from his people; & therefore willing to confirme a friendship with the same lieu­tenant, he promised to renew the league betwixt Heirgust his answere vnto Maximus his message. the Romans and Picts, vpon anie reasonable con­ditions which he should deuise, not onelie requiring an aid at this time against the said Scots, but also at all other, as occasion should demand. Maximus Maximus and Heirgust ioine in frien­ship, and the Scots pro­clamed eni­mies to them both. hauing receiued this answere, he found means al­so to come to a communication with Heirgust neere to Yorke, where the league was confirmed betwixt them, and therein the Scots not onelie adiudged for common enimies, both to the Romans and Bri­tains, but also to the Picts. And further therewith were certeine orders appointed how the war should be pursued with all expedition against them. These things thus finished, and both the princes returned to their homes, Maximus sent an herald vnto Eu­genius An herald sent from Maximus vnto Euge­nius. the Scotish king, commanding him on the behalfe of the Romane empire, to make restitution for all wrongs and iniuries doone vnto the Pictish nation. And further, to deliuer into the hands of Heirgust the [...] of the Picts, the authors of the same wrongs and iniuries to be punished at his discre­tion, or if he would refuse thus to doo, that then he should looke to haue the emperour and the Romane people enimies vnto him and all his nation.

Eugenius for answere herevnto, declared that The answere of Eugenius vnto the he­rald. since he entred into the gouernment of the Scotish estate, he had doone nothing that might be thought preiudiciall either to the Romans or to the Britains their subiects: and as for the Picts, he would he glad to haue peace with them, if there might be amends made for all displeasures doone on either part, accor­ding as should be thought to stand with equitie and reason. Neither did he see what cause the Romans should haue to make warres for the Picts against those that had doone them no displeasure: but if it were so that he must needs haue wars, he would doo what in him lay to defend the libertie of the Scotish nation, trusting chieflie in the succours of almightie God, who vsed to fauour the cause of the iust and in­nocent, against such as sought to wrong them vpon feined quarrels, without occasion giuen. Maxi­mus Maximus raiseth [...] mightie ar­mie. He inuadeth the Scotish regions. receiuing this answere from Eugenius, as­sembled with all speed a strong & mightie armie of Romans, Britains, and Frenchmen, with the which entring into Westmerland, he spoiled that countrie most miserablie, taking diuers castels and strong holds by force, the which he furnished with garrisons Cruell wars. of his people, and then passing into Anandale, bur­ned and harried the same; from thence he entred in­to Galloway, o [...]isting no kind of tyrannie that might be shewed against the inhabitants, so that the feare was great throughout all the countrie: for of manie yeares before, so great an armie had not béene séene in those parties.

Eugenius notwithstanding, gathering his power Eugenius gathering his power figh­teth with his [...], and [...] discomfited. togither, determined to trie the fortune of battell, [Page 77] and so ioining with his enimies néere vnto the wa­ter of Crée, his people were quicklie put to flight, and chased, by reason that they were much inferior in number. But the Romans pursuing the chase, happened to light amongest them of Argile, which The Romans following t [...] [...] the [...], re­ [...]ue [...]. had not béene at the battell, but were comming to­wards it, and now fiercelie incountring with such as pursued their friends, they caused them to retire backe with some losse, wher vpon the other Scots al­so (which were chased) returned, & gaue a fresh onset, 10 so that if night had not come on the sooner, there had béene a [...]r greater multitude of the Romans slaine in that bickering than they themselues did thinke of. Herevpon the Romans, doubting what their eni­mies intended to doo, they fortified their campe that night verie stronglie; but Eugenius vnderstanding Eugenius brea [...]eth vp his armie. what a multitude of his folks were slaine in the bat­tell, so that the verie streame of the water of Crée was stopped vp with dead carcases, he thought best (with the aduise of the peeres) to licence his people to 20 depart to their homes, and not to fight with his enimies anie more for that time.

Which being doone, he himselfe repaired the same night vnto Carrike, where he remained for a sea­son, making prouision for defense of his realme the best he could deuise. Maximus hauing knowledge in the morning how the Scots were quite gone their waies, he determined to haue followed them; but béeing certified of a rebellion amongest the Britains in Kent, he changed his purpose, and re­turned 30 A rebellion in Kent. thitherwards, to appease that tumult, leauing in Galloway a good part of his armie to keepe such holds as he had got in that voiage. The yeare fol­lowing, Maximus was so busied in the south parts of Britaine, that he could not attend vnto the warres against the Scots, otherwise than in main­teining such garrisons as he had placed in their countries, by reason whereof sundrie bickerings happened betwixt them of the same garrisons and the Scots, who laboured not onelie to deliuer their 40 owne countrie out of the hands of all forrainers, but also to inuade and destroie Pictland, so that they har­r [...]ed the countrie of Fife, with part of Menteth and The Scots [...]age the [...]. Sterling shire, burning & wasting townes, castels, and houses most crue [...]ie.

Whereof Maximus being certified, made sem­blance as [...]hough he were sore gréeued therewith, Maximus [...]. but inwardlie he could haue reioised at nothing more than to heare of the iniuries doon by the Scots vnto the Picts, supposing it to make chieflie for his 50 purpose; and here vpon preparing an armie against the next summer, when he had disposed all things in a quiet order amongest the Britains, he set forward with the same towards Galloway, where being ar­riued, Maximus [...] s [...]nes in­ [...]adeth the Scots. there was no kind of crueltie spared against the poore inhabitants. Eugenius in the meane time vnderstanding the comming of his enimies, mu­stered his people, and appointed the assemblie to be Eugenius prepareth an armie to de­fend his coun­trie. made in the countrie of Kile, which way he heard that his enimies would trauell. Thither came also 60 not onlie all the able men of the Scotish dominions, but likewise a great number of lustie & strong wo­men apt to beare armour according to the old ac­customed [...]omen vsed to the warres. guise of their nation, so that there were numbred in this armie fiftie thousand persons right The number o [...] the Scotish armie. fierce and hardie, desirous either to vanquish the enimie with dint of sword, or else to die presentlie in the place.

Maximus hearing that the Scots were thus in­camped in Kile, marched towards them, and lod­ged the same night not far off from the riuer of The approch of Maximus towards the Scots. Munda, where knowledge was giuen vnto Euge­nius, that Maximus was come within fiue miles of him, with a greater armie than he had at his last in­countring with him in Galloway. [...] aduertise­ments caused no small [...]r to be [...] in the campe, some being striken with p [...]sent feare: where other contrariwise moued with high indignation, desired nothing so much as to [...]oine in battell with the Ro­mans, whose cruell tyrannie they much detested. Eugenius himselfe shewed no countenance of feare at all, but incouraging his people with comfortable Engenius co [...]orteth his people. words, he brought them streight in order o [...] battell, diuided into thrée wards, committing one of them to the leading of his brother Ethodius, the second to D [...]alus the gouernour of Argile, & reseruing the third to himselfe. This d [...]ne, he made vnto them a p [...]thie oration, declaring how necessarie it was for them to plaie the men, considering that in victorie consisted the onelie hope of libertie; and in being vanquished, their countrie was indangered to be brought into perpetuall bondage for euer, for the onelie marke which the Romans shot at, was to op­presse the libertie of the whole Iland, and to reduce the same into the forme of a prouince, to be gouer­ned at the will of the victorers, to the brea [...] of all their old ancient lawes & long continued customs.

With these and manie other like reasons he went about to incourage the minds of his subiects, in such wise, that in maner the most part of them determi­ned rather to die with honor, than to liue in such mi­seri [...] as they feared would insue, if the victorie shuld rest vpon the Romans side. And as they were in such talke togither, suddenlie commeth in one of The sudden arriuall of Maximus. their scouts with newes, that Maximus with his ar­mie was euen at hand. This was in the morning, anon after the sunne was vp, where he was not loo­ked for till the euening following, insomuch that the same his sudden arriuall, chancing so farre contra­rie to their former expectations, troubled all their heads, and brought them into a great maze, for that hereby they were constreined to change the order of their battels to haue the sunne on their backs, as they had prouided at the first it should haue béene, if the enimies had not come vntill the after none. Yet notwithstanding, they had no sooner changed their place, and gotten themselues into arraie of battell againe, but that with great violence they preassed The Scots giue the onset. forward to giue the onset vpon the Romans. Which Maximus perceiuing, made all the spéed he could to set his men in order of battell, that he might receiue his enimies comming thus to incounter him. So both sides beeing fullie bent to battell, and approched within danger of shot, they let flée the same most e­gerlie, albeit that through hasting foorth to ioine at The batte [...] ioine. hand-strokes, there was litle hurt doone with bowes or darts.

The Scots crieng vpon the name of their woor­thie and famous ancestor king Gald, did laie about them, most fiercelie, after they came once to the ioi­ning: and likewise the Romans, being incouraged with the chéerefull words of the lieutenant Maxi­mus, boldlie incountered them, so that it was doub­full Doubtfull fight. at the first whether part should haue the woorse end of the staffe. But shortlie there followed variable successe, for on the one part, they of Resse and Mar, being appointed vnder Ethodius to incounter that wing of the enimies where the Picts were, fought so egerlie and with such fierce wils, that they easilie Ethodius o▪ uerthroweth the Picts. put the Picts vnto flight, beating downe a great number of them as they would haue passed the wa­ter of Dune, but streightwaies after falling to the The Scots hauing van­quished the Picts, are slaine by the Romans. spoile, they were slaine downe right, by a legion of such Romans as were sent by Maximus vnto the succours of the Picts.

On the other side, in the left wing those of Argile, Cantire, Kile, and Coningham, who were matched with the Britains, Frenchmen, and Germans, after [Page 78] long and cruell fight were there slaine in the place, greatlie to their fame and glorie for euer, so that by this meanes the maine battell of the Scotishmen, wherein Eugenius himselfe stood amongst his peo­ple, was left bare & naked on both the sides. Which Maximus perceiuing, he caused the same to be as­sailed on each part with such violence, that in the end longer resistance preuailed not, but that their maine The Scotish battell is ouer­throwne. battell must néedes be opened perforce, by meanes whereof Eugenius choosing rather to die in the place, 10 than either to saue his life by flight, or by rendering himself into his enimies hands to liue in miserie, &c: Eugenius is slaine. was there slaine, togither with a great number of his nobles and gentlemen, hauing determined by the example of their maister to die rather spéedilie with honor, than longer to liue with shame and re­proch. Thus Eugenius lost his life with his king­dome, in the third yéere after his first entering to the rule, hauing inioied few good daies in rest during the said time. 20

Such of the Scots also as were appointed to kéepe the cariage and trusse of the field, séeing their lords and maisters thus slaine, rushed foorth with The furious rage of the Scotish carters. such weapons as they had at hand, in purpose to slea some number of their enimies, not passing though it should cost them also their owne liues, so that they might die reuenged. The slaughter was great which at the first was made, more through an obstinate desire of reuenge, than by anie valiant actiuitie: but this companie being anon broken in sunder, and dri­uen 30 backe, they were finallie slaine & beaten downe. Moreouer, the Romans that pursued in chase after their enimies, when the battell was doone, encoun­tered with great numbers of such women and aged persons as followed a farre off, to vnderstand the suc­cesse of the field, doubting what hap might fall to their children and kinsfolks, whose slaughter when they perceiued, like people enraged they fiue vpon such Romans as they met with; but being easilie vanquished, and refusing to flée, they were also slaine 40 and cut in péeces in a most miserable maner.

The Romans hauing thus rid the fields of all kind of enimies, lodged that night abroad here and there at their pleasure, where they might heare the dolefull gronings, and lamentable complaints of them that lay wounded, and as yet not dead, cursing most bitterlie the cruell tyrannie and couetous am­bition of the Romans, with that most detestable dis­loialtie of the Picts, procuring this murther and de­struction of those people that had deserued farre o­therwise 50 at their hands. When the morning was come, & the light appeared, Maximus the lieutenant The spoile di­uided amongst the souldiers. caused the spoile of the dead bodies to be gathered, & equallie diuided amongst his men of warre. And such as were found sore wounded and not dead, to shew some token of clemencie, according to the old accustomed maner of the ancient Romans, he com­manded surgeans to sée to the cure of them. The other being dead, he suffered to be buried, causing the corps of Eugenius himselfe to be interred in most 60 The buriall of the dead bo­dies by ap­pointment of Maximus. solemne and pompous sort, after the vsage of the Ro­mane princes.

His brother Ethodius being found mangled in most pitifull wise, and in maner halfe dead, was al­so taken vp by commandement of the same Maxi­mus, and surgeans charged to haue the ordering of him, and to shew their diligence for the cure of his Ethodius fore wounded, is committed to the cure of surgeans. hurts in most speedie and gentle wise. The victorie thus atchiued, Maximus surueieth the countries of Kile, Carrike, and Coningham, with that also of Calidone, and seizeth the same into his hands, suf­fering the inhabitants to inioy both goods and lands in peace and quietnesse vpon their othes of allegi­ance, without anie further molestation. Heirgust king of the Picts with other the nobles of that na­tion, Heirgust desi­reth the vtter destruction of the Sc [...]ts. were nothing contented ther with, desirous to sée the vtter destruction of all the Scotish race. Wherevnto Maximus at the first would not agree, alledging the ancient custome of the Romans, who sought rather to vanquish by benefits, than by the sword, euer vsing to spare such as submitted them­selues, and in no wise to spot the honour or maie­stie of their empire with crueltie.

But the Picts not satisfied herewith, went about earnestlie to persuade him in no condition to suffer The earnest sute of the Picts to haue the Scotish­men banished and expelled out of the countrie. the Scots to haue anie abiding within the confines of Britaine, if he wished anie quietnes in the estate thereof, for their delight (said the Picts) was onelie set to seeke occasion how to disturbe the peace, to liue by the pillage and spoile of their neighbours, and namelie of the Picts, vnto whose confusion (as the prophesies spake) they were begotten and borne. Fi­nallie when all their earnest sute missed the wished effect, they fell to and assaied if they might bring that to passe by wicked méed and thorough corrup­ting Where words faile, gifts preuaile. bribes, the which they could not doo by other meanes. And euen as it oftentimes chanceth in such cases, where words are but spent in wast, gifts yet preuaile: so also came it to passe euen here, for at The procla­mation for the auoiding of all Scotish­men foorth of the whole Iland of Britaine. length a proclamacion came foorth by procurement of the Picts, that all such as were naturall Scotish­men, should by a certeine daie auoid out of those countries that they possessed in Britain, vpon paine of losing life and goods, & to deliuer vp their houses and lands vnto such Britains and Picts as were ap­pointed by the Romans for to inioy the same.

The Scots perceiuing themselues not able to The Scots plagued for their beastlie crueltie. make anie resistance, obeied this commandement, some of them passing ouer into Ireland, some into the westerne Iles, and some of them got ouer also into Norwaie, and Denmarke, and manie there were that got interteinment amongst the Romane souldiers, and went ouer with them into France, as yet Gallia, to serue in the warres there, and in other places vnder the emperors ensigns. The Picts were so cruell and diligent to sée all the Scotish linage confined, that they would not consent that a certeine number of gentlewomen should remaine behind, The cruell dealing of the Picts. who had their husbands slaine in the last warres, and made intercession in most lamentable wise vnto Maximus, that they might be permitted to abide in their natiue countrie all the residue of their liues, though in seruile estate, to the end that they might be buried after the same were once ended in graues with their slaine husbands.

Moreouer, where Cartandis quéene of the Scots, late wife vnto Eugenius, was brought vnto Maxi­mus, Cartandis quéene of Scots. with two gentlewomen and a groome from the toome of hir husband, where she had remained euer sith his buriall in continuall mourning, forsomuch as she was a Britain, and descended by linage from the princes of Wales; Maximus lamenting hir mi­serable case, assigned the citie of Carrike vnto hir, with certeine other reuenues for the maintenance of hir estate. But after she had taken leaue of such as had the conduction of hir, and was come into a village not farre from Carrike aforesaid, it chan­ced that a sort of Pictish riders, or (as I may call them) robbers, met with hir, small to hir profit, and lesse to their owne ease, for they did not onelie slea hir groome, but also beat hir gentlewomen, and stripped both them and hir of all that they had, whereof Maxi­mus being informed, caused them that had doone so vile a deed to be apprehended & executed by death, ac­cording as they had deserued. The quéene hirselfe be­ing brought backe vnto Maximus, and honorablie intreated, had all hir substance restored vnto hir a­gaine, so néere as it was possible.

[Page 79] But the Picts being offended herewith, and spe­ciallie The Picts offended with Maximus. for putting to death of their men, sundrie of their nobilitie came vnto Maximus, and began to make a sore complaint in that behalfe, declaring that the deserts of their nation had not beene such to­ward the Romane empire, as to haue their people put to execution for a womans sake, being both an enimie and a prisoner, therefore they required that she might be confined into Britaine, and according to the tenor of the proscription, spoiled of all hir 10 Cartandis lamenteth hir infortunate estate. goods. Here Cartandis being present hir selfe, be­gan to make pitifull lamentation, bewailing hir most vnhappie state, in that contrarie to the order of hir wretched case and present miserable fortune, she should now be forced to turne againe into hir coun­trie: wishing rather than she should be inforced so to doo, that she might offer vp hir life as a sacrifice in the place of hir husbands buriall: and therefore holding vp hir hands vnto Maximus in most pitifull wise, she besought him instantlie, that it might 20 please him, either to suffer hir to passe the residue of hir life after such sort as she thought best agréed with hir widowlike estate, or else to take the same from hir presentlie by some violent meanes of execution.

There was not a man other than the Picts, that saw and heard hir at that instant, but lamented hir wofull distresse, so that in the end the request of the Picts was disallowed, & Cartandis hauing liuing assigned hir for the maintenance of hir degrée, was licenced to depart into what place she thought expe­dient, 30 there to liue as she thought best without let or disturbance. The same time the Scotish bishops and préests, being banished as well as the other sort of the Scotish people, a number of their moonks got The monaste­rie of Iona builded by banished Scotish moonks. them into the Ile of Iona, now called Colmekill, where they erected a monasterie for their owne habi­tation, the worthinesse whereof hath béene right fa­mous, euen vnto these our daies, as that which was afterward indowed with manie faire reuenues by diuers of the Scotish kings, who had their burials 40 there after the returne of the Scots into Albanie as shall be hereafter expressed.

The yéere in the which the Scotishmen were thus vanquished by the Romans and Picts, and finallie The time that the Scots were thus confined. 5547. H. B. 379. H. B. 710. H. B. The second yeare of Iu­lian the Apo­stata. H. B. Strange visions. Swords and weapons séen in the aire. confined out of their seats, was from the creation of the world 4319, after the birth of our sauior 352, from the beginning of the Scotish kingdome 679, and the third yéere of Magnentius. The same yéere before Eugenius gaue battell vnto Maximus, ma­nie strange sights were séene in the furthest part of 50 Albion, striking a woonderfull dread in manie mens harts. In the night season in the aire were séene fierie swords and other weapons moouing in a long ranke, after comming togither on a heape, and be­ing changed into an huge flame as it had béen a fire­brand, it then vanished awaie. The waters of the riuer of Dune ran with blood, the banks of the same riuer flashed oft times as they had béene all on a fire. There were seene also a number of small birds fall out of the aire so thicke, that it séemed it had rained 60 birds, and incontinentlie came a great number of It raineth birds. rauens that deuoured vp the same.

Certeine witches and soothsaiers, declaring that these things betokened the destruction of the Sco­tish kingdome, were commanded by the préests to hold their peace on paine of death, as they that told nothing but lies & fables, though afterwards their tales prooued most true. But to returne to our hi­storie, Ethodius the brother of Eugenius being cu­red Ethodius con fined into Denmarke. (as is said) by commandement of Maximus, was yet banished amongst the residue, and constrei­ned to take an oth, that he should immediatlie re­paire into Denmarke, and hereafter not to approch neerer vnto the coasts of Albion, for doubt of some new attempt that might be made by the Scots tho­rough his meanes, thereby to returne into their countrie againe, & to recouer their former state. But this staied not them of the westerne Iles, but that Gillo chosen capteine of the banished Scots in the western Iles comming into Argile is ban­quished by the Picts. assembling themselues togither, and choosing one Gillo to their capteine, they passed ouer into Argile, where in the end they were incountred by such Picts as were set there to defend that countrie, and slaine each mothers sonne. Their vessels were also taken and brought into sundrie hauens of the countrie, to serue for defense of the coasts vpon any new enter­prise which the Scots should chance to make: but the other Scots, perceiuing they were not able to fur­nish forth a new armie in the Iles by any aid they might purchase there, sailed ouer into Ireland, where The Scots repaire into Ireland. presenting themselues vnto the king of that region, they declared vnto him from point to point all their infortunate chances and lamentable calamities, which were happened vnto then [...] of late through the tyrannicall puissance of the Romans, and malicious enuie of the Picts, in such sort as nothing could be more miserable than their present estate, considering the ruine of so mightie a kingdome, and the finall banishment of the inhabitants from their houses and lands, which had béene in possession of them and their elders, by the space almost of seuen hundred y [...]res.

The Irish king with his nobles mooued with pitie The king of Ireland with his nobles lament the Scotishmens case. The Irish­men conclude to aid the Scotishmen. to heare and vnderstand so dolefull calamities to haue chanced vnto that nation, whose good or bad hap could not but touch them verie neere, considering they were descended both of one progenie, comforted these Scotishmen to the best of their power, and in the end concluded to aid them with ten thousand men, and to furnish them foorth with ships, vittels, and munitions to passe into Albanie for recouerie of their countrie. This aid being put in a readines, and the ships rigged and decked as was requisite for such an enterprise, they tooke the sea, and landing The Scots and Irishmen land in Can­tire. The Picts incounter with the Scots and Irishmen and are discom­fited. in Cantire, chanced to meet with Heirdorstane bro­ther to Heirgust king of the Picts, accompanied with a great number of Picts and Britains assem­bled to defend the countrie, but being sharpelie as­sailed of the Scots and Irishmen, they were quicklie put to flight, & such as were ouertaken died on the sword, to the great terror of all the new inhabitants that were planted on their parts.

This victorie thus atchiued, there were that gaue counsell not to attempt fortune ouer farre, but to take such booties of goods and prisoners as they had got in the countrie, and to returne therewith into Ireland. Other were of a contrarie opinion, suppo­sing it best to follow the victorie, and either to reco­uer againe their ancient seats, or else to die in the valiant attempt thereof. Which aduise was follo­wed as the best, though it prooued otherwise: for be­fore they could come to any conclusion of that enter­prise, the Romans, Picts, and Britains gathered themselues togither, and gaue battell againe to the The Scots and Irishmen are ouer­throwne. Scoti [...] and Irish companie, wherein they ouer­threw them, to their vtter ruine and destruction.

The newes of this infortunate incounter being brought into Ireland, put the king and his nobles there in such feare of the Romans, that they thought it best with all spéed to send ambassadors vnto Maxi­mus to sue vnto him for peace. They that were sent The king of Ireland sée­keth for peace. Maximus granteth peace to the Irishmen. Maximus séeketh by his bountious liberalitie to win the peo­ples fauour. at the first were sore blamed and checked by Maxi­mus, for that they had aided the Scotishmen in the last inuasion made into Albion: but at length accep­ting their excuse, he granted a peace vpon certeine conditions, whereof the most principall article was, that in no wise they should receiue aid, or succor any enimie to the Romane empire. This Maximus, ha­uing got a quiet peace on each side, vsed all meanes [Page 80] possible how to procure the loue of his souldsors and men of war, shewing himselfe not onelie gentle, courteous and meeke towards them, but also so libe­rall and frée, that his bounteous gifts passed all vn­derstanding: insomuch that (as is reported by wri­ters) he bestowed in one daie neere hand as much in rewards, as the reuenues of Britaine yeelded to the empire in a whole yéere.

This franke liberalitie and courteous behauior he vsed not onelie towards the Romans, and his o­ther 10 men of warre, but also towards the Britains and Picts, conforming himselfe so néere vnto their maners & fashions, that at his comming into Pict­land, he laid awaie his Romane apparell, and araied himselfe in garments after the Pictish guise. By this maner of meanes therefore he wan him such loue and fauor, as well amongst his souldiors, as al­so amongst the Picts and Britains, that in the end by common consent they chose him for emperor, in the 383 yeere after Christ, protesting generallie, that 20 Maximus is chosen empe­ror in Bri­taine. they would owe onelie their obeisance vnto him as to their supreme gouernor. ¶ Here the Scotish chroni­cles somwhat varie from other writers, who affirme that Maximus was thus aduanced to the imperiall dignitie, rather by constraint of his men of warre, than by anie meanes which he of himselfe vsed to at­teine vnto the same. Where the said chronicles [...] ­uerthelesse shew, that it came chieflie to passe by his owne seeking, procuring certeine persons to woorke for him as instruments to frame other to this his 30 purposed intent. He held the dominion of the empire Maximus ru­led the estate of Britaine 17 yéeres. being thus preferred to the imperiall state, the space of fiue yéeres, all the countries and people of Albion being at his commandement without contradicti­on: which had not chanced vnto anie one man before his time, since the Ile was first inhabited. At length desirous of more empire, he passed ouer into France with a great armie, in purpose to subdue all France and Italie, with such other countries as were obedi­ent vnto Gratian as then emperor of Rome. But 40 how prosperouslie he sped in the beginning, and how The emperor Gratian is slaine by Maximus. at length he was slaine at Aquilia in Italie, ye shall find in the historie of England a great deale more at large.

By reason of such trouble in the estate of the Ro­mane empire, Octauius the sonne of Octauius late king of the Britains, the which (as before is said) fled into the Ile of Man, & after departing from thence, got ouer into France, returned now into Britaine, and did so much there, that the Britains receiued him 50 to their king: but shortlie after he was constreined to agrée with the Romane emperor Theodosius, so that the Britains should paie their woonted tribute, and liue vnder such lawes as by the emperor should be to them prescribed. In all other respects, Octauius should be reputed during his life for king. Immedi­atlie héerevpon two lieutenants were sent from Theodosius, of whome the one named Martius soior­ned at London, and the other called Uictorine at Yorke. And with all expedition they began to put the 60 Romane lawes in practise, abolishing the old British lawes, to the great offense of manie that could not well brooke strange ordinances; & namelie the Picts repined sore therat, and vsed most an end their owne lawes and constitutions, greatlie to the contempt of the Romane estate. Whereof Uictorine, the one of the Romane lieutenants hauing knowledge, gaue streight commandement vnto Heirgust the Pictish king, that in no wise he should suffer the old lawes and rude ordinances of his countrie, to be vsed anie longer amongst his subiects, vpon paine that might insue for disobedience shewed towards the maiestie of the Romane empire.

Heirgust now perceiuing into what thraldome and miserie his countrie was brought, by meanes of the warres which he had procured against his neigh­bours the Scotishmen, as a man sore repenting his pasted follie, and séeing no readie meane present how to reforme the same, being aged [...]nd sore broken with continuall sicknesse, he got himselfe secretlie into his priuie chamber, where immediatlie he slue him­selfe, Heirgust slai­eth h [...]fe. to be rid of the sight of that present seruile e­state, into the which he saw both him and his whole countrie reduced. Whose death being once knowne, Uictorine commanded that the Picts should not The Picts are forbidden to create a king. choose anie other from thencefoorth to reigne as king ouer them, nor to obeie anie other magistrates but onlie such as should be appointed to haue the gouern­ment of them, by commandement and commission of the Romane emperor. For it was agréed, as he al­ledged, by the tenor of the league, concluded betwixt Heirgust and Maximus, that after the deceasse of the same Heirgust, all his dominions should be go­uerned by Romane officers in forme of a prouince. Howbeit the Picts nothing regarded the woords of Uictorine, but by common agreement did choose one Durstus is chosen king of the Picts. Durstus the second sonne of Heirgust to be their king.

Wherevpon Uictorine being informed of their doo­ings, raised a power, and made such spéed towards them, that he was gotten so neere vnto the citie of Camelon, yer they had anie knowledge of his ap­proch, that Durstus with ether of the nobles, being Durstus is besieged of the Romans. as then within the same, could not haue space to es­cape their waies, but being foorthwith besieged with­in it, at length they were taken by force of assalt, and the citie sacked, to the great inriching of the Romane armie, and vtter vndooing of the poore inhabitants. Durstus with other the chiefest prisoners were first Durstus is brought priso­ner to London had vnto London, & from thence conueied to Rome, there to haue iudgement by decrée of the senat. The residue of the nobles that were taken there, suffered in the market place at Camelon. Thus was that tu­mult The Picts become tribu­taries. appeased, and the Picts commanded to paie yearlie vnto the emperors procurator the fourth part of all their reuenues growing of their corne and cat­tell. Beside this tribute he charged them also with di­uerse They are put to their base seruices. base seruices, as to labor in mettall mines, to dig stones foorth of the quarries, and to make bricke to be sent into Britaine, or into other places whi­ther it pleased him to command it.

The cause why he burdened them in such sort, was (as he said) to teach them to know themselues. For they were become so loftie, since the departure of the Scotishmen out of the Ile, that if they were not re­streined in time by authoritie of the Romane puis­sance, the whole British nation were like to be short­lie disquieted by their wilfull meanes and insolent presumptions. Neither was it thought sufficient vn­to Uictorine, to charge the Picts in maner as is be­fore specified; but to their further gréeuance he deui­sed The Picts are comman­ded to dwell beyond the water of Forth. an other waie, whereby to bring them in the end vnto vtter destruction, which was this: he constrei­ned them togither with their wiues, children, & whole families, to remooue beyond the water of Forth, and to leaue all the countries on this side the same wa­ter, as well those which they ancientlie had inhabited, as the other which of late apperteined to the Scots, and were assigned to them by Maximus to possesse, after that the Scots were expelled.

All which countries thus by the Picts now left void, were appointed by Uictorine to the Britains, as subiects to the empire, to be inhabited. And for a perfect diuision betwixt the Picts and the same Bri­tains, A wall made to diuide the Britains from the Picts. he commanded a wall to be made, & a trench to be cast alongst by the same, from Abircorne, through the territorie of Glascow vnto Alcluth, or Aldcluch, now called Dunbreton, so running from [Page 81] the east sea to the west. Héereto proclamation was The Picts forbidden to passe ouer be­yond that wall made, that if anie of the Pictish nation did enter­prise to passe this wall, and to enter into the British confines without licence of the magistrats, he should die for it. Whilest the Picts through their owne fault are thus brought into most miserable subiection of the Romans, the Scotishmen (as is said) being ba­nished the land, liued in other countries by shifting out the time so well as they might, some continuing The Scots liue in other countries. with their wiues and children, got a poore liuing with their hands, exercising some science or occupation. 10 Other there were that followed the warres, and ser­ued vnder sundrie woorthie capteins here and there, as occasion serued.

But Ethodius the brother of Eugenius comman­ded (as is said) to go into Denmarke, was ioifullie Ethodius brother vnto Eugenius, late king of Scotland. receiued of the king there; who also gaue him an of­fice, therewith to mainteine his degrée, so that he li­ued there certeine yéeres in right honorable estate, and begat of his wife whome he brought thither with 20 him foorth of Albanie, a sonne named Erthus, who after his fathers deceasse had issue by his wife called Erthus the son of Etho­dius begot Ferguse. Rocha (a ladie of high parentage amongst the no­bles of Denmarke, as daughter to one Rorichus, se­cond person of the realme) a sonne named Ferguse, whose chance was afterwards to restore the Sco­tish nation againe to their former estate and king­dome. In his yoong yéeres he was appointed to serue vnder Alarike the Gottish king in that famous voi­age The Gotthes make an expe­dition against the empire of Rome. which he tooke in hand against the Romane em­pire. 30 For such was the hate as then of all the nor­therne regions & kingdoms towards the Romane name, that by generall agréement they conspired to­gether to the vtter ruine and finall destruction there­of. And so ech of them sent foorth a power in aid of the said Alarike, chosen by common consent as generall of the whole enterprise.

Ferguse being set foorth by the king of Denmarke with a power of Danes, and with a chosen number Ferguse was sent to aid the Gotthes. of such Scotishmen as were withdrawne into those 40 parties, went with the better will, for that beside the common quarell, he bare a priuate grudge towards the Romans for the vsing of his ancestors so cruellie in expelling them out of their owne homes and na­tiue countrie. This Ferguse was present with the Gotthes at the winning of Rome, in the sacking Rome sacked. whereof, amongst other spoiles, he got (as is repor­ted) a certeine chest full of bookes, the which some hold opinion he brought afterwards into the westerne Iles, and caused them to be kept in Iona, now Col­mekill, 50 within a librarie there builded for the same intent. Which bookes (as is to be supposed) were cer­teine histories or monuments of old antiquities. But the same were so defaced in the daies of Hec­tor Boetius (who, as he himselfe writeth, caused them to be brought ouer to him to Aberdine) that it could not be vnderstood of what matter they intreated.

It is written moreouer of Ferguse, that he conti­nued with Alarike in all his enterprises, so long as he liued, and afterwards serued vnder his successor 60 Athaulfus, to his great fame, and in such honorable Ferguse was a capteine vn­der Alarike and Athaulfe kings of the Gotthes. Ferguse with leaue returned againe from Italie into Denmarke. estimation, as few were found comparable vnto him in those daies. At length requiring a safe con­duct to returne into Denmarke, he was licenced to depart with high and right bountifull rewards, as in part of recompense of his good and faithfull ser­uice shewed, during the time of the warres, as well in the life time of the said Athaulfus, as also in the daies of his predecessor the foresaid Alarike. ¶ About the same season, the bishops sée of Candida casa, o­therwise called [...]uhitterne, was first instituted by one Ninian a preacher, that tooke great paines (as the report hath gone) to instruct the Picts and Bri­tains S. Ninian. in the christian faith. He was afterwards re­puted a saint, and the place of his buriall had in such veneration, that manie vsed to resort thither for de­uotion sake, as the manner in times past was when pilgrimage-goings were vsed.

But now to returne where we left touching the Picts, and to shew the maner how the Scots retur­ned againe into Albanie; ye shall vnderstand, that the Picts being brought into seruile bondage (as before we haue partlie declared) and doubting dailie of woorse to insue, they sent secret messengers vnto such Scots as remained in exile in the westerne Iles, in Norwaie, and in other parts of the world, The Picts sent into for­ren countries to call home the Scots. promising them, if they would giue the attempt for recouerie of their ancient dwelling places in Alba­nie, they should be sure of all the aid that in them laie, being readie to spend their liues to reuenge the iniuries which they dailie susteined at the Romans hands, whose continuall practise euer was, how to oppresse the ancient liberties of all such nations as came vnder their subiection. The experience where­of they now felt to their vnsufferable gréeuance, looking for nothing else but shortlie to be expelled out of their countrie, and driuen to go séeke them other places to inhabit in strange countries after the ma­ner of outlawes, as it had chanced alreadie to the Scots by commandement of Maximus, as before is expressed.

Ferguse, vnto whom amongest other this message was chieflie directed, reioised greatlie of the newes; Ferguse sent vnto the Scots disper­sed. and first conferring with the king of Denmarke, of whose aid he knew himselfe assured, by his aduise he sent letters abroad forthwith into Norwaie, Ork­nie, the westerne Iles, and into Ireland, vnto such of the Scotishmen as dwelt in those places, to vn­derstand their minds herein. And being certified that they were vniuersailie agréed, not onelie to Ferguse pre­pared himselfe to warre. trie their chance for recouerie of their former state and kingdome; but also had chosen him to be gouer­nour and generall capteine in that enterprise; he prepared partlie at his owne costs, and partlie at the charges of the king of Denmarke and other of his friends and alies there, a great multitude both of men of warre and ships, in purpose to passe ouer in­to Albanie to recouer his grandfathers estate, which as it was thought might now be the more easilie brought to passe, sith the Picts would aid him there­to, vpon an earnest desire which they had to reuenge their owne iniuries receiued at the Romans hands, and to deliuer themselues from such thraldome as they dailie felt themselues oppressed with, doubting withall shortlie to be quite expelled out of their whole countrie, as they had béene forced to forgo a great and the better part thereof alreadie.

In this meane time, one Gratian descended of the British bloud, by consent of the Romane legat Gratian vsur­ped the gouer­nance of Bri­taine. Martius (both of them going against their allegi­ance) vsurped the gouernance of Britaine by his owne priuat authoritie; but shortlie after, they two falling at variance togither, the one of them slue the other. And then the souldiers not staieng till they vn­derstood Marius slaine. the pleasure of Honorius the emperour, chose one Constantine to succéed in the place of Martius, who passing ouer into France, was slaine Constantine succéedeth Marius. Constantine is slaine. The lieute­nant of the north com­meth to Lon­don. there by Constantius one of the capteins of the said Honorius. Uictorine the other of the Romane le­gats hearing of the death both of Martius and Con­stantine, remooued from Yorke vnto London, the better to prouide for the safe kéeping of the land to the emperour Honorius his vse; for that he doubted sundrie dangers which might chance, by reason the countrie was as then vnprouided of men of warre, the most part of them being transported ouer into France with the fornamed Constantine, and not a­gaine returned.

[Page 82] The Picts informed of these things, sent word with all spéed vnto Ferguse, requiring him to make The Picts send spéedilie vnto Fer­guse. hast, sith if he should haue wished for a conuenient time, a better could not be deuised; considering the present state of things as well in Britaine, as in o­ther parts of the Romane empire, the people euerie where being readie to moue rebellion. Ferguse vn­derstanding the whole, by such messengers as still came one after another vnto him from the Picts, he hasted to depart with all diligence; and when all 10 things were readie, he tooke the sea with his armie, and within eight daies after, he arriued in safetie within the firth of Murrey land with all his vessels Ferguse arri­ued with his ships in Mur­rey firth. and people; where taking land, & word thereof being brought into Ireland, into Orkenie, and into the westerne Iles, all such of the Scotish linage as li­ued in those parties in exile, came with their wiues, children, and whole families in most spéedie wise vn­to him, as though the countrie had béene alreadie recouered out of the enimies hands, without all 20 doubts of further perill or businesse.

The Picts also reioising greatlie at the newes of his comming, repaired vnto him, and shewed him all the honor that might be deuised, beseeching him The Picts ioifullie re­ceiue Ferguse. to pardon and forget all iniuries and displeasures by them wrought and contriued in times past against the Scotish nation, sith now they were readie for the aduancement thereof to spend their liues against such as were enimies to the same. Neither was the The Picts craue pardon excusing themselues. fault theirs, in that Heirgust had consented with the Romans to banish the Scotish people, but in 30 their ancestors, who being blinded through the faire words and sweete promises of the Romans, saw not the mischiefe which they brought vpon their owne heads and their posterities. Therefore they desired him to renew againe the league betwixt the Pictish and Scotish nations, with such conditions of ap­pointment as it should please him to prescribe.

Ferguse by consent of his nobles answered, that he was content to establish the league with them, 40 euen according to the tenor of the ancient agrée­ment, Ferguse. and to ioine his power with theirs to helpe to restore them vnto their former estate and liberties, so that they would be contented to surrender vp into the Scotishmens hands, all such townes and coun­tries, from the which they had béene expelled by great fraud and iniurie. And as for the displeasures doone to the Scotishmen in times past by aiding the Ro­mans against them (as he thought) the Picts had felt punishment inough for the same alreadie, being The Picts punished for their vn­truthes. reduced into most seruile & miserable bondage, as 50 iustlie rewarded by almightie God for their great vntruthes, vsed and shewed towards their neigh­bors, faithfull friends and alies. The Picts were throughlie pleased and satisfied with Ferguse his words, so that within few daies after, their king (whome they had latelie chosen since the time that the The ancient league renued againe be­twixt the Scots and Picts. Scotishmen were thus returned) came vnto Fer­guse, and ratified the league with him, according to the articles of that other which in time past had béene 60 obserued on the behalfe of the Scotish and Pictish nations, with such solemne othes and assurance, as betwixt princes in semblable cases of custome is re­quisit and necessarie. Then were those countries re­stored to the Scotishmen againe, out of the which The Scots. restored to their coun­tries. they had beene expelled by the Romane power.

ANd Ferguse then being conueied with a right honorable companie of lords, gentlemen, and cōmons into Argile, was there placed on the chairé Ferguse. of marble, and proclamed king with all such accu­stomed Ferguse is conuried into Argile, and there inuested king. pompe and ceremonies as to him appertei­ned. This was in the 45 yeare after the Scots had béene driuen forth of Albanie, and after the birth of our sauiour 424, in the yeare after the death of Ho­norius the emperour, and from the first erection of 422. H. B. 396. Io. Ma. The 18 yeare of the empe­rour Hono­rius. H. B. 755. H. B. the Scotish kingdome 750 yeares complet. All such castels also and fortresses as the Picts held within anie of those countries, which belonged vnto the Scots, were surrendered into their hands in peace­able wise; but the residue which the Romans kept were ernestlie defended for a while, though at length through want of victuals and other necessaries, they likewise were deliuered. ¶ If I should here say what I thinke, and that mine opinion might passe for cur­rant coine, I would not sticke to affirme that either When the Scots first got certeine seats here in this Ile of Britaine as some thinke. now first (or not long before their late supposed ex­pulsion from hence) the Scots setled themselues to inhabit here within this Ile, and that they had no certeine seats in the same till then: but that com­ming either forth of Ireland, or from the westerne Iles, where they before inhabited, they vsed to make often inuasions into this land, greatlie molesting as well the Britains, the ancient inhabitants thereof, as the Romans that then held the Ile vnder their subiection. For I can neither persuade my selfe, nor wish others to beléeue, that there was anie such continuance in succession of kings, as their histo­ries doo make mention; & as we haue here before set downe in following the same histories, because we will not willinglie séeme to offer iniurie to their na­tion, which peraduenture are otherwise persuaded, and thinke the same succession to be most true, where other perchance may coniecture (and not mooued thereto without good reason) that such kings as in their histories are auouched to reigne one after ano­ther here in this Ile, either reigned in Ireland, or in the out Iles, and that verelie not successiuelie, but diuerse of them at one season, and in diuerse places. Which mistaking of the course of histories hath bred errors, not onelie amongst the Scotish writers, but euen amongst some of the British and English wri­ters also, as to the learned and well aduised readers may plainelie appeare. And as for Gald, and some other happilie which they take to be kings of Scots, although they reigned in that part of this Ile which afterwards was possessed by Scots, and after them named Scotland, yet were they méere Britains, and had little to doo with Scots; except perchance we may thinke that they held the out Iles in subiec­tion, where the Scots were then inhabiting, far lon­ger time perhaps (before their setling in Britaine) than their histories make mention.

But now to returne where we left. After that Uictorine pre pareth an armie to go against the Scots. Uictorine the Romane legat was aduertised of all the fore-remembred dooings of the Scotishmen and Picts, he caused an armie to be leuied with all spéed, and hasted foorth with the same vnto Yorke, where Uictorine [...] keth to per­suade the Picts from taking part with the Scots. being arriued, he attempted by an herald at armes to persuade the Picts to forsake their confederacie latelie concluded with the Scots: but perceiuing he could not bring it to passe, he determined to pursue both those nations with open warre: and so there­vpon setting forward, he passed foorth till he came néere Camelon, where he incamped with his whole Uictorine in­campeth néere vnto Camelō with 50000 men. armie, hauing therein (as the report went) about fif­tie thousand persons at the least. Ferguse being ad­uertised hereof, & hauing in like maner alreadie as­sembled a mightie huge host both of Scotishmen and Picts, came therwith ouer the Forth, & marched Ferguse pas­seth the Forth Ferguse pur­poseth to as­saile his eni­mies in the dawning of the day. forth with all speed in the night season, in purpose to haue set on his enimies verie earlie in the dawning of the next morning. But Uictorine hauing know­ledge thereof, commanded his men to be arranged and set in order of battell by the third watch of the same night, so that being redie to receiue the Scots vpon their first approch, there was fought a right sore and cruell battell, with such slaughter on both parts, that the riuer of Carron (néere vnto the [Page 83] which their battels ioined) was well néere filled with The riuer of Carron run­neth with bloud. dead bodies, and the water thereof so changed into a ruddie hue, that it séemed as though it had run al­togither with bloud.

In the end (whilest as yet it was doubtfull to The battell seuered by reason of a [...], whether side the victorie would incline) there came such a sudden shower of raine, mixed with such great abundance of haslestones, that neither part was a­ble to haue sight of other, so that by reason of the vio­lent rage of that huge storme and tempest, either side 10 was saine to withdraw from the other. There were slaine in this battell such great numbers of men, as well on the one side as the other, that they had small lust to ioine in battell againe for certeine yéeres af­ter. For the Roman lieutenant vnderstanding what The lieute­nant furni­shing diuerse holds, retur­neth into kent. losse of people he had susteined, without attempting anie further exploit, appointed certeine of his com­panies to lie in garrison within sundrie fortresses in Pictland, & with the residue he returned into Kent. In like sort the Scots with their confederates the 20 Picts, perceiuing themselues not able as then to The Scots & Picts break­vp their campe. make anie further attempt against their enimies, brake vp their armie, and deuised onelie how they might defend that which they had alreadie in posses­sion.

And forsomuch as the Pictish nation was increa­sed vnto a greater multitude of people, than those countries which they then held were able to find with sufficient sustenance (considering what a great portion of their ancient seates the Britains and Ro­mans 30 kept from them) it was agréed by the Scots that they should inioy the countrie of Athole, with other lands bordering néere vnto the same, lieng without the compasse of the mounteine of Granze­ben. Athole assig­ned to the Picts. The Picts then being placed in Athole, increa­sed there woonderfullie, and builded manie faire ca­stels and towers in those parties, to the great beau­tifieng of that countrie. In which meane while, Uic­torine the Romane lieutenant commanded the Bri­tains The Bri­tains by the appointment of Uictorine make a wall. to make hast with the wall (whereof ye haue 40 heard) made of turfe, and susteined with certeine posts of timber passing ouerthwart the borders be­twixt them and their enimies, begining (as ye haue heard) at Abercorne, and so stretching foorth by Glas­co, and Kirkpatrike, euen vnto Aldcluch, now Dun­briton, 80 miles more northward than the other wall, which the emperor Adrian caused (as is said) to be made.

Whereof the Scots and Picts being informed, they assembled themselues togither, & vnder the lea­ding 50 The Scotish men & Picts interrupt the making of that wall. of a noble man called Graime, they set vpon the Britains, as they were busie in working about the same, and slue not onelie a great number of la­bourers and souldiers, which were set to labour and defend the worke, but also entering into the British borders, fetched from thence a great bootie of cattell and other riches, which they found dispersed abroad in the countrie. This Graime (who as I said was chiefe Graime, other wise called Graham, and his linage. in this enterprise) was brother vnto the Scotish quéene, the wife of king Ferguse. He was borne in 60 Denmarke (as some hold opinion) in the time of the Scotishmens banishment, and had a Scotishman to his father descended of a noble house, and a Da­nish ladie to his mother. He himselfe also maried a noble woman of that nation, and had by hir a daugh­ter, whome Ferguse by the persuasion of the king of Ferguse ma­ried a daugh­ter of Graime Denmarke tooke to wife, and had issue by hir (afore his comming into Scotland) thrée sonnes, Euge­nius, Dongarus, and Constantius, of whome here­after in their place mention shall be made, as occa­sion serueth. Other there be, that affirme how this Diuersitie of opinions tou­ching the ori­ginall begin­ning of the Graimes. Graime was a Britaine borne, & that through hate which he bare towards the Romans for their cruell gouernement, he fled foorth of his natiue countrie, and continued euer after amongst the Scots, as first in Denmarke, and afterwards in Albion, euer rea­die to doo what displeasures he could deuise against the Romans & other their friends or subiects. Of this Graime those Scots, which vnto this day beare that surname, are said to be descended.

But now to the purpose. Ye shall vnderstand, that after that it was knowne in forrein countries, how the Scots had got foot againe within those regions in Albion, which their elders in ancient time had pos­sessed, The Scotish men returne into their countrie. there came dailie diuerse companies of that nation out of Spaine, France, Germanie, and Ita­lie (where during the time of their banishment they had serued vnder sundrie capteins) vnto Ferguse to Ferguse in­uadeth the confines of the Britains. aid him, in recouerie of their countrie and ancient seats, out of the which they had béene most cruellie expelled. So that Ferguse now séeing his power thus not a little augmented by their comming, ente­reth into the borders of Kile, Carike, and Coning­ham, spoiling and harrieng those countries on eue­rie side: but shortlie therevpon commeth the armie of the Romans, with whome the Scots incounte­ring The Scots put to the woorse. in battell, receiued no lesse damage than they minded to haue doone vnto their aduersaries. Wher­vpon being forced to leaue that countrie, they drew backe into Argile, where Ferguse wintered for that part of the yéere which yet remained.

When summer was come, he was counselled to haue estsoones offered battell vnto Uictorine, who Uictorine in­uadeth Gal­loway. as then was entered Gallowaie: and rather to trie the vttermost point of fortunes chance against him, than to susteine such displeasures and iniuries at the Romans hands, as by them were dailie doone vnto him and his people. But there were other that gaue other aduice, alledging how the danger was great to ieopard againe in battell with the Romans, be­ing Ferguse is dissuaded to fight with the Romans. men of such skill & practise in the feats of wars, considering what losse had chanced in the two for­mer battels. Againe, there was great likelihood, that if he could be contented to forbeare for a time, and seeke to defend the borders of his countrie, so well as he might without giuing battell, it must needs come The Romane empire inua­ded by barba­rous nations. to passe that shortlie the Romane empire should be brought vnto such ruinous decaie, by reason of the multitude of enimies, which as then inuaded the same on each side, that in the end Uictorine doubting his owne suertie, would conueie himselfe with his men of warre out of the countrie, and then should it be an easie matter for the Scots and Picts to reco­uer againe all such countries as ancientlie belonged to their elders, and wholie to restore the estates of their common-wealths vnto their former dignities.

This aduise was followed as the best and most likelie, so that making sundrie roads into the bor­ders of their enimies countries so to kéepe them still occupied, Ferguse and the Scots refused vtterlie to come to anie foughten field with them. Shortlie af­ter Uictorine ac­cused vnto Honorius. also it chanced, that Uictorine was accused vnto the emperor Honorius of some secret practise against his maiestie, as to be about to vsurpe the crowne of Britaine, wherevnto he was compelled in déed by the souldiers (whose hearts he had woone through his bountious liberalitie sundrie waies declared to­wards them) and vnderstanding at this present, that he was minded to haue fled his waies for doubt of the said information made against him, they did mooue him with such earnest persuasions to take vpon him the imperiall dignitie, promising euen to liue and die with him in defense thereof, as well a­gainst Honorius, as all other, that in the end he con­sented Uictorine ta­keth vpon him the name and authoritie of emperor in Britaine. [...]r aclianus is sent against Uictorine. vnto their desires, and so was proclamed em­peror, and clothed in purpure, vsing thereto all the o­ther imperiall ornaments, as if he had beene empe­ror indéed. But afterwards when one Heraclianus [Page 84] was sent with an armie by Honorius into Britaine against this Uictorine, the most part of the souldiers, with those Britains which had acknowledged him for their supréeme gouernor, began to feare the se­quele of the matter, and afterward requiring par­don for their offenses, they tooke Uictorine, and deli­uered him prisoner vnto the same Heraclianus, Uictorine is deliuered into the hands of Heraclianus. Heraclianus is sent into Affrike. with diuers other of his confederats, and so by this means was the estate of Britaine recouered vnto the behoofe of Honorius, who shortlie after sent for 10 Heraclianus, minding to send him into Affrike a­gainst one Athalus, who vsurped there against the Romane empire.

At his departure forth of Britaine, he le [...] one Pla­cidus Placidus lieutenant of Britaine. as lieutenant and generall of the Romane ar­mie in those parties: a man of no great courage, and lesse skill, which being perceiued of the Scots, gaue occasion to Ferguse their king to renew the warre. And first he procured Durstus king of the The warre renew [...] by the Scots. Picts, being the third of that name, to ioine with 20 him in that enterprise, according to the articles of the league. Who consenting therevnto, when their powers were once assembled, they entered into the marches of their enimies, ouerrunning the most The Scots and Picts in­uade the bor­ders of their enimies. part of Kile, Carrike, and Conningham, and after they had taken their pleasure there, they entered in­to Galloway, destroieng all before them, which way soeuer they passed. Then turning into Pictland, they subdue the whole region, and expell all such Romans and Britains as inhabit the same. 30

Placidus being aduertised hereof, gathered a great power, and commeth forward towards them, Placidus ga­thereth a power. He incounte­reth with his enimies. with whom incountering in battell, after long fight, his horssemen chanced to be put to flight, so that the legions of his footmen being left naked on the sides, were so sore beaten with the shot of arrowes, and hurling of darts, that in the end they were forced to breake their araie, & so being chased left to the Scots Placidus re­ceiueth the ouerthrow. He fléeth to yorke. and Picts a great and ioifull victorie. Placidus him­selfe escapeth vnto Yorke, whither the Scots were 40 minded to haue pursued him, had not the want of such numbers as they had lost at the battell, some­what abated their couragious intents. In the meane time Placidus not onelie mooued with this ouer­throwe, but also weieng with himselfe after what sort the Romane empire was afflicted, with the in­uasion of the barbarous nations in Germanie, France, Spaine, Italie, and Affrike, thought it good Placidus sée­keth to haue peace. to conclude some peace with the Scots and Picts, for doubt of further mishaps that might insue. And 50 so by such meanes as he made, shortlie after a league was concluded betwixt the Scots, Picts, and Ro­mans, with these conditions: that the Scots and Picts should inioy and kéepe their ancient seates [...] league con­cluded be­twixt Scots, Picts, and Romans. and regions, which they had now recouered, & hereaf­ter not to make anie rodes or forreies into the pro­uince belonging to the Romans, and that the same Romans contenting themselues with the British confines, should not mooue anie warre or hostilitie towards the Scots or Picts. 60

This league being thus concluded and ratified, the Scotishmen and Picts indeuoured themselues to reduce the state of their common-wealth into the ancient forme and order. Ferguse made partition of lands and grounds throughout all his kingdome, Ferguse diui­deth the land in parts. and assigned the same foorth vnto his subiects the Scotishmen, and to such other strangers as were come into Albion, to serue him in the wars against his enimies, and were minded now to remaine there. The other that were desirous to depart a­gaine into their countries, he gaue them honorable rewards, with safe conducts to passe their waies at their owne pleasures. At this time also were the names of diuerse countries & people changed in the parties of Scotland, vpon sundrie considerations: as The names of diuers pla­ces in Scot­land changed. Cathnesse, whereof it is so named. Cornana a part of Scotland, lieng in the furthest end of all the countrie, tooke a new name of one Ca­thus a valiant capteine, and of the promontorie there shooting foorth into the sea called Nesse: so that being compound togither, that countrie was cleped Cath­nesse. Also of certeine Irishmen called Rossians, Rosse. the countrie of Rosse tooke that name, being afore named Lugia.

That part of the countrie ancientlie called The­zalia, which lieth on the sea coast, began to be called Buthquhane, of the tribute vsed to be paied there for Buthquhane. shéepe, of the which kind of cattell there is great store in that prouince. For Quhane in the old Scotish The signifi­cation of the name of Buth quhane. toong signified tribute: and Buth, a flocke of sheepe. The other part of Thezalia, lieng into the land­ward, was called Bogdale, of the riuer named Bog, Bogdale. which runneth through the middest of it. Louchquha­ber tooke the name of a great meare or water, into the which the riuer of Quhaber falleth, and passeth Louchquha­ber. through the same, notable by reason of the great plentie of samons taken therein. Some other coun­tries there be, which kéepe their ancieut names euen Athole, Mur­rey land. vnto this day, as Athole, and Murrey land. And some names remaine a little changed by length of time, as Argile, for Argathile; Mar, for Marthea; and Argile, for Ar gathile: and Mar, for Marthea. Ferguse re­pareth chur­ches, and pro­uideth liuings for religious persons. The first foun dation of the abbeie within the Ile of Io­na now Colmekill. such like.

Ferguse also repared such temples and churches as the warres had defaced, and restored againe churchmen vnto their former liuings: and further increased the same where he saw cause, and builded certeine celles and chappels for religious persons to inhabit in, assigning vnto them large reuenues for their finding. He also laid the foundation of that fa­mous abbeie within the Ile of Iona, now Colme­kill, appointing the same for the buriall of kings, with certeine ordinances and customes to be vsed a­bout the same. Moreouer, in the time of peace hee was not negligent in prouiding for the defense of his realme. Such castels as were decaied and ouer­throwne by the enimies in the warre time, he repa­red; Ferguse re­pareth his castels. and in those which stood towards the borders of the British countries, he placed sundrie garrisons of such souldiers as wanted trades to get their li­uing now in the time of peace, assigning them suffi­cient stipends to liue vpon.

In this meane time, Honorius the emperor be­ing dead, and the estate of the Romane empire dai­lie falling into decaie, it chanced also that Placidus Placidus the lieutenant of Britain dieth the lieutenant of Britaine departed out of this life, by reason whereof the Scotishmen and Picts tooke occasion to renew the warres, making as it were a claime vnto the countries of Westmerland & Cum­berland, The Scots & Picts renew the warre. which their elders in times past had held and possessed. Entering therefore into those countries, they take, spoile, and destroie all such of the British The crueltie of the Scots and Picts. nation as went about to destroie them; neither spa­red they impotent, aged, or others, but shewed great crueltie against all such as came in their waies. Ma­nie an honest woman they rauished and misused af­ter a most villainous maner. The Romane soul­diers, after the deceasse of Placidus, ordeined one Castius to succeed in his roome, who being aduerti­sed Castius ordei ned lieute­nant of Bri­taine. Dionethus, or Dionot [...]s, as some books haue. of this enterprise of the Scotishmen and Picts, doubted least (as the truth was) that Dionethus the sonne of Octauius sometime king of the Britains, in hope to atteine the crowne of Britaine, as due to him by inheritance, would now séeke to aid the Sco­tish king Ferguse, whose sister he had in mariage. Castius therefore more desirous of peace than Castius sen­deth vnto Ferguse. of warres, sent foorth a messenger at armes vnto king Ferguse, requiring him to remember the league made betwixt him and the Romans, and to withdraw his power foorth of the prouinces, which [Page 85] were subiect vnto the same Romans, without pro­céeding anie further in that vnlawfull attempt, ei­ther else he should be sure to feele the puissant force of those people readie bent against him, by whom his elders had béene driuen out of their countries, and banished quite foorth of all their dwellings and pla­ces of habitation in Albion.

But herevnto was answer made with great in­dignation, The answer of king Fer­g [...], that as for the league thus alledged, ceas­sed by the death of Placidus; and as for peace, there 10 was no cause why he should looke for anie; vntill the whole prouinces, both of Westmerland and Cum­berland, were restored againe into the hands of the Scotishmen and Picts, according as of reason they ought to be. The like answer also was made by Dur­stus king of the Picts, vnto whom Castius had sent a like message. Wherewithall the said Castius being Castius rai­seth an ar [...]ie. not a little mooued, assembleth an armie, and with all spéed marcheth foorth toward his enimies: but before his entering into Westmerland, where they were 20 as then lodged in campe, he had perfect knowledge how Dionethus with his Welshmen (for his lands Dionethus [...]th with the Scots against the Romans. late in Wales) was alreadie ioined with the Scots.

Which newes sore appalled the hearts of the Bri­tains, but yet being incouraged with comfortable words of their capteins to procéed, forward they go togither with the Romans, and within thrée daies af­ter, they came within sight of their enimies, béeing ranged in battell readie to receiue them, so that streightwaies buckeling togither, there was a right 30 The armies ioine in battel. fierce and cruell battell fought betwixt them, till fi­nallie the multitude of the Scotish archers and kernes so compassed in the battels of the Romans on each side, and speciallie on the backes, that in the end, and by reason of the losse of their generall Ca­stius (who was slaine there amongst them) those of The Romans giue backe. the middle ward being discomfited, brake their ar­raie and fled. Wherevpon the residue likwise follo­wed: the Scots, Picts, and Welshmen pursuing The Scots follow in the chase too [...]shlie. so egerlie without all order, that there was no small 40 number of them distressed by the Romans, the which in their giuing backe, kept themselues close togi­ther, readie to defend themselues, and to beat downe such of there enimies as followed more rashlie than warilie in the chase, not once regarding to kéepe any order of battell; but yet by other companies that pur­sued mor orderlie togither for their most aduantage, there was great slaughter made, both of Romans and Britains.

After this victorie thus atchiued, Dionethus was 50 proclamed king of Britaine, and sore warres conti­nued Dionethus proclamed king of Bri­taine. in the land by the pursuit of the Welshmen, Scots, & Picts, to the great hazard of the prouince, and likelie expelling of all the Romans quite out of the same. About this time also there remained in France, one Etius lieutenant to the emperour Etius lieute­nant of the Romans in France or [...]allis. Ualentinianus, who vnderstanding all these things by letters and messengers sent from the capteins which yet remained aliue in Britaine, appointed one Maximianus being of kin to the emperor, to passe 60 with an armie in all hast ouer into Britaine, to aid Maximianus sent ouer into Britaine. and succor the Romans, and such Britains there, as still continued in their allegiance which they had promised vnto the Romane empire.

This Maximianus at his arriuall in the Iland was most ioifullie receiued by the soldiors and sub­iects of the foresaid empire. All the lords and nobles of the countrie resorted also vnto him, shewing them selues most glad of his comming, & promising with what aid soeuer they were able to make, to go with him against their enimies. Wherevpon, procuring Maximianus causeth the Britains to [...]ine with him to go against the Scots. them to assemble their powers, and to ioine the same with his, which he had brought ouer with him, he pas­sed through the countrie vnto Yorke, and so from thence marched foorth towards the Scots, being al­readie assembled in campe to defend the countrie of Westmerland against him. There were both the kings of Scots and Picts, Ferg [...]e and Du [...]stus, The Scots and Picts as­sembled a­gainst the Ro­mans. with Dionethus, naming himselfe king of the Bri­tains, who had brought with him, beside the Welsh­men, a great number of those Britains that inhabi­ted in the countries now accounted the marches of Wales, the which onelie amongst all other the Bri­tains acknowledged him for king.

When both the armies were come néere togither, The armies prepare to bat­tell. they camped for that night the one in sight of the o­ther, and in the morning following they prepared themselues to battell. Ferguse first making an ear­nest Ferguse ex­horteth his people to doo valiantlie. Right mini­streth hope of good successe. oration vnto his people, to incourage them the more boldlie to giue the onset, declared amongst o­ther things how the right was on their sides, which alwaies ought to minister hope of good successe in them that enterprise anie thing in defense thereof; where contrarilie all such as attempted to disquiet o­ther by iniurie and wrong dooing, could not but looke for an euill conclusion of their malicious intents and purposes. Neither were other of his capteins negligent in their duties, but that both in exhorting their bands, they vsed most comfortable woords, and in disposing them in good order of battell, they shew­ed most readie and earnest diligence.

On the other side, Maximianus with his capteins and officers of bands were as busie on their side to array their battels most for their aduantage, as they saw cause and occasion, so that both the armies being readie to fight, the onset was giuen, and that in most The onset is giuen. furious wise, the Romans being at the first sore an­noied with arrowes and darts, which flue so thicke from ech side, that their sight was in manner taken from them, the skie séeming as it had béen couered o­uer with a pentise. So that Maximianus perceiuing Maximianus perceuing the disa [...]uantage, prouideth to r [...]die the same. this disaduantage, he caused a fresh iegion of his sol­diors to aduance forward to the succour of their fel­lowes; by reason whereof the battell was foorthwith most crueltie renewed, the hindermost wings of the Romans sore preasing vpon their enimies: so that in the end passing quite through their battels, they caused a great disorder and feare amongest those The Scots disordered. Scots and other their confederats, which were pla­ced in the hindermost ranks. But yet casting them­selues in a ring, they made great & stout resistance for a space, and at length a great number euen of the most valiant personages of the whole host, closed themselues togither, and with maine force assaied to haue broken through the thickest prease of their enimies, but being inuironed about on ech part, they were there staine ech mothers sonne. Whilest the Ro­mans drew togither to resist on that side, other of the Scotishmen, Picts, Britains, & Welshmen, found a waie to get foorth through their enimies on the other side, and so being gotten past them, made awaie as fast as their féet might beare them: but a great num­ber being notwithstanding ouertaken, were staine and beaten downe right pitifullie,

Ferguse the Scotish king, and Durstus king of The two kings Fergu­se and Dur­stus are slaine. Dionethus escapeth. the Picts were slaine in this mortall battell togither, with the most part of all their nobilitie. Dionethus being sore wounded escaped to the sea side, and there getting a ship, passed ouer into Wales. This ouer­throw sore dismaied both the Scotish and Pictish na­tions, who looked for nothing more than present ex­pulsion out of their countries, for Maximianus pur­suing Maximianus pursueth the victorie. the victorie, burst into Galloway, most cruel­lie wasting and spoiling the same. And when he had made an end there, he entred into Anandale, and in­to the Pictish confines, destroieng all before him with fire and swoord. Camelon was besieged, taken Camelon ta­ken by force. by force, and miserablie put to sacke and spoile, with [Page 86] diuerse other notable townes and places, as well be­longing to the Picts as Scots. Neither was there anie end of these cruell dooings, till both the Scots & Picts for their refuge were generallie constreined The Scots and Picts withdraw be­yond the wall of Abircorne. to withdraw themselues beyond the wall of Abir­corne, which (as before is said) a few yeeres passed was begun by the Britains, and stretched from A­bircorne aforesaid, ouerthwart the land vnto Alcluth now Dunbreton.

Maximianus hauing thus driuen his enimies be­yond 10 this wall, caused them to make assurance by their oth of couenant, neuer to passe the same againe by waie of hostilitie, either against the Britains or Romans. There were that counselled Maximianus either vtterlie to haue destroied both the Scots and Picts, either els to haue driuen them out of the whole Ile. But he being satisfied with that which was alrea­die doone, thought good to returne vnto Yorke, and there to winter, that in the beginning of the next spring he might go into Wales, to chastise Dione­thus 20 and other of that countrie for their rebellion, in aiding the enimies of the empire. But when the time came that he should haue set forward on that iour­nie, he heard such newes from the parties of beyond the seas, into what ruinous decaie the empire was fallen, without anie likelihood of recouerie, that chan­ging his purpose, he minded to vsurpe the crowne of Britaine as absolute king thereof himselfe. And to Maximianus taketh vpon him the abso­lute gouer­nance of Bri­taine, with the imperiall title. He marrieth Othilia the daughter of Dionethus. Dionethus reputed for se­cond person of the realme. haue the more fauor of the British nation without a­nie impeachment in the beginning of his reigne, he 30 tooke to wife one of the daughters of Dionethus, be­ing the elder of those two, which he onelie had with­out issue male, by the sister of king Ferguse. She that was thus coopled in mariage with Maximianus was called Othilia, & the other daughter named Ur­sula was professed a nun in an house of religion, to the intent that the whole right which Dionethus pre­tended to the realme, might remaine to the wife of Maximianus. Then was Dionethus made second person of the realme, aswell in degree of honor, as 40 in publike gouerment.

ANd whilest these things were thus a dooing in Britaine, the Scotish lords had created Euge­nius Eugenius. Eugenius created king of Scots. the sonne of Ferguse, king of their realme, as due to him by rightfull succession from his father, who had gouerned the same by the space of 16 yéeres yer he was slaine (as before is specified) in the last mentioned battell. This Eugenius began his reigne (as we find) in the yéere of our Lord 440, after the first beginning of the Scotish kingdome 767. His 50 420. H. B. 760. H. B. fathers corps, which at the first was secretlie buried, as occasion suffered, whilest the Romans were yet in the countrie, he caused to be taken vp, and conuei­ed The bodie of Ferguse is buried in the abbeie of Io­na, otherwise Colmekill. ouer into the Ile of Iona, otherwise called Col­mekill, where, with all solemne pompe and ceremo­nies it was intumulated, according to the ordinance which he himselfe had deuised in his life time, within the abbeie there.

In like manner Maximianus, to the intent to e­stablish himselfe the more quietlie in the estate of 60 Britaine, and to deliuer his subiects the Britains, which bordered vpon the Scotish dominions, from all trouble of warres, was contented to make peace Maximianus granteth peace to the Scotishmen. with the Scots vpon light sute made vnto him for the same. After this also, he being once fullie establi­shed in the estate of Britaine, coueted also to atteine to the type in gouernment of the whole empire, and therefore assembling all the forces of the British youth, sailed into Gallia, causing himselfe to be pro­clamed emperor, and so vsurped that title; as in the English and Italian historie you maie find more largelie expressed. He left behind him in Britaine his father in law Dionethus as chiefe gouernor there, with one legion of Romane soldiors. After this did Etius the emperors lieutenant in France, send for such Romans as Maximianus had left in Britaine, who reuolting from their othes of allegiance giuen vnto the same Maximianus, obeied Etius, as one that supplied the roome of their rightfull lord and mai­ster the emperor Ualentinian. So that in this wise was Britaine dispurueied of all maner of able men for defense, whereof the Scots and Picts tooke good The Scots and Picts in­uade the Bri­tains. occasion to inuade the British borders, not sparing to pursue with fire and swoord all such of the Britains as did yet continue in obeisance to Maximianus.

They first droue those Britains out of all the coun­tries, which had béene taken from them by the same Maximianus, and by other of the Romans and Bri­tains, as Pictland, Kile, Carrike, and Coningham, Galloway, the Marches, and Northumberland. This doone, they entered into Cumberland, Westmer­land, The prospe­rous successe of the Sco­tishmen. and Kendall, not ceassing till they had spoiled and defaced all those countries, with the most part of all Yorkeshire, in such cruell wise, that they made all those quarters barren both of corne and cattell, which waie soeuer they passed. The Britains perceiuing in­to what danger they were brought, if some good re­dresse were not found in time, sent ouer with all spéed The Bri­tains require aid of Ualen­tinian the em­peror. vnto Rome for succor to be had at the emperor Ua­lentinians hands, for Maximianus was otherwise occupied. Ualentinian desirous to deliuer the Bri­tains from such cruell enimies as the Scots & Picts shewed themselues to be, least through their meanes all the whole Ile should reuolt from the obedience of the Romans, appointed one Gallio borne in Rauen­na, Gallio Ra­uennas is sent ouer into Britaine. and as then soiorning about Paris in France, with a legion of soldiors to passe ouer into Britaine, to driue backe the Scots and Picts from further mo­lesting the subiects of the empire.

The Scots and Picts, vpon knowledge had of The Scots and Picts re­fuse to giue battell to the Romans. this Gallios arriuall, drew backe into their coun­tries, not minding to fight with the Romans, whose force they doubted, and not without cause, hauing had in times past so manie ouerthrowes and slaugh­ters at their hands. But Gallio pursued them euen Gallio pursu­eth the Scots and Picts. vnto the water of Forth, where in sundrie skirmi­shes he slue no small number of them: and for that he knew he should be sent for shortlie to returne a­gaine into France, to helpe to resist such barbarous nations as warred in the same, for the better defense of the Britains against their enimies the Scots and Gallio causeth the wall of Abircorne to be repared. Picts (whome he knew would not be anie while in quiet after he was once gone) he caused the wall to be newlie made vp betwixt Abircorne & the mouth of Clude water, thereby to defend the Romane pro­uince from all sudden inuasions of the enimies. This The maner of the buil­ding of that wall. wall was earst made of turffe, but now repared with stone, and strengthened with great posts or piles of wood, driuen in betwixt in places most néed­full. It was also 8 foot broad, and 12 foot high. And in certeine turrets cast foorth vpon this wall, Gallio ap­pointed watch & ward to be kept, that vpon the eni­mies The ordina­tion of Gallio for watch to be kept of the wall. approch towards the same, warning might be giuen by fire in the night, and by smoke in the day, vnto such of the Britains as dwelled néere vpon those borders (commandement being giuen vpon paine of death for being found in the contrarie) that eue­rie man vpon such knowledge had, should resort im­mediatlie to the place appointed, with such armour and weapon as for him was requisit.

When Gallio had thus giuen order for the suertie of the Britains, and deliuered them at that present from the cruell hands of their enimies, he returned Gallio retur­neth into France. into France with the armie that he brought with him, according to the commandement which he had from Etius the emperours lieutenant there. His departure out of Britaine was no sooner knowne of the Scots and Picts, but that with all their maine [Page 87] force they determined to set vpon the Britains a­gaine. So that assembling their powers togither, The Scots and Picts de­termined to [...]uade the Britai [...]s a­gaine. the kings of both those nations exhort their men to doo valiantlie. Eugenius the king of the Scotish­men incourageth them through hope of high re­wards and spoile. The P [...]ctish king likewise for his part promiseth the lieutenant [...] of Camelen (an office of most honor amongest them) vnto him that first should passe the wall of Abircorne. Wherevpon The Bri­tains resort to the wall of Abircorne to defend it. the Britains being aduertised of their enimies in­tentions 10 according to the ordinance before appoin­ted, drew in defensible wise vnto that part of the wall, where they vnderstood the Scots and Picts were minded to assault.

At length when the Scotish and Pictish kings The Scots and Picts ap­proued the wall to assault it. were come to the wall, and had their people readie to giue the approch, they themselues stood apart some­what out of danger of shot: and such bands as were appointed to assaile, aduanced forth of the maine bat­tels vnder the leading of that Graime, the which (as 20 Gra [...] assaul­teth the wall. ye haue heard) was chiefe in expelling the Britains when they had first made the same wall by comman­dement of Uictorine the Romane lieutenant. Nei­ther shewed he lesse proofe of his valiancie at this time than he had don before. For though the Britains made earnest resistance, so far as their power would extend, yet at the length by great force the wall was The wall is ouerthrowen. vndermined and throwen downe in sundrie places, so that the whole number of the Scots and Picts en­tered by the same into Pictland, beating downe the 30 Britains on ech side that went about to make resi­stance, for none escaped their hands, but such as sa­ued themselues by flight.

There came also an other power of Scots and Picts by water out of Fife, and landing in Pictland, pursued the Britains with more crueltie than the kings did themselues. Both houses and people pas­sed by fire and sword, insomuch that all such of the Britains as could get away, withdrew foorth of the countrie, not staieng till they came beyond the ri­uer 40 of Tine; by reason whereof, all the countrie which lieth betwixt Twéed and Tine was deliuered The Bri­tains leaue Pictland and get them­selues ouer the riuer of Tine. by appointment of the kings vnto the souldiers, to spoile and vse at their pleasure, wherevpon followed manie notorious examples of crueltie, enuie, coue­tousnesse, wrath & malice. In the meane time, whilest the Scotish and Pictish men of warre applied their market, the Britains with all diligence repared and newlie fortified the other wall begun (as is said) by the emperour Adrian, shooting ouerthwart the 50 The wall of [...]rian is re­pared by the Britains. countrie from the riuer of Tine, vnto the riuer of Eske.

Howbeit the Scots and Picts, because winter ap­proched, made no further attempt against the Bri­tains at that time, but diuiding those countries The coun­tries lieng [...]th from the wall of A­drian diuided amongest the Scots and Picts. which lie by north from the foresaid wall of Adrian, among themselues, according to the order in that behalfe appointed by their kings, they fortified cer­teine castels and holds for defense of the same coun­tries, as it were to countergarison such Britains 60 as continuallie kept watch and ward vpon the fore­said wall. The Britains therefore mistrusting least so soone as the spring were come, the Scots would inuade their countries which lay on the south part of the same wall, breaking in by force through it, as they had doone the yere before through the other wall of Abircorne, they sent ambassadors vnto Etius the Romane lieutenant, gouerning Gallia now called France, vnder the emperour Ualentinian, requi­ring The Bri­tains require and at the hands of E­tius. to haue some aid and succour at his hands, whereby to resist such fierce and cruell enimies, as sought to destroy and expell out of their lands and houses, all such of the Britains as acknowledged themselues in anie maner of wife subiects vnto the empire.

But Etius, whether he would not, or rather be­cause Etius resu­seth to a [...]d the Britai [...]. he conuenientlie could not (for that he was o­therwise [...]ied in de [...]se of Gallia against the French men) made a direct answere that he had no men of warre in store to sent ouer into Britaine, and therefore willed them to doo what they could for their owne defense, for aid of him they might none haue. The messengers returned home with this an­swere, and made report thereof in a publike assem­blie of all the British nobilitie, being as then gathe­red togither at London to consult there for the estate and order of their countrie. Where after long deli­beration (notwithstanding that they perceiued they The Bri­tains forsaken of the Ro­mans, deter­mine yet to make resi­stance. should haue no more aid from the Romans) it was yet determined, that to resist the enimies, the whole puissance of the British nation should be mustered, as well men as women, being able to doo anie feat of seruice auailable in defense of their countrie, & ra­ther to trie the vttermost point of fortunes chance, than to suffer themselues to be ouerrun without re­sistance. But Conanus Camber, a prince of great Conanus Camber counselieth the Britains to seeke peace at the Scotish mens hands. authoritie amongest them, as one that was descen­ded of the bloud of Octauius sometime king of Bri­taine, went about with earnest persuasions to re­moue the residue of the nobilitie from this determi­nation, aduising them to séeke for peace at the Sco­tishmens hands, rather than to trie the doubtfull chance of Mars his iudgement, considering the Britaine dis­peopled of warlie men by Max [...]ianus. féeblenesse of their whole force now, euer since that the tyrant Maximianus had in manner emptied and dispeopled the land of all such able men as were apt for seruice in the warres. But this aduise of Cona­nus Conanus counsell is re­ceiued. was verie euill taken, & moued the multitude that heard him, to be greatlie offended with his words, not sparing to say that he spake like no true man nor louer of his countrie; so that the former or­dinance (that is to say, to séeke an end of the wars by dint of swoord) was allowed for the best.

Herevpon there were musters taken, armour The Bri­tains make their appresis to go against the Scots. and weapon prouided, and both day and place appoin­ted, where they should assemble togither to march foorth towards the enimie. Conanus sore lamenting their dooings, called almightie God to record, that that which he had said, was spoken onelie for the loue & zeale which he bare to his countrie, & fithence his aduise might not be followed, he doubted great­lie least the ruine of the British state by some fatall appointment drew fast vpon them. The people hea­ring him speake thus, some wilfull wicked persons C [...]nanus is slaine a­mongest the Britains. fell vpon him, and flue him there presentlie amongst them: wherewith other being sore moued to indig­nation, set vpon the murtherers, there to haue re­uenged his death immediatlie. Wherevpon began taking of parts, and togither they went by the eares in such a furious wise, that sundrie amongest them being slaine, the magistrats had much adoo to appease the fraie.

In this meane time, whilest the Britains were thus busied in sending of their ambassadours to the Romans, & consulting togither for defense of their countrie, the Scots first raced downe the wall of The Scots rase the wall of Abircorne. Abircorne, not leauing one piece thereof whole, so that a few tokens excepted, nothing remaineth to be séene at this day of all that huge and woonderfull worke, it is called now in these daies Graimsdike, Graimsdike. because that Graime was not onelie (as ye haue hard) chiefe in expelling the Britains from the same, but also at this time in the racing of it to the ground he was the greatest dooer. Which being accompli­shed, The Scotish and P [...]sh kings inuade the British bo [...]rers. the Scotish and Pictish kings assembled their powers, and ouerthrew all such fortresses as had not béene destroied the yeare before, standing on the northside of Adrians wall, the which wall the Bri­tains [Page 88] had newlie fortified, but yet were not able to defend the same from the power of the enimie, who now set vpon the Britains with maine force, in so Idrians wall vndermined and ouer­throwen. much that vndermining the foundations of that wall in diuers places; at length sundrie parts there­of were reuersed into the ditch, so that the souldiers breaking in by the sa [...], cruellie beate downe the Britains which stood at defense.

The entrie being thus woo [...]e, both the kings with their powers marched forth into the south countries, 10 commandement being giuen that no man vpon paine of death should kill [...] woman or child, aged person, or otherwise impotent and not able to beare armour. But this commandement in some pla­ces was but slenderlie obeied; such desire of re­uenge was planted in the Scotishmens hearts, by Crueltie of Scots. reason of the remembrance of old iniuries, that vn­neath made they anie difference either of age or sex. To be short, all those countries which lie betwixt the riuers of Tine and Humber, were wasted & spoiled, 20 the whole number of the inhabitants (such as could make shift to escape the enimies hands) got them o­uer the foresaid riuer of Humber, there to remaine as further out of danger. The report of which mis­chiefe being brought to London, the lords there (who as ye haue heard were not all of one accord togither) they tooke new aduise, to redresse the present mis­chiefe in this maner. First they thought it best to The lords of Britaine take new ad­uise. send forth two ambassadors, one to the Scots & Picts to require a peace; & an other with letters to 30 Etius the Romane lieutenant in France, for fresh aid and succour. The tenour of which letters as then Sée more hereof in England. The tenour of the letters sent vnto E­tius from the Britains, as is written by Hect. Boetius. sent vnto Etius here insueth.

The lamentable complaints of the Britains vnto Etius thrise consull. At what time our elders be­came subiects vnto the Romans, they vnderstood by woorthie proofes and notable examples, that the se­nate was a most safe refuge and hauen, to be wished of all such as fled to the same for support. But we their posteritie by the pernicious working of the le­gat 40 Maximianus, tending wholie to our destruction, being spoiled both of force and substance, and there­fore remaining in great danger of loosing both king­dome and liues, through the sore and terrible inua­sion of our most cruell enimies the Scots and Picts, making humble sute for succours vnto the Romane empire, according to the loiall trust and most assu­red confidence, the which euer like true and faithfull subiects we haue reposed in the same, are yet neg­lected, & nothing regarded, but deliuered as a prey 50 vnto the barbarous nations to be spoiled, destroied, and slaine in most pitious wise, which can not but be an euident signe, that either the Romans haue chan­ged their most commendable maners into the worst that may be deuised, either els their most large em­pire, thorough the wrath and high displeasure of al­mightie God, is now giuen for a prey vnto other forren nations. But if it be so, that the fatall force of the time present dooth require, that without all re­medie the land of the Britains being taken awaie 60 from the Romans, must needs be brought vnder the subiection of some barbarous nation, we neither abhorre nor refuse the gouernement of anie people or nation, the Scots and Picts (the most cruell of all other) onelie excepted, whose crueltie we hauing long since too too much tasted, are at this present brought vnto that point by their late increased puis­sance, that we know not now after the losse of our goods and cattell, which way to safe gard our liues, for the turffe walls being pulled downe, and the ditches filled vp with earth, which aforetime did somewhat staie them, now breaking in vpon vs without let­ting passe anie one kind of crueltie, they haue de­stroied our fields, burned vp our houses, townes & villages, beaten dow [...]e & raced euen to the ground our [...]els and towers, with such other places of de­fense; not sparing to put to the sword as well the [...] innocent children, women, and impotent aged, as such other innumerable numbers of men, which they haue slaine standing at defense with weapon in hand. And as for vs, which are the residue of our de­caied nation, they haue driuen euen to the sea side, and from thence (because we cannot passe ouer) we are put backe vpon our enimies againe. And here­of pr [...]céed two kinds of our destruction, for either we are drowned in the raging slouds, either else slaine most vnmercifullie by our cruell enimies. Therefore if the honor of the Romane people, if our assured loialtie and loue, which we beare to the em­pire of Rome, now continued for the space of these 500 yeares or thereabout, may moue you to rue on our miseries, we humblie pray and beseech you, not to suffer vs longer to be trodden vnder foot of these our most beastlie and cruell enimies, but send vnto vs some conuenable succors and that with all spéed, least we séeme to be more cruellie betraied of the Romans, than brought to destruction by these bar­barous people, and that we be not set foorth as a no­table example for all other to beware, how they put confidence hereafter either in the rule or friendship of the Romans.

Paulus Diaconus, Beda, Geffray of Monmouth, But not so largelie as here is expres­sed. The answere of Etius. Veremound, and others make mention of these fore­said letters. Wherevpon Etius answering, decla­red that those calamities, misfortunes and losses su­steined by the Britains were right displeasant vnto him, and so much the more, for that through the sun­drie inuasions made, aswell into France as also in­to Italie it selfe, and into other parties of the Ro­mane empire by people of sundrie nations, he could not as then spare anie men of warre to send ouer vn­to them, & therefore he willed the Britains to make the best shift they could to defend themselues for a time, till things were better quieted in other parties, and then should they sée such redresse of their iniuries prouided, as they should thinke themselues to be ve­rie well reuenged. About the same time that the ambassadours returned with this answere vnto London from Etius, the other also came backe foorth The Scots and Picts would agrée vpon no rea­sonable condi­tions of peace. of the north without hope to spéed of that about the which they had bin sent, for the Scots & Picts would incline to no reasonable conditions of peace, vnlesse the Britains would wholie submit themselues as subiects vnto them. The Britains here at tooke such indignation, that by generall consent they agreed to trie it out with the enimies by maine force; & here­vpon made their prouision with all diligence. The The Scots and Picts prepare a­gainst the Britains. Scots and Picts hearing of the Britains intents, gathered their people togither with more spéed than was thought possible for them to haue doone, & foorth­with rushed into the borders of their enimies coun­tries in right puissant wise and most warlike order.

In the fore ward went such as came foorth of Gal­loway The order of the Scots and Picts entring into the lands of the Britains. and Annandale, with those Picts which inha­bited about the coasts of Barwike. Then followed there a mightie battell of those which came foorth of Argile, Athole, and other Picts inhabiting néere vn­to the parties of Kalendar and Camelone with them of Fife, and Angus. In the midst of this ba [...]tell both the kings kept their place with their choisest souldi­ers, and standards borne afore them. Then went the carriage and trusse of the armie, next wherevnto a great number of noble men of both the nations followed in faire order of battell, with their seruants and men of warre the best they could choose foorth. And last of all (as the maner of those nations hath beene euen from the beginning) there came a great multitude of the cōmons closing vp the back of the [Page 89] whole aforesaid armie.

The Britains also comming foorth into the field with their whole puissance to incounter their eni­mies, when they vnderstood by espials the order and maine force of the Scots and Picts, they were halfe discouraged in their minds, and thought good there­fore The Bri­tains doubt to come with the maine ar­mie of the Scots and Picts. once againe to assaie if anie peace might be pur­chased. But sending foorth their ambassadours vn­to the confederat kings, to that end their answere was, that except the Britains would yéeld them­selues, 10 their wiues and children, with all their goods and substance into the hands of their enimies, sim­plie without all conditions, there would be no peace granted. When this was knowen abroad in the host of the Britains, what thorough kindeledire on the one part, and foule despaire on the other, prouoking their minds to displeasure, they generallie vpon The Bri­tains vpon the Scotish­mens refusall to haue peace, require to haue battell. change of purpose required battell, euen all the whole number of them.

Heereof insued a most cruell and mortall fight: 20 for the Britains (as it were) resolued to die in de­fense of their countrie, and to reuenge their owne deaths vpon their enimies, with more fiercenesse than is credible to be thought, gaue the onset, and o­uerthrew a great number of their enimies, inso­much The fierce on­set giuen by the Britains. that those of Galloway and the Picts figh­ting in the fore ward with them of Argile, Athole, and such other as were in the battell with the kings, were in great danger to be put to the woorse: which Graime perceiuing (by whome the most part of the 30 armie was ruled, and that by commandement of Graimes au­thoritie in or­dering of the battels. both the kings) called foorth a number of the Iland­men, who were appointed to attend the cariage, and sent them with all diligence to the fore ward to the succors of them of Galloway, being then at the point to haue sought refuge by flight. But by the comming of these Iland-men to their succors, they Those of the westerne Iles comming to the succors of the fore ward, restored the battell. tooke courage afresh, so that the battell was againe most fiercelie renewed, and so continued a space with great slaughter on both parts, till finallie the 40 Britains being oppressed with the multitude of their enimies, and not able longer to indure, fell to run­ning awaie, thinking to saue themselues in certeine bogs, mosses, and marish grounds neere vnto the The Bri­tains run a­waie. place of the battell: but such coisterels, and other as remained with the Scotish cariage, séeing the dis­comfiture of their aduersaries, ran foorth and pursu­ed them into those marishes, killing and taking no small number of them. There were slaine in this bat­tell of the Britains, aboue 15 thousand, and of the 50 The number of them that were slaine on both sides. Scots and Picts néere hand foure thousand.

The Britains hauing receiued this ouerthrow, saw no helpe which waie to recouer their losses, but onelie to sue for peace at the victorers hands. They sent therefore an orator vnto the Scotish & Pictish kings, beseeching them humblie to grant them a peace, euen with what conditions it should please them to prescribe. The kings not mooued onelie with The Bri­tains make humble sute for peace. the present fortune of the Britains, but also partlie with their owne, hauing lost no small number of 60 right worthie personages in the battell, were con­tented to grant a peace vpon these conditions: That Peace gran­ted by the Scots with the conditions of the same. the Britains should in no wise receiue anie lieute­nant or armie hereafter from Rome, nor suffer anie enimie of the Scotish and Pictish estats, of what na­tion soeuer he were, to passe through their countrie. They should enter into no league with anie citie or nation, nor be about to make anie warres with­out consent of the Scotish and Pictish kings, and fur­ther should be readie to serue them against all ma­ner of enimies whensoeuer they should be sent for. Moreouer, they should remooue with their wiues, children, and whole families out of all those coun­tries, lieng betwixt Tine and Humber, resigning the possession of the same vnto the Scotishmen and Picts.

Also they should giue thréescore thousand peeces 60000 pound saith Balan­tine, after the rate of Sco­tish monie. 20000 pound saith the same Balantine, so that he estee­meth those péeces of gold to be of the va­lue of French crownes. of gold then currant to the Scotish & Pictish kings, towards the dispatch of their souldiors wages, and further should yeeld as a tribute twentie thousand peeces of gold, to be paied yeerelie vnto the seuerall vses of the victorers. They should likewise deliuer one hundred hostages of such as the two kings shuld appoint, betwixt the age of eightéene and thirtie yeers. These conditions of peace though they séemed verie streict & greeuous to the British nobilitie, yet for that they vnderstood not how to make a better bargaine, they persuaded the multitude to accept them, and so a league therevpon was concluded a­mongst those people, and the publike state of the land brought to a more quiet rule than it had béene before. Thus were the Britains made tributarie to the Scotishmen and Picts, about 500 yéeres after The Bri­tains tribu­tarie to the Scots and Picts. 436. H. B. The heresie of the Pela­gians. Paladius sent into Scotland. Iulius Cesar had brought them in subiection to the Romans, being in the yéere after the birth of our Sauiour 446, and of Eugenius his reigne ouer the Scotishmen the seuenth.

In this season was the Ile of Albion sore infected with the heresie of the Pelagians, and therefore pope Celestine sent one Paladius a learned man vnto the Scots, to preserue them from that infecti­on, and ordeined him bishop, the first in Scotland that had his inuesture from Rome: for all the other before him were ordeined by the voices or suffrages of the people, choosing them foorth among the moonks and priests called Culdeis, as the Scotish chronicles Of this Pa­ladius looke more in Ire­land. doo report. Paladius with right good and wholesome exhortations purged the Scots and Picts of sundrie superstitious rites of their old gentilish idolatrie, till those daies vsed amongst them, wherevpon he is named and reputed for the Scotishmens apostle. Paladius ac­compted the apostle of Scotland. Hée lieth at Fordune, a towne in Mernes, where his relikes remained, and were long after had in great estimation.

Moreouer he instituted one Seruan bishop of the Orkenies, that he might instruct the inhabitants Seruan bi­shop of Orke­nie, and Ter­uan archbi­shop of Pict­land. Unketh sights and strange won­ders appered. there in the faith of Christ, which as yet they had not receiued: and one Teruan, whome he himselfe had baptised, he made archbishop of Pictland. In these daies also manie strange sights were séene in sun­drie parts of Britaine before the last mentioned o­uerthrow: the moone being in plaine opposition to the sunne, when it should be most round, appeared in a quadrant figure. At Yorke it rained bloud: and trées in sundrie places being blasted, withered and died. The market place, or rather (if ye will so tearme it) Cheapeside in London opened, so that a great hole appeared, and manie houses were swallowed vp. A­bout the same season also (as is supposed) liued that Finmacoell the great hunter. huge personage Finmacoell, a Scotishman borne of seuen cubites in height. He was a great hunter, and sore feared of all men by reason of his mightie stature, and large lims: manie fables go abroad of him, not so agreeable to the likelihood of truth, as ought to be registred in an historie, and therefore here passed ouer with silence.

The Romane empire being brought into irreco­uerable ruine by the Uandals, Gothes, Hunnes, Frenchmen, and other barbarous nations, occupi­eng sundrie parts and portions thereof, put the Britains out of all hope to haue anie assistance from the emperors, which caused them to remaine in Conanus [...] Britaine go­eth about to persuade his countriemen to breake the peace conclu­ded with the Scots and Picts. quiet certein yéers without attempting any exploit against the Scots or Picts, and so duelie paid their couenanted tribute, though sore against their wils, if they might otherwise haue remedied it. At the last about ten yéers after the cōclusion of this last peace, it chanced that one Conanus the sonne of the aboue [Page 90] mentioned Conanus, descended of the bloud of the Octauij, sometimes kings of the Britains, sore ma­ligned to sée his countrie thus brought into thral­dome of the Scotish nation, and deuising how to find some redres, called togither the most part of the Bri­tish nobilitie, by secret message home to a manour place which he had within a thicke wood in the coun­trie of Kent, and there opening vnto them a great péece of his mind, persuaded them with the weighti­est reasons he could imagine, to leuie warre against 10 the Scots and Picts, hauing at that present, meanes now since the last warres to mainteine it, as well by reason of their increase both of able men, as al­so of substance to furnish them withall.

Héere the nobles were of sundrie opinions: for The Bri­tains hauing respect to their sonnes & kinsmen lieng in hostage would not a­grée to breake the peace. some awearied with the note of bondage, would gladlie haue had warres: other hauing regard to their sons lieng in hostage with the enimies, would in no wise consent thereto: by reason whereof this councell brake vp without conclusion of anie effect. 20 When ech man was returned to his home, there had beene some amongst them, that gaue knowledge to the confederate kings what motion had béene made, and what was intended against them. Wherevpon they immediatlie determined, not onelie to cause the hostages to be executed, but also to pursue the re­bels with fierce and cruell warres. Yet before they The kings of the Scots & Picts offen­ded with the consp racie of the Britains, prescribe vnto them new ar­ticles to be performed. practised anie violence, they sent their ambassadors vnto the Britains, to vnderstand their full meaning, and to declare vnto them further certeine articles 30 which the said kings required to haue performed without all delaies, or else to looke for open warre out of hand.

The chiefest points of which articles were these. First that the Britains should not assemble togither in councell without licence of the Scotish and Pic­tish Impudent ser [...]litie in­truded vpon the Britains by the proud and cru [...]ll Scots, if it be true. kings, notwithstanding that their ancient laws they might vse at their pleasure, but they should re­ceiue no stranger into their countrie being a Ro­mane or a Frenchman, neither merchant nor other. 40 Their old hostages they should receiue home againe, and deliuer in exchange of them twise so manie in number of the like age and degrée, as was coue­nanted by the former league. The commons of the land vnderstanding what was demanded by these ambassadors, were in a woonderfull rage, and would haue made a great sturre if they had not béene quie­ted The com­mons of Bri­taine offended with their gouernors. by the lords, who for their paines taken herein, got thém an euill report amongst the inferior sort of people, as though through their want of stomach on­lie, 50 the common-wealth was brought into such a mi­serable estate, that looke what it pleased the enimie to charge the British nation with, no man durst once speake against it.

This grudge of the commons increased so farre foorth against their superiors, that after the Scotish and Pictish ambassadors were returned home, with answer agréeable to their demandes, their arose in­continentlie The com­mons of Bri­taine conspire against the nobles. a great commotion of the people, con­spiring togither the vtter destruction of the whole 60 nobilitie. But their furie was repressed, so that they were ouer throwne in battell at two seuerall times with great slaughter and bloudshed, wherevpon they withdrew into the mounteins, and there kept them­selues, making raises vpon the nobilitie, and fet­ching booties awaie from the heards and flocks of cattell belonging to the lords and gentlemen: but fi­nallie through famine which began to oppresse both parties, they perceiued what néed the one had of the One estate of men cannot▪ liue without helpe of ano­ther. others helpe, and so they agréed. This ciuill warre sore decaied the force of the Britains, for beside the great slaughter that was made betwixt them, by the auoiding of the commons out of their houses, the ground laie vntilled, whereof insued a maruellous great scarsitie and dearth of all things, by reason whereof an innumerable sort of people died. Yet shortlie after followed such plentie, that those that Superfluous welth occasion of vice. were left aliue forgetting the passed miseries, gaue themselues to all kind of vice, which tooke such root in the hearts of the more part of them, that for anie man to vse anie maner of vertue amongst them, was a readie meane to procure great enuie and hatred.

In the meane time liued the Scotish and Pictish kings in good quiet and rest, applieng their studies onelie how to instruct their people now after the The Scots applie them­selues to peace. warres were once ended, in laudable exercises and necessarie occupations, conuenient for the time of peace, wherby their realmes might flourish in welth and prosperitie without dread of anie forren power. For they saw such tokens of ruine in the British estate, as small likelihood appeared, that the same should at anie time be able to recouer againe the for­mer force and dignitie. Finallie the Scotish king Eugenius hauing aduanced the estate of his coun­trie vnto more felicitie and wealth than anie of his predecessors had euer doone before him, after he had reigned thirtie yéeres, he ended his life about the The death of Eugenius the Scotish king. fourth yéere of Leo, that vsurped the empire of Con­stantinople.

BUt forsomuch as Eugenius left no issue behind him, his brother named Dongard succéeded in Dongard. Dongard king of Scots. 461. H. B. The studie of Dongard for preseruation of iustice and good orders. The reparing of castels by K. Dongard. the estate. He began his reigne in the yéere 470, and his chéefest studie was, according to his brothers example, to prouide for the maintenance of good or­ders and iustice, appointing in euerie quarter men of good fame and report to haue the administration vn­der him, with commandement that they should dili­gentlie foresée, that euerie man might inioy his owne. He himselfe tooke vpon him also to see to the reparing of such castels as were decaied, and to the building vp of new in places where he thought most expedient, speciallie néere to the British borders, for he well considered that peace increased riches, riches pride and presumption, with other sinnes, which could not long indure without the plague of wars. Therefore he doubting the changes of scornefull for­tune, thought good in time of peace to prouide for the dangers of warre, when the same should happen vn­to him.

These ciuill policies and princelie prouisions for defense of his countrie and subiects increased the fame of Dongard mightilie, but that which he did to­wards the aduancement of religion did most excée­dinglie set foorth his commendation. First, all such religious men as followed the trade of life taught by Paladius and others, which came with him from Rome, he caused them to be highlie reuerenced: and The bou [...] ­ous liberalitie of Dongard towards churchmen. for the maintenance of their liuing, he assigned foorth lands, houses, and other kinds of reuenues in diuers places of his realme, and granted not onelie vnto them, but also vnto all other, being within anie or­ders of clergie, sundrie priuileges, appointing that the churches & abbeies with other holie places should be infranchised and taken for sanctuaries, that all Sanctuaries. such as fled to the same for safegard of their liues, should be suffered to rest in peace, so long as they kept them within the same.

About the same time also, and whilest these things were thus a dooing in Scotland, the Britains being awearied of their seruile estate, through the setting on of Conanus, conspired together, and tooke aduise by what meanes they might best séeke to deliuer themselues from the thraldome of Scots and Picts, and vpon aduise taken they concluded to send ouer The Bri­tains send in­to Britaine Armorike for aid. into Britaine Armorike some honorable ambassage vnto Androenus the king of that countrie for aid. Héerewith was the archbishop of London appoin­ted [Page 91] as chiefe ambassador to go on that message, which archbishop vsed such diligence in the matter, that Constantine the sonne of the said Androenus was appointed by his father with a competent power of men to go ouer into great Britaine to the aid of the Aid sent into Britaine from the Ar­morike Bri­tain [...]. British inhabitants there. Héerevpon, when the men & ships with all necessarie prouision were once rea­die, he imbarked at Saint Malo, where the assemblie was made, and taking the sea, sailed foorth with pro­sperous wind and weather, which brought him safelie into great Britaine, where he landed at Totnes in 10 Deuonshire, as you shall find in the chronicles of England. He was receiued with no small ioy, and foorthwith proclamed king of Britaine, wherevpon he promised to assaie to the vttermost of his power to recouer againe their whole lands and liberties, and Constantine proclamed king of Bri­taine. to mainteine them in the same according to their wi­shed desires.

For the more speedie accomplishment héereof, commandement was first giuen, that all able men should be in a readinesse, and come togither at a place 20 The assemblie of the British armie. appointed neere to the riuer of Humber within fortie daies after. Which order being taken by the aduise of the lords and nobles of the realme, the same was put in execution with such diligence, that few or none be­ing apt to beare armor, withdrew themselues, eue­rie man in manner comming to the appointed place of the assemblie, and offering to go against the eni­mies, The great earnestnes of the Britains to recouer their libertie. so that it was a woonder to consider the con­sent of the people now ioined in one mind and will to recouer their former libertie. When Constantine 30 beheld such notable numbers of men, he supposed the same would haue sufficed not onelie to vanquish the Scots and Picts, but also vtterlie to destroie & race them out of all the confines of Albion.

When the newes of all this preparation for warres which the Britains made, was once signified to the Scots and Picts, they likewise made their apprestes to meet with them in the field, and therevpon raising The Scots and Picts make their ap­prests. The Scots and Picts ap­proch néere to the Britains. their powers, came foorth with the same into Yorke­shire, 40 and pitched their camps within foure miles where Constantine with his people was lodged, and the next day after, vnderstanding how néere vnto the enimie they were, they raised and marched for­wards till they came within sight of him, as then in­camped with his people aloft vpon certeine hils, néere to the aforesaid riuer side. Here both the kings of Scots and Picts lodging with their armies for that night, made readie for battell against the next day, and in the morning Dongard the Scotish king getting him to a little hill, called his men togither, 50 & there exhorted them by sundrie comfortable means Dongard ex­horteth his people to fight manfullie. of persuasion to put awaie all feare, and to fight va­liantly, assuring them of victorie if they would kéepe the order of battell by him appointed, and not rashlie breake foorth of the same in following vpon the eni­mies when they fell to retiring backe.

He had scarse made an end of his woords, but that diuerse of the standing watch came in, and declared how the Britains began to auale the hils where they 60 had lodged, and that the Picts were got foorth alrea­die in order of battell, and were marching forwards to incounter them. Dongard shewing himselfe to be right ioifull of these newes, commanded inconti­nentlie, that the standards should aduance foorth, and euerie man to attend the same according to his ap­pointed order. Also that no man should presume to take anie prisoner before the end of the battell, nor to yéeld himselfe so long as life lasted. So that ioi­ning with his enimies, there followed a verie fierce The wings of the British armie are put backe. and cruell battell. At length both the wings of the Britains gaue backe from the Scotishmen & Picts, the middle ward abiding the brunt verie stoutlie. Where Constantine himselfe stood like a valiant chieftaine, dooing his endeuour to the vttermost of his power, vpon whome Dongard earnestlie preas­sing, and entring into the thickest throng of his eni­mies, was there beaten downe amongst the Armo­rike Britains, and being about to get vp againe by Dongard is slaine. helpe of his weapon, was againe felled to the earth, and slaine with manie a sore wound.

Diuers of the Scots discomfited with this great mishap, fell to running awaie: other kindled with more wrath laid about them more egerlie. The Picts also, for their part fought most constantlie, so that the battell continuing vntill noone daie with doubtfull successe, at length the Britains were constreined The Bri­tains are put to flight. something to giue backe, & after taking themselues to fearfull flight, declared that the victorie remained with their enimies. There died in this mortall battell néere to the point of 16 thousand of the Britains, and of the Scots & Picts aboue 14 thousand, with Don­gard and the Scotish king. Constantine the day next after the battell, withdrew southwards. The Scots carried away with them the corps of their dead king, and conueieng it into the Ile of Iona, now called Colmekill, there buried it in kinglie wise. Dongard was thus slaine, in the fift yéere of his reigne, after the birth of our Sauior 475 yeeres, and about the se­cond 465. H. B. 8. of Leo. H. B. Constan­tine. Constantine the first of that name is crea­ted king of Scots. yéere of Zeno the emperor.

AFter him succéeded in gouerment of the Sco­tish kingdome Constantine the brother of the aboue rehearsed Eugenius, a prince vnlike in noble vertues vnto his brother the said Eugenius. For though in him there app [...]ered some good tokens of commendable towardlinesse, as he séemed out­wardlie to shew, yet was he giuen more vnto wan­ton pleasure and lust, than to the regard of the good rule and gouernment of his subiects, a deslourer of virgins, a rauisher of honest matrones, and aboue all, a fauourer of backbiters and slanderers; neuer shewing anie ioifull countenance amongst his no­bles, but amongst scoffing iesters and other vile per­sons he was as pleasant and merie as the iocundest man aliue. Thus though he represented the British Constantine the Scotish king nothing like in noble conditions vnto Con­stantine king of the Bri­tains. king Constantine in name, yet in manners he far differed from him: for the British Constantine stu­dieng to aduance the commonwealth of his subiects. trained them in laudable exercises, & reduced them from their former euill vsages vnto ciuill order and good customs. Contrariwise, the Scotish Constan­tine did nothing woorthie praise at all, after he was once instituted king, but followed still his owne in­ordinate lust and sensuall appetite.

He granted peace vnto the Britains they scarse Peace gran­ted vnto the Britains, and diuers castels deliuered into their hands. requiring the same, releasing not onelie the tribute, but also deliuering vp into their hands by secret meanes diuers castels standing vpon the riuer of Humber. Manie other things he was about to haue doone to the great preiudice and hinderance of the Scotish estate, had not the nobles of the realme the sooner withstood his rash and vnaduised attempts. Such malice also was ingendred in the harts of the most part of the nobilitie towards him, that had it not béene through the wholesome admonition & per­suasion of Dongall of Galloway, a noble man of right reuerend authoritie amongst them, they had le­uied ciuill wars against him, but the foresaid Don­gall The good counsell of Dongall. declaring to them the great danger and incon­uenience that might thereof insue, restreined their wrathfull minds from enterprising anie thing a­gainst him by force, so that for certeine yéeres they suffered and bare with this his misordered gouern­ment.

In the meane while the Picts noting the want of The Picts stand in feare of the king of Britaine. all vertuous qualities thus in the king of Scots, and againe what tokens of valiant courage appéered in the king of the Britains, doubted least if he should [Page 92] séeke to reuenge old iniuries against them, they should be little able to match him without aid of the Scots (whereof they had small trust now, by reason of the insufficiencie of the Scotish king) they deuised a meane how to rid the British king out of the waie, and so appointing certeine slie fellowes to go into Britaine for the accomplishment of their deuised purpose, at length the same was brought to passe, as in the English chronicles ye shall find more at large, though in the same chronicles there is mention 10 made but of one Pict that should woorke this feat, where the Scotish writers record of diuers, which ne­uerthelesse were apprehended, and after bound both hand and foot, were cast into a mightie great fire, and therein burnt to ashes in most miserable wise, as by the said Scotish writers it appéereth. The death of this Constantine king of Britains happened in the 15 yéere of Constantine king of Scots, neither liued Constantine the Scotish king is slaine by one whose daughter he had rainshed. Anno 481. he long after: for hauing rauished a noble mans daughter, borne in the westerne Iles, he was slaine 20 by hir father in the night season, after he had reigned in great infamie for his reprochfull life, the space of 17 yéeres.

THen was Dongall his nephue, as sonne to his brother Dongard, proclamed king, a prince of Dongall. disposition indifferent either to peace or warre, Dongall the sonne of Don­gard is made king of Scot­land. though in the beginning of his reigne he shewed himselfe more desirous of peace than of warres, by reason the state of the common-wealth so required, considering how things stood not all in the best or­der, 30 through his predecessors negligence. Dongall therefore desirous of a reformation, appointed men of great wisedome and good fame to be iudges and The politike rule of Don­gall. officers vnder him, who in redressing misorders, in punishing transgressions, & in deciding of all strifes and contentions betwixt partie & partie, did so well their endeuour, that peace and concord therevpon in­suing, the people recouered peaceable rest and quiet­nesse, to their no small comfort and contentation.

In this meane while that things passed thus a­mong 40 the Scots, by the procurement of one Uorti­gerne, Constantius the eldest sonne of the late de­ceassed Constantine king of Britains, was taken out of an abbeie, where he was shorne a moonke, and Constantius a moonke elec­ted king of Britaine. aduanced to the kingdome: but being not meet of himselfe to gouerne, Uortigerne had the whole rule committed to his hands, wherevpon he first caused the league to be renewed betwixt the Britains, the Scots, and Picts, and appointed a gard of the same Scots and Picts to be attendant on the kings per­son: 50 in the end also he procured some of them to mur­ther the king, and after put all the said Scots and Uortigerns treason. Constantius murdered. Picts to death, as well the giltie as the vngiltie, and finallie made himselfe king, as in the historie of England you shall find more at large expressed.

The Scots and Picts (for displeasure that their countriemen which had beene appointed to gard the person of Constantius king of the Britains, were maliciouslie circumuented, & the more part of them wrongfullie executed) made sundrie roades and for­raies 60 into the British borders, neither sparing fire nor swoord where they came. So that the said Uorti­gerne by a gréeuous report informed héereof, caused an armie with all spéed to be leuied, and appointed Guitellus the prince of Wales to haue the leading thereof against the enimies: whilest he (doubting least the people would not be ruled by him, for that it was knowen how he would haue made awaie Con­stantines children) kept him about London, & durst not commit himselfe so much to the sight of a multi­tude, as to go foorth in that iournie in his owne per­son.

Guitellus, in respect of the loue which he bare to Guitellus ge­nerall of the British army causeth fiue hundred of the enimies to be hanged. his countrie, purposing to serue truelie in defense thereof, chanced vpon his approch to the borders to take the number of fiue hundred of the enimies, be­ing aduanced from the residue to fetch a bootie. These Guitellus caused to be hanged, as condemned for robbers and pillers of the countrie afore anie ouer­ture of warre was denounced. Wherevpon such o­ther as escaped by flight, and had séene their fellowes thus executed, declared vnto their gouernors what had happened vnto their fellowes. The confederate kings, being in a great chafe héerewith, gather togi­ther The Scotish and Pictish kings gather their people to resist the Bri­tains. Guitellus in­courageth the appalled harts of his men of warre with comfortable woords. their people, and haste forward with all spéed to­ward the enimies, who at the first shewed manifest tokens that they were sore afraid of the Scotish and Pictish power: wherevpon Guitellus their generall with comfortable woords willed them to be of good courage, and not to doubt of victorie, hauing so iust a cause to fight with truce-breakers, and such as were giuen more vnto pillage and spoile, than to anie o­ther commendable exercise or practise of warre.

With such and sundrie other the like woords the Britains being mboldened, as might well appéere by their change of countenances, Guitellus therevp­on remooued his campe more néere vnto his eni­mies, so that at the first and for certeine daies togi­ther, there chanced onelie diuers skirmishes betwixt the parties, as occasion serued. But at length the one The Bri­tains [...] in a pight field with the Scots and Picts. The Scots are put backe. Galane king of Picts suc­coureth the Scots. being sore mooued against the other, they ioine in a pight field. The beginning of which battell was ve­rie fierce and doubtfull. For on that side where Don­gall the Scotish king fought, the Britains shortlie began to preuaile, through the faint fighting of his people: which danger Galanus the Pictish king quicklie perceiuing, foorthwith prouided remedie: for taking with him certeine bands out of his owne bat­tell, willing the residue to stand to it manfullie, and in no wise to giue ground to the enimie, he himselfe with the said bands fetched a compasse about, and set vpon the backs of them that so had ouermatched the Scots.

This sudden chance sore disordered the Britains, and immediatlie the Scots incouraged afresh, assai­led their enimies with more eger minds than they had doone at the first, so that maintenantlie both the wings of the British armie were vtterlie discomfi­ted. The wings of the Bri­tains put to flight. The campe of the Bri­tains woon. The Bri­tains chased, know not whither to flée. Guitell with twentie thou­sand Bri­tains slaine. Foure thou­sand Scots and Picts slaine. And héerewith a certeine number of the Picts were commanded by their king to make haste to win the campe of the Britains, that such as sought to escape by flight, should find no refuge in the same. Thus the Britains being chased and slaine on euerie side, they knew not whither to flée: so that in the end a great number of them throwing awaie their wea­pons, yéelded themselues, most humblie crauing mercie at their enimies hands. There were slaine in this battell aboue twentie thousand of the Britains, togither with their generall Guitellus, and a great number of other of the nobilitie. There died also of the Scots and Picts néere hand foure thousand. The prisoners with the spoile of the field were diuided by appointment of the kings amongst the souldiers. Which doone, they marched foorth into the countrie to conquere castels and townes, such as stood in their waie.

In the meane time, the Britains being sore dis­comfited with the ouerthrow, assembled a councell at London, there to deuise by what meanes they A councell holden at London. might best defend their countrie from the imminent danger in the which it now stood. Uortigerne as one giltie in conscience, doubted least through want of good wils in his commons, he should not be able to Uortigerne doubting the hatred of his people, would haue fled out of his realme. withstand the mightie inuasion of his enimies, wher­vpon he was minded to haue auoided the realme, but there were of his councell that aduised him to the contrarie, holding, that better it was for him to trie the vttermost point of fortunes hap, than with [Page 93] dishonor so to yéeld at the first blow of hir froward hand, considering the abundance of treasure which he had in store, wherewith he might wage souldiers and men of warre out of Germanie & other places, in number sufficient to match with his [...]ies. This counsell as the best was follo [...]d, and messen­gers with commission & s [...]cient [...] sent [...]ortigerne is counselled to send for a [...]d in­to Germanie. with all spéed into Germanie, to ret [...]ine a number of Sa [...]ns, and to [...]ing them ouer into Britaine, to serue against the Scots and P [...]cts in wages with 10 Uortigerne.

At the same time there were amongst those Sax­ons two brethren, de [...]nded by right [...]ull [...]age of the princes of that nation, who being reputed for va­liant [...]apteins, appointed with the British commis­saries for a cert [...]ine summe of monie to take vp their pres [...]ribed number of men, & to receiue charge of them as coronels, aswell for their [...]onuaie ouer into Britaine, as also for their seruice there, after their arriual. The one of these two brethren was cal­led 20 Hengist or Engist, and the other Horsus, who ha­uing [...]gist and [...]us retei­ned in seruice with Uorti­gerne. their appointed numbers once filled, contei­ning about ten thousand souldiers in the whole, they bestowed them abroad in thirtie hulks, hoies, and plaits, and in the same transported them ouer into Britaine, in the 449 yéere after Christ, as our histo­ries doo affirme: where they were receiued with great ioy and gladnesse of Uortigerne, who trusted by their aid to ouercome his fierce and dreadfull eni­mies. 30

Therefore when they had refreshed themselues somewhat after their trauell by sea, they were sent foorth with an other armie which Uortigerne had as­sembled of his owne subiects the Britains, to the The Saxons together with a power of Britains are sent to the bor­ders of the e­nimies coun­tries. frontiers of the enimies countrie, where at their first comming they passed ouer the riuer of Humber, be­fore the Scots or Picts had knowledge that anie such people were come in support of the Britains to bid them battell. They being therefore amazed with the strangenesse of the thing, some of them [...]d into 40 the inner parts of their countrie, & other that mad [...] but [...]orie shift, fell into the hands of the Saxons, who The Saxons [...]n hope of good successe be­gin the wars against the Scots with [...]. to begin their enterprise with bloud, slaie all such as they could laie hands vpon, without [...] respect of person. Great was the slaughter by them commit­ted in all those parties where they passed, [...] a­bout the riuer of Tine. And when they had made an end there, they entred into Northumberland, and so into the dales aboue Berwike, next adioining vnto Pictland, destroieng all before them with fire and 50 swoord.

The Pictish king in the meane time had sent vn­to The king of Picts sendeth [...] a [...]d vnto the Scotish king. Dongall the king of Scots to come with all spéed to support him against the dreadfull inuasion of the enimies, whose force being now increased with a power of Saxons, would woorke much mischéefe, if the same were not the more spéedilie in the begin­ning repressed: but hearing that the Saxons and Britains dailie approched, he thought not good to ta­rie for the comming of the Scots, but [...] foorth 60 with his owne power to incounter his aduersaries, and rashlie giuing battell, he was ouercome, and thereby lost no small number of his people. In this The king of the Picts [...]nquished. The Saxons won praise, and the Bri­tains noted of cowardize. conf [...]ct the Saxons wan them a great name for their high valiance, where contrarilie the Britains got them no small note of g [...]ltie cowardize, fighting so [...], that their capteins had much adoo to cause them to kéepe their ground, being readie still to haue run awaie: which their [...]aintnesse of stomach being noted of Hengist, euen then put him in no small confidence that it should be an easie matter for him to conquere them at his pleasure, when time and oc­casion might serue thereto.

The Pictish nation hauing receiued this grieuous ouerthrow at the hands of their cruell enimies, sent againe an oth [...]r ambassage vnto the Scotish king Cong [...]ll, to signifie to him by way of lamentation, what losse had happened to them by that most cruell people the Saxons [...]oid of all religion and mercie, and what mischiefe by the same people was inten­ded, aswell against Scots as Picts, vnto the gre [...]t danger of the vtter ru [...]e of both nations▪ if the eni­mies The Picts e [...]soones soli­cit the Scots fo [...] [...]d. in time were not resisted. They that were sent, declared all this matter vnto king Congall, and as they had in commission, b [...] sought him of spée­die succors. Congall not onlie moued for the harms and losses of the Picts his friends and alies, but al­so much more for the likelihood of the immi [...]nt dan­ger and perill towards himselfe and his [...] peo­ple, determined spéedilie to go with all his power, and to [...]e with the Picts, as fulli [...] [...]lued to pre­uent that mischiefe which was like [...]o [...], if the violent rage of the enimies were not the s [...]r re­sisted.

He sent word therefore to the Pictish king, that Cōga [...] promi­sed to aid the Picts. if he might kéepe off the enimies by light skirmishes and incursions for a small time, he would come to his aid shortlie, with all the whole puissance of his realme. And herewithall he commanded by open proclamation, that all those within his dominions, which were able to heare armour should by the twen­tith Prouision made by the Scots to [...]d the Picts. day after assemble t [...]gither at the south side of Cali [...]on wood, all and euerie of them bringing then and there with them vittels sufficient to serue them for two moneths. According to the which proclama­tion, there came togither at the day and place assig­ned, about the number of 40000 able men, [...]it and méete for the warres. On the morrow after, when Congall had taken the m [...]sters & vew of his whole numbers, he set forward towards the place where he vnderstood that the king of the Picts as then lod­ged, who had likewise assembled his people, and in campe taried for the comming of the Scotish armie. On the fift day after, both the kings met togither, The Sco [...]ish and Pictish kings assem­ble togither with their powers. and shewed great tokens of intire loue and friend­ship the one towards the other. After this they go to heare diuine seruice, where they make their deuout praiers vnto almightie God for their good spéed and luckie successe in that iournie: which being doone, they march foorth toward the enimies, as then lieng in campe not past ten miles from them. Here at the The Scots and Picts come within sight of the enimies. first sight of the enimies, diuers of the Scots and Picts being striken with feare to behold so great a multitude, as the like had not béene séene in those parties man [...]e a day before, they stale away and se­cretlie hid themselues in the next woods. But the kings, to giue example to other, caused them that were thus sto [...]ne away, to be sought out, & brought againe into the campe, where they were hanged in open sight of all the armie.

The Saxons & Britains also vpon the approch of their enimies gathered their companies togither, & maintenantlie herewith the Saxons incouraged The Scots through com­fort of Hen­gists exhorta­tion desire battell. with such comfortable speach as Hengist vttered a­mongest them, required to haue battell without de­lay: whose example the Britains following, shewed themselues also right willing therevnto. Congall the Scotish king perceiuing the enimies to make readie for battell, went likewise amongst his folks, The Scotish and Pictish kings exhort their people to fight valiant­lie. and exhorted them in best wise he could, to play the men. The like also did Galanus the Pictish king a­mongest his people, omitting nothing that might incourage them to fight manfullie. After this, the battell on both sides comming forward to some, the arrowes and darts [...] freshlie betwixt them, but The battell is begun. neither part minding to giue place for all the sho [...], at length they ioined at handblowes, fi [...]st the Bri­tains in the right wing with the Scots in the left [Page 94] wing; but the Britains not able long to indure a­gainst The Bri­tains flée. the force of the Scots, gaue backe and fled. In the meane while came a great shower of raine, mixt with such a tempest of haile, that the hardiest there wished himselfe thence, the storme beating so fast vpon them▪ that one might [...]eath sée another, A great tem­pest. so that the Scotishmen and [...] wi [...] not whether were [...] pursue the Britains that fled, or to keepe their pl [...]s.

On the oth [...]r part, the S [...]xons according to their 10 maner▪ in [...] of anie present danger; closed them­selues The S [...]xons close them­selues togi­ther. togither and drew neere vnto their chiefteins standard▪ Fi [...]allie th [...] tempest no sooner [...] to ceass [...] but the Scots and Picts leauing their order of battell▪ fell to follow the chase of the Britains, supposing the victorie had beene wholie theirs. Which The Scots an [...] Picts pursue the Britains. the Saxons (now after that the element began to cleare vp) plainelie perceiuing, by commandement of He [...]gist their generall▪ assailed the Scots and Picts here and there dispersed about the spoile and 20 The Saxons [...] [...]he▪ Scots and Picts disor­dered in [...] of the Britains. slaughter of the Britains, and made such murther of them on euerie side where they found them, that pitie it was to behold. Those that escaped by flight, neuer staied till they were gotten into places farre inough out of danger. This was a blacke day with the Scots and Picts. Neither was it verie ioifull to the Britains, of whome no small number died in the place by the enimies sword lamentable to sée. Hengist hauing thus gotten the victorie, with­drew to Yorke, leauing those countries betwixt 30 Tine and Twéed in the enimies handes, of purpose ceassing from further indamaging them, that the Britains might haue neighbours whome to feare: Hengist pur­posed at the first to make conquest of the Britains. for that (as he thought) should make much for his purpose, alreadie hauing determined to make a conquest of this Ile.

When summer then was well néere passed, he pla­ced his souldiers in harbrough to lodge for the win­ter season, and went himselfe to London, where he Hengist retur­neth to Lon­don. counselled Uortigerne to send of his owne people to 40 the borders of his enimies, to keepe the same from their inuasions till the next spring, against which time he promised to cause such notable numbers of his Hengist offe­reth to send for more aid into Germa­nie. countriemen to come to his aid, as should suffice not onelie to vanquish the Scotishmen and Picts, but also vtterlie to destroy both the nations, or at least wise to driue them foorth of the whole countrie. This offer vnto some of the nobilitie was not greatlie li­ked, as euer suspecting that which followed, least in Hengists of­fe [...]s [...]isliked of some of the nobilitie of Britaine. time to come Hengist should seeke the dominion of 50 the realme in placing his owne people, and expel­ling the former inhabitants. But Uortigerne did not onelie giue him most hartie thanks for those his offers, but also shewed by the maner of his inter­teinement, which he vsed towards him, that he thought he could not doo vnto him too much honor for such notable seruice as he had doone alreadie, and trusted he should doo hereafter. According to Hen­gists The honor shewed vnto Hengist by Uortigerne. aduise also, there was a crue of men of warre of Britains sent vnto the borders to the number of 60 fiue thousand, who shortlie after their comming thi­ther, were quicklie dispatched and made awaie in sundrie skirmishes and incounters with the Scots Britains sent to defend the borders, are distressed. and Picts, that assailed those places which they were appointed to d [...]end.

Shortlie after was sent thither also an other com­panie, double in number to the first, to reuenge the deaths of their fellowes; but they finding fortune as froward vnto them as the former had doone before, sped much-what a like, for in sundrie conflicts diuers of them being slaine, and diuers other by treason of the borderers themselues deliuered captiue into the aduersaries hands, the residue that was left, per­ceiuing in what danger they stood, sithence they might not trust their owne countriemen, returned backe into the inner parts of the land, and so le [...] the borders altogither vnfurnished. In this meane [...] new power of Saxons commeth ouer into Britaine while a new supplie of fiue thousand Saxons, with their [...] and children, came ouer into this land, in eighteene [...]oies, and amongest other ca [...]e Hen­gists wife and his daughter the ladie Roxena▪ Short­lie after king Uortigerne gaue vnto Hengist & his Saxons a great part of the countrie called Lind­seie, with a castell of great strength called Thong­castre. Some haue written that Hengist required of Uortigerne so much ground as he might compas with an oxe hide, and hauing that granted, he tóoke a mightie oxe hide, and cut it into small thongs, and so compassing about a right strong plot of ground with those thongs line wise, began there the foun­dation Throang ca­st [...]ll, or Thōg­castell. of a castell, which tooke name of those thongs, wherewith the plot of ground was first measured, and so was it called Thong-castell. But vpon what The S [...]xons first inhabited in Lindseie. consideration so euer it tooke that name, certeine it is by record of all the Scotish histories, that there the Saxons first inhabited after their entring into Bri­taine.

When Hengist had set things in order for the pla­cing of his people there in dwellings (appointed them by Uortigerne) according as seemed best vnto his politike head and craftie forecast, he tooke foorth the souldiers and men of warre, ordered vnder cer­teine capteins and officers of bands, and led them forward by slow iournies as it were staieng for the comming of the Britains. Uortigerne had gathe­red as then an huge host of his subiects, and appoin­ted his generall lieutenant ouer them his sonne Uortigerne, a yoong man of great force and vali­ancie, but so that he should be ordered in all things Uorti [...]r ge­nerall of the Britains. by the aduise and discretion of Hengist, whose au­thoritie for the warres he commanded chieflie to be followed.

When both the armies of Saxons and Britains The Saxons and Britains against the Scots and Picts. were met togither, Hengist led them ouer the riuers of Humber and Tine, marching directlie towards the place where he thought the enimies laie. The Scotish and Pictish kings, hauing knowledge of such preparation made by the Britains, they gathe­red their powers togither, to the number of 60000 men, furnished with prouision of vittels for a long 60000 of Scots and Picts come to méet their [...]. time. But before their comming to the riuer of Tine, vpon knowledge had that the Saxons and Britains were passed the same, they made streight towards them, in purpose to haue giuen battell with­out longer protracting of time: howbeit comming to the place where they were lodged, they found them so stronglie incamped, that no aduantage could be perceiued which waie they might be constreined to Hengist pro­longeth time to giue batt [...]ll. raise and come foorth of their strength to receiue bat­tell vpon some euen ground, which Hengist of pur­pose for a time séemed to deferre.

Betwixt them also and the armies of the two kings there was a vallie, in the botome full of mires and marish grounds, which the Scotishmen & Picts must néedes passe, yer they could find meanes to doo anie notable displeasure to the enimies. Wherefore at length they determined with tur [...]e and fagots to make passage ouer those mires. Which being accom­plished in the night following, the next morning they passed ouer and got them vnto certeine hilles lieng right ouer against the Saxon and British campes, some of them taking their lodgings vpon the brow or front of an hill so néere to the lodgings of their enimies, that they might throwe a dart into their campe: and hereof they tooke no small occasion to worke a feat against their aduersaries, to their great annoiance and vexation.

There was growing in that place, where they [Page 95] were thus incamped, verie much of that kind of heath or ling, which the Scotishmen call hadder. Of which heath or hadder, they gathered a great quanti­tie togither, and binding it in bundels like vnto fa­gots, in the night season they set the same on fire, [...] policie of the Scots. tumbling it downe the hill, on that side where the Saxons laie. The wind in that instant being some­what aloft, caused these bundels of ling to blase and burne vehementlie, and hereto standing that waies foorth, droue the flame so streinablie amongest the 10 tents and cabins of the Saxons, that the fire cat­ching in the straw and twigs which they had couched togither vnder them in stéed of beds, increased the feare amongst the souldiors woonderfullie, by reason that the blasing bundels of the ling or hadder, still comming downe the hill vpon them, seemed as though the same had fallen from aboue, and euen foorth of the heauen it selfe.

Great was the tumult and noise throughout the The tumult and feare rai­sed in the campe of the Saxons. Hyperbole. whole campe, with such roring of beasts, and run­ning 20 vp and downe both of them and of the horsses which were there in the campe, that if heauen and earth had gone togither, there could not haue béene a more terrible noise nor clamor. At length, when the souldiors had doone what they could to quench the fire, and to appease the trouble, not without some vp­rore and disorder raised on each side, they got them with their armor and weapons foorth into the next field, which Hengist himselfe perceiuing (hauing first doone what he could to stay them) inuironed with a 30 companie of his choisest men of warre, he got him vp vnto a little hill next adioining, and there gaue knowledge by the sound of a trumpet that all his people should draw thither vnto him. After this, Hengist cal­leth his peo­ple togither. when they were come togither, he disposed them in order of battell with all diligence, abiding for the spring of the daie, to vnderstand more certeinlie the meaning of his enimies.

The Scots and Picts supposing the enimies to be farre disordered, by reason of the fire descended 40 downe from the hilles, fullie determined to assaile them in their camps: but vpon their approch to the same, perceiuing how the Saxons were gotten foorth, and stood readie in good order of battell, min­ding to defend their ground, both the kings thought it best to tarie till the morning, yer they made anie exploit, for doubt of perils that might befall thereof. In the breake of the daie Congall came amongst his people, exhorting them to remember their woor­thie Congals ex­hortation to the Scots. elders, and by their example to choose rather to 50 die in defense of their countrie & ancient liberties, than by cowardize to saue a dishonested life, which (if their chance was to be vanquished) they should passe in great thraldome and miserie. The Pictish king also with like words incouraged his men to doo vali­antlie. Neither was Hengist slow in persuading his Saxons to plaie the men, that obteining the victorie Hengist exhor teth the Sax­ons to fight manfullie. they might deliuer themselues from terror of all eni­mies from thencefoorth in Britaine.

Whilest he was thus exhorting his people, the 60 Scots and Picts with great force and violence be­gan The Scots & Picts giue the charge. to giue the charge vpon him, which whilest the Saxons and Britains went about to defend, they were beaten downe by heaps so fiercelie on ech side, that the discomfiture had light vpon them foorthwith, The Saxons in danger to haue the ouer­throw. had not Hengist by sound of trumpet called foorth a­bout three thousand fresh men to their succors, which he had placed in an ambush a little before the spring of the daie within a thicke groue of wood, fast by his An ambush of thrée thou­sand men. campe, appointing them to remaine there in a readi­nesse, to come at his call, vpon what danger soeuer happened. These most fiercelie setting vpon the backes of the Scots, brought them streight out of all order: for they being occupied with the other Sax­ons before, and now assailed of these behind, they had vnneath roome for anie aduantage to turne their weapons. In the meane time the Picts being mat­ched with the Britains did put them to flight, and The Bri­tains put to flight by the Picts. chased them out of the field, not ceassing to pursue them in the chase, till they came to a riuer in the which a great number of them were drowned, as they ie [...] ­parded to passe ouer the same, and to saue them­selues by swimming. On the other side, the Scots The Scots forced to flie. being sore handled by the Saxons, both before and behind, were at the length constreined to giue ground and breake foorth by flight, & so to escape the cruell hands of the enimies. Manie were slaine in the chase, and some taken prisoners. The residue get­ting Congall is wounded, but yet escapeth through helpe of his houshold seruants. away, fled streight to the Picts: but Congall himselfe, through helpe of his houshold seruants es­caped to the top of an high hill, and saued himselfe all wounded as he was.

The Picts returning from the chase, and vnder­standing how the Saxons had giuen the Scots the ouerthrow, and that they were now marching for­ward to incounter also with them, determined not to abide their comming at that time. And so night ap­proching yer the Saxons had got sight of them, order was giuen by commandement of their king, that The policie of the Picts to escape out of danger. all their carriage, and a great quantitie of logs and fagots, should be placed and piled togither before them, and in the darke of the night to be set on fire, which being executed according to the appointment, when the fire was once kindled, the Picts with the Scots which were got vnto them, departed as secret­lie as they might, and staied not to make awaie, till they were farre inough out of the danger of the Sax­ons. Hengist hauing thus got the victorie, and per­ceiuing no enimie abroad to bid him battell, muste­red his men, and found that he had lost in this iour­nie as good as foure thousand of one and other. Af­ter this, hée withdraweth to Yorke, and leauing his armie there, went himselfe vnto London, where hee was receiued with ioy inough by king Uorti­gerne.

Shortlie after, vpon knowledge that Aurelius Aurelius Am brose & Uter, sons to king Constantine. Ambrose, and Uter, the sonnes of king Constantine prepared to come ouer with a mightie armie of Ar­morike Britains, and other Frenchmen, to claime the crowne of Britaine, as lawfullie descended to them from their father: the Saxons were sent for out of the north parts, and had dwellings appointed vnto them in Kent, to be at hand if néed were to re­sist The Saxons placed in Kent. anie such attempted inuasion. But shortlie after, for a policie, Hengist caused it to be bruited abroad, that the Scots and Picts meant estsoones to inuade the British confines, & therefore was there an other power of Saxons called into the land, and placed in A new power of Saxons came ouer with their captein Occa. the north parts, to defend the same against the Scots and Picts. Occa the sonne of Hengist had the leading of these Saxons, who brought them ouer, be­ing ten thousand men of warre, in fiftie plaits, and fiftie hoies. They brought with them also their wiues and children, and setled themselues in the north parts betwixt the riuer of Humber and the borders of the Pictish dominions. And euen then it began to take Northumber­land when it first be [...]an to be so called. the name of Northumberland, which is as you wold say, the land by north the riuer of Humber, and so it dooth continue.

Shortlie after, Uortigerne forsaking his lawfull wife, maried the ladie Roxena or Rowen, Hengists Uortigerne marieth Hen­gists daugh­ter. daughter, to the high offense of God, and great dis­pleasure of his subiects. And in the meane time, Oc­ca not attempting anie exploit against the Scots and Picts, rather sought to get into his hands all the fortresses betwixt Tine and Humber, euen from the east sea to the west: which his purposed intent he greatlie aduanced, winning castels and fortresses [Page 96] there in those parties, some by force, and some by sur­render: and amongst other places of importance; he first got possession of Yorke, and feigning accusati­ons against manie of the nobles and gentlemen, Yorke in pos­session of Hengist. surmising that they would betraie the countrie vnto the Scots & Picts, hee put diuerse of them to death, some secretlie, and others openlie, as conuict of such offenses as were forged and laid against them.

Herevpon the Britains for the stay of such mis­chiefe as they saw at hand, deposed Uortigerne from 10 Uortigerne deposed by his subiects. Uortimer cho sen to gouerne the Britains. The Bri­tains require aid of the Scots and Picts a­gainst the Saxons. his kinglie seat, and placed his sonne Uortimer in his roome, which being doone, ambassadors were sent both vnto the Scots and Picts, to require their aid and support against the cruell oppression of the Sax­ons, who sought not onelie by craftie meanes and fraudulent waies to atteine the dominion of the whole Ile, but also to extinguish and vtterlie subuert the faith of Christ, and the vse of his religion through­out the same. Therefore they earnestlie desired the Scotish and Pictish kings, to assist them against 20 such common enimies as had béene called into the realme, not by publike consent of the nobles, but on­lie by the priuate commandement and ordinance of Uortigerne, to helpe as well toward the su [...]uing of the Scots and Picts, as also to represse all commo­tions of the Britains, which they might happilie raise against him for his wicked tyrannie vsed amongst them, as his guiltie conscience might put him still in feare of.

The Scotish king Congall (vnto whome first the The answer of Congall K. of Scots vnto the Bri­tish messen­gers. ambassadors were sent) for answer declared, that he 30 was sorie to vnderstand into what danger the mise­rable christians of Britaine were thus fallen, and therefore if nothing else might mooue him to ioine with the Britains against the Saxons, yet that were sufficient cause to inforce him to doo the best he could, to helpe to deliuer the whole Ile from such an ethnike generation, as not onelie vsed the rites and ceremonies of their false religion, and that openlie among the christians, with dooing sacrifice in the ho­nor 40 and worship of their hellish gods, to the great horror and terrible offense of the beholders consci­ences; but also sought by all meanes they could de­uise, how to destroie and quench vtterlie the faith of our Sauiour Christ in all places where they might get the vpper hand.

He promised therefore to imploie his whole puis­sance to recouer out of the enimies hands all such countries as laie betwixt the frontiers of his domi­nion and the riuer of Humber, and further to aid the Britains to driue them quite out of the Ile, if the 50 Britains would assure him, from thencefoorth neuer to make claime, title nor interest, to any of the coun­tries Upon what conditions Congall co­uenanted to support the Britains. aforesaid, lieng betwixt the said riuer of Hum­ber and the confines of his realme; but to leaue the same in the hands of the Scotishmen and Picts, to haue hold and inioy for euermore in quiet: which to performe, the ambassadors had (amongest other things) alreadie promised in name of all the British nation, as a recompense or méed to haue the support 60 and succors of the Scots. The like answer the same ambassadors receiued of the Pictish king, and retur­ning therewith vnto Uortimer, declared afore him and his councell how they had sped.

Shortlie after, for the more and better assurance of all promises, couenants and articles passed be­twixt the Scotishmen, Picts, and Britains, there was an amitie and bond of peace now renewed, ra­tified and established, according to the tenor of the A league con­cluded be­twixt Scots Picts and Britains. ancient league, which had béene concluded in times past betwixt them, with some new conditions of a­gréement included in the same: all old iniuries being ended and quieted clearelie betwixt them, so that no cause of grudge or displeasure might bée thought to remaine in remembrance. The first en­ter prise put in execution after the concluding of this The Scots inuade the bor ders of Nor­thumberland. league, was made by the Scots against O [...]a and his Saxons, which (as parthe ye haue heard) had nestled themselues betwixt the riuers of Tine and Humber.

Against those Scots, as they were verie earnest­lie occupied in ouerthrowing castels and towers, with slaughter of such Saxons as stood at defense, Occa commeth into the field with an armie readie to incounter with them, but perceiuing the multi­tude of his enimies to be such, as he doubted least he should not be well able to match with them, he staied a while from giuing the onset: but in the end percei­uing he could not retire backe but to his great disad­uantage, The Saxons incountet with the Scots. he boldlie gaue signe to his people to set vpon their enimies: which they fiercelie executing, it was hard to tell for a while to whether part the victo­rie would incline. But at length the Saxons not able The Saxons vanquished by the Scots. to susteine the force of the Scots, ouerpressing them with multitude, began to giue backe: which Occa perceiuing, did what he could to hem them in from running awaie, but yet notwithstanding all that he could doo, feare at length ouercomming regard to their capteins commandement, shame of rebuke was quite set apart, and so they tooke them to their feet, and fled awaie so fast as they might, the Scots pursuing after them amaine.

Occa yet escaped with diuerse of his nobles, and comming to the mouth of Humber, got a ship, and Occa flé [...]th by s [...]a into [...]ent. sailed foorth in the same with great danger, till at length he arriued within the Thames. The flaughter of the Saxons vpon the discomfiture was great, spe­ciallie in the chase, for the Scotishmen calling to re­membrance that they had to doo with infidels, and with the enimies of the christian faith, were so eger vpon them, that they saued few or none that fell into their hands. About the same time was Uortimer en­tered into Kent against Hengist and his Saxons there, and incountring with them in battell, slue ten thousand of them, and chased the residue foorth of that countrie. Thus Kent returned vnto the Britains, The Saxons vanquished by Britains and expelled out of Kent. and the countries beyond Humber northwards vn­to the Scots and Picts, according to the tenour of the league before mentioned.

Hengist and his sonne Occa (who a little before this battell in Kent was come vnto his father) with the residue of them that escaped, hasted with all spéed toward Northumberland, in purpose to remaine in that countrie till they had recouered their strength by some power to be sent ouer vnto them out of their owne countrie: but being repelled with no small slaughter from thence by the Scots and Picts, The Saxone [...]e out of Britaine. they withdrew vnto the mouth of Humber, where getting certeine vessels, they passed ouer into Saxonie, leauing a great sort of their nation behind them, dispersed abroad here and there in this Ile, as fortune then best serued. Uortimer hauing got the victorie, as before is mentioned, vsed not the same Uortimer v­seth the victo­rie modestlie. verie cruellie, for taking relie from the Saxons which were taken prisoners their armor and wea­pon, he suffered them to depart into their countrie: other of the same nation being but husbandmen, and as it were poore laborers of the ground, he permitted to tarie in the countrie with their wiues & children, as seruants vnto the Britains.

After this, Uortimer gaue order for the reparing of churches, and restoring of the christian religion in­to the state of the former puritie thereof, as then sore decaied, partlie through the euill example taken by dailie conuersation amongst the Saxons, and part­lie also by the infectiue heresie of the Pelagians, as then mightilie spred ouer the most part of Britaine. The here [...] of the Pela­gians At length the said Uortimer through treason of his [Page 97] stepmother Roxena was poisoned, and died. Then was Uortigerne againe restored to the rule of the kingdome, first forced by oth to promise neuer to aid the Saxons, nor to receiue by way of aid anie for­reine people into the realme. Uortigerne then resto­red thus vnto the crowne, shewed such diligence in causing due administration of iustice without rigor to be executed, and prouision made for the resisting of all inuasions that might be attemted by anie for­reine power, that his praise was great amongst all his subiects, who to shew their good willes likewise 10 towards him as to their naturall prince, were not slacke in honoring him aswell by gifts and presents, as by all other maner of waies. He found meanes The league renewed be­twixt Bri­tains, Scots and Picts. also to renew the league with the Scots and Picts, with like conditions and articles, as it was conclu­ded lastlie betwixt them and his sonne Uortimer. But notwithstanding his politike procéeding, thus to auoid all inconuenience that might happen; short­lie after Hengist returned, and what by force and sub­till 20 shifts, at length got possession of the more part of Britaine, so that the Britains were constreined to Hengist re­turneth. flie into Wales, whither also Uortigerne fled, and re­mained there a certeine time, till at length Aureli­ng Ambrosius, and Uter, the sonnes of king Con­stantine came ouer out of little Britaine, and besie­ging Uortigerne in a castell, burnt him with the Uortigerne burnt. house and all, when they could not otherwise come by him, according to that which Merline the British soothsaier had prophesied before. It is folishlie suppo­sed 30 that this Merline was got by a spirit of that kind which are called Incubi, that is to vnderstand, such as conueieng mans séed from him (and therewith by illusion taking vpon them the shape and figure of man) doo lie with women, and vse them after the ma­ner of carnall copulation.

¶ In this place Hector Boetius by the way reciteth a like tale or two, of such illusions of spirits, wrought not long before his time in Scotland, which somwhat abridging the same we haue here infarced. In the 40 yéere 1480, saith he, it chanced as a Scotish ship de­parted Illusions of spirits. out of the Forth towards Flanders, there rose a woonderfull great tempest of wind and wea­ther, I tale of a wo man abused with a spirit. so outragious, that the maister of the ship with other the mariners woondered not a little what the matter ment, to sée such weather at that time of the yeere, for it was about the middest of summer. At length when the furious pirrie & rage of winds still [...]bout saint Barnabées [...]ay. increased, in such wise that all those within the ship looked for present death, there was a woman vnder­neath 50 the hatches, called vnto them aboue, and wil­led them to throw hir into the sea, that all the residue by Gods grace might yet be saued: and therevpon told them, how she had bene hanted a long time with a spirit, dailie comming vnto hir in mans likenesse, and that euen as then he was with hir, vsing his fil­thie pleasure after the maner of carnall copulation. In the ship there chanced also to be a priest, who by the maisters appointment going downe to this woman, and finding hir like a most wretched and desperate 60 person, lamenting hir great misfortune and mise­rable estate, vsed such wholsome admonitions and comfortable aduertisements, willing hir to repent and hope for mercie at the hands of God, that at length she séeming right penitent for hir gréeuous offenses committed, and fetching sundrie sighes e­uen from the bottome of hir heart, being witnesse (as should appeare) of the same, there issued foorth of the pumpe of the ship a foule and euill fauored blacke cloud, with a mightie terrible noise, flame, smoke and stinke, which presentlie fell into the sea. And sudden­lie thervpon the tempest ceassed, and the ship passing in great quiet the residue of hir iournie, arriued in safetie at the place whither she was bound.

Not long before the hap héereof, there was in like I yoong man haunted with a spirit. manner a yoong man dwelling in Gareoth, within a village there, not passing 14 miles from Aberdine, verie faire & comelie of shape, who declared by waie of complaint vnto the bishop of that diocesse, how there was a spirit which haunted him in shape of a woman, so faire and beautifull a thing, that he neuer saw the like, the which would come into his chamber at nights, and with pleasant intisements allure him to haue to doo with hir, & that by no maner of means he could be rid of hir. The bishop like a wise man ad­uised him to remooue into some other countrie, and to giue himselfe to fasting and praier, so to auoid his hands of that wicked spirit. The yoong man follow­ing the bishops counsell, within a few daies was de­liuered from further temptation.

About the same time also, there was in the coun­trie of Mar, a yoong gentlewoman of excellent beau­tie, and daughter vnto a noble man there, refusing sundrie wealthie mariages offered to hir by hir fa­ther, and other friends. At length she prooued with child, and being rigorouslie compelled by hir parents to tell who was the father, she confessed that a cer­teine yoong man vsed nightlie to come vnto hir, and kept hir companie, and sometimes in the day also, but how or from whence he came, or by what meanes he went awaie, she was not able to declare. Hir pa­rents not greatlie crediting hir woords, laid diligent watch, to vnderstand what he was that had defiled their house: and within thrée daies after, vpon signi­fication giuen by one of the maidens, that the forni­cat [...] was at that verie instant with their daughter, incontinentlie therevpon, making fast the doores, they enter the chamber with a great manie of tor­ches and lights, where they find in their daughters armes a foule monstrous thing, verie horrible to be­hold. Héere a number comming hastilie in, to behold this euill fauored sight, amongst other there was a priest of verie honest life, not ignorant (as was thought) in knowledge of holie scripture.

This priest (all other being afraid) and some of them running their waies, began to recite the begin­ning of Saint Iohns gospell, and comming to these woords, Verbum caro factum est, suddenlie the wic­ked spirit making a verie [...]ore and terrible roaring noise, fiue his waies, taking the roofe of the chamber awaie with him, the hangings and couerings of the bed being also burnt therewith. The gentlewoman was yet preserued, and within thrée or foure daies af­ter was deliuered of such a mishapen thing, as the like before had not béene seene, which the midwiues and women, such as were present at hir labor, to a­uoid the dishonor of hir house, immediatlie burnt in a great fire, made in the chamber for the same in­tent. ¶ Thus much out of Hector Boetius, which, with more, he hath written to prooue that all is not feined which is written of the illusions of diuels and euill spirits, the credit whereof I leaue with the author.

Now to returne where I left touching Aurelius Ambrose. Ye shall vnderstand, that he hauing once subdued and dispatched his aduersarie Uortigerne, determined to make warres against Hengist and Aurelius Ambrose pur­poseth to make warres a­gainst the Saxons. his Saxons, to prooue if his chance might be to reco­uer the realme out of their hands, and so to restore a­gaine the christian religion. But first yer he attemp­ted anie exploit against the enimies, he sent ambas­sadors both vnto Congall the Scotish king, and also vnto one Loth a towardlie yoong gentleman, and of Ambassadors sent vnto the Scots and Picts to re­quire their [...] against the Saxons. verie comelie personage, as then reigning among the Picts, requiring them both to aid him in so ne­cessarie an enterprise as he had in hand against the enimies of Christ and his religion. Wherevpon both these kings, weieng with themselues the dutie of all christian princes, in respect of the aduancement of [Page 98] the cause of faith, and suppressing of ethnike idolatrie, promised their helpe to the vttermost of their pow­ers The Scots and Picts promise to aid the Britains against the Saxons. The league renewed be­twixt Bri­tains, [...]ts, and Scots. against the Saxons, who had in such tyranlike sort subuerted and abolished the christian profession within the British confines. And therefore the old league, according to the articles and couenants a­fore time concluded betwixt the thrée nations, was once againe renewed, and an armie prepared by e­uerie of them, to meet at a place and day appointed, for the better expedition of this their attempted voi­age. 10

First Aurelius Ambrose, with such power as he brought with him foorth of France, & ioining there­vnto a great multitude of those Britains which had escaped the Saxons hands, either by withdrawing themselues into Wales, or else by conueieng them­selues into the countries of the Scots and Picts, set­teth forward toward the Scotish armie. But first cal­ling together those Britains that he had about him, and going vp to a little hill, where he might be heard 20 Aurelius Ambrose ma­keth an orati­on. of them all, he made a long oration by waie of com­plaint, of the great iniuries and cruell practises vsed by Hengist, against the linage of king Constantine, and the whole estate of the British common-wealth: also of the horrible persecution made by him and his people the Saxons, against the professors of the chri­stian religion. All which matter he handled in woords so pithilie, his talke yet sauoring of the Romane elo­quence, that the minds of the souldiers being kindled therewith, required nothing but battell, as men not 30 doubting but by his wise and politike conduct to at­chiue some glorious victorie. And to the end all thing might be doone in better order, according to his ap­pointment, immediatlie they proclamed him king. Aurelius Ambrose pro­clamed king of Britaine. Which was by account of the Scotish chronicles, in the yéere 498, after that Uortigerne with his sonne Uortimer had reigned 17 yéeres in the whole.

Aurelius in this wise being established king of Britaine passeth foorth with his people, and within six daies after met with the armies of the Scots and 40 Picts. Generall of the Scots at that time was one Conranus generall of the Scots. Conranus brother to king Congall, who was trou­bled with the gout, so that he could not come himselfe in person. Loth the Pictish king was there himselfe amongst his people, verie desirous to shew some Loth king of the Picts. proofe of his manlie prowesse and manhood. Aurelius Ambrose shewed all the honor that might be deuised, as well to the one as to the other of those two nati­ons, promising to requite them with as much friend­ship when time and occasion should craue the like as­sistance. 50 These three mightie armies therefore being thus assembled, marched foorth towards a place called Mahesbell, where they vnderstood that Hengist with his power as then did soiorne. Where when both the Mahesbell. camps were pitched, and one lieng not farre from the other: at the first certeine light skirmishes were procured by both parts betwixt the light horssemen, wherewith at length being the more prouoked to dis­pleasure, they come into the field with their whole maine battels, verie fiercelie incountring ech other, 60 so that (as it appéered) their force was not so great, The Albions and Saxons incounter in battell. but their mortall hate was euen as much, or rather more, if the histories saie right.

The Armorike Britains with a new kind of order in their fight, sore troubled the Saxons, in persing The Armo­rike Britains their battels, with their men arraied in certeine wards, broad behind and narrow before, wedgewise. The Scots also & Picts bare downe both the wings of the Saxons, in such manner, that the standards of all the three nations, Scots, Picts, and Britains, were at point almost to méet, hauing made waie therevnto through the middest of their enimies. Wherewith the Saxons (being sore discouraged) be­gan The Saxons discomfited. to giue backe; and finallie, notwithstanding all that Hengist could saie or doo to haue staied them, they fell to running awaie, and fled amaine, which when he throughlie saw, & perceiued that there was no recouerie, he himselfe (in manner the last man Sée more here of in England that abode) fled likewise his waies out of the field, with an ambushment of horssemen about him, but being pursued by Aurelius verie fiercelie, he was run through the bodie by him with a speare, and so was there slaine out of hand, in the 488 yéere of Hengist is slaine by Au­relius, as the Scotish chro­nicles say. Christ, and 40 after his comming into this Ile. How­beit the other of the Saxons conueied his sonne Oc­ca (being also sore wounded) awaie with them vp in­to the next mounteins, whither they fled for their re­fuge, leauing the dead bodie of his father Hengist in the field, to their high reproch, there to be spoiled and abused of his enimies.

Aurelius Ambrose hauing thus got the vpper hand Aurelius ha­steth foorth to London. of his enimies, hasted foorth with all spéed vnto Lon­don, where hauing both the citie and tower deliuered into his hands, he recouered the whole Iland from the possession of the Saxons: and such of them as were apt men, able to beare armor, and to serue in the warres, he commanded to depart foorth of the land. The other that were minded to tarrie behind their fellowes that were thus forced to depart, be­came subiects to the Britains, and couenanted to be­come christians. ¶ Thus much haue I written tou­ching Aurelius Ambrose, according to the report of the Scotish writers, but more héereof ye may read in the historie of England, where ye shall find this matter set foorth more at large. For that which we write héere, is but to shew in what sort the Scotish writers make relation of the warres which their na­tion had with the Saxons, when they began first to set foot héere in this land.

To our purpose then. In the meane time Aureli­us hauing thus recouered the land out of the Sax­ons hands, and now remaining at London, did all the honor he could imagine, both vnto Loth the Pic­tish king, and also vnto Conranus generall of the Scotishmen, acknowledging how that by their aid By support of Scots and Picts Aureli­us confesseth he got the vic­torie of the Saxons. The league betwixt Scots, Picts, and Britain [...] is renewed. chieflie he had got the vpper hand of his enimies, and so he willed to haue it notified amongst his subiects. Héereto he caused the league to be renewed betwixt the Scots, Picts, & Britains, the ancient ordinance for the countries beyond Humber, being appointed to remaine vnto the Scotishmen and Picts: also that the Saxons should be reputed common eni­mies to all the thrée nations, and that vpon inuasion made by anie forren power, the Scots, Picts, and Britains, should aid one another as occasion serued.

This league being concluded with these articles of couenants, was the more stronglie confirmed, by reason of such affinitie and aliance as then also insued. For whereas Aurelius had two sisters, the Anne the daughter of Aurelius gi­uen in mari­age vnto Loth king of Picts. Ada maried vnto Conra­nus. one named Anne, and the other Ada, virgins both; Anne being the elder, was giuen in mariage vnto king Loth, by whome certeine yeares after he had issue two sonnes, Mordred, and Walwan or Cal­wan, with a daughter called Thametes: Ada being the yoonger sister was maried vnto Conranus, ge­nerall (as is said) of the Scotish armie. Howbeit she liued not past two yeares after, but died in trauell of child, which also died with the mother: and so en­ded the aliance of Aurelius and Conranus. The Britains being deliuered through the victorie and means afore rehearsed from the cruell hands of the Saxons, inioied ioifull peace certeine yeares after, but in the meane time diuers of those Saxons which were licenced to remaine in Britaine, counterfei­ting to become christians, vsed neuerthelesse to make sacrifice vnto idols, according to the maner of the gentiles, whereof their priests being accused Diuers [...] ­ons idolaters are [...]urned. and condemned, suffered death by fire for that of­sense, [Page 99] accordinglie as the law did then appoint them. Whilest these things were thus in hand, Congall king of the Scots being worne with long sicknesse, The death of Congall. departed this life, and was buried in the Ile of Io­na, otherwise called Colmekill, with all kinglie pompe and accustomed ceremonies. He reigned o­uer the Scotishmen about 20 yeares in great fame and glorie.

AFter his deceasse, his brother Conranus with great reioising of all the Scotish nation was 10 Conra­nus. admitted K. in the yeare after the birth of our Saui­our 512, and the 22 of the reigne of the emperour Conranus created king of Scotland. 501. H. B. Anastasius. This Conranus otherwise called Go­ranus, being established king, first tooke order that the sonnes of his brother Congall being within age, should be brought vp in the Ile of Man, vnder the gouernance of certeine wise instructors & schoole­maisters, to be trained in learning and vertuous discipline, according to an ancient ordinance there­of made and enacted. Also doubting least peace and 20 quietnesse, now after long warres, should minister The earnest diligence of Conranus for mainte­nance of good orders among his subiects. matter to his people of raising some commotion, to the disturbance of all ciuill order & politike gouerne­ment within his realme, he rode as it had béene in circuit round about the same, making inquirie of all maner offendors, on whome he caused due pu­nishment to be executed, without respect either of kith or kin.

And amongest other enormities which he vnder­stood to be vsed in maner through all his countries, 30 this (as he thought) was most grieuous, that the husbandmen and other commons of the countrie, be­ing euill intreated and misused at the gentlemens hands, durst not complaine, nor procure anie redres; by reason whereof, when they were oppressed, or suffe­red anie maner of wrong or iniurie, they were with­out remedie to haue the same reformed; he ordeined A goodlie or­dinance deui­sed by Con­ranus for re­liefe of his commons. therefore, that the names of all such offendors, with the maner of their offenses, should be secretlie regi­stred in a booke euerie yeare, by certeine inquisi­tours 40 thereto chosen and appointed. And if it chanced that those which were thus accused, might after­wards be found guiltie before the kings iustices by matter plainelie prooued against them; they should then be sure to be punished according to the measure of their offenses.

This custome of accusations, commonlie called inditements, continueth euen vnto these our daies. Conranus himselfe (as is reported) vsed much to be The king pre­sent at assises. present at assises and sessions to sée the lawes duelie 50 ministred, either else to passe the time in hunting within some forrest or chase, néere to the place where the iustices sat. Now whilest Conranus king of Scots thus studied for the good gouernement of his Aurelius Ambrose fell sicke of a con­sumption. people, Aurelius Ambrose the king of Britaine fell sicke of a consumption, which brought him to such weakenesse, that all recouerie of health in him was despaired; whereof Occa and Pascentius sonnes to Occa and Pascentius returne into Britaine. Hengist being aduertised, returned with a mightie power of Saxons into Britaine, which (as Hector 60 Boetius saith) they named at that present Hengists land.

Uter the brother of Aurelius laie also at the same time sore sicke of a flix in the parties of Wales, so that to auoid dissention that was raised among the Britains, about the appointing of a generall to go a­gainst the enimies, Aurelius euen sicke as he was, caused himselfe to be caried forth in a litter; with whose presence his people were so incouraged, that incountring with the Saxons they wan the victorie, although with such losse on their side, that Aurelius was glad to take truce for the space of foure mo­neths, and therewith breaking vp his campe, went into Winchester, and sent ambassadours vnto the Scotish and Pictish kings for aid against the time when the truce should expire, which was granted, and so he prouided for all things readie for the warres a­gainst the appointed time of their assemblie. Occa also sent his brother Pascentius into Germanie for more aid, but as some write, he was driuen by con­trarie winds into Ireland, & getting a great power of men togither there, he came backe to his brother with the same. But whether he had those men out of Ireland or Germanie, sure it is that the power of the Saxons was greatlie increased therewith. In the meane time died Aurelius Ambrose, who Aurelius Ambrose de­parteth this life. was poisoned by a mischéefous moonke, a Saxon borne, named Eopa or Copa (as some bookes haue) that tooke vpon him to be skilfull in physicke, and a moonke by profession. His death was sore lamented of the Britains: but contrariwise, the Saxons re­ioised greatlie thereof, so that immediatlie after, Occa with his power inuadeth the Britains, vsing great crueltie in all places wheresoeuer he came.

In the meane time the Scotish and Pictish armies were come forward towards Aurelius, according to promise made vnto his ambassadours; but when his death was certeinelie knowen amongest them, the capteins and leaders of both those armies, resolued The Scotish armie returne home againe. to returne home againe, and so they did, for that they doubted in what state and order things should stand amongest the Britains now after the deceasse of their late king. After the death of Aurelius Am­brose, his brother Uter was made king of Britaine, and falling in loue with the wife of Gothlois duke of Cornewall, he did not onelie force hir to lie with him; but also to the end he might inioy hir the more fréelie, he ceassed not to pursue hir husband to rid him out of the waie, whome at length he tooke within a castell into the which he was fled, & foorthwith caused him to be executed, surmising mater against him, for that he had forsaken one of the capteins called Na­thaliod, in battell against the Saxons. By the wife of this Gothlois, Uter had issue the great Arthur, and because he had no legitimat sonne, he appointed that Arthur should succéed him in gouernement of the realme. Herewith Loth the Pictish king was Uter begat Arthur. not a little mooued, disdaining that Arthur being a bastard, and begot of another mans wife in adulte­rie, should be preferred before his sons the rightfull heires of the British kingdome: and therefore by ambassadours he did what he could to dissuade U­ter from making anie such ordinance. But when he saw that he could not remoue him from his opinion, he thought best to content himselfe with silence, till the time serued better for his purpose. At length when the wars were againe renewed betwixt Uter and Occa the Saxon king, Loth in reuenge of the iniurie doone to him and his children, ioined himselfe to the Saxons, and was with them at the battell, in which the Britains got the victorie by the presence of saint Germane that holie bishop of Auxer, as the Scotish writers make mention. Which battell as the same is set foorth by Hector Boetius, because it touched the state of the Picts, we haue thought good here to expresse.

It was therefore about the feast of Easter, when the armies came into the field, the Saxons with the Picts on the one side, & the Britains on the other, of whom no small number (being either growen to be idolaters through conuersation with the Saxons, either els infected with the heresie of the Pelagians) euen there in campe, by hearing such good sermons as saint Germane preached amongest them, were S. Germane. preacheth vn­to the campe. conuerted to the true beliefe, receiuing at the same time the sacrament of the Lords bodie, togither in companie with other of the faithfull christians. Fi­nallie when both parties were readie to giue battell, [Page 100] saint Germane tooke vpon him to haue the leading S. Germane leadeth the foreward. Their crie was Alleluia. of the foreward, wherein he had all the préests and ecclesiasticall ministers, giuing commandement, that when he should crie Alleluia, they should all an­swere him with one intire voice.

Thus procéed they foorth to the battell, saint Ger­mane S. Germane beareth the kings stan­dard. bearing the kings standard in the fore front, & vpon the approch to the enimies, he with the rest of the préests crieng with a lowd voice thrice togither Alleluia, was answered by all the whole host, vtte­ring 10 and crieng the same crie so wholie togither, that the verie sound thereof caused such an eccho on each side by reason of the hollow mounteines and cliffes hard by them, that the Saxons amazed at this doub­led noise, and doubting not onelie another power of The Saxons miraculouslie discomfited. their enimies to be hidden priuilie among the hilles which they saw on ech side of them, but also least the verie rocks & mounteins would haue fallen downe vpon their heads togither with the frame of the ele­ment, Hyperbole. readie (as it séemed to them) to breake in sun­der, 20 they tooke them to their féet in such dreadfull hast, that their breath was not able to suffice halfe the de­sire they had to continue their course. Manie of them made such hast, that running to the next riuer in hope to passe the same, were drowned therein. To conclude, all of them generallie threw away both weapon and armour, the more lightlie to make away. Thus through the policie of that blessed man saint Germane, the victorie remained with king Uter and his Britains, without anie bloudshed. 30

Saint Beda making mention of this battell, assig­neth the time to be at the first comming of S. Ger­mane Beda dissen­teth from Hector Boe­tius and his authour Ve­remond. into this land, where as Hector Boetius follow­ing Veremond, supposeth it to be at the second time of his comming hither, which was in the daies of king Uter. But at what time soeuer this victorie thus chanced, certeine it is, the Britains waxing proud thereof, nothing regarded the power of the Saxons, nor tooke anie héed for prouision of fur­ther defense; but after that those holie bishops Ger­mane 40 The Bri­tains giue themselues unto all kinds of vice and abhominati­ons. and Seuerus were returned into their coun­trie, they fell to all kinds of gluttonie and excesse, in following onelie their sensuall lusts and fleshlie concupiscence: which abuses, the bishops and other godlie men lamenting, ceassed not most earnestlie to reprooue, menacing destruction to the whole coun­trie, if the people leauing their wicked liuing and The threat­ning of ven­geance to suc­céed vicious liuing. most heinous offenses towards God, did not amend and repent in due time and space.

Neither were they deceiued herein: for within 50 few yeares after, Occa e [...]tsoones began to make warres vpon the Britains againe, and gaue them a notable ouerthrow, sleaing of them to the number of fiftéene thousand, with their generall Nathaliod. The Bri­tains receiue a great ouer­throw. But yet this victorie was not greatlie pleasant to the Saxons, for in the chase they lost their king the foresaid Occa, being aduanced a good way off from the residue of his armie, with fiue hundred horsse­men King Occa slaine. and a few footmen, in pursute of his enimies, which was the onelie cause that as then the Saxons 60 The yoonger Occa nephue to the former Occa by his brother Ois­cus. Loth contra­rie to his oth of credence aided the Bri­tains against the Saxons. Colgerne or Colgerme a Saxon is sent for by Occa. attempted no further exploit against the Britains. and yet for that they would not be without a gouer­nour, they created an other Occa to be their K. the nephue of the former Occa by his brother Oiscus. And then turned all their force to make warres a­gainst the Picts, for that Loth king of the Picts, contrarie to his oth of credence, had aided the Bri­tains in the last battell, as by certeine prisoners ta­ken in the same they had perfect vnderstanding.

Occa therfore being fierce of nature to the end to indamage his enimies the more, sent into Germa­nie for one Colgerme or Colgerne, a man of great estimation and birth amongest the Saxons, to come ouer with a power vnto him into England, promi­sing for recompense of his trauell and aid against the Picts, to deliuer vnto him all such lands as lay beyond the water of Humber, which might be reco­uered out of the hands of the Picts, to inioy vnto Colgerne lan­deth in Nor­thumberland. him and his for euer. Colgerne accepting the offer, landed shortlie after in Northumberland, putting the whole countrie vnto fire and sword. Which cruell dealing caused a great number of Scots & Picts, which held diuerse castels in that quarter, to come foorth into the field to defend the countrie, and ioi­ning battell with their enimies were discomfited, their slaughter being much increased by the com­ming of Occa at vnwares vpon them. For he first taking truce with Uter king of the Britains, hasted with all speed to ioine his power with Colgerne, af­ter he heard once that he was come on land. The king of Scots and Picts raise their power [...] to resist the Saxons.

These newes being brought by such as fled away into Galloway and Pictland, caused both the kings, Loth and Conranus in most speedie wise to assemble their forces, and with the same to march foorth with towards the Saxons: but being come within sight of them readie to giue battell, great was the feare and terror of both their hosts, to ioine in fight with such a number of fierce people, as they saw there be­fore their faces. Which feare arose first through the Britains, of whome no small number was there, in The Scots and Picts are put in feare of the Saxons valiancie. aid of the Scots and Picts against the Saxons, de­claring manie things of the great valure, strength of bodie, and huge forme of lims of the same Sax­ons, being so fierce and cruell in fight, as they alled­ged, that they were able to put their enimies to flight euen with their grim lookes and terrible counte­nances. Whereof such feare and terror was spread through both the whole armies, that if shame had not partlie wrought amongest the men of warre, manie of them would haue fled their waies before anie bat­tell had béene attempted at all.

The kings perceiuing such discomfiture amongst their men, caused them to assemble togither, and ap­pointed The kings cause one to make an ora­tion vnto their people to re­moue all fears out of their hearts. one such as was thought méet for the pur­pose, to declare vnto them on their behalfes, how they could not but maruell to vnderstand such feare & lacke of courage, as appeared generallie through both the armies, considering there was no cause thereof, they being such a number of able warri­ours throughlie appointed, and therewithall led by such gouernours and capteins, as there was no reason why to be doubtfull of victorie, before they had séene some triall and iust occasion of disaduantage. For as touching the Saxons, they were no such men but that they might be ouercome well inough, as it might sufficientlie appeare, both by proofe of such victories as Uortimer the British king had obteined against them; and also Aurelius Ambrose, who had vanquished them in such sort, that when they durst not estsoones incounter with him in battell, they found means by poison to make him awaie.

Then sith the Britains (whome the Scots & Picts so often had subdued) had at sundrie times vanqui­shed the Saxons, why should they feare in such wise to fight with them in common defense of their coun­trie, and reuenge of such iniuries as they had latelie receiued at their hands, sith the righteous God (as all good men ought to trust) is euer readie to aduance a righteous quarrell. And where it was bruted a­mongest them, that the Saxons were so huge of stature, and mightie of lims, that no force was able to withstand them, it was certeinelie knowen, that the Scots & Picts were indued with no lesse migh­tinesse and strength of bodie than the Saxons; so that if they were not of like stomachs, that rested in their owne slouthfull cowardize, & not in natures woorke, hauing doone hir part in bestowing hir gifts vpon them touching bodilie force, in such plentious ma­ner, [Page 101] as no other nation did lightlie anie waies sur­mount them.

Manie other arguments were alledged and laid foorth to remoue feare out of their hearts, and to in­courage them to fight, insomuch that in the end it appeared the same wrought the wished effect, in The Scots through com­fortable words of an or [...]on reco­ [...]er [...]. such wise, that they generallie required battell, of­fering to liue and die at their capteins féet, and to follow them whither soeuer it should please their kings and liege lords to appoint them. Herewith the 10 kings being satisfied, foorth they march towards their enimies; whome they found readie to receiue them, and that with such rigorous violence, that in the end, after great slaughter made on both parts, the Scots and Picts were put to flight, the Saxons pur­suing The Scots and Picts are put to [...]ight. in the chase till the darke night caused them to withdraw & returne into their campe. The next day following, the Scotish king with the residue of his armie hasted away with all spéed towards Gallo­way, and the Pictish king withdrew into Pictland. 20 The Saxons vsing the victorie most cruellie, [...]ue all such of the Pictish and Scotish nations as they met with, in all places betwixt Tine and Twéed. Then did Occ [...] create the forenamed Colgerme duke of Colgerme cre­ [...]ted duke of Northumber­land. Northumberland, who reparing all such castels and strong houses, as he thought expedient to haue kept, placed garrisons of souldiers in the same to de­fend the countrie against all maner of enimies. Af­ter this, Occa turned his power against the Bri­tains, which in the last battell had aided the Scots 30 and Picts, as before is partlie touched. The Bri­tains receiuing a great ouerthrow in battell, Uter the British king was glad with such as might escape The Bri­tains ouer­throwen in battell by the Saxons. Uter with­dra [...]th into wales. London reco­uered by the Saxons. the enimies hands, to withdraw into Wales, lea­uing the residue of his countries vnto the Saxons, who therevpon recouered not onelie the citie of London, yéelding it selfe vnto them for doubt of some long siege, but also all those countries and pro­uinces which Hengist the first of the Saxons that reigned as king within the bounds of Albion at a­nie 40 time, had holden or inioied, and ceassed not af­ter recouerie of the same, to ve [...]e and disquiet the Scots, Britains, and Picts, with continuall incur­sions, hoping by such means to kéepe them still occu­pied. In the midst of this trouble Uter K. of the Bri­tains departed this world, poisoned (as some haue The death of Uter poisoned by drinking water of a [...]. 521 written) by drinking water taken out of a fonteine which the Saxons had inu [...]nomed. He died in the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour 521, and in the eightéenth of his owne reigne. After his deceasse, 50 Loth king of the Picts sent his ambassadours vnto the lords, and other the states of the British domini­ons, Loth requi­reth the king­dome of Bri­taine. requiring them, according to the accustomed lawes and ancient ordinances of the realme, to re­ceiue him as king, sith he had maried the sister and heire of the two brethren Aurelius Ambrose, and U­ter, their two last kings, being as then both deceas­sed, without leauing behind them anie lawfull issue, by reason whereof their estate was fallen vnto him, to inioy the same during his life, hauing maried (as 60 is said) their owne naturall and lawfull borne sister, and after the deceasse of him and his wife the said sister, then it ought by course of the lawes of all realmes and countries to descend vnto such issue as he had begot of hir, which was two sonnes, the one named Mordred, and the other Ualuan, or Gawan, Mordred and Gawan. as some doo call him.

The Britains disdainfullie vsing the Pictish am­bassadours that came with this message, refused not The Bri­tains refuse to receiue ei­ther Loth or anie of his sonnes to reigne ou [...] the [...]. onelie to come vnder subiection of Loth, but also de­nied that his sonnes begot of his lawfull wife, the sister of Aurelius and Uter, should haue anie rule or gouernement amongest them, as those that were no Britains borne, but strangers vnto them, being both borne and vpbread in a forren countrie. Those ambassadours then hauing their answere, and be­ing sent home with reproch, the Britains contrarie Arthur pr [...] ­clamed king of Britaine. to the lawes of all nations, proclamed Arthur, being a bastard borne, king of their realme, and foorthwith assembling their powers vnder his leading, mar­ched on against the Saxons, in purpose to abate Arthur goeth foorth aga [...]st the Saxons. some part of their strength, before the Picts (which was doubted would shortlie come to passe) should ioine with them.

Therfore hauing procured aid of the Armor [...]ke Bri­tains forth of France, they fought with their enimies The Arm [...] ­rike Britains in aid of Arthur. within ten miles of London at the first, where the Saxons being at two seuerall times [...]anquished, were constreined not only to paie tribute, but also to The Saxons vanquished, are constrei­ned to pay tri­bute to the Britains. receiue magistrates to gouerne them by the said Ar­thurs appointment, with other grieuous articles of agréement, to the great reioising of the Britains, for these so luckie beginings in the first exploits of their late elected king. Afterwards was London [...] London is woon by the Britain [...]. woon by the Britains, wherin Arthur remaining for a season, tooke aduise with his nobles how to proceed [...] his warres against the rest of the Saxons. Finallie hauing prepared a mightie armie, he determineth to Arthur ra [...] ­seth [...] power against the Picts. go against those which [...]habited beyond Hu [...]der northwards, with whome (as he had certeine know­ledge) the Picts were ioined: for Loth comming to A league con­cluded be­twixt Loth & Colgerme. agréement with Colgerme, concluded a leage with him, whereby they were bound to aid one another a­gainst the Britains, as common enimies and ad­uersaries to them both.

The Britains at their comming into Yorkeshire pitched their campe not farre off from their enimies, who were alreadie ioined togither and incamped a­broad in the field. The next day after, knowledge be­ing had that they should haue battell, Arthur appoin­ted Howell leader of the Armorike Britains to in­counter Ho [...]ell leader of the Armo­rike Britains with the battell of the Picts, and he himselfe to match with the Saxons. Thus they met togither on both parts verie fiercelie, and a sore battell was fought there betwixt them, so that for a good space it was doubtfull whether part should haue the aduan­tage of the day, but at length the Picts were put to flight, which aduanced the Britains to the gaine of The Picts put to flight. the whole field. For the Saxons, after they perceiued how the Picts were discomsited, dreading to abide The Saxons chased, made their race to­wards yorke. the whole brunt by themselues, betooke them also to their héeles, and made their race towards Yorke, as fast as their feet might beare them.

Arthur pursuing them thither, besieged the citie york besieged. almost three moneths togither, but the Saxons de­fended the walles so stoutlie, making often issues foorth vpon the Britains, that till hunger began to constreine them, they cared little for the siege. In the end, when they were determined to haue yéelded vp the citie, they had knowledge, how there was an huge armie of Picts and Saxons newlie assembled, and readie to come forward to their succors; also that king Occa (escaping from the battell wherein he had receiued the ouerthrow at Arthurs hands, and flée­ing afterward into Germanie) was now returned with a new power, and arriued within the mouth of Humber. Which newes caused them to deferre all Occa retur­neth out of Germanie with a new power. communication, in hope that if they might abide the siege but for a small time, the Britains should short­lie be compassed in on each side, and oppressed on the sudden.

Arthur heard of the comming of their succours in like maner, and iudging it no wisedome to tari [...] the comming of his so puissant enimies, considering what a number of diseased and sicke persons he had alreadie in his host, by reason of their lieng abroad Arthur r [...] ­seth his siege. in the field, raised his siege, and withdrew himselfe so spéedilie as was possible with his whole armie into [Page 102] Wales, where he appointed the Armorike Britains to soiorne for that winter, with other of the meaner sort of his owne souldiers: whilest he tooke the resi­due of his chosen bands, and went to London, there Arthur retur­neth to Lon­don. to prouide that no rebellion should be raised among the Saxons of Kent, or other of the countries neers about. In the beginning of the next spring, he ga­thered his host togither againe, and with the same went foorth against Colgerme and Occa, who being issued foorth of Northumberland, were entered into 10 the British confines, spoiling and wasting the coun­trie with their accustomed crueltie.

Wherevpon incountering them twise in battell, Arthur dis­comfiteth the Saxons twise in battel & then againe laieth siege to yorke and winneth it. he obteined the victorie, and then besieging Yorke, at length he entered into that citie, by meanes of a Britaine, who dwelling amongst the Saxons there, in the night season conueied a sort of Britains into the citie, the which breaking open the gates in the dead of the night, did let in all the whole host. Where Arthur would not suffer his men to make any great 20 murther of the enimies, which were content to yéeld themselues, but vsed them very gently, therby to win Arthur vseth the victo [...]e with gentle­nesse. more praise amongst all those that heard of his woor­thie victories. The Britains hauing thus conquered the citie of Yorke, manie feats of armes were dai­lie practised betwixt them and the Saxons, which held possession still of the countrie thereabouts. But the Britains lieng in that citie all the summer and win­ter The Bri­tains soiour­ning for the winter time within yorke, giue thēselues vnto banket­ting & volup­tuousnesse. following, at length began to take their ease, namelie in the depth of winter, and therewith gaue 30 themselues to banketting, drinking, plaie, and other kinds of voluptuous pleasures, so that it seemed they trusted more to their passed victories, than to their present force, not fearing such dangers as was like to follow.

It is thought of some, that about the same time, Arthur first instituted, that the seast of Christmasse should be kept with such excesse of meats and drinks, in all kinds of inordinate banketting and reuell for the space of thirteene daies togither, according to 40 the custome vsed still through both the realmes of England and Scotland euen vnto this day, resem­bling the feasts which the gentiles vsed to kéepe in the honor of their drunken god Bacchus, called in Latin Bacchanalia: wherein all kinds of beastlie lust and Christmasse bankets re­sembling the feasts Bac­chanalia. sensuall voluptuousnes was put in vre. But whence soeuer, or by whome soeuer this insatiable gourman­dise came vp amongst vs, suerlie a great abuse it is, to see the people at such a solemne feast, where they ought to be occupied in thanks giuing to almightie 50 God, for the sending downe of his onelie begotten sonne amongst vs, to giue themselues in manner wholie to gluttonie, and excessiue filling of their bel­lies, with such maner of lewd and wanton pastimes, as though they should rather celebrate the same feasts of Bacchanalia, and those other which the gen­tiles also kept, called Floralia, and Priapalia, than the remembrance of Christs natiuitie, who abhorreth all maner of such excesse.

But now to my purpose. When the next sum­mer 60 was once come, Arthur led foorth his Britains against their enimies, but by reason of such ease and pleasure as they had taken whilest they soiourned in Yorke, being now come into the field, they were able The Bri­tains through rest and ease became vnapt to susteine the paines of warres. A league con­cluded be­twixt Arthur king of Bri­tains, & Loth king of Picts. to abide no paines, so that no good was doone of cer­teine yéers after, till finallie Arthur ioined in league with Loth king of the Picts. The conditions of which league were these. That Arthur during his naturall life should reigne as king of the Britains, and after his decease, the kingdome to remaine vnto Mordred and his issue, if he chanced to haue anie. That the Picts should aid the Britains against the Saxons, and haue all such land as might be recouered of them beyond Humber. Also the league which was betwixt them and the Scots, they should dulie obsurue. Mor­dred should marrie the daughter of Gawolan a no­ble Mordred ma­r [...]h the daughter of one Gawolan a Britaine. man amongst the Britains, and of highest autho­ritie next vnto Arthur himselfe: the children of this marriage to be brought vp with their grandfather in Britaine, till they came to yeeres of discretion. Gawan the brother of the foresaid Mordred, should Gawan or Gawen in ser­uice with [...]. Arthur. serue king Arthur, and receiue at his hands large interteinment, and great possessions to mainteine therewith his estate.

Other articles there were comprised in this league, according as was thought requisite for the mainte­nance of stable friendship betwixt these kings and their nations. So that Arthur hauing concluded this league, and still being desirous to purge the whole Ile of all miscreants and enimies of the christian faith, he sent vnto the Scotish and Pictish kings, re­quiring Arthur sen­deth ambassa­dors vnto the kings of Scots and Picts. them on the behalfe of that dutie which they owght vnto the aduancement of Christs religion, to assemble their powers, & to méet him at Tinmouth, whither he would repaire to ioine with them, at such day as they would appoint, from thence to march foorth against the Saxons.

Loth king of the Picts, and Conranus king of the Scotishmen, failed not in this so necessarie an enter­prise, Scots, Picts and Britains ioine togither against the Saxons. but agréeable to Arthurs request, within few daies after they came forward, and ioining with the Britains, forth they went against the Saxons, whom they vnderstood to be alreadie in campe, vnder the conduct of their king Occa, in purpose to stop their passage. When both the armies were approched néere togither, they prepared to the battell, and first Col­germe duke of Northumberland mounting vpon a light gelding, rode almost euen hard to the face of the Picts, where they stood in their order of battell right stoutlie, and there vttering manie reprochfull Colgerme re­proueth Loth. words vnto Loth, and other of his nobles, for breach of their promised friendship to him and his Saxons. declared that he trusted shortlie to see iust punish­ment light vpon them for this falshood and vntruths sake, in thus ioining with their former enimies a­gainst their most trustie friends and stedfast alies.

The Pictish king not greatlie mooued héerewith, commanded his standards to aduance forward, and the Saxons likewise hasted apace towards them, so that the one being come within danger of shot of the other, the Picts let flie their arrowes verie freshlie. Arthur in the meane time hauing set his people in a­raie, exhorted them to fight manfullie: and so soone as he perceiued that the fraie was begun by the Picts, he in semblable wise cōmandeth the Britains to giue the onset, so that immediatlie there insued a sore conflict, the Scots being in the right wing, & slea­ing Cheldrike one of the chiefest capteins amongst the Saxons, quicklie discomfited that wing with the which they were first matched. Colgerme with his Saxons incountring (as is said) with the Picts, pla­ced in the left wing, rushed in amongst his enimies (vpon an earnest desire to be reuenged of his aduer­sarie king Loth) with such violence, that at their first incounter he ouerthrew the same Loth: but imme­diatlie Colgerme is run through by his aduer­saries. therevpon two Pictish horssemen running at Colgerme sidelingwise, bare him quite through.

In the meane time, Loth by meane of his strong habergion escaping without hurt, was relieued by such as stood about him, and restored againe to his companie: but Colgerme being dead before he could be recouered from amongst the throng of his eni­mies, his men were so discomforted therewith, that streightwaies therevpon they fell to running away. The Saxons are put to flight. The maine battell of the Saxons being thus left bare on both sides, began to giue backe, which Arthur perceiuing, the more earnestlie preassed foorth vpon them, so that in the end Occa being constreined to [Page 103] flée, and receiuing a sore wound, had much adoo to be Occa con­streined to flée. conueied awaie by some of his horssemen, the Bri­tains pursued so fiercelie vpon him. At length being brought vnto the sea side, he got vessels, and escaped ouer into Germanie. This victorie being thus atchi­ued, constreined the Saxons to yéeld vnto king Ar­thur, Upon what condition Ar­thur receiueth the Saxons vpon their submission. simplie submitting themselues vnto his mercie, who of his clemencie was contented to pardon them of life and goods, vpon condition they would become christians, and from thencefoorth neuer after to make 10 anie warres vpon their neighbors the Britains; Scots, or Picts. But if they would not agree heere­vnto, then leauing their goods, armor, and weapon behind them, they should auoid the land, & that within 13 daies next insuing.

Manie of the Saxons that could get passage, fai­led ouer into Germanie. Other feining themselues to become christians, remained in the land, looking one day for better hap & fortune. Diuerse that were not able by meanes of pouertie to get awaie within 20 the time appointed, and yet refusing to be christened, were put to death, according to the proclamation set foorth for the same purpose, so that in comparison ve­rie few amongst them receiued the christian faith sincerelie, and with a true meaning mind. Things be­ing thus quieted in Northumberland, Arthur tooke order for the reparing of churches abroad in the countrie, which the Saxons had ouerthrowne or de­faced; Arthur caused churches to be repared. & namelie in the citie of Yorke he bestowed great cost, where the cruell infidels had doone much 30 hurt vpon churches, and other religious houses.

In the yéere following, Arthur had newes how the Saxons which held the Ile of Wight, ioining with the Kentish Saxons, had doone great displeasures vnto the Britains, on that side of the Thames, kil­ling & sleaing an huge number of them with great crueltie, wherewith being sore mooued, he drew to­wards London with his armie, purposing vtterlie to Arthur pur­poseth to de­stroie the whole race of the Saxons in Albion. destroie all the east & south Saxons, since otherwise he could not prouide for the suertie of his subiects, be­ing 40 still in danger to be murthered and robbed, so long as anie of that wicked generation of the Sax­ons remained heere amongst them.

By meanes also of the league, he had with him in this iournie ten thousand Picts, & as manie Scots: Eugenius nephue to king Conran by his brother Congall being generall ouer the Scots, and Mor­dred The opinion which men had conceiued o [...] Mordred for his wit & towardlinesse. the sonne of king Loth by his wife Anne, go­uerning the Picts, a lustie yoong gentleman, verie wittie and towardlie in all his dooings. Further­more, 50 Arthur vnderstanding what hurt rest and ease had doone amongst his men of warre, caused them to keepe the field in all this iournie, and passing by Lon­don, lodged them a little beside the riuer of Thames. But he himselfe with some of his nobles, entred in­to the citie, causing supplications to be made vnto almightie God thrée daies together, for good successe to follow against the Saxons. On the fourth day hearing diuine seruice celebrated by the bishop of London, and causing a sermon to be made in the 60 market place, he committed himselfe and his whole armie vnto the tuition of Christ, and his mother the Arthurs badge. virgine, whose image in stéed of a badge he bare in his shield continuallie from that day forward, as di­uerse héeretofore haue written. After this, issuing foorth of the citie, he willed all his men to be of good comfort, as they that fought in a iust quarell against Arthurs ex­hortation to his people. Pagans, and enimies of the faith. Mordred and his father in law Gawolane passed on before the battels with fiue thousand horssemen, and being come with­in fiue miles of the Saxons, who likewise were as­sembled in campe, there came from them vnto Ar­thur ambassadors, requiring him to staie his iour­nie, An offer made by the Sax­ons vnto king Arthur. for they were readie (if they might haue libertie so to doo) to depart out of the land with their goods and substance, without further molesting the Britains, either by one meanes or other.

Arthur would neither consent heerevnto, nor yet grant a truce for thrée daies, [...]or the which they made earnest sute, but bad them depart for that time, one­lie assuring them that he would not come passing two miles forwards for that day, so that if they thought good, they might returne to him in the mor­ning, and haue answer what the chiefest gouernors of his host thought touching their request, by whome he would haue the matter more throughlie debated. In the meane time, whilest the Britains were busied with hearing of these ambassadors, and taking ad­uise what was best to doo touching their demand, the Saxons marched foorth with all spéed, and comming vpon Mordred and Gawolan at vnwares, they gaue The Saxons comming vp­on Mordred and Gawolan put them with their people to the woorse. the onset freshlie vpon them, and that verie much to the disaduantage of the Britains and Picts, who not­withstanding, through the earnest exhortation of their capteins, receiued their enimies verie fiercelie, in dooing that which was possible for so small a num­ber to doo, howbeit in the end oppressed with multi­tude, they were forced to flée, and so did, not res [...]ng till they came in sight of the whole armie. In which flight, Mordred and Gawolan by helpe of their soul­diers, being mounted vpon their horsses, escaped without hurt, though they lost no small number of their companie, as well in the fight as in the chase.

The Saxons ambassadors being not yet departed out of the British campe, were héerevpon staied till the next morning, and then had answer giuen them, What answer the Saxons ambassadors had at Ar­thurs hands. that from thencefoorth the Britains were not minded to heare anie messengers of the Saxons comming to intreat of peace, since it was manifest enough, they ment nothing but falshood, as well appéered in that they had against the law of armes, whilest their ambassadors were in communication, distressed part of the British armie, and therefore they should assure themselues, to haue at Arthurs hands nothing but cruell war to the vttermost of his power, in re­uenge of such their great vntruths and cloked dea­lings. They had scarse receiued their answer, but that there came from the Saxons fortie other ambassa­dors, being men of great authoritie amongst them, to excuse that which had happened ouer night, in lai­eng the fault vpon a sort of vndiscréet persons, no­thing The excuse of the Saxons. priuie vnto that which the gouernors of the ar­mie had doone, touching the sending of their ambas­sadors, and therevpon had without their aduise made that skirmish.

But Arthur iudging that there was some new subtill practise in hand, vnder pretense of this new ambassage, commanded as well these that came last, as the other which came first, to be kept in the mar­shals tent, that in no wise they should escape, whilest he himselfe in the second watch of the night departed out of his campe, with all his puissance, which he di­uided into thrée battels, and hauing marched thrée The sudden inuasion made by the Bri­tains vpon the Saxons. miles forward, he was vpon his enimies yer they vnderstood anie thing of his comming, insomuch that the Britains had slaine and chased the watch of the Saxons campe, before it was certeinlie knowne what the matter ment. Héereof also insued such a tu­mult The great tu­mult in the Saxons campe. and noise amongst the Saxons, running vp and downe, calling and crieng one to another, as it happeneth in such cases of extreme feare, that the best aduised amongest them wist not well what to doo. Wherevpon Mordred desirous to reuenge his last o­uerthrowe, Mordred de­sirous to be re­uenged. brake in also vpon his enimies verie [...]ercelie.

But some of them hauing gotten them into their armor, stood at their defense awhile amongst their carts and carriages, and so resisted the Britains on [Page 104] that side for a season: other of the Saxons hauing no leasure to arme themselues, nor to draw into anie or­der of battell, by reason of the sudden impression of the Britains, brake foorth of the campe on the contra­rie side, & fled so fast as their féet might beare them. The Saxons are put to the flight. But being pursued by the British horssemen, [...]d beaten downe, a great number of them ran into the next riuer, and there were drowned, choosing rather that kind of death, than so cruellie to be murthered by the aduersaries hands: verelie the Britains shewed 10 The crueltie of the Bri­tains in slea­ing the Sax­ons. no mercie that day, for so manie as came within their danger, died without redemption. And this bloudie battell made an end of such an huge num­ber of Saxons, that it was thought they should ne­uer haue recouered againe anie puissance able to haue indamaged the Britains in anie manner of wise.

Arthur hauing thus vanquished his enimies, gaue licence vnto those nobles which he had deteined (as is said) in his campe, being sent vnto him as ambas­sadors, 20 to depart ouer into Germanie, appointing the residue of such Saxons as were men of no de­fense, to remaine still in the land, yéelding a yéerelie tribute vnto the Britains, and also with condition that they should become christians. The Scotishmen and Picts which had aided the Britains in this iour­nie, soiorned a while after at London, where Arthur feasted & banketted them in most roiall wise, shew­ing them all the honor that might be deuised, and af­terwards Arthurs mu­ni [...]cence. sent them home verie princelie rewarded 30 with manie great gifts and rich presents. Whilest such businesse as ye haue heard was thus in hand be­twixt the Saxons & Britains, the estate of the Sco­tish common-wealth was gouerned by great wise­dome and policie, without anie notable trouble or disorder. But finallie, when king Conrane began to waxaged, and that such as had the chiefe dooings vn­der him, sought not the execution of iustice, but their owne commodities, to the hinderance of a multi­tude, the people began to repine thereat, and to prac­tise 40 a conspiracie with diuerse of the nobles against Conrane, and those which ruled by his appointment. A conspiracie practised a­gainst Con­rane.

It chanced that there was one Toncet, a man of base birth, assigned by the kings commission to be chiefe iustice, or as it were chancelor for the admini­stration of the lawes in Murrey land, a person pas­sing full of rigorous crueltie, especiallie in iudge­ments of life and death, and in gathering vp of all manner of forfeitures of penall lawes, which he did onelie to purchase fauor of the king, by the inriching 50 of his coffers, in respect whereof he had small regard An euill offi­cer. either of right or wrong, so that there were hope of somewhat to be gotten. Amongest other the violent dooings of this Toncet, he caused diuerse merchant­men of the towne of Fores in Murrey land (as then the chiefest towne of all that countrie) to be accused of treason by a light information, and in the end ex­ecuted without anie apparant matter, onelie vpon a couetous desire to haue their goods and riches, bicause they were men of great wealth and substance. Di­uerse 60 noble men of the countrie there abouts, and namelie of the towne of Fores, being partlie of kin vnto those merchants, were sore offended with this act, and héerevpon they first came vnto Toncet, and reuiled him with manie high reprochfull woords, and afterwards fell vpon him in the place of open iudge­ment [...] presumptu­ous act. where he sat as then in his iudgement seate, & there murthered him, getting them foorthwith vp in­to the mounteins, to auoid the danger which they knew vnpossible for them to escape, if they should happen to be taken while Conrane should be liuing.

After this, they deuised how they might increase their heinous déed and bold enterprise with an other The determi­nation of the [...] to dispatch the king also. farre more horrible and notable, which was to s [...]ea the king himselfe, as the originall cause of all such mischiefe that then reigned in the realme through the vnwoorthie gouernment of his vniust ministers and couetous magistrats, hoping withall to obteine th [...] fauor of some of the noble men, whome they knew to maligne the king and his councell most extrem [...]lie, and thereby in short time to be assured of their par­don. Shortlie after it chanced that one Donald also Donald go­uerner of A­thol conspi­reth with th [...] outlawes to murther the king. gouernor of Atholl, a man in great fauor and trust with the king, had vnderstanding what these out­lawes intended, and therevpon practised with them by priuie messengers, that they should come in secret manner vnto Enuerlochtée, where the king so [...]orned, promising them by most assured meanes of oths and vowes, that they should haue all the furtherance he could deuise towards the atchiuing of their enter­prise.

Héerevpon these outlawes, according to their in­structions, came in secret wise vnto Enuerlochtée, The outlaws enter into the kings bed­chamber. and were closelie conueied into Conrans bedcham­ber by Donalds meanes, who as though he had knowne nothing of the matter, got himselfe quicke­lie out of the waie when he saw them once entered within the doore of the chamber. Conrane the king perceiuing how he was betraied, and that his eni­mies were got into his chamber readie to murther him, stept foorth of his bed, and falling downe vpon his knées besought them to take pitie of his age, and not to de [...]ile their hands in the bloud of their naturall lord and king, considering the fault was not his, if they had béene anie waies wronged. Howbeit they Conrane is murthered within his bedchamber by traitoro [...] meanes. 35. H. B. 20. H. B. 535. H. B. doubting nothing but least he should escape their hands, streightwaies dispatched him out of life, and withall made haste awaie. This was the end of king Conranus, in the 20 yéere of his reigne, being the 16 of Arthurs dominion ouer the Britains, the fi [...] of the emperor Iustinianus, and in the yeere after the birth of our Sauior 531. But his corps was bu­ried in the abbeie of Iona, otherwise called Colme­kill, with such funerall pompe and exequies, as in those daies were vsed.

AFter him succéeded his nephue Eugenius, the Eugenius. Eugenius is inuested king of Scotland. sonne of his brother Congall, the which Euge­nius (as aboue is said) was with Arthur in the last mentioned iournie against the Saxons. There were that counselled him in the beginning of his reigne (which he began in Argile, being placed there vpon the chaire of marble) that he should sée in anie wise the authors of his vncles death dulie punished, to the Regicid [...]s or kingque [...]ers ought chieflie aboue all other to be punished. Eugenius is suspected of his predeces­sors death. example of others, that they should not attempt the like héereafter against their liege lord and crowned king: but he contrariwise did not onelie forgiue the offense, but also receiued the forenamed Donald with other the murtheres into his seruice, and made them of his priuie councell, which caused manie men to suspect, least he himselfe had béene of councell with them in committing that murther. The talke whereof was so common in all mens mouths, name­lie amongst the common people, that the queene The queene Dowager fled with hir two sonnes into Ireland. Dowager late wise to king Conrane, doubting not onelie the suertie of hir owne life, but also of hir two sons (which she had by the said Conrane, the one na­med Reginan, and the other Aidan) fled with them ouer into Ireland, where within few yeeres after, she died with the one of hir sonnes, that is to say, Regi­nan: the other Aidan was honorablie brought vp by the king of that countrie, according to his birth and degrée.

Eugenius in the beginning of his reigne, to win thereby the peoples fauor, demeaned himselfe most gentlie in all his procéedings, dooing nothing that [...] in anie part of crueltie. He would oftentimes The humani­tie and fauo [...] ­rable [...] [...] of king Eugenius to­wards his people. sit amongst the iudges himselfe, and if he suspected least anie man had wrong, he would licence them to [Page 105] plead their case anew. And such as he perceiued were not of abilitie to follow their sute in anie cause of right, he would helpe them with monie of the com­mon treasurie. He ordeined also, that no orphane should be compelled to answer anie action, or other­wise be vexed by sute of law. Moreouer, that no wi­dow Commenda­ble ordinan­ces. should be constreined to come past a mile foorth of hir owne doores for anie matter in controuersie betwixt hir and anie other person, to be heard a [...]ore a­nie iudges or publike officers. Robbers, théeues, and 10 their receiuers he caused to be dulie punished, to re­fraine other from attempting the like offenses. And also he had a speciall regard for the obseruing of the league betwixt his subiects and the Picts, with the Britains, according to the tenor of the same.

About this season should it be also that Arthur did atchiue all those woorthie victories, which are ascribed The victori­ous conquests ascribed to Arthur. vnto him against the Scots, Irishmen, Danes, Norwegians, and other northerne people. Moreouer it is written by some authors, that he should subdue 20 the most part of Germanie with the low countries, Britaine, Normandie, France, and the Romans, with the people of the cast: but the credit héereof re­steth with the same authors. Onelie it is certeine (as Hector Boetius affirmeth) that Arthur liued in the daies of Iustinianus the emperor, about which time This causeth no small doubt to arise of the great victories ascribed vnto Arthur. the Gotthes, Uandals, Burgonions, & Frenchmen did inuade sundrie parts of the Romane empire, pi­tifullie wasting and spoiling the same, where yet such writers as haue set foorth those warres, make no mention of Arthur at all. ¶ Therefore letting all 30 doubtfull things passe, I will procéed with mine au­thor, and declare what he hath found written in such Scotish chronicles as he followeth touching the Bri­tish Arthur, which for that it partlie varieth from the other our common chronicles, namelie Geffrey of Geffrey of Monmouth. Monmouth, I thinke it woorthie to be noted héere, to the end that euerie man maie iudge thereof as to him séemeth best.

To the purpose then. After that the Britains were 40 deliuered from the terror of the Saxons, and that The Bri­tains repent themselues of the league concluded with the Picts. The request of the Bri­tains to haue one of their owne nat [...]on appointed to succéed king Arthur. with quietnesse they began to wax wealthie, they re­pented them of the league, which they had concluded afore with Loth king of the Picts, speciallie for that they could not in anie wise be contented to haue a­nie stranger to reigne amongst them, and héerevpon comming vnto Arthur, required of him, sith he him­selfe had no issue to succéed him, that it might please him yet, to name one of his owne nation to gouerne them after his deceasse. Arthur not gainsaieng their 50 request, willed them (sith their pleasure was such, in no wise to haue a stranger to reigne ouer them) to name one themselues, being descended of the bloud roiall, and such a one as in whome they had perceiued some towardlie proofe of wisedome and valiancie: and he for his part promised to ratifie their election. The nobles with great reioising of the people draw­ing together to consult for the choise of such a one, as might be acceptable to all the British nation, at length agréed vpon Constantinus, the sonne of Ca­dore 60 duke of Cornwall, a goodlie yoong gentleman, both for his person and other his woorthie qualities much to be commended. Who being brought by the péeres of the realme into the councell chamber, and there presented vnto king Arthur, as one most mée­test to succeed him; Arthur accepted their election ve­rie gladlie, and caused the same Constantine foorth­with to be proclamed heire apparant to the crowne, Constantine proclamed heire appa­rant & prince o [...] Britaine. by the name of prince of Britaine, which notified him to be successor to the king in gouernement of the realme. Constantine being in such wise preferred, behaued himselfe so honorablie, and with such a shew of gentle demeanor, that he wan him much praise, with an opinion of high woorthinesse amongst all the British nation.

In this meane time was Loth the king of the Loth [...]an ta­keth the name of Loth the P [...]tish king. Picts deceassed, leauing his name as a perpetuall memorie vnto his countrie of Pictland, the which e­uer since as a remembrance of his woorthinesse, hath béene called Lothian, or Louthian; but his sonne Mordred suc­c [...] deth Loth in the king­dome of Pict­land. Mordred, succéeding him in gouernement of the Pic­tish kingdome, and hearing that Constantine was proclamed heire apparant of Britaine, was sore mo­ued therewith, and immediatlie sending his ambas­sadours vnto king Arthur, complained, for that Mordre [...] complaineth vnto king Ar­thur, for that Constantine was created his heire ap­parant. contrarie to the honor of his kinglie estate, he had broken the league concluded betwixt him and his fa­ther late of famous memorie king Loth, wherein it was agréed amongest other things, that there should none succéed in the kingdome of Britaine, after Arthurs deceasse, but the children begot betwixt [...]. Loth and his wife quéene Anne, or such as descen­ded of them; where contrariwise it was notified vn­to the Pictish people, that Const anti ne thesonne of Cadore was elected prince, and thereby [...]abled as heire apparant to the crowne.

They required him therefore to call himselfe to remembrance, and not so lightlie to agrée vnto the flattering persuasions of the Britains, aduising him vnto that thing which was méerelie repugnant to reason, and against both gods lawes and mans, admonishing him withall to obserue the league, ac­cording to the oth, which he had solemnelie taken v­pon him, and to mooue his subiects to doo the like, least for the contrarie, they should prouoke the wrath of almightie God against them, who is the iust re­uenger of all such as go about to breake leagues The answere made to the Pictish am­bassadours. and couenanted pactions. Herevnto answere was made by consent of the nobles of Britaine, that the league which was concluded betwixt Arthur and Loth, indured but for the life times of them two one­lie, and to ceasse by either of their deaths: therefore Arthur had doone nothing contrarie to anie pact or promise made, but according to the duetie of a prince that tendered the weale of his subiects, had prouided them one to succeed him of their owne na­tion, for doubt least the realme after his deceasse should fall into the hands of strangers, which in no wise ought of right to be suffered. Therefore if the Picts loued the suertie of their owne estate, it should be good for them to hold themselues contented with their owne bounds, least if they sought for other mens liuings, they might happilie within short time perceiue, what dooth insue o [...]entimes vpon such rash and vnaduised attempts.

The Pictish ambassadors returning home with this The Picts purpose to be reuenged on the Britains by open war. answer, caused the whole nation to take such dis [...]aine therewith, that immediatlie they resolued to re­uenge their wrongs by open warres; but first they thought good to trie if they might procure the Sco­tishmen to take part with them, in reuenge of such The Picts solicit both Scots and Saxons to make warre vpon the Bri­tains. iniuries as they had in like maner latelie receiued at the Britains hands. Moreouer, repenting them­selues, that they had in times past aided the Bri­tains against the Saxons, they purpose to trie if they might now mooue the same Saxons [...]tsoones to make warres vpon the Britains, thereby to be the better able to mainteine their owne quarrell against them. First, such ambassadours as were sent from Mordred vnto Eugenius king of the Scots, found Eugenius the Scotish king agréeable to the request of the Picts. him verie agreeable vnto their requests, and the soo­ner, for that such Scotish rebels as fled vnto Ar­thur, were not onelie receiued by him, but also main­teined to make rodes and incursions into the Sco­tish borders.

Arthur hauing knowledge of the deuises of his enimies (the warres being first proclamed) he fur­nished all the sea-coasts with notable numbers of [Page 106] men, to withstand the landing of the Saxons, if they Arthur setteth forward toward the Scots and Picts. Humber a fa­tall place for the Britains to be vanqui­shed in. should fortune to attempt anie inuasion. That doone, he passed foorth with the residue of his people to­wards the Scots & Picts, who were alreadie assem­bled in campe, and were come as farre as the riuer of Humber, néere to the bankes whereof they had pitched their tents, as in a place fatall for the Bri­tains to be vanquished in. Both the armies being brought here into order of battell, the one in sight of the other, there were certeine bishops of those thrée 10 Bishops tra­uell betwixt the parties to bring them to communica­tion for a peace. nations that tooke great pains to ride to and fro be­twixt them, to exhort the kings vnto peace and con­cord, considering what mischiefe and great bloud­shed should insue, if vpon wilfullnesse they would séeke to trie that by dint of sword, which they might make an end of by means of amiable treatie and friendlie agréement. Againe, they could not doo the thing that might more content the Saxons, com­mon enimies to christian religion, than if by their incountring togither in battell, they should so infée­ble 20 their whole powers, whereby the Saxons might haue readie means and occasion offered to execute their gréedie desires to conquere the whole Ile. Mor­dred and Eugenius were persuaded by this earnest Mordred and Eugenius were persua­ded vnto peace. trauell of the bishops, to put their matter in com­promise, and to lay away their armour and weapon, if they might haue assurance that the league made with king Loth should in euerie point be obserued. Arthur likewise at the sute of the same bishops, would haue béene contented for his part to haue a­gréed herevnto; but other of the Britains, namelie 30 those that were of kin and aliance vnto Constan­tine The Bri­tains would not consent to haue anie peace talked vpon. their prince, could in no wise be persuaded therevnto; but rather with manie reprochfull words rebuked the bishops for their vntimelie sute, seeing the enimies readie ranged in battell at point to giue the onset, so that (as they alledged) it might be doub­ted what they meant by their motion, vnlesse they went about to betraie the armie, vnder pretense of a cloked treatie for an vnprofitable agréement. 40 These or such like words were vnneth ended, when The battell is begun. suddenlie the noise being raised on both sides; the battels rushed togither right fiercelie. The Bri­tains had the disaduantage of the place, being so in­cumbred with mires, bogs, and mosses, that they could not well aid themselues, nor handle their wea­pons to anie purpose. Yet did the battell continue A cruell bat­tell. a long time, to the destruction of such numbers of men; that the riuer Humber (néere vnto the which this field was fought) was so mingled with bloud; 50 that the water thereof being all coloured red, caried no small number of dead bodies downe into the sea. In the middest of the fight, there was one with lowd A craftie po­licie. This was one of the Picts. voice in the British toong cried out to the Britains (of purpose prompted therevnto) that Arthur with other of the nobles on his side were slaine, and there­fore it were but follie to trust anie longer vpon vic­torie, but rather were it wisdome for euerie man by flight to prouide for his owne safetie.

This voice woonderfullie incouraged the Scotish­men 60 The Bri­tains put to flight. and Picts, but the Britains were put in such feare therewith, that the most part of them imme­diatlie herevpon fell to running away. Others of them iudging this to be but some craftie and subtill practise of the enimies deuised of purpose, as it was in déed, to discomfort them with, abode by it still: manfullie continuing in fight, till they were beaten downe and slaine in maner euerie mothers sonne. This victorie being thus hardlie got, cost more mens liues than anie other had doone of manie yeares be­fore; Twentie thousand of Scots and Picts slaine. Mordred is slaine. for of the Scots and Picts being vanquishers, there died in that mortall battell aboue 20000 men, togither with Mordred, and a great number of the nobilitie of both the nations. Of the Britains and such other as were with them in aid, there were slaine, what in battell and what in chase, at the point of 30000, among whome was Arthur himselfe, with Arthur with 30000 Bri­tains slaine. Gawan is slaine. Gawan or Galuan (as some bookes haue) brother vnto Mordred, who bare such good will and intire loue vnto his lord and maister the said Arthur, that he fought that day most earnestlie on his side against his owne naturall brother the said Mordred. Also there were killed Caime and Gawolan, with the Caime and Gawolan are slaine. most part of all the residue of the British nobilitie, and manie prisoners taken, by reason that Humber kept them in from flieng anie way foorth on the one side, which prisoners also were afterwards slaine, the gentlemen onelie excepted.

The day next after the battell, the campe of the Britains was rifled, and amongst other rich spoiles Quéene Guainore ta­ken. The spoile of the Britains camp diuided. there was found quéene Guainore Arthurs wife, with a great number of other ladies and gentlewo­men. The whole spoile of the campe and field being equallie diuided by lots betwixt them, the Scots had for their parts certeine faire charets laden with rich stuffe and iewels, also horsses and armours, beside sundrie noble men, whom they had to their prisoners. Unto the Picts fell for their portion quéene Guai­nore, with the ladies and gentlewomen, and diuers other of the noble men, besides a great quantitie of other rich preie and booties. These prisoners, which Dunbarre in Angus, not that in Lou­thian. the Picts had, were conueied into a castell in Angus, called Dunbarre, a place of great strength in those daies, though at this present there remaineth no­thing but the name with the ruines therof. In which castell they were deteined vnder sure ward, during the residue of their naturall liues. In witnesse wherof there be remaining vnto this day, the graues and monuments where manie of these captiue Bri­tains were buried, in the fields of a towne in that countrie called Megill, not past 10 miles from Dun­dée: but amongest the residue, that of Guainore is most famous.

There goeth a plaine tale ouer all that countrie, The fable of quéene Guai­nores graue buried in An­gus. told for an assured trueth, that if anie woman chance to tread vpon that graue, they shall remaine barren without bringing foorth anie issue more than the said Guainore did. But whether this be true or not, cer­teine it is (as Boetius writeth) that there dare no woman come néere that graue, not onelie eschuing it themselues, but also commanding their daugh­ters to beware thereof. This bloudie battell weake­ned so much the forces both of the Scots, Picts, and Britains, that manie a day after they were not able to recouer againe their former states and dignities. The yeare also that these thrée nations incountred thus cruellie togither, was after the birth of our Sa­uiour 542, the 26 of Arthurs reigne ouer the Bri­tains, 542. 8. H. B. and the 11 of Eugenius his gouernement ouer the Scotishmen.

In the same yere before the battell, were séene ma­nie Strange and vnketh woon­ders. strange sights in Albion. Grasse and hearbs in Yorkeshire appeared to bée all stained with bloud. Néere vnto Camelon, a cow brought foorth a calfe with two heads. Also an ewe brought foorth a lambe that was both male and female. The sunne appeared about noone daies all wholie of a bloudie colour. The element appeared full of bright starres to euerie mans sight continuallie for the space of two daies togither. In Wales there was a battell betweene crowes and pies on the one side, and rauens on the other, with such a slaughter of them, as before that time had not beene heard of.

But to procéed. Eugenius king of the Scots at Eugenius re­wardeth his souldiers. his returne from the battell, gaue to those that had escaped with life, and abid by him in the chiefe dan­ger of the fight, manie bounteous & large rewards. The sonnes and néerest kinsfolke of such as were [Page 107] staine, he also aduanced to sundrie preferments of lands & liuings, that they in [...]oieng the same, might be a witnesse in time to come of the good seruice of their ancestors, shewed in defense of their king and countrie, and also of his princelie liberalitie, in re­warding the same vpon their issue and progenie. By which noble beneuolence, he wan him such loue amongst his people, that afterwards it séemed how [...]nins go [...] his [...] with [...]. he gouerned the state of his kingdome more by cle­mencie, than by anie rigour of lawes. The Britains 10 immediatlie vpon knowledge had that Arthur was slaine, crowned Constantine his successor in the Constantine [...]ned king [...] Britaine. British kingdome, and for that there should remaine none amongst them aliue to make anie claime to the same kingdome, other than he with his issue, or such as he should appoint to succeed him, they cruel­lie murthered Mordreds children, in most pitifull The crueltie of the Bri­tains in mur­thering the in­nocent childrē of Mordred. The linage of Mordred [...]extinct. wise running vnto their mothers lap, beséeching hir to saue their liues, according to hir motherlie dutie. They were brought vp in Gawolane their fathers 20 grandfathers house, and being thus made awaie, the familie and linage of their father the foresaid Mor­dred was vtterlie thereby extinguished.

The Saxons at the same time hauing aduertise­ment what losse the Britains had susteined, not on­lie by the death of their most valiant king and chief­teine Arthur, but also for the slaughter of such a mul­titude of their nation as died in the battell, they pre­pare a mightie nauie of ships, and passe ouer the same into England, where being landed, they easilie 30 The Saxons returne into England, and drine the Bri­tains into wales. beat downe the Britains, and driue them with their K. Constantine into Wales, so recouering all that part of the land which Hengist somtimes held, & after his name was afterwards called England. ¶ Some haue written, how that after king Constantine had reigned certeine yéeres in Wales, his wife and chil­dren died, whervpon waxing wearie of this world, he Constantine [...] his [...] king­ [...] [...] hope [...] heauen­ [...] [...]gdome. Constantine intereth into religion. forsooke his earthlie kingdome, in hope of that other aboue, and secretlie departed into Ireland, where ap­plieng himselfe for a time in ministring to the poore, 40 at length being knowne, by the persuasion of a moonke he became one of his cote and profession.

Afterwards being sent by the bishop of the dio­cesse ouer into Scotland, to instruct the people of that countrie in the true faith and articles of the christian Constantine sent foorth of Ireland into Scotland is there mur­thered. religion, he there suffered martyrdome by the hands of most wicked and godlesse persons, and was at length (but manie yéeres after his death) canonized a saint, and sundrie churches (as are to be séene euen vnto this day) built and dedicated vnto him in Scot­land 50 by authoritie of the bishops there. At the same time that the said Constantine was driuen into Wales, there reigned among the Englishmen one Irmirike or Iurmirike king of the Englishmen. Iurmirike concludeth a peace with the Scotishmen and Picts. Iurmirike the fift (as Beda saith) from Hengist. The same Iurmirike though he were not christened him­selfe, yet he permitted the christian faith to be prea­ched amongst his people, and concluding a league with the Scotishmen and Picts, kept the same inui­olate during his life time most sincerlie. The Scotish king Eugenius also liued in peace the residue of his 60 life, without anie trouble either by forren enimies, Eugenius the Scotish king dieth. 568. H. B. Conuall. Conuall elec­ted king of Scotland. or intestine sedition, & at length died in the 38 yeere of his reigne, after the birth of our Sauiour 569.

AFter his funerall obsequies finished in Colme­kill, where he lieth buried amongest his ance­stors, his brother Conuall was chosen to succéed him in administration of the kingdome, a prince of such inclination to vertue and godlines, as all men may iustlie woonder thereat. He bare such zealous deuo­tion towards the worshipping of the crosse (a thing to put men in remembrance of Christs passion as he tooke it) that which way soeuer he rode (as it is repor­ted) hée had the same borne before him, and at Conuals de­notion to the [...]rosse. his getting vp and lighting downe from his horsse, he with all the multitude of people standing about him, would worship it, kneeling downe, & reuerent­lie kissing it. This crosse was of siluer with a crucifix thereon, and letters grauen in a plate fastened to the staffe, conteining these two words: Christianorum gloria. He commanded also that the signe of the Crosses set vpon the tops of steeples. crosse should be set vpon the tops of stéeples, and on the highest towers of the gates of castels & townes. Moreouer he forbad the crosse to be grauen or pain­ted vpon anie pauement, least anie man should vnreuerentlie tread vpon it. Furthermore he had priests and other religious men in such honor, as no­thing Conuals de­notion to­wards church men. could be more, appointing them to haue the tenths of all those fruits which the earth yéelded. Sundrie ordinances he made also, for the gréeuous punishment of all such as in anie wise misused a priest, or other religious person: as he that gaue any of them a blow, should loose his hand for it: and hée that slue one of them, should forfeit his goods, and bée burned quicke. Againe, he bestowed manie rich Co [...]als libe­ralitie towar [...] churches. iewels, and gaue diuers great gifts vnto churches, prouiding the ministers of sufficient liuings, and ap­pointed that they should haue their houses néere vn­to their churches, to be readie to execute that which apperteined vnto their offices, when anie néed re­quired.

The king being thus vertuouslie disposed, caused the whole number of his subiects by his example to be the better affectioned towards the aduancement of religion. The report and same whereof mooued that holie man saint Colme or Colombe, to come ouer foorth of Ireland (where he had the gouernance Saint Co [...] comuneth ou [...] forth of Ire­land into Scotland. of sundrie houses of moonks) with twelue other ver­tuous persons into Albion, and there gathering togi­ther a great number of moonks, being here and there dispersed abroad in the countrie, he placed them orderlie in such houses, as king Conuall had builded and founded for that purpose, appointing a­mongst them rulers & ministers, such as he thought most conuenient. But saint Colme himselfe, and the other twelue, which he brought ouer with him from Ireland, placing themselues to inhabit in the Ile of Iona, now called Colmekill, tooke great paines to instruct the Scots and Picts in the true ar­ticles of the faith.

Amongst the Picts at the same time the heresie of The heresis of Pelagius in Pictland. Pelagius had infected the minds of many, by meane that diuerse of that nation hauing dwelled a long time in Britaine, returning into their countrie, brought that pestilent doctrine home with them, and taught it vnto other. Saint Colme therefore infor­med hereof, passed into Louthian vnto Brudeus as then king of the Picts, earnestlie trauelling to in­struct both him and his people in the right beliefe, and to extirpe out of their hearts all erronious opinions of that damnable sect of the Pelagians lore. At the same time, that blessed man Kentigerne, otherwise Kentigerne bishop of Gla [...] cow, other­wise called Mungo bi­shop of [...]asco. called Mungo, gouerned the church of Glascow, as bishop of the same, who resorting into the companie of this saint Colme, had much conference with him, to both their comforts, concerning the true articles of our faith.

This Kentigerne was descended of the bloud roi­all Thamew or Thametes r [...] uished by Eu­genius king of Scotland, of which ra­uishment she bare the fore­said Kenti­gerne. of the Pictish kings, as son vnto that vertuous woman Thametes or Thamew, daughter vnto Loth king of the Picts, whome a yoong lustie gentleman, or (as some haue written) the last mentioned Eu­genius the Scotish king rauished by force, and be­got of hir the said Kentigerne. He was greatlie in fauour with the foresaid Brudeus the Pictish king, as one that was néere of his bloud. For the same Brudeus was nephue vnto the foresaid Loth by his brother called Melethon, and therefore succéeded in the kingdome of the Picts, after that Mordred was [Page 108] slaine, as before is expressed. Kentigerne went with saint Colme vnto the castell of Calidon, otherwise The castell of Calidon now Dounkeld. called Dounkeld, where they remained six moneths in a monasterie there, builded by king Conuall, tea­ching and preaching vnto the people of Athole, Cali­don, and Angus, that in great numbers came vnto them, to heare their godlie instructions. There is in the same place, where the said castell sometimes stood, a church dedicated vnto saint Colme, built of faire square stone, being at this day a bishops see, com­monlie 10 called Dounkeld, indowed with manie faire The bishops seé of Doun­keld. reuenues and great possessions, for the maintenance of the bishop and his canons.

At the six moneths end, those two vertuous per­sons taking their leaue each of other, not without shedding of teares, departed in sunder, Kentigerne returning into Glascow, and saint Colme into Ire­land, Saint Colme returneth into Ireland. where reporting manie things, touching the great vertue and holines of king Conuall, and with what deuotion he had béene receiued both of him and 20 his people, he mooued manie to woonder greatlie thereat, to heare that a king in the midst of all his allurements to pleasure, should yet be so mindfull of diuine meditations and godlie exercises. In the yere following, saint Colme prepared to returne into Scotland, taking Aidan ouer with him thither, by Saint Colme cōmeth againe into Scot­land, bringing with him Ai­dan sonne to king Conran. commandement of king Conuall, which Aidan (as ye haue heard) to auoid the traines of Eugenius, fled ouer into Ireland with his mother, for doubt to bée made away by the same Eugenius. Saint Colme 30 taking the sea with this Aidan, and comming on land on the coasts of Scotland, was no sooner there ar­riued, but that presentlie he had knowledge how the The death of Conuall. 578. H. B. king was dead, being the yeere of his reigne the 10, and after the birth of our Sauiour 579.

Saint Colme then being throughlie certified of his death, and that the corps was forward on the Saint Colme present at the buriall of king Conuall. way towards Colmekill, there to be buried, hée thought it a péece of his dutie to go thither to be at the funerall, and so dooing, was as one of the chiefest 40 there in executing of the obsequies. Which being en­ded, and hearing that Kinnatill the brother of Con­uall Kinnatil elec­ted king of Scotland. was inthronized king in Argile, by the frée elec­tion of all the estates, he neuerthelesse kept on his former purposed iournie, and came vnto Kinnatill, bringing Aidan with him (appointed by Conuall to haue receiued the gouernement of the kingdome if he had liued) they were both receiued with all bene­uolence of the said Kinnatill cōtrarie to most mens Saint Colme and Aidan re­ceiued by Kinnatill. expectation: insomuch that imbracing Aidan, he had 50 him be of good cheere, for it should shortlie come to passe, that he should atteine to the possession of his grandfathers dominions, and haue issue that should The prophesy of Kinnatill. succeed him, to the great reliefe of the Scotish com­mon-wealth.

By what spirit of prophesie he vttred these words, it is vncerteine, but sure it is that his purpose was to haue giuen ouer the gouernement of the king­dome (as he confessed himselfe lieng vpon his death bed) and to haue restored it vnto Aidan who had a 60 right there vnto. Howbeit being preuented by death, he could not haue time to accomplish his desire, for within twentie daies after his coronation, being surprised with a grieuous disease of a catarrhike rheume, and the squinancie, he was constreined to kéepe his chamber, committing the publike admini­stration of the realme vnto Aidan. Herevpon follo­wed a feuer through increasing of a flegmatike hu­mor The death of Kinnatill. Kinnatill li­eng vpon his death bed, sur­rendereth his kingdome in­to Aidans hands. bred by long rest, that after 14 moneths space vnbodied his ghost, which by instruction of saint Colme, being present with him at the houre of his death, he rendred in most deuout wise into the hands of his redéemer; appointing his kingdome as it were by deliuerie of seisin, euen there vpon his death bed vnto the foresaid Aidan.

AFter that the bodie of this Kinnatill was in­terred, Aidan. according to the maner, in Colmekill, Aidan receiued the crowne, sitting vpon the marble Aidan recei­ueth his inue­sture of the kingdome at the hands of saint Colme. S. Colmes exhortation to the king and the people. stone, after the custome in those daies vsed, by the hands of that holie father saint Colme. Who willing that silence might be kept, laid his right hand vpon the kings head, and in his left hand holding his crosier staffe, made a briefe exhortation, as well to the king as to his people, admonishing them of their duties each towards other, but especiallie he exhorted them vnto peace and concord, and before all things to remember to walke in the waies of the Lord, for in so dooing they might hope for wealth and prosperitie in the state of their commonwealth, with all other good graces, whereas otherwise, if either the people forgot their duties towards God, or that the king regarded not dulie to execute or fulfill his office, in giuing God thanks for his bountious libe­ralitie and high benefits bestowed vpon him, it should come to passe, that intestine seditions, conspi­racies, and other mischiefes should rise among them, to the irrecouerable losse of the realme, by bringing the same into danger to be ouerrun with some for­rein power, if they did not repent in time, and call to God for his fauour, that it might please him to re­duce them againe into the right path of his lawes & ordinances, whensoeuer they should so fall from the same. When saint Colme had made an end of these or the like his wholsome aduertisements, all the peo­ple The promise of the people. reioising thereat, promised with one voice, and therewith vowed to follow the same, and to be euer readie to obeie the commandement of their prince, and the holie instructions of their bishops and other the ecclesiasticall ministers. The assemble being once The kings iournie into Galloway. dissolued, the king departed into Galloway, and there deliuered the countrie of certeine British rob­bers that had inuaded it. After this, studieng to mainteine good orders and quiet rule through his do­minions, he appointed an assemblie of the chiefest péeres of his realme, to be holden yéerelie in three se­uerall Aidan appoin teth sessions to bée kept yéerlie in thrée parts of his realme. parties thereof, as in Galloway, Louchquha­ber, and Cathnesse, there to heare and determine all sutes and quarels of his subiects, & to giue order for the administration of the lawes and all publike af­faires, as they should sée cause and occasion. He re­quired also S. Colme to be present euer with them, that matters touching religion might be the bet­ter prouided for, and that the people might take all things doone in those publike sessions in right good part, bicause such an holie and vertuous father of the Saint Colme present at as­sises and sessions. church was amongst them, and hauing the chiefest authoritie.

Thus continued the realme in quiet state for cer­teine yeeres togither, till it chanced that diuers of the nobles being togither on hunting, fell at vari­ance, A [...]ray among the nobles be­ing a hunting. and therevpon making a fraie, sundrie of them were slaine. The beginners and such as were most culpable were sought for by the kings officers, to haue béene had to ward, but they in disobeieng the arrest, stroke and beat the officers verie sore, and im­mediatlie therewith fled vnso Brudeus king of the King Aidan requireth to haue certeine Scotish out­lawes deliue­red at the hands of Bru deus king of Picts. Brudeus by denieng to de­liuer the Sco­tish outlawes, procureth warres to him selfe and his countrie. Picts, so by wilfull exile to safe gard their liues. King Aidan according to the maner in such cases accusto­med, required to haue those outlawes deliuered vnto him, that he might doo iustice vpon them according­lie as they had deserued. Brudeus taking pitie of the yoong gentlemen, alledged manie things in their excuse, still deferring to deliuer them, till at length hee procured warre to himselfe and his countrie, For Aidan the Scotish king, offended in that hée might not haue those rebels and publike offendors restored vnto him, caused a number of his people, first to fetch a great bootie of cattell and prisoners [Page 109] out of Angus.

Wherewith the Picts being kindled, made a like The breach of peace betwixt the Scots and Picts. I field fought betwixt Scots and Picts. rode into Galloway. Finallie the matter grew vn­to a field, which was foughten in Mentieth, not farre from Calidon castell otherwise called Dounkeld, with great slaughter on both sides, though in the end the victorie yet remained with the Scots; but losing Arthurnus the sonne of Aidan their king, they reioi­sed not greatlie at the gaine. That holie man saint Colme troubled with such newes, came vnto Aidan, 10 Saint Colme reproueth [...]. [...]dan. and declaring vnto him how grieuouslie he had of­fended almightie God, in procuring such mischiefe as had insued of this warre, and reciting in particu­lar the branches thereof, he mooued the king vnto such repentance for his trespasse, that he wholie sub­mitted himselfe vnto saint Colmes chastisement, who being about to depart in semblance sore offen­ded, The repen­tance of king Aidan. the king got him by the sleeue, and would in no wise suffer him to go from him, till he had declared vnto him some comfortable meanes how to redresse 20 the matter, for the quieting of his conscience. At length saint Colme lamenting the kings case, suffe­red Saint Colme goeth vnto the king of the Picts. himselfe to be intreated, and therevpon repaired vnto Brudeus the Pictish king, mouing him by way of diuerse godlie aduertisements to incline his af­fection vnto peace. At length he did so much by tra­uelling An agréement betwixt the Scotish and Pictish kings by the sute of saint Colme. sundrie times to and fro betwixt the two kings, that he brought them vnto agréement, for all matters depending in controursie betwixt them and their subiects. 30

Thus saint Colme hauing accomplished that which he came for, returned againe into the westerne I­les Saint Colme returned vnto the westerne Iles. vnto his woonted home, where he did by whole­some documents and vertuous examples instruct the seruants of God in the way of his lawes and com­mandements. In this meane time the Saxons ha­uing England di­uided into se­uen seuerall kingdoms. driuen and put backe the Britains into Wales, and occupieng all the residue of their lands and coun­tries, they diuided the same into seuen parts, ordei­ning seuen seuerall kings to gouerne the same as 40 kingdomes. Ouer that of Northumberland, adioi­ning next vnto the Picts, one Edelfred reigned, a Edelfred K. of Northum­berland. man of excéeding desire to inlarge his dominion. He went by all means he could deuise, to persuade Bru­deus the Pictish king to renew the warres with the Scots, promising him all the aid he could make a­gainst them, not onelie for that he knew the Scots to haue béene euer enimies vnto the Saxons, but al­so for that he himselfe was descended of the nation called Agathyrses, of the which the Picts (as was 50 thought) were also come. But the cause why he wi­shed that there might be warres raised betwixt the Scots and Picts, was not for anie good will he bare to the Picts, but onelie to the end that their power Edelfreds purpose. being weakened through the same, he might haue a more easie preie of their countrie, the which he purpo­sed vpon occasion to inuade, and ioine vnto his owne kingdome of Northumberland.

Brudeus at the first gaue no eare vnto his earnest motions and large offers, but at length through the 60 counsell and procurement of some of his nobles, cor­rupted by bribes receiued at Edelfreds hands, and still putting into the kings head sundrie forged in­formations of the Scotishmens dailie attempts a­gainst the Pictish nation; he determined to ioine with the Saxons against them, and caused thervpon warre to be proclamed against the Scots, as those that had spoiled and robbed his subiects, contrarie to the league and all bonds of old friendship and former amitie betwixt them. The Scotish king Aidan per­ceiuing A l [...]ague con­cluded be­twixt the Scots & Bri­tains, with the articles of the same. the practise of the Saxons, and togither ther­with the vntruth of the Picts, the better to be able to resist their malice, ioineth in league with the Bri­tains: this article being the chiefest in the whole co­uenant: that if the enimies first inuaded the Bri­tains, then an armie of Scots should be sent with all speed into Britaine, to helpe to defend the coun­trie against such inuasions: but if the Scots were first inuaded, then should the Britains in semblable maner come ouer to their aid.

The Saxons hauing knowledge of this appoint­ment betwixt Scots & Britains; to draw the Scots foorth of their countrie, and so to haue them at more aduantage, procured the Picts to ioine with them: The Picts & Saxons en­ter into the land of the Britains. and so both their powers being vnited together, en­tred into the British confines. Aidan according to the couenant came streight vnto the aid of the Bri­tains. Edelfred and Brudeus refused to fight for certeine daies, as it were of purpose, therby to wea­rie the Scots with watch and trauell, being as then far from home. Also they looked dailie to haue Ceu­line king of the Westsaxons to come vnto their aid: Ceuline or Ceolin. but the Scots and Britains hauing knowledge ther­of, first thought it best to incounter with him, before he should ioine with the other, and thus vnderstan­ding The Scots and Britains put the Sax­ons to flight, and slue Cu­tha the sonne of Ceuline king of the westsaxons The trium­phant ioy made by the Scots and Britains vp­on their new victorie. that their onelie refuge remained in their ar­mor and weapons, gaue the onset so fiercelie vpon those Saxons, that at the first, sleaing Cutha Ceu­lines sonne, with a great number of other, they [...]ast­lie distressed and put the residue to flight.

Aidan would not suffer his men to pursue too far in the chase, but called them backe by the sound of a trumpet, who being assembled héerewith about their standards, made such ioy and triumph, as greater could not be deuised, what with dansing, singing, and plaieng on pipes and other instruments, accor­ding to the manner in those daies. But as they were thus in the middest of their chiefest mirth, suddenlie appéered the Saxons and Picts, which were with E­delfred The Saxons and Picts. and Brudeus, approching towards them in good order of battell, with whome were also the resi­due of the Westsaxons, that had escaped from the late bickering. Wherevpon the Scots and Britains The sudden feare of the Scots and Picts, after all their great ioy & triumphing. amazed with the sight héereof, were suddenlie stri­ken out of countenance, insomuch that Aidan went amongst them, and with a bold countenance exhor­ted them to remember how valiantlie they had al­readie put to flight the other of their enimies, so that there was great hope for assured victorie of these Aidan exhor­ted his men to manfulnesse. likewise, if they would now shew the like manlie courage against them, as they had shewed before in assailing the other. Manie other woords he vsed in ad­monishing them to fight manfullie, till the onset gi­uen by the enimies caused him to make an end.

The Saxons laid about them so stoutlie in the be­ginning, The Saxons fight stoutlie. that they forced their aduersaries, with whome they were matched, to giue backe. Neither did Edelfred faile in that occasion to incourage Edelfred. them to follow the aduantage now thus gotten. Bru­deus Brudeus K. of the Picts maketh slaugh ter of the Scots. with his Picts likewise made great slaughter in that wing of the Scots, with the which he incoun­tred; so that finallie the same Scots perceiuing the Britains beaten downe and sore distressed on their side, fell through discomfort thereof to running a­waie. The Scots run awaie. There were slaine in this battell on the Sco­tishmens side, Brennius lieutenant or (as they ter­med him) thane of the Ile of Man, with Dungar the kings third sonne, and no small number of other gentlemen beside. The king himselfe scaped by helpe of his sonne, who staieng to get his father out of the preasse, was slaine (as is said) amongst the residue. On the Saxons side, there was slaine Theobald E­delfreds brother, and Cutha the king of Westsaxons his sonne, as before ye haue heard, with a great num­ber of other. Edelfred himselfe lost one of his eies. Edelfred lost one of his eies. Brudeushurt in the thigh. Brudeus the Pictish king was hurt in the thigh, and besides this, he lost a great multitude of his people.

Thus Edelfred hauing got such a notable victorie [Page 110] at Deglastone in Britaine, he could not be so con­tented, Deglastone the place wher this battell was [...]ought. Galloway in­uaded by E­delfred. but estsoones assembling his people, and ioi­ning againe with Brudeus and his Picts, the next summer after inuaded Galloway, and began to rob and spoile that countrie, to the end he might either inforce the inhabitants, with other the countries next there vnto adioining, to yeeld vnto him; either els to bring them into extreme pouertie in wasting all afore him. But Aidan being aduertised héereof, sent to the Britains for their couenanted aid, and 10 comming forward with his owne people which he had assembled together, ouershrew certeine compa­nies Certeine com­panies of Sax ons ouer­throwne. of his enimies, as he sound them dispersed a­broad in seeking for preies: then passing by their maine armie, he commeth into Anandale, where he wineth with the Britains, being come so farre for­ward on their waie to méet him. The Saxons and Picts hauing knowledge of their enimies dooings, wan such a place of aduantage, as they thought it an easie matter for them in kéeping the same, to di­stresse 20 both the Scots and Britains through stopping vp the passages, by the which they must of force passe, if they minded to come foorth on that day. These pas­sages laie through certeine quicksands, and by a ri­uer which had but few foords passable. Passages tho­rough Sulle­wap sands.

The Scots and Britains, perceiuing how they were thus inclosed, with all spéed trenched their campe about, raising certeine bulworks and turrets in places where they thought expedient, as though they had ment still there to haue continued. Aidan 30 himselfe tooke such pains in séeing euerie thing doone The diligence of king Aidan in prouiding to resist his e­nimies. in due order, that his people mooued more through his example than by anie exhortation, were most di­ligent in their duties, desirous of nothing so much as to haue occasion ministred, to shew some proofe of their woorthie valiancies. At length, when the eni­mies were most atquiet, and (as was supposed) no­thing in doubt of anie attempt to be made by the Scots and Britains in the night season, leauing a great number of fires in their campe, they sudden­lie 40 dislodged, and passing the water by secret foords, they entred into Cumberland, and so after passing The Scots and Britains dislodge. The Scots and Britains enter into Northumber­land. into Northumberland, they wasted and destroied with fire and swoord all that came within their reach: the report of which their dooings brought Edelfred and Brudeus backe into that countrie to resist their inuasion, neither resting day nor night, till they had got sight of their enimies.

The next day, the souldiers on both sides requiring battell, together they go with great noise and din 50 both of men and instruments. Too much hardinesse The fight be­twixt Scots and Britains on the one side, and Saxons and Picts on the other. in the Saxons caused no small number of them to be slaine, rather choosing to die with reputation of manhood, than to giue backe neuer so little ground to the enimie. Thus the battell continued for a space, verie doubtfull which waie the victorie would incline. On the Britains and Scotishmens side, there were foure chiefe rulers amongst them, beside Aidan him­selfe, as Constantius and Alencrinus Britains, Cal­lan and Mordacke Scotishmen. Ech of these taking 60 a seuerall charge vpon him, did earnestlie applie their vttermost indeuors therin, incouraging their bands to put awaie all cowardlie feare, and manfullie to sticke to their tackle, since by victorie there was hope of eternall fame, beside suertie of life, and aduance­ment to the common-wealth of their countrie; where otherwise they might looke for nothing, but the contrarie mishaps, as shame, rebuke, and importable seruitude. So that the Scotishmen and Britains in­couraged héerewith, preassed vpon the enimies so fiercelie, that at length as well the Saxons as Picts were compelled to breake their arraie, & fall to plaine The Saxons and Picts dis­comfited and chased. running awaie: the Scots following so egerlie in the chase, that more of their enimies were thought to die in the slight, than before there had doone in the battell.

S. Colme as yet being aliue, and within his mo­nasterie in the Ile of Iona, had knowledge by di­uine inspiration (as the Scotish chronicles make mention) of all these matters how they went: and at the verie time that the battels were in fight toge­ther, he had assembled a companie of verie vertu­ous and godlie disposed persons, making intercessi­on for the prosperous speed of their king the foresaid Aidan: and at the verie instant (as it was knowne after) that the Saxons began to flée (as they which had the ouerthrow) that holie old father shewed great token of ioy and gladnesse, declaring vnto his bre­thren by the spirit of secret knowledge or prophesie, S. Colme in­dued with the spirit of secret know­ledge. how Aidan had the better, and that his enimies were discomfited, willing them therevpon to giue vnto God thanks for the same. There was an huge mul­titude slaine in this conflict, but namelie the death of Ceuline king of the Westsaxons, with other two Ceuline king of westsaxons slaine. Quhitelline or Wh [...]eims. woorthie capteins of that nation, made the slaughter more sorowfull on that side, the one of them was called Cialine, and the other Quhitelline.

The day next after the battell, the spoile of the field being gathered together, all that which was knowne to haue béene taken out of Galloway, and other countries of the Scots, was restored by the kings authoritie vnto the owners againe. The resi­due The diuision of the spo [...]. which remained was diuided amongst the soul­diers, the tenth part onelie excepted, which was di­stributed vnto priests & curats, to bestow the same vpon ornaments for their churches. The banners and standards of the Saxons and Picts, with manie other rich offerings, king Aidan sent vnto the abbeie of Colmekill, there to remaine as perpetuall monu­ments and tokens of so notable a victorie. The yeere next insuing, that holie father S. Colme now almost wasted through age, and héereto also sore troubled S. Colme de­parted out of this life. with a rheumatike humor, fell sicke and died. Some saie he ended his life in his house amongst his bre­thren, within the Ile of Iona, otherwise called Col­mekill; but S. Beda writeth, how he died in an Iland called Heu; where againe the Irish writers affirme, that he decessed in a towne in Ireland called Dune, & that his toome is there in verie great veneration of the people: vpon the which are these Latine ver­ses ingrauen for the lookers on to read, if they list:

Hitres in Duno, tumulo tumulantur in vno,
Brigida, Patricius, atque Columbapius.

Which verses Bellenden translateth.

Saint Colme, Saint Patrike, and Brigitta pure,
Thir three in Dune lies in ane sepulture.

Neither did Aidan the Scotish king liue long time after, for hearing (as is said) that saint Colme Aidan king of the Scotish­men, depar­teth this world. was dead, shortlie therevpon, more through griefe than by force of sickenesse, he departed this world, after he had reigned 37 yeares in gouernement o­uer the Scotishmen, he died about the yeare of our Lord 606. In the daies of this Aidan there was 606. sent into Albion from Gregorie the pope of Rome, diuers learned men (amongest whome were Augu­stinus Augustinus and Mellitus sent into Al­bion. and Mellitus) to instruct the English people in the faith of Christ, which as yet they had not recei­ued. By the earnest trauell and exhortation of these instructors, Ethelbert king of the Kentish Saxons Ethelbert is baptised. was baptised with all his people. The British priests nor their doctrine the Saxons could in no wise abide, because (as is supposed) the one nation through a na­turall The Saxons hatred toward the British préestes. Sussex and Essex receiue the christian faith. Edelfred his displeasure. hatred, still sought the destruction of the other. The South and Eastsaxons moued with the exam­ple of the Kentish Saxons, shortlie after also re­nounced their old superstitious idolatrie, and like­wise receiued the christian faith. Edelfred king of Northumberland moued vnto displeasure herewith, sent word vnto these Saxons of the south parts (as [Page 111] then all of them generallie knowen by the name of Englishmen) that sith they had forsaken the old institutions & ancient religion of their forefathers, he would suerlie from thencefoorth be no lesse eni­mie vnto them than vnto the Scots and Britains. There liued in these daies that holie man Ualdred a Ualdred other wise called Baldred doc­tor of the Picts. Scotish man borne, but dwelling amongest the Picts, whome he instructed in the right faith, and therefore was named the doctor of the Picts. He de­parted out of this life within the Iland called the 10 Basse, lieng about two miles off from the maine land within the sea, where the Forth hath entrie be­twixt the same Ile, and an other called the Maie. There were thrée parishes fell at contention for his bodie, as Aldham, Tiningham, and Preston, so far foorth, that they were at point to haue fought about it, but that by counsell of some discréet persons a­mongest them, it was ordeined that they should continue in praier for that night, and in the next morning stand to th'order of the bishop of the dioces, 20 who was come thither the same time to be present at the buriall. The next day in the morning there was found three beires with three bodies decentlie coue­red [...] miracle if it be true. with clothes, so like in all resemblance, that no man might perceiue anie difference. Then by com­mandement of the bishop, and with great ioy of all the people, the said seuerall bodies were caried seue­rallie vnto the said thrée seuerall churches, and in the same buried in most solemne wise, where they re­maine vnto this day, in much honor with the com­mon 30 people of the countries néere adioining.

AFter that the corps of king Aidan was buried Kenethus Keir. Kenethus Keir crowned king of Scots in Colmekill, the nobles of the realme assem­bled togither in Argile, about the election of a new king. Where, by the generall voices of them all, Kenethus Keir the sonne of Conwall (sometime king of the Scotishmen, as before is mentioned) was now proclamed king, and crowned according to the maner; but he liued not past foure moneths Kenethus Keir dieth of the cough of the lungs. after, but died of a catarrhike rheume falling down 40 into the windpipe, and so stopping vp his lights and lungs. He deliuered as it were the possession of his kingdome, by way of surrendring the same, into the Eugenius the fourth of that name. hands of Eugenius sonne to king Aidan, by consent of all the nobles, a little before he died, for that it was knowen he had a right therevnto after the de­ceasse of Kenethus.

THis Eugenius was the fourth of that name, which had ruled ouer the Scotishmen. As it is Eugeni­us. said, saint Colme prophesied that he should be king 50 long before his fathers death; for when all the sonnes of king Aidan were brought before him, and that Ai­dan S Colmes prophesie of Eugenius the fourth. demanded of him which of them should reigne after him, he ouerpassing the residue (which he vn­derstood by secret knowledge should die in the wars) appointed fourth this Eugenius, called by some also Brudus, declaring that it should be onelie he. This Eugenius then being placed in the kinglie seat, for­got not such holsome lessons and vertuous precepts, I louer of peace and quietnesse. as the foresaid saint Colme had taught him in his 60 youth, so that studieng how to defend rather that which was his owne in peace and quietnesse, than to séeke anie waies or means how to inlarge it, by wrongfull incroching vpon other mens possessions, he grew into such fauour with all good men, as grea­ter could not be deuised. Unto all offendors he was A sharpe iu­sticer. a sharpe iusticer, not sparing anie transgressour of his lawes, neither in respect of nobilitie or other­wise, but rather those gentlemen which misused them­selues in breach of good orders, he chiefelie gaue or­der to sée them punished; where if they behaued them­selues worthilie, and according to their calling, there was no prince more glad than he to aduance them vnto honor.

By these and the like his princelée dooings, he was both beloued of his people and also feared. He nei­ther fauoured the Picts nor Saxons of Northum­berland, for that the one nation being ethniks, per­sisted in their infidelitie, and the other cassed not by all maner of means to support them; but yet taking a truce with them both, he firmelie caused the same to be obserued. In the tenth yeare of his reigne Ci­nigell Cadwall van­quished. king of Westsaxons & Elfred king of Nor­thumberland, with aid of the Picts, vanquished Cad­wallo king of Britains, and chased him into Scot­land, where he remained not long, sailing from thence into Britaine in France, and purchasing aid Cadwall is restored vnto his kingdome. of the king there named Cadoall, returned into Wales, where vanquishing his enimies the Sar­ons, and sleaing manie thousands of them, he was Sée more [...] in Eng­land. restored againe vnto his kingdome. About the same time was Edelfred king of Northumberland slaine in battell, at a place called Wintringham, not far from the riuer of Humber, by Redwald and Ethel­breth, King [...] sla [...]e. the one being king of the cast Angles, and the other of the middle Angles; in reuenge of such iniu­ries as the same Edelfred had doone vnto the Sax­ons of the countrie called Mercia, conteining (as in the English historie more plainelie may appeare) all those shires from the riuer of Thames vnto the riuer of Mersée in Lancashire. Then was one Edwine a right christian prince appointed to reigne Edwine. in his place, by the assignement of the two forsaid kings Redwald and Ethelbreth.

Whilest these things were a dooing, there were seuen sonnes of the aforesa [...]d Edelfred, that dete­sting the vntrue dealing of the Picts, which refused to aid their father in his necessitie, and doubting to fall into the hands of Edwine, got them to Euge­nius the Scotish king for more suertie of their liues. Their names were Eufreid, Oswald, O [...]aws, Os­win, Offas, Osmond, and Osike. Ebba the onelie daughter of Edelfred being taken amongest other prisoners, and escaping from hir taker, miraculous­lie got a bote in the riuer of Humber, and with the same taking the sea alone, without all humane helpe (as hath béene reported) she sailed foorth, & at length safelie arriued at the point of land which stretched foorth into the sea, in the mouth of the Forth, called euen vnto this day after hir name, saint Ebbes S. Ebbes head. head, where being receiued by the bishop of that dio­cesse, she was professed a nun, and after continuing in great perfectnesse of obseruing that profession, she was instituted abbesse of hir house, shewing still in trade of life an orderlie example for hir flocke to fol­low.

Eugenius the Scotish king did louinglie receiue the sonnes of Edelfred, though their father had euer béene a cruell enimie against the Scotish nation; and within a while after their comming into Scot­land, hearing oftentimes the godlie sermons and preachings of the bishops and moonks (who in those daies continuallie gaue themselues vnto that exer­cise) they finallie abhorred their superstitious idola­trie, and receiued baptisme, that salutiferous signe and sacrament of our christian religion. Those chur­ches also, which the Saxons in time of the warres had ouerthrowen and destroied in Galloway and other countries thereabouts, Eugenius caused to be re­pared; moreouer also he reedified sundrie castels in those marches, and placed in them garisons of soul­diers, to defend them against all inuasions that might happen. Thus continuing his reigne the space of fiftéene yeares or thereabouts in honorable peace, to the great aduancement of the commonwealth of his subiects, he lastlie died in the yeare 620, and was 620 buried amongest his elders in the Ile of Iona, with­in the monasterie of Colmekill.

[Page 112] About this time, that reuerend father and bishop Bonifacius a godlie prea­cher. Bonifacius Quirinus came foorth of Italie into Scotland, to instruct the people in the faith of Christ there. Whether he were pope, and resigning vp the papalitie came thus into Scotland (as some haue supposed) or whether he was sent from the pope cal­led Bonifacius that succeeded Sauinianus, it is not certeinlie knowne; but certeine it is, as the Scotish writers affirme, that vpon his first comming into Scotland he arriued in the water of Taie, comming 10 on land at the mouth of a little riuer, which diuideth the countrie of Gowrie from Angus. His name is yet famous amongest the Scots euen vnto this day, for that he trauelled through the most part of the land, in preaching and instructing the people to their confirmation in the faith, and erecting diuers chur­ches in the honor of almightie God, which he dedica­ted to the name of saint Peter. And amongst other he built one at the place where he came on land, an o­ther at a village called Tulline, not passing [...]ee 20 miles from Dundée, and the third at Restennoth, where afterwards an house of chanons of saint Au­gustines order was builded. At length he came into Rosse, continuing there the residue of his life, and is buried at Rossemarken.

There was also at the same time amongest the Scots an ancient godlie man named Molocke, who Molocke a preacher. following such rules & doctrine as in his youth he had learned of Brandon that reuerend abbat, he ceassed not to exhort the people of Mar and Argile (in which 30 countries he was most resident) to flée and forsake their vicious liuing, and to indeuour themselues to Moonks were preachers in those daies. imbrace vertue, to the comfort and health of their soules. This Molocke kept continuall companie with the forenamed Bonifacius after his comming into Scotland: and finallie died also in Rosse, being about 94 yeares of age, and was buried in the church where Bonifacius lieth, though they of Argile say that his relikes rest among them in the church of Lismore, which is dedicated to his name. 40

AFter the deceasse of Eugenius, his son Fer­quhard succéeded in his place, for Eugenius Ferqu­hard. had three sonnes, Ferquhard, Fiacre, and Donald, These being appointed by their father to be brought vp with Connane bishop of Sodore (that is, the bi­shop Ferquhard king of Scot­land. of Man) in vertuous discipline, did not altogi­ther follow his godlie precepts and lessons. Ferqu­hard and Donald gladlie gaue eare to him, but they thought his instructions did not much apperteine vn­to their birth and degrée: but Fiacre printing his 50 diuine documents déepelie in his heart, determined to forsake all worldlie pompe and dignitie, and to get him some whither farre from home, where he might serue God more fréelie without let or inter­ruption of his friends or kinsfolke. Thus being dis­posed, he got vpon him simple apparell, and went ouer into France, where séeking a solitarie place, Fiacre giueth himselfe for to liue a solitarie life in France Pharao the bishop of Meaur gaue vnto him a péece of ground, in the which at this day he is woorshipped with great deuotion. 60

There hath gone a tale in that countrie, that no woman might enter into the chappell where he lieth buried; for if anie doo, she hath some mishap that fal­leth vnto hir, as either the losse of sight, priuation of wits, or some such like. As touching the state of the Scotish commonwealth, vnder the gouerne­ment of Ferquhard, the same was quiet inough, & without trouble of outward enimies; but his sub­iects among themselues fell at such diuision, that e­uerie part of the realme was full of murther, bur­ning, and other destructions of men and houses, with such spoiling, robbing, reuing, and all kinds of other mischiefs, that no where was any suertieeither of life or goods: all the which misorders sproong, were nou­rished and mainteined through the kings owne di­ligence: for he mistaking his office and dutie, was of this opinion, that so long as the nobles and states of his realme were thus readie one to kill an other, Ferquhard mainteined ci­uill discord. there was no likelihood they should haue time to practise anie rebellion against him; and herevpon he rather holpe to further such discord amongest them, than tooke order for to appease it. But it came to passe by this means, that he was nothing regarded within a while amongest them, so that by means of other arbitrators which they chose by common agrée­ment, all matters in controuersie were taken vp & ended betwixt them, the king not once made priuie therevnto.

At the same time it was noised abroad in the King Ferqu­hard infected with the Pe­lagian error. realme, that Ferquhard, besides other his wicked behauiours, was also infected with the erronious o­pinions of the Pelagian heresie. Which suspicion was the more increased, for that he vsed to haue sun­drie British priests in his companie: the which na­tion had béene euer noted with the spot of that dam­nable infection. The nobilitie of the realme mooued The king is summoned by an herald. He is taken prisoner. herewith, summoned him by an herald to come to a councell, which they had appointed to hold of all the states, that they might there vnderstand, if it were true or not which was commonlie reported of him. But he refusing to come at such summons, they assembled togither, and besieged him in the castell wherein he had inclosed himselfe, and winning the place, got him into their hands, and immediatlie therevpon committed him to safe kéeping. This Ambassadors sent into France to Fiacre. doone, they consult togither for the administration of the realme, whether they should quite depose Ferqu­hard, or restore him to his place. In fine they rest vpon this agréement, to send an honorable ambas­sage into France vnto Fiacre, to require him to re­turne home into his countrie, and there to receiue the gouernement of the realme.

Fiacre (as the report goeth) hearing that there Fiacre his praier. were diuers of the Scotish nobilitie comming to­wards him vppon this message, in his praiers desi­red feruentlie of almightie God, that it might please him so to woorke for him, that he might continue in his contemplatiue life still, and not be occasioned to resort vnto the troubles of the world, which all con­templatiue godlie men ought to abhorre. And euen as he had wished, it came to passe. For when those that were sent vnto him, came to the heremitage wherein he had his lodging, they found him (as ap­peared vnto them) so dissigured with the leprosie, that vpon his earnest refusall to forsake his solitarie life (which he professed to lead as an heremite) for anie worldlie preferment of kinglie gouernement, they were content to returne with that answere, sith his infirmitie (as they supposed) was such, as was not conuenient for him that should haue anie publike gouernement. This Fiacre had a sister named Si­ra, which hearing of hir brothers vertuous trade of life, came vnto him with a companie of godlie vir­gins, and being of him confirmed in hir purposed intent of chastitie, she repaired into Champaigne in France, where she with hir fellowes remained in great holinesse of life, leauing in those parties a woorthie memorie not forgotten amongest them there till this day.

The foresaid ambassadours returning foorth of France, declared in what plight of deformitie they had séene F [...]acre, and how earnestlie he had refused the offer which they had made vnto him in name of all the states of Scotland. The Scotish nobilitie herevpon assembling togither, chose foorth foure of the ancientest peeres amongest them, to haue the rule and gouernement of the kingdome, till it were otherwise prouided. These were named by that [Page 113] age, wardens, and had full authoritie to order things as séemed them good in all points. In the meane time Ferquhard remaining still in prison, and vex­ed with sundrie diseases, to rid himselfe out of such miseries, slue himselfe in the 13 yeare of his reigne; The desperat end of king Ferquhard. and so nothing spared his owne life in the end, which had béene the occasion of the losse of so manie other mens liues in time of the ciuill discord, that he had euer nourished. After this wretched end of Ferqu­hard, which happened in the yeare of our Lord 632, 10 the lords of the land assembled themselues togither 632 in Argile, about the choosing of a new king, where by common consent, Donwald the third sonne of Eugenius, being called thither with bishop Conan out of the Ile of Man, was inuesied king with great ioy and triumph.

THis Donwald hauing taken on him the roiall administration, transforming himselfe into his Donwald. Donwald K. o [...] Scotland. fathers maners, restored againe into the former estate such things as apperteined vnto the common 20 wealth, and had béene anie wise decaied and mis­gouerned by the slouthfull negligence of his prede­cessor Ferquhard, by means whereof he quicklie grew into great fauor of his subiects. In the meane time Cadwallo king of the Britains, and Penda king of those Englishmen which inhabited that part [...]ing Edwin [...] slaine. of England ancientlie called Mercia, ioining their powers togither against Edwin king of Nor­thumberland, depriued him both of life and king­dome. After this, passing through the whole coun­trie, 30 and entring into the confines of Pictland, they tooke a great part of the same by force of arms from Brudeus king of the Picts, who in vaine had sued for aid vnto Donwald king of Scotland, for that his vntruth had beene notified more than inough in times past. But Donwald being certified of Ed­wins death, made means vnto Cadwallo king of the Britains by his ambassadours, that Eufred the son of Edelfred might be restored vnto his fathers kingdome, which Edwin had wrongfullie vsurped. 40

This being granted, Eufred leauing his brethren still in Scotland, came into Northumberland, where by authoritie of Cadwallo and Penda he was inuested king of Bernicia, that is, of the countrie which is now called the marches. For at the same time they had diuided the kingdome of Northum­berland Eufred. into two kingdomes, appointing Eufred (as is said) to reigne ouer the one called Bernicia, and one Osrike ouer the other called Deira, a man of great wickednesse, as by his woorks most plainelie 50 appeared. For certeine yeares after his aduance­ment to that dignitie, he found means to marie one of his daughters vnto the foresaid Eufred, persua­ding Os [...]ke an in­ [...]. the same Eufred to consent with him in resto­ring againe the hethenish religion throughout their whole dominion, & vtterlie to renounce the christian faith, which they had latelie before receiued by the instructions of the two bishops Conan & Pauline. But they inioied not long felicitie after so wicked and most diuelish a purpose, for the princes of Albion 60 vnder the leading of Cadwallo K. of the Britains, and Penda king of Mercia, with a great armie as­sembled of Saxons, Britains, and Picts, entring into Northumberland, and incountring in battell with Osrike and Eufred, discomfited their power, and tooke them prisoners, who being put into a com­mon prison, slue each other to auoid sharper tortures, which by due execution they dailie looked for.

Then was the kingdome of Northumberland gi­uen vnto Oswald brother to Eufred, both in respect of the right which he had thereto, and also of the zeale which he bare to the aduancement of Christes religi­on, shewing himselfe in consideration thereof, an earnest enimie to his brother Eufred, and all his partakers, in so much that in the day of the battell, he was one of the forwardest capteins against them. Unto this Oswald was sent a Scotishman called Corman, to instruct the Northumberland men in faith, and after him Aidan, as in the English his [...]orie ye may read more at large: finallie he was slaine by Penda king of Mercia, as in the same historie appeareth. His death chanced in the third yeare of 12. H. B. Donwald the Scotish king, who sore lamented the same, as of that prince whome he loued right intire­lie. Neither liued the said king Donwald anie long time after the death of his deere friend; for that in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne, being got into a bote to fish in the water called Lochtaie for his re­creation, his chance was to be drowned, by reason the bote sanke vnder him. Certeine daies after▪ Donwald the Scotish king drowned 645. H. B. his bodie being found and taken vp▪ was buried amongst his ancestors in Colmekill, in the yeare of our Lord 647.

About the same time there liued in France thrée brethren of great holinesse of life, being sonnes vnto Philtan king of Ireland, the which he begot of his wife Galghetes, descended of the linage of the kings in Scotland. The names of which thrée bre­thren were as followeth, Furseus, Foilanus, and Ultanus. Furseus professing himselfe a moonke of saint Benets order, passed ouer into France, there to set foorth and inlarge that profession, and being re­ceiued of king Clowis, began the foundation of a monasterie there called Latinie, in the which he pla­ced moonks of that order, and began to sow in those parties the seeds of the gospell, but not without the darnell of mens traditions, as Iohn Bale saith in the 14 centurie of the British writers. His two bre­thren Foilan and Ultan followed him ouer into France, and both by word and example instructed the Frenchmen to imbrace the faith of Christ, and to re­nounce the religion of the gentiles.

So that it séemeth as yet, such as professed them­selues to be moonks, and men of religion (as they were called) had not left off to labour in the Lords vineyard, spending their time in reading the scrip­tures, to instruct and teach others, and to exercise praier and thanksgiuing: so as no small number by their wholesome doctrine and good example were conuerted to the christian faith. Foilan at length Anno 854. [...]gebertus. Fossense mo­nasterium. Strife about the celebra­ting of the feast of East [...] was martyred in a monasterie which he had founded in France called Fosse. About the same time there was also a contention amongst them in Albion for kéeping of the Easter day, the Scotish bishops and some of the Britains varieng in their account from all other prelats of the west: but at length through persuasion of the pope they confessed their error (if it ought so to be taken) and consented to celebrate that feast according to the account of other nations. These things chanced in the daies of king Don­wald.

After the deceasse of Donwald, his nephue Fer­quhard Fer­quhard. Ferquhard the second of that name cre­ated king of Scotland. Ferquhard being king was couetous before he was king, he shewed libe­ralitie. the sonne of his brother, the other Fer­quhard, succéeded in gouernement of the realme, a man of quicke and liuelie spirit, but inclined neuer­thelesse rather vnto euill than vnto good, speciallie af­ter he had atteined the crowne, insomuch as it was commonlie spoken of him, that from a liberall and most gentle humane person, he was suddenlie chan­ged into an insatiable and most cruell monster. Be­fore he came to the crowne he was liberall beyond measure. There was no gentleman that wanted monie, either to redeeme his lands ingaged, or to bestow in dower for the mariage of his daughter, but if he had wherewith to helpe him, he might ac­count himselfe sure thereof. Priests and other de­uout persons, speciallie such as were poore and in any necessitie, he oftentimes most bountifullie relieued [Page 114] to their great ease and comfort. To be briefe, such a readinesse was in him to helpe all men, that (as was thought) he could better be contented to want him­selfe, than to sée other men haue néed of anie thing that was in his possession, so that all men iudged him most worthie of all princelie authoritie. But after he was once placed in the kinglie seat, he so altered his conditions, that men could not but woonder much therat. Where before he was knowne to be liberall, well desposed, righteous, sober, and a reformer of of­fenses, 10 he was now foorthwith become couetous, wic­ked towards God, a tormentor of the iust and righ­teous people, and insatiable in all vnlawfull affecti­ons. That which before time he had giuen vnto anie of the nobilitie, he now without all shame most vn­courteoustie Gifts are re­quired as a [...]oane. demanded to be to him restored, alled­ging that he did but lend it for the time. And such as went about to delay restitution, pretending anie ex­cuse, Lo, what a pretense coue­tousnes hath. he caused their goods to be confiscate, and also their bodies to be committed to prison. Now & then 20 he found means without cause or matter to put some of them to cruell death. Such of the prelates as hée For their goods sake prelats are troubled. vnderstood to be wealthie, he rested not till he had pi­ked one matter or other vnto them, whereby they were sure to forfeit all their treasure vnto his cof­fers, that neuer might be [...]lled.

The bishops of the realme, namelie those two re­uerend fathers, Colman and Finnan, perceiuing The king is excommuni­cated. such wickednesse in the prince, blamed him sharpelie sundrie times for the same: and at length bicause 30 they saw he regarded not their admonishments, he was by them excommunicated: whereof he so little passed, that when other went vnto the church to heare diuine seruice, he would get him to the woods and The king is hunting. forrests to hunt the hart, or some other game. Nei­ther were such wanting as were willing to kéepe him companie: so readie is the nature of man at all times to follow licentious libertie. He vsed also, con­trarie He was a glutton. to the custome of his countrie, to eat thrée meales a day, hauing such number of dishes and a­bundance 40 of delicate fare, as the like had not béene vsed at anie time before those daies in that realme: and all to serue his gréedie appetite, togither with theirs that followed his companie.

Of wines & other strong drinks he would parti­cipate abundantlie at all times and places, without regard of health or honor, being excéedinglie giuen A drunkard he was also. vnto most beastlie drinkennesse. He customablie v­sed to sit at supper till it were verie late in the night, hauing his banketting dishes and cuppes to come in 50 one after another, till he were so mistempered, that being laid to sleepe, he would streight vomit out such heauie gorges, as he had in such most gluttonous wise receiued. Herevnto he was so drowned in the filthie lust of the flesh, that he defiled his owne daughters: and for that his wife was about to dis­suade him from such villanie, he flue hir with his owne hands. Thus continuing in his wickednesse certeine yeeres, at length the nobles began to con­spire against him, so that they would haue deuised a 60 meane how to haue rid him out of the way, if bishop Colman had not forbidden them that practise, pro­phesieng A prophesie. as it were by diuine inspiration, that Fer­quhard sore detesting his owne wicked dooings, should shortlie be punished by the hands of almightie God, according to his deseruings.

And sure his words proued true: for within a mo­neth after, as the same Ferquhard followed in chase of a woolfe, the beast being all inraged by the pur­sute The king is sicke. of the hounds, flue backe vpon the king, and snatching at him, did wound and bite him right sore in one of his sides, immediatlie wherevpon, whether through anguish of his hurt, or by some other occasi­on, he fell into a most filthie disease: for a venemous humor with a soft consuming heat, did so eat and wast his members and lims, that a lothsome sight it was to behold the same: for out of his legs, féet, and priuie parts, there issued filthie corruption and matter, with so vile a sauour, that vnneth might any creature abide it. His bellie was swollen, as though he had beene infected with the dropsie, and therto was it verie hard withall. Finallie lice bred so abundant­lie in his secret parts, that he might in no wise be rid of cleansed of them.

At length, when he had béene vexed in this sort for the space of two yéeres togither, or thereabouts, he began to call himselfe to remembrance, and to con­sider how this punishment was worthilie fallen vp­on him for his sinnes, and therevpon causing bishop He sent for his confessor. Colman to be fetched vnto him, being as then about 20 miles off, he confessed vnto him the whole summe of his offenses, declaring himselfe right penitent for the same. Colman reioising hereat, did not onelie release him of the sentence of excommunication, pro­nounced The king be­ing exco [...] ­nicated is released. against him; but also willed him to be of comfort, and to put his confidence in the mercie of almightie God, who was readie to receiue all such sinners as turned vnto him with repentant hearts: so that being put in hope by these & the like words of Colman to haue forgiuenesse of his sinnes, with bitter teares he besought God to haue mercie vpon him: and humblie receiuing the sacrament, got him into simple clothing of heare and sackecloth. Then causing himselfe to be borne into the next fields, hée there yelded vp the ghost in the presence of Colman, Ferquhard yéeldeth vp the ghost. who (according to the dutie of a good ghostlie father) was still about him, in exhorting him to commit himselfe wholie to the mercie of God, & not to doubt but he should be sure to atteine the same. Thus Fer­quhard ended his life, in the 18 yéere after he began his reigne ouer the Scotishmen, and in the yéere of Grace 664. 664 Finnan bishop.

In this Ferquhards daies bishop Aidan depar­ted this world, and then was Finnan sent for foorth of Scotland, to take vpon him the gouernement of the church of Lindesferne, where the bishops of Nor­thumberland Holie Iland. as then had their sée. This Finnan was well learned, and no lesse renowmed for his vertuous life than his predecessor Aidan. He died a­non after the deceasse of Ferquhard, and then was Bishop Col­man cōuerted the Saxons. Colman remooued vnto that sée of Lindesserne, who with his vertuous instructions and examples of ho­lie life conuerted a great multitude of Saxons vn­to the true worshipping of the liuing God. And a­mongst Penda king of Mercia. other was Penda sonne to the former Pen­da, king of Mercia. There be that write how Pen­da the father also was baptised by this Colman: and that the same Colman trauelled through the most part of all the English prouinces, setting foorth the word of life amongest the people, purchasing him great fame for his worthie merits. He came to the church of Lindesferne in the daies of Maldwin that succéeded the last mentioned Ferquhard.

THis Maldwin was the sonne of king Done­wald: Maldwin and after that Ferquhard was dead and buried in Colmekill, he was inuested king: which Maldwin in­uested king of Scots. function he right sufficientlie discharged, studieng to mainteine peace with his neighbors the Picts, Sax­ons and Britains: giuing thereby a good example to A louer of peace & iustice be followed of his subiects. Hereto he had a speciall care for the administration of the lawes in due forme and order, causing offendors to be punished, that o­ther harmelesse persons might liue in quiet, so that by this meanes all things in the beginning of his reigne had prosperous successe. Afterwards there Lennox and Argile are at variance. fell no small discord betwixt them of Lennox and Argile: for first through bralling among the heard­men, their maisters made a fraie, whereof rose such [Page 115] deadlie enimitie betwixt the parties, by reason that the inhabitants of the westerne Iles aided them of The westerne Iles take part with Ar­gile, Galoway with Lennox. Argile, and the people of Galloway the other of Len­nox: that if the king had not come into those parties to appease the businesse, and to haue punished the of­fendors, there had insuer much manslaughter, vnto the great danger of the vtter ruine of those coun­tries.

The king at his arriuall amongst them minded not to pursue the people that followed their cap­teins, 10 Maldw [...] went about for to punish the author of this commo­non. The capteins becam friends togither, and fled into the Iles. The Iland­men appre­hend the cap­ [...]ns of the re­bels. but rather the capteins and authors of this tu­mult themselues. Whereof they hauing knowledge, made an attonement togither, being inforced there­to of necessitie, so to auoid the prepared punishment deuised by the king against them. And foorthwith they fled ouer into the Iles, but the inhabitants doubting the kings displeasure, would not consent to succour them, but contrariwise tooke them and de­liuered them to the kings officers, wherevpon they were safelie conueied to the places where they were 20 borne, and there suffered their deserued execution. Thus that commotion vnaduisedlie begun, was spéedilie appeased, and the name of Maldwin by rea­son héereof so feared amongst his subiects, that du­ring his reigne no such trouble chanced in anie part of all his dominions.

After this he went ouer into Iona or Colmekill, He buildeth the church of the abbeie of Colmekill. where perceiuing the abbeie church, wherein his an­cestors had their sepultures, to be in decaie, he caused it to be pulled quite downe, and woorkemen foorth­with 30 set in hand to build it vp againe, at his owne proper costes and charges. Such spéed also was vsed about this woorke, that before he departed out of this life, the same was finished, and dedicated vnto our Sauior Christ, and saint Colme. About the same time there reigned throughout the most part of the world A great pesti­lence & death vpon earth. a sore and gréenous pestilence, consuming a greater number of men (before it ceassed) than there were left aliue: for it continued the whole space of thrée yeeres togither. At length, through common praier, 40 fastings, giuing of almes, & other vertuous woorks, the wrath of almightie God was pacified, so that such great mortalitie by his mercifull appointment did staie and giue ouer.

The Scotishmen were frée from that infection as Scotland was frée of the pestilence and plague. well at that time, as also for manie yéeres after. Nei­ther were they in manner troubled with anie sharpe feuers, or agues, till time that omitting the ancient and wholesome sparenesse of diet, which their fathers in times past had vsed, they fell vnto riotous banket­ting 50 Riotousnesse the mother of sicknesses. and excessiue féeding, whereby they became sub­iect vnto all kinds of diseases, through malicious hu­mors growing thervpon. Colman bishop of Lindes­ferne séeing woonderfull numbers of Englishmen perish dailie of that contagious sicknesse, by licence of the king, to auoid the present danger of death, which by tarieng there he saw no meanes how to es­cape, returned into Scotland with his disciples, and after getting him ouer into one of the westerne Iles, he erected a monasterie there, wherein he re­mained 60 Calman erec­ted a monaste­ [...]e. during the residue of his life.

After the departure of Colman foorth of Nor­thumberland, the people of that countrie ioining with the Picts, made sundrie roads into the Scotish borders: which iniurie when Maldwine reuenged with more displeasure doone to them of Northum­berland, than the Scotishmen had receiued, it caused the Picts and Northumbers to prepare themselues with all spéed to haue made sharpe warres against the Scots: but in the meane time Maldwin died, being strangled in his bed one night by his owne Maldwin the Scotish king strangled in his bed. wife, vpon suspicion of gelousie, for his vnlawfull companie kéeping [...]th another woman. The next day after she was apprehended with those that were priuie to the deed, and burnt openlie vpon an hill, ac­cording as she had most iustlie deserued. Maldwin was thus murthered in the yéere after the birth of our Sauior 684, and in the 20 yéere of his owne reigne.

AFter him succéeded Eugenius the fist of that Eugenius. Eugenius the fist. name, nephue to Maldwin, as sonne to his bro­ther Dongard. About the same time Eugenius king of Scots sent with all diligence his ambassadors vn­to Egfred king of Northumberland, to mooue him Egfred king of Northum­berland. vnto peace. Eg [...]ed hauing heard the ambassadors which were thus sent, feined as though he had béene willing to haue had peace, where he minded nothing more than to haue warres with the Scots, so soone as his prouision should be once readie, and héerevpon granted to them a truce for the space of 11 moneths, A truce gran­ted. in which meane time he might make his preparati­on. Eugenius hauing some secret knowledge of Eg­freds purpose, prouided likewise for the warres on his part: but for that he would not séeme to giue the Eugenius his comman­dement. occasion, he streictlie commanded that none of his subiects should be so hardie, as to attempt anie thing sounding to the breach of the truce.

In the tenth moneth Egfred hauing all his pre­paration readie, sent a companie of his men of war into the Scotish borders, to fetch some bootie, where­by The truce broken. the peace might be broken. Those that were thus sent, fetched not onelie from thence a great number of cattell, but also flue diuers of the borderers that went about to rescue their beasts and cattell. Im­mediatlie herevpon were sent ambassadors from Ambassadors sent by Euge­nius vnto Egfred for restitution. Eugenius to demand restitution: but they not with­out much adoo, after certeine daies attendance, got audience, and boldlie declaring vnto Egfred their message, receiued for answer a plaine publication of warre. For he alledging how the Scots, since the truce was granted, had sundrie times fetched booties out of the confines of his dominions, and therefore had well deserued farre more damage than as yet they had receiued, wherevpon he minded not to con­tinue friendship with them that knew not how to kéepe their hands from robbing and stealing from their neighbours: so that he commanded them to declare vnto their king, that within eight daies af­ter, he should looke for open warre at the hands of Egfreds an­swer. him and other his alies.

Eugenius receiuing this answer from Egfred, besought God, sith the other onelie sought to vio­late the peace, that the vengeance might light vpon his owne head, that had thus giuen the occasion. Héerewith gathering his power togither, he repai­red Eugenius gathereth an armie. into Galloway, into the which he had knowledge that his enimies would first enter. But before he could get thither, a great armie of Englishmen were come alreadie into that countrie, and had be­sieged a strong castell called Downske, the chiefest The castell of Downske be­sieged. fortresse in those daies of all Galloway. And yer Egfred might winne the same, he was constreined to raise his siege, and to march foorth to incounter with Eugenius, who hasted fast towards him. They met néere to the banks of the water of Lewis, as then being verie déepe, by reason it was raised with abundance of raine which latelie before had fallen, where they fought a verie sore and bloudie battell: for the Scots had vowed neuer to giue ground to the e­nimies, so long as anie life remained in their breasts.

At the first there was no great aduantage per­ceiued on either side, the kings, according to the du­ties of valiant capteins, exhorting their people to sticke to it manfullie: but in the meane time, cer­teine bands of Egfreds part getting themselues to the side of an hill, gaue the looking on, without com­ming downe at all to aid their friends: which man­ner the residue of his people perceiuing, doubted of [Page 116] some treason deuised against them, and therevpon began to shrinke backe. Egfred aduised therof, came amongst the foremost ranks of his battell, desiring the Englishmen in no wise to giue place to their e­nimies: and for that daies seruice he promised them high rewards, and all the pleasure that afterward he might be anie waies able to shew or doo them. But whilest he was thus busilie occupied in comforting & exhorting his men to fight stoutlie, he himself chan­ced King Egfred slaine. Sée more héereof in England. to be wounded in the face with an arrow so sore, 10 that immediatlie he fell downe and died in the place. The Englishmen discouraged with this mischance, were quicklie therevpon put to flight and chased, a great number of them tooke the riuer so to escape the enimies hands, of whome the more part being pres­sed downe by weight of their armor, were drowned in the raging waues of the floud, the residue by ca­sting from them their armors and clothes, escaped by swimming ouer to the other side, but those that made their course by land, being cumbred in mires 20 and mosses, also amongst streicts, rocks, mounteins and cliffes, were ouertaken by the Scots and slaine. Few of that number escaped awaie in safetie, so that there died in the fight and chase at the point of twentie thousand Saxons with their king the fore­said Twentie thou sand Saxons slaine. Egfred: of the Scots were slaine, besides those that were hurt and wounded, not manie aboue six thousand. By this ouerthrow the force of those Sax­ons or Englishmen of Northumberland was not onelie sore diminished, but also of such other Saxons, 30 the which in no small number were come vnto Eg­fred, to aid him against the Scots in that iournie.

Brudeus the Pictish king hauing knowledge of this slaughter, which had chanced betwixt the En­glishmen Brudens king of the Picts. and Scots, was nothing sorie, as one that was friend to neither part, and now perceiuing that the Northumberland men were so weakened, that Inuasion in­to Northum­berland. they were not able to resist an inuasion, he entred with his whole power which he had raised, into Nor­thumberland, sore afflicting th'inhabitants, insomuch 40 that he had vndoubtedlie either subdued that coun­trie wholie vnto his dominion, either els vtterlie de­stroied it, had not the deuout praiers of S. Cutbert (who then held the sée of Lindesferne) preserued the Cutbert bi­shop. people from that present desolation. For at length af­ter the Picts had raged a while through the countrie, they chanced to fall at variance amongst themselues for parting of the spoile, and buckling togither by the eares, there was an huge slaughter made amongst them. And this was the cause, that contenting them­selues 50 A slaughter amongst the Picts. with those countries about Berwike, anci­entlie called Deira, out of the which they expelled the Saxons, they absteined from all the residue, as not willing to deale withall. Neither were the Saxons of Northumberland, being thus scourged, able to re­couer their former forces againe, of manie yéeres af­ter insuing.

Héere is to be noted, that whereas the Scotish writers ascribe the victorie of that battell, wherein Egfred slaine by Picts and not by Scots. Eugenius the fi [...]t died. 688 Eugenius the sixt succéedeth Eugenius the fift. [...] league be­twéene the Scots and Northumber­land men. Truce taken with the Picts. Egfred was slaine, vnto their king Eugenius, Beda 60 which then liued, declareth that the Picts were those that fought with him and slue him. Finallie, Euge­nius departed this life in the 4 yéere of his reigne, and after the incarnation 688. After Eugenius the fift, succeeded Eugenius the sixt, who was the sonne of Ferquhard, and by persuasion of bishop Adan­nan (with whome he was brought vp) & of S. Cut­bert, he entered into league with the Northumber­land men: but he would at no hand ioine in amitie with the Picts, notwithstanding he was contented to take truce with them. But when he saw the same oftentimes by them violated & broken, to the great perill, damage, and hinderance of his subiects, he caused the warre to be proclamed, and sent them his defiance by an herald. Howbeit, through the earnest praiers (as is supposed) of the two bishops, Cutbert and Adannan (who had laboured earnestlie to haue brought those people to a quietnesse) this warre con­tinued Warre with­out anie no­table incoun­ter. The death of Eugenius the sixt. 697 without anie notable incounter, saue onelie by light incursions (wherein no great bloudshed chanced) euen vnto the death of Eugenius, which fell in the yéere of our Lord 697, and in the tenth yeere of his owne reigne. He was buried togither with the other Eugenius, that lastlie reigned afore him, in the Ile of Colmekill, amongst their predecessors.

Manie woonderfull visions were séene that yéere Woonderfull visions séene. in Albion, as the Scotish chronicles make mention. In the riuer of Humber there appéered in the sight of a great multitude of men, a number of ships vnder saile, as though they had béene furnished foorth for the warres. In the church at Camelon there was heard a noise, as it had béene the clattering of armor. Milke was turned into bloud in diuers places in Pictland, and chéese conuerted into a bloudie masse or cake. Corne▪ as it was gathered in the haruest time appeered bloudie. In the furthermost parts of Scotland, it rained bloud. These sights being séene of some, & declared to other, caused a woonderfull feare in the peoples harts, imagining some great altera­tion to insue.

AMbirkeleth the nephue, or (as some say) the son Ambirke­leth. Ambirkeleth succéedeth Eugenius the sixt. of Eugenius the fift, succéeded Eugenius the sixt in the gouernment of the realme; who after his atteining to the crowne, shortlie changed therewith his manners and good disposition: for where before he shewed himselfe to be an earnest defendor of the poore and simple, that all men iudged that he would haue prooued a patrone of all vertue, he contrarie to The king turned from vertue vnto all licentious­nesse. that expectation, became suddenlie a paterne of all vices and couetousnesse, delighting in nothing but in following his sensuall lusts, as in taking excesse of meats and drinks, and wallowing in fleshlie con­cupiscence of lecherous lust. To be briefe, when he tooke nothing in hand woorthie of his estate and de­grée, it was thought that of necessitie the forme of the publike gouernement must néedes thorough his negligent slouthfulnesse fall into decaie and ruine: wherevpon Garnard king of the Picts, supposing he Garnard king of the Picts inuadeth Scotland. had conuenient time to reuenge all former iniuries receiued at the Scotishmens hands, gathered a great host of men, and with the same entring into the Scotish confines, made verie pitifull slaughter of the inhabitants.

At length Ambirkeleth (being sore blamed of his Ambirkeleth gathered an armie against the Picts. his nobles for his negligence, in suffering his sub­iects thus to be destroied) gathered an armie togi­ther, & with no small feare to shew his head amongst his people (as those princes which through their owne default haue their people in mistrust, doo euer stand in doubt of their owne safeties, and namelie when anie present danger beginneth to appéere) foorth he goeth without anie great good order (God wot) for what might be looked for at his hands, which was so ouerwhelmed with all kind of excessiue gluttonie, immoderate surfeting, insatiable lecherie, and de­liting altogither in slouthfull ease, and sluggish idle­nesse, Idlenesse the bréeder and nourisher of sensuall lusts. the root from whence all such filthie vices ta­king their beginnings, are nourished & mainteined.

To conclude, he liued as one that tooke no maner of regard to that which chieflie apperteined to his cal­ling: whereby now when he should come into the field, he was neither able through lacke of practise to take paines to sée things doone as was behouefull, of himselfe, neither yet to giue order to others how the same ought to be doone. Neuerthelesse marching for­ward with his armie, he came to the water of Tay, and neere to the banks thereof, he pitched downe his tents, where after he had supped, he was occasioned [Page 117] to go foorth of his lodging to doo the necessities of nature, and being onelie accompanied with two of his seruants that were groomes of his chamber, he was suddenlie shot through the head with an arrow, but from whence it came, or who shot it, there was neuer anie knowne that could tell. Howbeit, the The death of Ambirkeleth. king immediatlie died of the hurt, after he had reig­ned not fullie two yéeres. He was buried in Colme­kill amongst his noble ancestors.

THe lords and peeres of the land not greatlie la­menting 10 the death of such a monstrous person, Eugenius. bicause the armie for want of a gouernor should not fall into anie danger, they elected Eugenius the se­uenth, being the brother of the late foresaid Ambir­keleth, Eugenius the seuenth is e­lected king of Scots. to succeed as king in the gouernment of the realme; a prince of verie comelie port & personage, neither destitute of honorable qualities and good dis­position of mind. Being once proclamed king, he caused generall musters to be taken of the whole ar­mie, and perceiuing by surueie thereof, that he was 20 not able to match with his enimies, he found means to conclude a peace with the Pictish king, pledges being deliuered on either side, for redresse to be had A peace con­cluded. of all wrongs and iniuries that had beene committed betwixt them. The Picts returning home, and the Scotish armie dissolued, Eugenius with the most part of the nobilitie went into Argile, where he re­ceiued his inuesture of the kingdome, sitting vpon the stone of marble, according to the custome and The king is crowned. maner. 30

The bond of peace begun betwixt the kings, was the more stronglie confirmed by meanes of aliance, Spontana the daughter of king Garnard being coo­pled in mariage with Eugenius: she in the yéere following being great with child, was murthered The quéene slaine in stéed of hir husband one night within the kings bed-chamber, in stéed of the king himselfe, by two brethren of the countrie of Athole, who mooued to displeasure for their fathers death, had conspired to murther the king, and had slaine him in deed, had he not through his good hap 40 laien foorth of his owne chamber the same night. Eugenius being suspected of the murther, and euill spoken of for the same amongst his subiects, was at length with great danger of life and honor inforced The king is suspected of the murther. to make answer by waie of arrainment for clearing of himselfe, before the nobles of his realme, appoin­ted as competent iudges in that case: so greatlie be­loued was Spontana amongst all the degrées of the Scotish nation. But in the end being found gilt­lesse of the crime (for at the time that iudgement 50 should haue passed, the offendors were apprehended and brought in) he was acquit, to the great reioising of all honest men. Those that had doone the déed, were condemned and hanged vp naked on gibbets by the héeles, togither with certeine cruell mastiue dogs, The murthe­rers are han­ged. the which might so deuoure them.

But Eugenius being thus cleared of all former suspicion, minded to haue béene reuenged on those that had falslie accused him. Howbeit through the godlie admonishments of that reuerend father A­dannan, 60 An example of [...] good prince. he qualified his displeasure. After this, gi­uing his mind to the aduancement of religion and politike gouernement of his subiects, he ordeined that the histories of his ancestors should be written The king causeth his ancestors hi­stories to be written. in bookes and volumes, that posteritie might haue to read the same for example sake. These monuments he also appointed to be kept and reserued in the ab­beie of Iona, now called Colmekill, for a perpetuall memorie: and such as should write the same, to re­maine and haue liuings there in the abbeie. Moreo­uer, such spirituall promotions as he perceiued to be too meane and slender for the maintenance of the mi­nister that should serue the cure, he caused to be aug­mented in such wise as was thought sufficient. He concluded a league with the Saxons and Picts, and Eugenius the seuenth depar­teth out of this life. 716. H. B. obserued the same during his life, which he ended at Abernethie, when he had reigned about 17 yéeres, whereof the last fell in the yéere after the incarnation of our Sauior 717, the 15 indiction. His death was greatlie lamented, both of his lords and commons, as they that intierlie loued him for his noble and most princelie qualities.

A Little before his death, he betooke the possession Mordack. Mordacke succeedeth Eugenius the seuenth. of his kingdome vnto Mordacke that succéeded him. This Mordacke was the nephue of Eugenius the seuenth, by his brother Ambirkeleth: who as he was knowne to be of a gentle, meeke, and liberall nature, before his aduancement to the crowne; so he shewed himselfe to be the verie same man during the whole course of all his naturall life, after he had atteined to the same. Aboue all things he wished a A louer of peace. generall peace to continue amongst all the princes of Albion, and therevpon for his part establishing a peace with the Picts, Britains, and all the English kings, he firmelie kept euerie article therein contei­ned. In those daies (as S. Beda dooth testifie) foure Peace tho­rough out all the land of Albion. seuerall people liued in peace and quietnesse within the bounds of Albion, though differing in manners, language, lawes, and ordinances: Saxons whome be called Englishmen, Britains, Scots, and Picts. His woords are these that follow.

The nation of the Picts at this time is in league The testimo­nie of Beda. with the Englishmen, and gladlie is partaker of the vniuersall peace and veritie with the catholike church. Those Scots which inhabit Britaine, con­tenting themselues with their owne bounds, go a­bout to practise no deceitfull traines, nor fraudulent deuises against the Englishmen. The Britains, though for the most part through a familiar hatred doo impugne the English nation, and the state of the whole catholike church, obseruing not rightlie the feast of Easter, besides other naughtie vsages, yet both the diuine power and humane force vtterlie resisting them, they are not able in neither behalfe to atteine vnto their purposed intentions; as they which though partlie frée, yet in some behalfe are thrall and mancipat to the subiection of the English­men: which Englishmen now in acceptable peace and quietnesse of time, manie amongest them of Northumberland, as well of the nobilitie as other, laieng away armour and weapon, applie themselues to the reading of holie scripture, more desirous to be in houses of vertuous conuersation, than to ex­ercise feats of warre. What will come thereof, the age that followeth shall perceiue and behold. ¶ With these words dooth Beda end his historie, continued till the yeare 734, in the which yeare Mordacke the 734. Mordack en­ded his life the same yeare that saint Be­da made an end of his hi­storie. Scotish king ended his life.

He repared sundrie churches and religious hou­ses, which being defaced with violence of the eni­mies inuasions in time of warre, had not béene re­edified by his ancestors. But amongest other, he bestowed much cost vpon the church where the bodie of S. Ninian lieth, in the towne ancientlie called Candida Casa, & now Whitterne or [...]huitterne. Candida Ca­sa now called Whitterne. Saint Beda calleth that place Pictiminia, and the bishop which at the same time held the church there, hé nameth Acta, auouching how he was the first that was bishop thereof after the daies of saint Ninian. Which if it be true, it must néeds be that afterwards some vacation happened in that see for a time, sith it is notified in the Scotish histories, that the westerne Iles, Galloway, and other regions néere adioining, were subiect vnto the bishop of Sodor (whose sée is in the Ile of Man) vnto the daies of Malcolme the third, who restored rather than ordeined the bishops sée in Candida Casa againe, after such vacation as before is specified.

[Page 118] BUt now to returne touching the gouernement of the Scotish kingdome, I find that after the Ethsine. Ethsine suc­caedeth Mor­dake. deceasse of Mordake last remembred, his nephue na­med Ethsine, the sonne of the seuenth Eugenius, succaeded in the state; a man naturallie inclined vn­to peace and maintenance of iustice. The league [...] peaceable prince. which his predecessors Eugenius and Mordake had kept with their neighbors the Britains, English­men and Picts, he duelie likewise obserued. His chiefe studie was to purge his realme of all such as 10 were knowen to be open barrettors and offendors in anie wise, against the peace and common quiet of his subiects; so that causing sundrie notable exam­ples of iustice to be executed vpon such euill dooers, he was had in such reuerend dread amongest his subiects, that none of them durst once whisper anie euill of him. Neither had they verelie anie cause so to doo, while he looked to the administration himselfe.

But after he was once fallen into age, he appoin­ted foure péeres in his realme to haue the chiefe go­uernance 20 vnder him; as Donald the treasuror of Foure gouer­nors vnder the king. Argile, Collane of Athole, and Mordake of Gallo­way his lieutenants, and Conrath the thane of Murrey land. These hauing the procuration of all things touching the gouernement of the realme, v­sed not themselues so vprightlie in manie points as Uniust go­uernement. they ought to haue doone; but winked now and then at faults & trespasses committed by their kinsfolks and alies, permitting the nobilitie to liue according to their old accustomed maner of licentious liber­tie, 30 to the small ease or commoditie of the other in­feriour states. Donald of the westerne Iles, a man of goodlie personage, but of disposition inclined to all naughtinesse, mainteined a great number of Donald of the Iles maintei­neth robbers. robbers and spoilers of the countrie, liuing onelie vpon rauine. For looke what they wanted, they would not faile to catch it, if it were in anie place a­broad where they might laie hands on it: so that all the husbandmen and commons of Galloway, in which countrie they most haunted, were brought in­to 40 The oppres­sion of the commons of Galloway. woonderfull thraldome and miserie.

Neither did Mordake the kings lieutenant there, go about to chastise such insolent misdemenors, either for that he was of Donalds aliance, either Mordake the kings lieute­nant beareth with often­dors. else priuie to his dooings, and partaker of the spoile. The people hereby vexed with continuall iniuries, brought manie pitifull complaints before Mordake, who nothing regarded their lamentable sutes and supplications, but the more they complained, the woorse they were handled. Neither was there anie 50 hope of redresse or amendment, till Eugenius the eight was admitted to the kinglie administration after the death of king Ethsine, who in the latter end of his daies continuallie being sicke and diseased, could not attend to take order for the publike go­uernement, by reason whereof such wilfull misorders insued. He died in the yeare of our Lord 764, af­ter he had continued his reigne ouer the Scotish­men The deceasse of Ethfine, 762. H. B. the space of thirtie yeares, his bodie being bu­ried in Colmekill with all funerall obsequies. 60

HIs successor, the foresaid Eugenius the eight that was the sonne of king Mordake, was in­uested king in Argile with such pompe and ceremo­nies Eugenius. Eugenius the eight in­uested king of Scots. Donald of the Iles appre­hended. as in that case apperteined, and immediatlie therevpon he hasted foorth to catch Donald of the Iles, not resting till at length he had caught him, though that came not to passe without some losse of his people. After he had taken both him and his chie­fest complices, he put them openlie to death; neither so satisfied, he caused Mordake to be arraigned, who confessing himselfe partlie guiltie of such things as Donald and his complices put to death. were laid to his charge for mainteining of the fore­said Donald, he likewise suffered death, and his goods being valued and diuided into parts, were be­stowed amongest the commons of Galloway, in re­compense Mordake lieutenant of Galloway is put to death. The com­mons recom­pensed. of such losses, as through his contriued falshood they had susteined. Also he did put Donald, Collan, and Conrath to their fines, for that they did suffer Donald to rob & spoile without chastisement.

Through which causing of iustice thus to be execu­ted, in reliefe of his commons, he wan him woon­derfull loue, not onlie in Galloway, but also through I righteous king. out all his realme; and therewith were offendors put in such feare, that they durst in no place commit a­nie such misorders against the simple and meaner Offendors put in feare. people. And for the more increase of his subiects wealth, he also continued the league with the Picts, Britains, and Englishmen, accordinglie as his late predecessor had doone. But yet, as the nature of man through licentious libertie is euer readie to of­fend in one point or other, so it came to passe by this woorthie prince Eugenius, who in such wise as is be­fore expressed, reigning in peace and quietnesse a­mongest his louing subiects, yet fell into most vile lust to accomplish his vnsatiable fleshlie concupis­cence, Eugenius is peruerted with sensuall lust and con­cupiscence. séeking all means he could deuise to deflours yoong virgins and honest matrons, and that as well those of the nobilitie as other. And such companions as could best further his purpose in that behalfe, and deuise new means and waies of fleshlie companie, those he set by, and greatlie made of, deliting altogi­ther A filthie de­light. to haue them in his companie.

Thus being drowned in lecherous lust, and filthie concupiscence, he fell dailie in more greeuous vices, as into excessiue couetousnesse and beastlie crueltie, Couetousnesse linked with crueltie. consenting to make awaie his wealthie subiects, to the end he might inioy their goods. This wickednes remained not long vnpunished, for the lords and péeres of his realme, perceiuing how he procéeded dailie in his abhominable and tyrannicall dooings, not once giuing eare to the wholesome aduertise­ments either of God or man, they slue him one day Eugenius is murthered. amongest them as he sat in iudgement about to haue condemned a great rich man, though not guil­tie in the crime whereof he was accused. They cau­sed also a great companie of those mates to be ap­prehended, which had béene of his councell, and pro­uokers vnto all his wicked and vile dooings. Which The end of Eugenius the eight. to the great contentation of the people were han­ged, as they had well deserued. And such was the end of Eugenius, after he had gouerned the king­dome about thrée yeares: his bodie was buried in Colmekill amongest his ancestors, though the peo­ple thought it little woorthie of that honor, which had misused it selfe so inordinatlie in this present life.

AFter him came th'administration of the realme Ferguse. 767. vnto Ferguse the third, the sonne of king Eth­fine, in the yéere 767, who being established in the same, began fréelie to practise all kinds of vices, which most abundantlie reigned in him, howbeit till Ferguse the third created king. that day woonderfullie dissembled and kept couert. He séemed to striue how to passe his predecessor in all points of wickednesse. He tooke no regard at all A wicked prince. to the gouernement of his realme, but gaue himselfe to excessiue gluttonie, in deuouring of delicate meats and drinks, and there with kept such a num­ber of vile strumpets in house with him, whome hée vsed as concubines, that his wife was no better e­stéemed than as an handmaid, or rather a kitchen­maid. Who being a woman of great modestie, and sober aduisednesse, could not yet but take sore gréefe and indignation hereat: and therefore sundrie times assaied by way of wholesome persuasions, to turne his mind from such sinfull vsages and filthie trade of liuing.

Finallie, when she saw there was no hope to con­uert his depraued mind, nor by anie meanes to re­forme him, but that the more she laboured to doo good [Page 119] vpon him, the woorse he was, through verie displea­sure of such iniuries as she dailie susteined at the [...]. Ferg [...] the third strangled by [...]s wife. hands of his concubines, shée found meanes to strangle him secretlie one night as he lay in bed, choosing rather to be without a husband, than to haue one that should deceiue hir of the right and dutie of mariage; and that in such sort, as she must be faine to suffer the reproch dailie before hir face, being mis­used of them whom he kept as paramours in most despitefull maner. The day after she wrought this 10 feat, the bodie being found dead, was apparelied in funerail wise, and brought foorth vnto the place of iudgement, where inquisition was stre [...]ctlie made what they were that had done so heinous a déed. For though there were but few that lamented his death, yet some of his friends were verie earnest to haue the matter tried foorth, that such as had committed the murther might suffer due punishment.

Manie were apprehended and had to the racke, but yet could none be found that would confesse it. 20 Suspicious persons are [...]cked. The quéene was void of all suspicion, as she that had béene taken for a woman at all times of great tem­perancie. But yet, when she heard that a num­ber of innocent persons were tormented without de­sert, sore lamenting (as should appeare) their misera­ble case, she came hastilie into the iudgement hall, and getting hir aloft vpon the bench, there, in the pre­sence The quéene confessed the [...]urther. of all the companie, she had these or the like words vnto the whole assemblie. ‘I know not (good people) I know not what god mooueth me, or what 30 diuine reuengement vexeth mée with sundrie thoughts and cogitations; that of all this day and morning preceding, I haue had neither rest in bo­die nor mind. And verelie when I heard that cer­teine guiltlesse persons were cruellie tormented here in your presence; had not wrath giuen place, partlie vnto modestie, whereof I must confesse there is left but a small portion in me. I had foorthwith rid my selfe out of the way. The kings death was mine act. Conscience constreineth me (setting apart 40 mine owne safegard) to confesse the truth, least the guiltlesse should wrongfullie perish: therfore vnder­stand ye for truth, that none of them whom ye haue examined are priuie to the offense. I verelie am she, that with these wicked hands haue strangled this night last past Ferguse, about whose death I sée you in trouble, moued so to doo with two as sharpe pricks as may re [...] in a woman, to wit, impatient forbea­ring of carnall lust, & irefull wrath. Ferguse by his continuall vsing of concubines, kept from me the due 50 debt that the husband oweth to the wife: wherevpon when there was no hope to reconcile him with often aduertisements, vehement force of anger rising in my hart, droue me to doo so wicked a déed. I thought rather therefore to dispatch the adulterer, than (being destitute of my husband, & defrauded of all quéenelie honor) to liue still subiect to the perpetuall iniuries of such lewd women as he kept & vsed in my stead. She giueth hir owne sentence. Loose yée therefore those that be accused of the kings death, & as for me ye shall not néed to procéed against 60 me as guiltie of the crime by order of law: for I that was so bold to commit so heinous an act, will accor­dingly doo execution vpon my selfe euen here incon­tinentlie in presence of you all: what honor is due to the dead, looke you to that.’¶ Hauing thus made an end of hir tale, she plucked forth a knife which she had The quéene taketh execu­ [...] of her self. hid vnder hir gowne, and stroke hirselfe to the heart with the same, falling dead vpon it downe to the ground. All such as were present woondered greatlie at hir stout and hardie stomach, speaking diuerslie thereof, as some in praise, and some in dispraise of these hir monstruous dooings. The bodie of Fer­guse was caried foorth to the Ile of Colmekill, and there buried in the third yéere after his entring into the gouernement, and in the yéere of our Lord 769. 767. H. B. The quéens corps was not buried in sacred ground, for that she slue hirselfe.

SOluathius the sonne of Eugenius the eight, was Solua­thius. Soluathius admitted king of Scotland. admitted to the rule of the Scotish estate next af­ter the death of [...]erguse: a prince suerlie borne to the accomplishment of high enterprises, if through hap of froward destinie he had not béene hindered. For in the third yéere of his reigne he began to bée vexed extréemelie with the gout, which ingendered by cold in lieng abroad in hunting; and so continu­ing Soluathius an impotent man. with him during his life, staied him from manie woorthie exercises, as well in peace at home, as a­broad in time of warres. Thus he being in maner impotent & lame of his lims, there were some com­motions and misorders the more boldly attempted: and first amongst them of the out Iles. For Bane A rebellion. Makedonald proclamed, king of the Iles. Makedonald, gouernor by the kings appointment of the Iland called Tire, got all the castels and for­tresses of the Iles into his owne hands, & strengthe­ned with a rout of vnrulie and mischefous youthfull persons, tooke possession of all the said Iles, causing himselfe to be proclamed king of the same.

Not contented herewith, he gathered a number of ships togither, wherein transporting himselfe with a great armie ouer into Lorne and Cantire, made He inuadeth Lorne and Cantire. A power from the king is sent against him. great waste and spoile of those countries, till Duth­quhall gouernor of Athole, and Culane of Argile, be­ing sent with a chosen power from the king to de­fend the countrie, chanced to incounter with him, and putting him with his people vnto flight, chased them to such a streict, as where there was no way to get foorth, saue onlie that by which they entered. This place is in Lorne, with a streict passage to enter into it: but when yeare within it, the same is verie large and broad, inuironed about with craggie moun­teins, chained togither with a continuall ridge, a déepe riuer compassing them in beneath in the bot­tome, with such steepe & sidelong banks, that there is no way to passe foorth of the same, but by that through which ye must enter into it. The said Bane with his folks being entred at vnwares into such a streict, and perceiuing there was no way to issue foorth, but by the same where he entred, he returned backe thi­ther, and finding the passage closed from him by his [...]es, he was in a woonderfull maze, not know­ing what shift to make to escape. Finallie, falling to counsell with the chiefest of his armie vpon the dan­ger present, and so continuing for the space of two daies without anie conclusion auailable, on the third day driuen of necessitie through hunger, they requi­red of their enimies to be receiued as yéelded men vpon what conditions they would prescribe, onelie hauing their liues assured. But when this would not be granted, in the euening tide they rushed foorth vp­on their enimies, to trie if by force they might haue passed through them. But such was their hap, that there they died euerie mothers son: for so had Duth­quhall & Culane commanded, to the end that other rebels might take example by such their wilfull and rebellious outrage.

The kings capteins after this passing ouer into The kings power passeth ouer into the Iles. the Iles, brought all things there into the former state of quietnesse. Yet after the appeasing of this tumult, there chanced a new businesse in Galloway: for Gillequhalme, sonne to that Donald, which (as ye Gillequhalme the sonne of Donald. haue heard) was executed by commandement of Eugenius the eight, gathered togither a great num­ber of vngratious scape-thrifts, & did much hurt and mischéefe in the countrie. But shortlie after, being vanquished by the same capteins that had suppressed the other rebels of the Iles, the countrie was rid of that trouble, and the ring-leaders punished by death for their offenses. In this meane while, the English­men [Page 120] & Welsh Britains through multitude of kings and rulers warring each against other, had no lea­sure to attempt anie enterprise against strangers. Neither were the Picts frée of some secret displea­sures, which one part of them had conceiued against another, so that the Scotishmen were not troubled at all by anie forreine enimies. And so Soluathius hauing continued his reigne the space of 20 yéeres, Soluathius departeth this life. 788. Achaius. Achaius crea­ted king of Scotland. about the end of that tearme departed this life, in the yéere of our saluation 788. 10

THen after Soluathius was once buried in Col­mekill amongst his ancestors, Achaius the son of king Ethfine (a man highlie renowmed for his earnest zeale to iustice and vpright dealing) was ad­uanced to the gouernance of the realme: who for that by his former conuersation amongst the nobilitie, he perfectlie vnderstood what grudge and secret ha­tred remained in their harts, one wishing anothers destruction; he foresaw what danger the common­wealth stood in, if the same were not by some good 20 meanes qualified: and thervpon calling them togi­ther, He maketh the nobilitie to agrée. he handled the matter with such wisedome and dexteritie, that before their departure from him, all the roots of former displeasures being vtterlie extir­ped and auoided, they were made friends on ech side, and promised in his presence so to continue. Thus hauing laid the foundation of a quiet state amongst his subiects, now in the beginning of his reigne, hée was at point to haue had no small warres with the Irishmen: for a number of them being arriued in 30 Cantire, were there slaine by them of the westerne Iles, which vpon request of the inhabitants of that countrie were come to aid them against those Irish­men.

This losse the rulers of the Irish nation purpo­sed in all hast to reuenge vpon them of the Iles. But Achaius hearing thereof, sent ouer an ambassage vnto them, to haue the matter taken vp before anie further force were vsed: alledging how there was no cause wherfore warres should be mooued for such 40 a matter, where the occasion had béene giuen but by a sort of rouers on either side, without commande­ment or warrant obteined from anie of their supe­riors. Howbeit the nobles of Ireland (for there was The Irish­men will reuenge. no king amongest them at that time as it chanced) mooued altogither with indignation for the slaugh­ter of their countrimen, made a direct answer, that they would suerlie be reuenged of the reproch which they had receiued, before they would common of a­nie peace. And therefore whilest the Scotish ambassa­dors 50 returned out of Ireland with this answer, a great number of them in ships and craiers passed o­uer into Ila, where getting togither a great preie, and fraughting their vessels therewith, as they were Irishmen take a preie in Isa. returning homewards, they were soonke by force of tempest, so that neither ship nor man returned to bring tidings home how they had sped in Scotland.

The stout stomachs of the Irish lords and rulers being well qualified with this mischance, they were glad to séeke for peace shortlie after vnto Achaius. 60 Irishmen doo séeke peace. Those also that were sent ouer to treat of the same, found him at Enuerlochthée; where hauing declared there message, & confessed how iustlie they had béene punished by the righteous iudgement of almightie God, for the wrongfull attempting of the warres a­gainst them that had not deserued it: Achaius an­swered, how the Irish nation was so stubborne, that they knew not how to vse reason, except they were throughlie scourged; and therefore had the righteous God taken iust reuenge vpon them, to the example of other, for their contumacie, in moouing warres a­gainst them that had so earnestlie sought for peace. Neuerthelesse, setting apart all iniuries past, as well new as old, to shew himselfe to be the follower of Christ, who in so manie passages had praised, com­mended, and set foorth vnto vs peace and tranquilli­tie, he was contented to grant them peace, which now they sued for. Thus was the peace renewed betwixt the Scotish and Irish nations, to the no lesse comfort of the Scots themselues, than of the Irish­men, as those that had learned now by experience and triall (hauing inioied peace a good season) how much the same was to be preferred before cruell warres.

In this meane time, Charles surnamed the great, Carolus Magnus in league with the Scots. as then reigning in France, and vnderstanding how the Englishmen did not onelie by dailie rouing disquiet the seas, to the great danger of all such mer­chants and other as trauelled alongst the coasts of France and Germanie; but also now and then com­ming on land vpon the French dominions, did ma­nie notable displeasures to his subiects: he thought good by the aduise of his péeres, to conclude a league (if it were possible) with the Scots and Picts, with this article amongst the residue: That so oft as the Englishmen should attempt any enterprise or inua­sion into France, the Scots and Picts should be rea­die streightwaies to inuade them here at home; and when they should make anie warres against the Scots or Picts, then the Frenchmen should take vpon them to inuade the west parts of England.

There were sent therefore from Charles vnto A­chaius certeine ambassadors to bring this matter Ambassadors sent into Scotland. to passe, who arriuing in Scotland, and comming to the kings presence, declared effectuallie the summe of their message, shewing that the conclusion of such a league should bee no lesse to the wealth of the Frenchmen, than of the Scots (considering Eng­lishmen to be a people most desirous of all other to get into their hands other mens goods and possessi­ons) for thereby they might be somewhat restreined from such bold and iniurious enterprises, as they dai­lie tooke in hand against their christian neighbors: but it should make most of all (say they) for the ad­uancement of the whole christian common-wealth, whereas otherwise through their insolent dooings, such force as was alreadie prepared against the Sa­racens (the common enimies of the christians) should be called backe, therewith to kéepe off the said Eng­lishmen, to the great danger of those parts of chri­stendome, vpon which the Saracens then bordered as neighbors.

This message being heard with good deliberation The ambassa­dors are hono­rablie inter­teined. by such as were present, the ambassadors themselues being honorable personages, and graue of counte­nance, were receiued most louinglie of the king, and lodged in his owne palace, hauing all the cheere and honorable interteinment that might be deuised: but touching their message, there were sundrie disputa­tions amongst the nobles, whether the concluding of such a league as they required, were expedient for the Scotish common-wealth or not. And for that the matter seemed to be doutfull, the king thought it ne­cessarie to haue the aduise of his councell: and there­vpon calling them togither, and appointing diuerse of them to go with the ambassadors on hunting, to shew them some sport, whilest he consulted with the residue (bicause he would not haue them present) he commanded one Colman, gouernor of Mar (a man of great authoritie amongst the Scotishmen for his approoued wisedome) to say first his mind touching the request of those French ambassadors, who there­vpon standing foorth, began as followeth.

‘No man ought to maruell, I perceiue, king A­chaius, if manie of this our nation be desirous to haue this league concluded with the Frenchmen, as they that are persuaded how nothing can be better, nothing more profitable, more honorable, or more [Page 121] pleasant to almightie God, than to ioine in league and friendship with a nation of greatest power and wealth in these daies, of all other within the bounds of Europe: for by that meanes should the Scotish name be highlie renowmed and spoken of through Due conside­rations. the whole world. But trulie these considerations con­tenting so well at the first, are not so much to be re­garded as the euils which hereafter may grow there­vpon: for suerlie a naughtie and pernicious end of this determination shall euidentlie teach vs (though 10 too late) how farre we haue gone beside the way of reason in establishing this league, if we once con­sent to conclude the same. Is it anie other thing (I beséech you) to make a league, and to ioine in socie­tie with the Frenchmen against our neighbors the Englishmen (whose friendship might be most expe­dient An [...] at hand. Friends [...]arre off. for vs) than euen to haue from hencefoorth a néere and in maner a domesticall enimie at hand, whereas our supposed friends shall be farre off from vs, and separated from our countrie by a great and 20 large sea, at whose plesure also we must make wars against our neighbors, and fight for other mens safe­gards, putting our bodies in hazard of death and wounding for their cause, which dwell nothing néere vs; yea & in their quarell to commit our kingdome, goods and liues vnto extreme perill of vtter destruc­tion? I would thinke it good therefore to take better aduisement and deliberation herein, least whilest we Good counsell of Colman. séeke for vaine glorie and counterfeit honor, we doo not, through prouoking the Englishmen our next 30 neighbors, lose our owne liberti [...] got with much trauell by our elders, for the which they so often fought with the Britains, Romans, Picts, and final­lie with the Saxons. Can there be anie thing more pernicious vnto a frée nation, and people borne in li­bertie, than to measure lawes of peace, chances of warre, and in fine libertie it selfe, by the lust and plea­sure of another nation, and so to enter (as it were) into bondage? For the auoiding whereof, not onelie men, but also all other liuing things are readie to 40 fight, euen to the vttermost. If the Frenchmen in the chiefest heat and most earnest brunt of the warre (which we shall take in hand for their sake, according to the articles of the league) shall chance to forsake vs, and conclude some manner of peace or league with our enimies, leauing vs in all the whole dan­ger; shall we haue anie iudge afore whome we maie bring them to answer for their default, and by whose authoritie they may be constreined to see vs satisfied for such losse and iniuries as we shall happily susteine 50 at the Englishmens hands? Are we of that force and power to reuenge our wrongs vpon them, after we are vanquished and in maner brought to vtter confusion by those warres which we shall enter into for their cause? If euer we be brought vnto that point (as God forbid we should) that through want of substance, and decaie of force, the Frenchmen shall also vtterlie forsake vs, & that thereby we shall not bée able to resist the English puissance: afore whome (I beséech you) shall we accuse them for brea­king 60 of this league? We shall dailie haue to doo with our enimies after the conclusion of the league (if it be concluded at all) and but seldome times with our friends. In the midst of our enimies we shall be still occasioned to practise for our defense, where we haue a long way both by sea and land to passe ouer to our friends, in case anie néed shall inforce vs there­vnto: commodities are brought vs out of Spaine, France, and Germanie, not such as we desire, but onelie such as the Englishmen doo permit. Againe, when our merchants shall passe into France, what hauens shall we leaue them to resort vnto in time of dangerous tempests, which often chance to all such as vse sailing? Either must they perish and be cast a­way through rage of seas, either else fall into the hands of our enimies togither, with all their goods and fraught. What discommodities hereof shall rise, your grace (most prudent prince) and you right cir­cumspect councellors, doo well inough perceiue. I therefore would thinke it expedient, that we should continue in the former peace concluded with the Britains, Saxons, and Picts, according to the cu­stome of our late predecessors, who saw well inough what was most beneficiall for the wealth of the Sco­tish nation, and not to couet a new amitie with an vnknowne people, hauing deserued little or nothing as yet at our hands (whose intent I cannot but haue in suspicion, sith they séeke for amitie so farre off) ex­cept we shall manifestlie resolue with our selues to imploie and ieopard both life and libertie for the safe­gard of the French, without regard of our owne. ¶ Manie in that assemblie shewed themselues sore Colmans counsell is misliked. offended with Colmans woords, supposing the league with the Frenchmen to be both honorable and necessarie.’

Then one Albian, a man of great nobilitie (whome the king had latelie before instituted his lieutenant in the Iles) spake in this manner. ‘If it were possi­ble Albian his O­ration. that there might be one sure and inuiolable con­sent amongst those foure people, which at this daie haue their habitations within the bounds of Albion, or that the Englishmen knew what it were to stand and abide by faith and promises made and giuen, we would not denie but that those considerations and aduises which Colman hath héere vttered, ought to be followed; bicause that then there should be no occasi­on at all, why we should conclude anie league with a­nie forren nation. But forsomuch as there was ne­uer man that found more vntruth and breach of pro­mise The English Saxons brea­kers of pro­mise. in anie nation, than hath béene found in these Saxons (the which hauing got the rule in Albion, are now called Englishmen) as the Scots, Picts, and Britains haue by triall sufficientlie prooued; I sup­pose it is euidentlie knowne vnto you, that either we must of necessitie fight and stand at defense against the Englishmen, readie to assaile vs both with open force and secret craft, either els linke our selues with such alies and confederats, as by their support we maie be the better able to withstand the malice of such vnfaithfull people. Call ye this faith, or treason, I praie you? The Saxons in times past being reque­sted of the Britains to aid them against their eni­mies, were most louinglie receiued, and highlie re­warded for their seruice: but they contrarilie in re­compense of such kindnesse, shewed themselues in stéed of aiders, enimies; in stéed of defenders, destroi­ers: turning their weapons points against the Bri­tains, by whome they had béene so sent for to their aid; and now haue not onelie destroied a great num­ber of them by fire and swoord, but also they haue spoi­led them of their kingdome & libertie. What league or truce haue they at anie time kept (you your selues are not ignorant of this which I speake) where either they saw occasion to vex their neighbors, or hoped to gaine anie thing by falsifieng their faiths, as they that haue neuer béene ashamed so to doo, where hope to haue commoditie (if I may so call it) hath at anie hand béene offered. Into what sundrie and most mi­serable calamities hath the trecherie of the Saxons brought the sillie Britains? How oftentimes haue they broken the peace established with vs, and also with the Picts; euen when we least thought vpon anie such thing? Yea and that more is, amongst them selues at this season the Englishmen warre one a­gainst another, more with craftie traines than with open force, in such wise that in Northumberland so manie kings, and so manie noble men haue béene traitorouslie murthered and made awaie, that scarse [Page 122] may there be anie found that will take vpon him the supreme gouernement of that countrie. It is not To induce o­thers to his purpose, he ta­keth the ad­uantage of ca­suall haps, charging the whole nation with the fault of a few parti­cular persons. manie yéeres ago, since Oswin king of that coun­trie was rid out of the waie through treason of Os­wie that succeeded him in the kingdome, and was after depriued both of life and kingdome by Osrike, whome Egbert desirous to reigne in his place, found meanes by traitorous practise to dispatch. Egbert was slaine by Mollo, and Mollo by Alfred, which Al­fred was after slaine by the guilefull craft of Ethel­bert. 10 Neither had Ethelbert anie better successe in the end, for now of late betraied by his owne sub­iects, he was by them shamefullie slaine and murthe­red. Neither with lesse traitorous shifts and deuises doo the Englishmen mainteine their warres in all places where they are inhabiting within Albion. The reuerend fathers of the spiritualtie, and other godlie men addicted to vertue, vnto whom the setting foorth of Gods woord hath béene committed, wearie of and abhorring this wood madnesse, rage and wicked mis­demeanor 20 of that nation, haue left their bishoprikes, abbeies, monasteries, and cels, and from thence haue remooued into forren regions. Therefore where the Englishmen doo absteine at this present from ma­king vs warres, it is not to be imputed to anie reue­rence they haue vnto faith, equitie, or respect of the league, which they haue made with vs, but onelie vn­to such ciuill sedition and discord, as now dooth reigne amongst them. Neither ought anie of vs of right to doubt, but that when the same once ceasseth, they will 30 immediatlie take weapon in hand against vs, not­withstanding all leagues or couenants of peace con­firmed to the contrarie. To represse therefore and a­bate their subtill practises, I can find no readier meane than to enter into friendship, and conclude a league with that people, which being ioined with vs, may chastise such outragious furie of this wicked nation, as cause and oportunitie shall require. For­tune hath offred vnto vs a conuenient meane and oc­casion héerevnto. For héere be at this present the 40 French kings ambassadors, offering that vnto vs, which (being so great a benefit) we might scarse wish for. That is, they require to haue vs to ioine in league against the Englishmen, with their king, whome France, Spaine, and no small part of Ger­manie The French­men in those daies possessed not onelie that part of Gallia, which we now call France, but also the most part of the countries now inhabited by the Dutch­men or Ger­mans, name­lie on this side the riuer Rhene. doo acknowledge for their souereigue. Ought this to be despised of men that haue their perfect sen­ses? Ought the societie of the French nation to be refused of vs, inhabiting here in the vttermost parts of the earth, the same being fréelie offered by them, 50 vnto whom for their sincere faith both towards God and man, the large empire of the world is granted? So that if we shall thankfullie receiue this most no­table benefit, the same shall purchase vnto vs the friendship of the Spaniards, Frenchmen, Ger­mans, and all those nations which acknowledge king Charles for their head and souereigne lord. Héere vp­on also frée passage for merchants shall be open, to passe to and fro vnto vs, with all kind of merchan­dize and wares of traffike. I trust therefore that eue­rie 60 one of you (so that he weie the thing with him­selfe throughlie) will easilie iudge that the friendship and societie of the Frenchmen (verie puissant both by sea and land) and thereto of approoued faith and stedfastnesse in promise, ought more to be estéemed, and is more beneficiall to the Scotish common­wealth, than the vnstedfast promises and great disloi­altie of the Saxons. To which of you is it vnknowne that the English nation studieth no lesse to bring vs vnder the yoke of seruitude, than they doo the Welsh­men, if their force might answer directlie to their wils? Therefore if we desire to auoid the violent power of most cruell enimies, if we meane to a­uoid their craftie practises, if we regard the christian religion, for the which the Frenchmen are continu­allie in armor, if we set more by vertue and constan­cie than by vnfaithfulnesse and breach of couenants and promises, if we labor for the glorie and honor of our nation, if we couet to aduance our countrie, our owne rest, and quietnesse; and to be briefe, if we passe vpon life and libertie, the most déerest things that may happen to man, let vs with ioifull harts esta­blish this league with the Frenchmen, and firmelie continue in the same, vpon assured trust and confi­dence that it shall bring perpetuall commoditie and renowme to vs, both for the safegard of our realme, & restreint of the Englishmens vnlawfull attempts and wrongfull iniuries, which héereafter they either shall or may at any time enterprise against vs.’¶ By this oration Albian drew the multitude easilie vnto his purpose.

Then Achaius vnderstanding how the minds of all his subiects were in manner wholie inclined to the league, commanded all the companie to be there in the same place againe the next day. And so brea­king vp their assemblie for that time, the king made the French ambassadors that night a costlie supper with a banket, and after hauing conference with his The league with the Frenchmen agréed vpon. nobles and lords of the councell, it was agréed by ge­nerall consent amongst them, that for the solemne ratifieng of this league with king Charles, accor­ding as he had required, there should go with his am­bassadors at their returne the lord William the brother of king Achaius, with foure other honorable and learned personages, being men of perfect know­ledge and skill, and such as were estéemed most meet for such a purpose. Also, that they should take foure thousand men ouer with them to serue against the infidels and enimies of the christian religion, where and in such sort as king Charles should appoint them.

Héere vpon the next day going first to church, and The league is concluded. there making their common supplications vnto al­mightie God, according to the rites and ancient cu­stomes, they after resorted vnto the councell cham­ber, where Achaius opened and declared vnto the French ambassadors all that was concluded by him, and other the estates of his realme, touching the mes­sage which they had brought from king Charles. Who reioising (as should appéere) greatlie héereat, gaue most hartie thanks vnto him, and to all the residue for their beneuolent wils héerein shewed towards king Charles their maister, and all the French nati­on. After this, remaining certeine daies with Achai­us, who made them all the chéere that might be ima­gined, they departed towards Hungus king of the Hungus king of the Picts. Picts, vnto whome at their comming to his presence they made the like request on their maisters behalfe, which they had made before vnto Achaius.

It is said that Hungus gaue the Frenchmen most hartie thanks for their good wils, but yet he would Hungus re­fuseth to con­clude anie league with the French­men. not grant to conclude anie league with them at that time, for that (as he alledged) the matter being weightie and of great importance, required no small time to deliberate and take aduise for a full resolution therein. The ambassadors héere vpon returned vnto Achaius without spéed of their purpose with Hun­gus, and the second moneth after, all things being The French ambassadors returne home. readie for their returne, and the passage of those that should go with them, the lord William the kings brother, togither with the same ambassadors, & such foure persons as the king had chosen foorth amongst all the learned clergie of his realme (whose names were Clement, Iohn, Raban, and Alcuine) and also Claudius, Clement, Iohn Maes­bell, Raban, Alcuine. hauing with him those foure thousand men of war, which were at the first appointed to go with him, pas­sed foorth towards France, where he with all the whole companie landed within few daies after in safetie, according to their owne wished desires. At [Page 123] their comming into France Charles the emperor The Scotish­men are hono­rablie receiued of Carolus the French king. receiued them in most gladsome wise, dooing them all the honor that might be deuised, and the souldi­ers which were come to serue him vnder the leading of the foresaid William, he reteined in wages, v­sing them after the same sort and rate as he did his owne naturall people the Frenchmen.

Shortlie after also at the request of the Scotish ora­tors, The league is published by heralds. according to the charter signed by Achaius, and confirmed by consent of king Charles, the league 10 betwixt the Frenchmen and Scots was solemnelie published by heralds at armes, according to the ma­ner in those daies vsed, the same to indure betwixt those two nations and their posterities for euer. The chiefest articles comprised in this league were as fol­loweth. [The amitie and confederation betwixt the Frenchmen and Scots to be perpetuall and firme, to indure betwixt them and the posterities of both The articles of the league. nations for euer. The iniuries and warres which the Englishmen should attempt against either na­tion, 20 should be accounted as common to them both. The Frenchmen being assailed by warres of the Englishmen, the Scots should send their aid of soul­diers, hauing their charges borne by the Frenchmen as well for furniture, as wages, and all other things necessarie. The Frenchmen should contrariwise aid the Scots in time of wars against the English­men at their owne proper costs and charges. What­soeuer he were, priuat person or publike of these two confederat nations, that against either of them 30 should aid the Englishmen with armour, counsell, vittels, or in anie other maner of wise; the same should be reputed for a traitor vnto both their prin­ces and countries. Neither might either of them conclude a peace, or take anie truce without the consent of the other. These were the principall articles of the league, as then confirmed betwixt the Scots and Frenchmen, indited in Latine, and faire ingrossed in parchment, and reserued as a mo­nument in both realmes, for a witnesse vnto such as 40 should come after of this friendship thus begun, as the Scotish chronicles affirme.] And for further me­morie The armes of Scotland. of the thing, Achaius did augment his armes, being a red lion in a field of gold, with a double trace seamed with floure delices, signifieng thereby, that the lion from thence foorth should be defended by the aid of the Frenchmen; & that the Scotish kings should valiantlie fight in defense of their countrie, liberties, religion, and innocencie, which are repre­sented by the lilles, or floure delices, as heralds doo 50 interpret it. The lord Willam, the said Clement, and Iohn, remained still with king Charles, but Ra­bane & Alcuine returned into their countrie. In all such warres and iournies as Charles afterwards The valiant­nes of Wil­liam. made against anie of his enimies, the said lord William was a chiefe dooer in the same, so that his fame and authoritie dailie grew in all places where he came. His seruice stood king Charles in notable stead in his expeditions against the Saxons, Hun­garians, and other; but namelie his estimation in 60 Italie was most highlie aduanced, at what time the said Charles reedified the citie of Florence, appoin­ting Florence is reedified. this William to be his lieutenant in Tuscan, and to haue the chiefe charge for the restoring of the said citie, which he with such diligence applied, that William lieu­tenant of Tuscane. within short time the same was not onelie fortified with new wals, repared and replenished with great numbers of houses, churches, and other beautifull buildings, but also peopled and furnished with citi­zens, a great companie of nobles and gentlemen being called thither out of euerie citie and towne thereabouts for that purpose.

The citie being thus restored to hir former estate and dignitie, through the bounteous benefit of king Charles, and the diligent administration of his lieu­tenant the foresaid William, the citizens to shew themselues thankefull, deuised for a perpetuall me­morie to beare in their armes a red lillie, resembling one of those which the kings of France giue, saue The armes of Florence. that it differed in colour, to testifie thereby, that their citie (after the destruction therof by the Goths) was reedified and restored to the former dignitie, by the benefit of the Frenchmen. And to acknowledge the diligence herein of the lieutenant, they did insti­tute publike plaies to be vsed and celebrated euerie yéere, wherein with manie pompous ceremonies they crowne a lion. And further that there should be A lion crow­ned. kept vpon the charges of the treasurie within the ci­tie certeine lions (for the foresaid lord William gaue a lion for his cognisance) and therevpon as the Sco­tish chronicles affirme, those beasts grew to be had Lions kept at Florence. in such honor amongest the Florentines. Thus this valiant capteine, the foresaid lord William, passing his time in notable exercises, and woorthie feats of chiualrie vnder king Charles, is accounted in the number of those twelue martiall warriours, which Scotesgil­more. are called commonlie by the Scotishmen, Scotes­gilmore.

And for that he was continuallie occupied in William vn­maried ma­keth Christ his heire. Monasteries of Scotish­men in Ger­manie. warres, he was neuer maried, wherevpon growing in age, and purposing to make Christ his heire, he builded diuers abbies and monasteries both in Ita­lie and Germanie, richlie indowing the same with lands and rents, sufficient for the finding of such number of moonks, as he appointed to be in the said abbies, wherein none might be admitted, according to the ancient ordinance by him deuised, except he were a Scotishman borne. In witnesse of which ordinance, there are sundrie of these houses remai­ning in Almaine euen vnto this day, nothing chan­ged from the first order or institution. Before the ac­complishment of these things, by the foresaid lord William, brother (as is said) to the Scotish king Achaius, I find that the vniuersities of Paris and Pauia were instituted by king Charles, chiefelie by the helpe and means of these two fore-remembred Scotishmen, Iohn and Clement, insomuch that The vniuer­sitie of Paris and Pauia. Clement was appointed chiefe president of all the students at Paris, and Iohn of the other at Pauia.

But now to returne to the other dooings of Achai­us, Adelstane en­tereth into Deira. ye shall vnderstand, that about the same time, or not much differing from the same, Adelstane the sonne of Ethelwoolfe king of Westsaxons, taking vpon him the dominion of Kent, Eastsaxon, Mer­cia, and Northumberland (which Egbert his grand­father had receiued into his gouernement) desirous now to inlarge his kingdome, entred into that part of the Pictish dominion, which ancientlie hight Dei­ra, and conteined the marches about Berwike, al­ledging how the same apperteined to his kingdome of Northumberland, and had béene fraudulentlie ta­ken from his ancestors by the Picts: but forsomuch as there was a commotion raised the same time in Mercia, he was called backe to appease it, and here­vpon Deira wasted by fire and sword. putting all to the fire and sword in Deira, sa­uing such prisoners as he brought away with him, he returned. Hungus the Pictish king sore stoma­ching this iniurious enterprise of the Englishmen, determined to reuenge the same in all possible hast, and therefore made instant sute vnto Achaius (who Hungus ai­ded with Scotishmen inuadeth Northumber­land. had maried his sister) to haue his aid against them.

Achaius of his owne accord minding to doo the Englishmen a displeasure, sent foorthwith vnto Hungus to the number of ten thousand men. With which, and with his owne power, king Hungus in­uaded the borders of Northumberland, fetching He warred without slaughter and burning. from thence a great bootie of goods and prisoners; but yet he forbare slaughter of men, and burning of [Page 124] houses, for a reuerence which he had, as is supposed, towards the christian religion. Athelstane being Athelstane pursueth Hungus. certified hereof, omitting his iournie into Mercia, turned all his power against the Picts: and hearing that they were withdrawen into their countrie, he followed them so néere at the héeles, that verie ear­lie in one morning he was vpon their backs where they lodged by a brooke side, not passing two miles from Haddington, before they had anie knowledge of his approch. Athelstane vpon a fierce courage, ha­uing 10 thus found his enimies according to his wi­shed desire, and herewith comming vpon them in such order of battell, as they had no waie foorth to e­scape without fight, he commanded a proclamation to be made by one of his heralds, that all the whole Athelstane his cruell procla­mation. number of the Picts should passe by the edge of the sword.

The Picts thus séeing their enimies at hand, and hearing this cruell commandement, were woonder­fullie The Picts are amazed. amazed with the strangenesse of the thing, and 20 oppressed so with feare, that they wist not what might be best for them to doo. At length by commandement of Hungus their king, they fell vnto fortifieng of their campe; but yet they quicklie perceiued how The Picts enter the campe. that it would not long preuaile them, considering that their enimies had gotten into their hands not onelie the spoile which they had brought with them out of Northumberland, but also all other their prouision, trusse, and baggage, which they had left in a field there adioining vnto the side of their 30 campe. Herevpon manie reasons were put foorth amongest them, which way they might escape out of that present danger. In which meane time A­thelstane hauing brought his people into good order Athelstane dooth chalenge his enimies. of battell, prouoked the Picts to come foorth of their strength into the plaine field, there to trie their for­ces. But for that day no notable thing was doone; the Picts kéeping themselues still within their campe.

In the night following, after sundrie consulta­tions had amongest them, it was agréed by generall 40 consent, that the next day they should giue battell to the Englishmen. And so herevpon preparing them­selues for the purpose, euen vpon the breake of the The Picts prepare them­selues vnto battell. day, forward they make towards their enimies with fierce willes, speciallie incouraged thereto by the comfortable words of Hungus. The Englishmen halfe amazed at the hardie approch and onset of the Picts, were not long able to susteine their sore im­pression; so that beginning somewhat to swarue, at length they were forced to flée vnto the place, where 50 ye heard how they tooke the baggage and spoile of The English­men are put to flight. the Pictish campe: where they were beaten downe in greater numbers than before, insomuch that such prisoners as they had before taken of them that kept the said spoile, greatlie now to aduance the victorie of their fellowes, shewed more crueltie to­wards the Englishmen than anie of the rest, now that they saw once how the victorie was inclined to the Pictish side.

In fine, such slaughter was made, that of the 60 whole English host which was there assembled, there vnneth escaped fiue hundred. Athelstane himselfe at the first was run through the bodie with a speare, Athelstane is slaine. and so died, giuing name to the place of the battell, which continueth euen vnto this daie, being called Ailstone foord. Athelstans foord. This victorie fell to the Picts by miracle: for in the night season, as Hungus was [...]reame. laid downe to sléepe (after it was agreed that they should giue battell) there appeared vnto him the apo­stle saint Andrew (as the tale goeth) promising him and his people victorie against their enimies on the day next following; and for an assured token there­of, he told him that there should appeare ouer the Pictish host in the element such a fashioned crosse, as The crosse of saint Andrew. he sometime suffered vpon. Hungus awakened, and beholding the skie, saw the crosse, as the apostle had told him: wherevpon calling his people togi­ther, he not onelie shewed them the same sight, but also declared vnto them what vision had appeared vnto him in his sléepe; willing them therefore to be of good comfort, sith there was cause of such assured hope to haue assistance from aboue against their cru­ell enimies.

The signe of the foresaid crosse was not onelie Saint An­drew the Scotishmens patrone. séene of the Picts and Scots being there with them in aid, to both their great comforts and gladnesse, but also of the Englishmen to their no lesse discou­ragement, as they that vnderstood saint Andrew to be patrone and protector of the Scotish and Pictish nations. For it did put such a feare into their hearts, that when they came to the point of ioining, their stomachs so failed them, that with small resistance they were easilie vanquished (as is said) and put to flight. For this so manifest a miracle, after the bat­tell was once ended, and the victorie obteined, Hun­gus repaired with his people following him, vnto the church of that blessed man saint Regulus, now Saint Reule. called saint Andrewes, where they made their offe­rings with humble deuotion vnto the relickes of the apostle, rendering thanks vnto him for their vic­torie with deuout praier after the accustomed ma­ner. Why Scotish men vse saint Andrews crosse in war­fare. They vowed there also at the verie same time (as the fame goeth) that from thencefoorth as well they as their posteritie in time of war should weare a crosse of saint Andrew for their badge and cogni­sance. Which ordinance continuallie after remai­ned with the Picts, and after their destruction and extermination with the Scots euen vnto our time. Athelstan his buriall. The bodie of Athelstane was buried in the next church vnto the place where the field was fought, howbeit, some haue left in writing that his head was cut off from the bodie, and brought to Inchgar­uie, where being set vpon a stake, it was shewed to the people in reproch of his iniurious enterprise.

Hungus the Pictish king to shew himselfe yet more mindfull of the due honoring of the holie apo­stle, by whose aid he acknowledged himselfe to haue got the victorie aforesaid, not onelie augmented his Hungus repa­reth saint An­drews church. church with new bildings & néedfull reparations, but increased the number of priests for the celebrating of diuine seruice; he also gaue manie rich and costlie ornaments vnto the same, as chalices, cruets, ba­sons, & such like. Moreouer, he caused to be made the images of Christ and his 12 apostles of fine gold Images of gold and sil­uer. and siluer, which he bestowed there; with a case also of beaten gold, therein to inclose the relickes of saint Andrew. And besides this, he ordeined that the spi­ritualtie should haue the tenths of all increase of Tenths to be giuen to the cleargie. goods: as of corne, cattels, herbage, and such like through his realme: and further that spirituall per­sons should not be compelled to answere before anie temporall iudge. But these beneficiall priuiledges the Pictish clergie did not long inioy. For Feredeth Feredeth ta­keth from the cleargie their priuileges. And why not. that was the fourth, which reigned amongest the Picts after Hungus, tooke from them all such gifts as this Hungus had giuen them, and further ordei­ned to the derogation of their priuileges, that they should answere for secular crimes afore secular ma­gistrats; Priests to be tried afore se­cular iudges. and that liuing vpon their former reue­nues, souldiers & men of war should inioy the other which Hungus, had so fréelie bestowed vpon them.

The nobles of the land mainteined Feredeth in his dooings, reckoning all that spirituall persons had to be but cast away, which was the cause (as some thought) that their kingdome came into such ruine, as shortlie after followed. There be some chronicles that write how these things, which are mentioned of Hungus, and Athelstane, chanced not altogither [Page 125] about this season, but Hector Boetius followeth Ve­remond in most of his accounts, as the author whom he taketh to be most certeine, as well for the account of the time as in the course of the whole historie. And for that we meane not to presume wholie to derogat the same Boetius his credit, we haue not much dis­sented from him, but rather followed him in most places, leauing such doubts as may be woorthilie put foorth of that which he writeth, vnto the conside­ration of the diligent reader, sith it is not our pur­pose 10 to impugne, but rather to report what we find written by others, except now and then by the way to admonish the reader of some vnlikeliehoods (as the same dooth séeme to vs and others) and happilie not without iust occasion.

But now to our purpose. As well Hungus king of Picts, as Achaius king of Scots, after the ouer­throw and death of Athelstane, liued with their peo­ple in good quiet and rest: for the Englishmen at­tempted nothing against the Scots and Picts after­wards, 20 during the time of their reignes. At length Achaius de­parteth out of [...]his life. 819. Achaius, after he had reigned 32 yeares, departed this life, in the yeare of our Lord 819, which was a­bout the sixt yeare of Hungus his dominion ouer the Picts. His bodie was buried in Colmekill, ac­cording to the maner of kings amongest his prede­cessors. In the dais of this Achaius (beside Clement and others, of whome before ye haue heard) liued bi­shop Geruadius a notable preacher in Murrey land, also bishop Glacian with Modan and Medan two 30 brethren, all doctors and men of singular know­ledge, in respect whereof they were had in great cre­dit and estimation with the people.

AFter the deceasse of Achaius, Conuall that was his vncles sonne Dongall, the brother of Conuall. Conuall suc­céedeth A­chaius. Loue and a­ [...]itie. king Ethfine, succéeded in gouernement of the Sco­tish kingdome. Betwixt this Conuall and Hungus the Pictish king, there was woonderfull loue and a­mitie shewed, both of them studieng by all means how to mainteine the ancient league and aliance 40 betwixt their people, wherevpon insued great wealth and quietnesse vnto both their kingdoms. Finallie Hungus wasted with a continuall consumption de­ceassed, Hungus fal­leth in a con­sumption. Conuall de­ceasseth also. 802. Io. Ma. deliuering vp his kingdome into the hands of his sonne Dorstolorgus, and that in the presence of king Conuall, who likewise liued not long after him, for in the fift yeare of his reigne he likewise de­parted out of this world, by force of naturall sicke­nesse.

DOngall the sonne of king Soluathius was re­ceiued 50 to succéed by the common consent of the Dongall. Dongall suc­céedeth after Conuall. states of all the realme, a man of singular wisdome and great knowledge. But for that he was some­what seuere in punishing the misordered behauiours of the nobilitie, & misgouerned youth of his realme, A seuere pu­nisher of ma­lefactors. diuers of the nobles conspired against him, forcing one Alpine the sonne of Achaius to make claime to the crowne; who perceiuing there was no remedie, Alpine con­strained by the nobles, taketh vpon him to be crowned king. but either to follow their minds, or else to be mur­thered amongest them, consented to go with them 60 into Argile, where they purposed to crowne him king sitting vpon the chaire of marble, according to the manner. Howbeit, at his comming into that countrie, he found means to conuey himselfe from Alpine vnwil­ling to receiue the crowne fled. amongest them, least through his means the quiet state of his countrie should be brought into trouble: and foorthwith being escaped out of their hands with a few other that were priuie to his intention, he ma­keth all the hast he could, till he came to the presence of Dongall, who receiued him in most ioifull wise, promising that if it should be thought necessarie by Alpine was ioifullie recei­ued of Don­gall. the states of the realme, he would gladlie resigne vnto him his whole crowne and dignitie, desirous of nothing more than to sée the aduancement of the house of Achaius. Such (saith he) were the merits of that famous prince towards the preseruation of the Scotish common wealth, that it were too much wickednesse to go about to defraud his issue of the inheritance of the realme.

Alpine giuing the king most hartie thanks, be­sought Alpine his ex­cuse vnto Dongall. him to continue in the administration, draw­ing God and the world to witnesse, that he minded nothing lesse than to be about to claime the gouerne­ment of the kingdome so long as he liued. For as touching his offense, in that he had gathered an ar­mie, and led the same into Argile, it was not his fault, but the conspirators which had forced him thereto, being determined to haue slaine him, if he had not consented vnto their desires. Within thrée Dongall ma­keth an armie against the re­bels. yeares after, there came messengers from the re­bels to excuse themselues also, & to put all the fault in Alpine: but king Dongall giuing small credit to their forged words, gathereth his power, and ma­keth such spéed towards the place where he vnderstood the said rebels were assembled togither, that he was vpon them yer they had anie knowledge of his set­ting forwards. So that before they could make anie shift to escape out of danger, which they went about to doo, they were apprehended, and immediatlie con­demned and put to death. Which execution put other presumptuous persons in feare, so that [...]he state of the realme remained afterward a great deale more in quiet.

Whilest things passed thus in Scotland, Eganus Eganus murdereth his brother. the second sonne of Hungus the Pictish king, found means to murder his brother Dorstolorgus, to the end he might reigne in his place: and through sup­port of some of the nobilitie he atteined to his pur­pose. And for that he w [...]uld assure himselfe the more firmelie in the estate, he frankelie bestowed his fa­thers treasure amongest his lords and chiefest péers of his realme, and tooke to wife Brenna the king of Mercia his daughter, whom his brother the forena­med Dorstolorgus had maried, that thereby he might asswage the said king of Mercia his displea­sure, which otherwise he should happilie haue concei­ued for the death of his other sonne in law the same Dorstolorgus. His feare was great on ech side, and Eganus li­ueth in feare. therefore had small affiance in anie person, doubting lest one or other should séeke to reuenge his brothers death. He durst neuer go anie waies foorth abroad without a gard of men of warre about him, whome he had woone & made his fast friends by his passing great largesse and bountifull liberalitie. At length yet, his wife to reuenge hir former husbands death, found means to strangle him as he lay one night Eganus is strangled of his quéene. fast asléepe, hauing droonke a little too much in the euening before, and in this sort he came to his end, after he had reigned much what about the space of two yeares.

Thus both Eganus & Dorstolorgus being made away, without leauing anie issue behind them, for­somuch as now there remained none of the posteri­tie of Hungus to succéed in gouernement of the Pictish kingdome, Alpine nephue to the said Hun­gus, by his sister Fergusiana, with the aduise of king Dongall, made claime therevnto, and thervpon sent his messengers vnto the lords and péeres of the Pic­tish An ambassa­dor sent vnto the Picts. dominion, to require them on his behalfe, that he might be receiued to the gouernement of the king­dome due vnto him by lawfull inheritance, as they well vnderstood: and that if they throughlie conside­red of the thing, they might perceiue it was the pro­uision of almightie God, that for want of lawfull succession lineallie descended from Hungus, now to succéed in the estate of the Pictish kingdome, by this meanes both the nations Scots and Picts should be ioined in one, to the abolishing of all such mortall [Page 126] warres, as by discord and contention might arise be­twixt those two people, in like sort as before time there had done, to the great perill and danger of both their vtter ruines.

The Pictish nobilitie, hauing knowledge that The Picts those Fere­deth to be king. these messengers with such kind of message should shortlie come from Alpine, with generall consent and whole agreement, chose one Feredeth to be their king, a man of great authoritie amongst them, sup­posing this to be a meane to defeat Alpines title, and 10 that thereby he should séeme to be excluded from any further claime. Within few daies after, came vnto Camelon the Scotish ambassadors, where Feredeth The am [...]assa­dors come in­to the court. with his nobles at that present were assembled: they being admitted therefore to declare their message, when they began to enter into their matter of the right which Alpine had to the kingdome of the Picts, the people would not suffer them to proceed anie fur­ther therein, but began to make such an vprore, that to appease the noise, Feredeth himselfe tooke vpon 20 him to make answer vnto the ambassadors: and thervpon commanding silence, declared vnto them that the Picts neither might nor ought to admit any stranger to reigne ouer them: for there was an an­cient King Fere­deth his an­swer vnto the Scotish am­bassadors. law among them, of most high authoritie, that in case of necessitie they might transpose the crowne from house to house: and further, that by the same law there was an ordenance decréed, that if anie man were once made and created king, he might not be deposed during his naturall life. And therfore 30 though it were so, that Alpine were the nephue of Hungus by his sister Fergusiana: yet bicause he was a stranger borne, and considering withall, that the people by their full authoritie had translated the regall administration vnto an other house, of the which one was alredie proclamed and inuested king, there was no reason now, why Alpine should make anie further claime or demand vnto the kingdome.

Upon the messengers returne home with this answer, Dongall shewed himselfe to be in no small 40 chafe, that the Picts should thus go about by such sub­till Dongall his displeasure with the Picts an­swer. Ambassadors sent againe. arguments and contriued inuentions to defraud Alpine of his right. And therevpon the second time he sent his ambassadors vnto them, requiring them either to doo him reason without anie further surmi­sed cauillations; either else within thrée moneths space after to looke for open warres at the Scotish­mens hands. These ambassadors passing foorth on their iourneie, at their approching vnto Camelon, certeine sergeants at armes met them, and did for­bid 50 Ambassadors are not recei­ued. them to enter the citie: also they further comman­ded them in name of Feredeth their king to auoid out of the confines of his dominions within foure daies space, vpon paine of death.

The ambassadors being terrefied with such ma­ner of inhibitions, they went no further: but yet ac­cording Warre is pro­nounced vnto the Picts. as they had in commission, they pronounced the warre in the name of Alpine and Dongall, re­quiring those that thus came to méet them, to giue signification therof vnto their maister Feredeth, and 60 to the whole Pictish nation; and so returned home the same way they came. Then did the Scotish lords repaire vnto Dongall, who at the same time laie in Carrike castell, and there taking counsell for the maintenance of these warres, not one was found a­mongest them which offered not to spend both life, lands, & goods in Alpines iust quarell. By this means was great preparation made on both sides for the The Scots willingly giue themselues vnto the war. warre, the Scots minding to set Alpine in his right, and the Picts determining not to receiue any prince of a strange nation to reigne ouer them. But whilest Dongall goeth about to prouide all things readie for his enterprise, he chanced to be drowned in the ri­uer of Speie, as he was about to passe the same in a bote. This mishap chanced him in the sixt yéere of his reigne, and after the birth of our Sauiour 830. 930. His bodie was buried in Colmekill, with all fune­rall obsequies.

AFter Dongall was Alpine receiued to the Alpine. Alpine crow­ned king of Scotland. crowne and gouernement of the realme, by the generall voices of all the people, whose chiefest studie was vpon his first entring into the estate, to follow his sute touching his title to the Pictish kingdome: and herevpon with all diligence preparing a migh­tie host and all other things (which were thought re­quisite for the furthering of his enterprise) he passed foorth towards Angus, not staieng till he came to the Alpine with an armie in­uadeth Pict­land. castell of Forfair, which he besieged; but the third day after his comming thither, Feredeth the Pictish king with a great armie of his subiects aranged in good order of battell, came and presented himselfe in sight of the Scots, whervpon immediatlie néere vn­to the towne of Restennoth they met, and ioining there in battell, fought right fiercelie. At the first en­counter the right wing of the Scotish armie was néere hand ouerthrowne; but Fenedocht lieutenant Fenedocht the thane of Ath [...]le. of Athole came spéedilie to the succors with 400 of his countriemen, and restored the battell on the Sco­tish side: whereby insued a right sore bickering with great slaughter, and no signe of shrinking on either part, by meanes whereof it séemed doubtfull for a long space vnto whether side the victorie would in­cline.

At length Feredeth perceiuing the middle ward of his battell a litle to shrinke, speedilie preassed forth to succor the same with a chosen companie of such as he had appointed to attend him: but entring thus with great violence amongst the thickest prease of his enimies, he was closed in on each side, and exclu­ded so from the residue of his owne people, that hée could neither returne the same way he entered, nei­ther yet by anie other, so that he with those that were with him, perceiuing their liues to be in present danger, did cast themselues into a ring, deter­mining yet to reuenge their owne deaths, whervpon rather wearied with continuall fight, than vanqui­shed, or with any feare oppressed, they were slaine all the whole number of them, togither with Feredeth Feredeth is slaine. their king. Yet herewith did not the other Picts giue ouer the battell, so long as anie daie light was on the skie. So that the night in the end parted them in The night parted the armies. sunder, both the armies withdrawing to their camps with small ioy or triumph, by reason of the great slaughter which had béene made on both sides.

The capteins of the Picts weieng with them­selues The Picts fled by night. the losse of their king, and great multitude of their men, thought it not best to abide any longer in the field: wherefore leauing their wounded people behind them, with all their baggage in the campe, they fled incontinentlie the same night, some into one place, & some into another, where they thought best for their owne wealth and safetie. The Scots had fled immediatlie likewise, but that word was brought them as they were about to depart, how the Picts were gone alreadie, and had left their campe void of men of warre to defend the same. Where­vpon the Scots taried till it was day, not farre from the place of the battell. In the morning there were certeine horssemen appointed to ride abroad, and to view the field, thereby to vnderstand whether the Picts ment anie deceit by their departure, as by lai­eng of some ambushments, or otherwise: but vpon the returne of those horssemen, when it was once knowne how there was no such matter, but that they were fled in deed, the Scots reioising there at, The Scots diuide the spoile. fell to and gathered the spoile of the field, diuiding the same amongst themselues according to their ac­customed order.

[Page 127] Alpine himselfe commanded the bodie of his eni­mie Feredeth to be laid in christian buriall not farre Feredeth is [...]. from Forfair. After this causing the musters of his people to be taken, he found that he had lost the third part of his armie in that mortall and cruell battell, and therevpon brake vp his campe for that time, li­cencing those that were left aliue to returne vnto their homes. This battell being fought in the first The Scots [...] to warre onlie with incur­sions. yéere of the reignes of the two foresaid kings, weak­ned the forces of both nations, so farre forth that the 10 Scots doubting to bring the realme into danger of vtter ruine (if they should commit their whole puis­sance estsoones to the hazard of another foughten field) determined to pursue the warre by making of incursions and inrodes onelie vpon their enimies, so to vex the Picts, and to bring them vnto reason, if it were possible. And so much verely the Scotishmen did by such their continuall rodes & incursions which they made into Angus, that the countrie was left void and desolate of all the inhabitants. 20

Neither did Brudus the sonne of Feredeth, Brudus suc­ [...]deth his fa­ther Feredeth (whome the Picts had chosen to succéed after his fa­ther in the kingdome) find anie spéedie rédresse to withstand those dailie inuasions thus made by the Scots vpon his countries and subiects. For he was but a slouthfull person, and verie negligent in his of­f [...]ce, wherevpon he was had in derision of his owne people, who in the end s [...]ue him amongst themselues The Picts [...]e their sloth [...]ll king. Keneth king of the Picts. The king ca­sting off his [...]rmor fléeth. He was slaine by [...] [...]lowman. before he had reigned fullie the terme of one whole yeare. Then succéeded Keneth, the second sonne of 30 Feredeth, with no better hap or end than his brother. For gathering togither an armie of his subiects, and comming with them into Angus, he came no sooner within sight of his enimies, but that casting off his armor, he fled incontinentlie, leauing his people in the field; and for that his haste, was slaine by a plow­man that met him by chance, and knew him not, but yet perceiuing how he had fled from his companie, and therefore deserued not to haue anie other fauour. His people seeing themselues destitute of their head 40 capteine and gouernor, retired from their enimies, kéeping themselues in order of battell without anie further attempt.

After this infortunate end of Keneth, the Picts [...]hose to their king one Brudus, a man of a stout and Brudus king [...] the Picts. manlike stomach, who immediatlie vpon his entring into the estate, comming into Angus (which region the Scots had made waste) catched there certeine Scotish robbers, and foorthwith hanged them vp vp­on gibets. After this, he sent foorth his ambassadors 50 Brudus sent vnto Alpine for renewing their league. vnto king Alpine for reformation of all iniuries and wrongs betwixt the two nations, and to haue the an­cient league renewed betwixt them. Alpine and the Scotish lords, hauing quicklie aduised what to an­swer, Alpine refu­seth anie trea­tie of peace. declared vnto the Pictish ambassadors plaine­lie, that they would not heare anie treatie for peace, till the Picts had deliuered the kingdome vnto the right heire. Brudus vnderstanding by this answer, that the Scots would still follow the warres against the Picts; to be the better able to withstand their ma­lice, 60 he purposed to procure the friendship of the Brudus sen­ [...]eth an am­bassador vnto Edwine king of England for aid, with [...] summe of mo­nie. Englishmen, to haue their aid against the Scots. He sent therefore his ambassadors with a great summe of monie vnto Edwine king of Northum­berland, requiring him of his fauour, and to haue some number of his people for his wages to serue him against the Scots.

Edwine receiuing the monie, promised to come himselfe with a mightie armie, at what time & place The monie is receiued and aid promised. Brudus should appoint, to go against the Scots in defense of him and his subiects the Picts. Manie of the Picts reioised greatlie, that they should haue The Picts some doo re­ [...], and some [...] the Englishmen [...] assistance. The Scots take Angus. aid thus of the Englishmen, hoping thereby to haue assured victorie of their aduersaries. Other mistrus­ted not a little the Englishmens offers, by reason of the old enimitie betwixt the Picts and them. In this meane season the Scots take and seize vpon all the countrie of Angus, euen from the mounteine of Granzebene vnto the riuer of Taie, whereof Bru­dus being certif [...]ed, sendeth a post with all spéed vnto Brudus sen­deth vnto Ed­wine for aid. king Edwine king of Nor [...]humberland, requiring him to send to his aid a power of Englishmen, to helpe to resist the Scots, which at that present inua­ded his countrie. To which demand Edwine made Edwine [...] reth his aid. this answer, that he was not onelie troubled with ciuill war made against him by other Englishmen, but also had béene requested by Lewes surnamed Pius, as then French king, in no wise to indamage the Scots his confederats, so that for that yéere pre­sent he might not conuenientlie send to him anie succours, but if he would defer the warres till the next yéere, he should haue the best helpe that he were able to shew him.

Brudus perceiuing himselfe thus mocked and de­luded Brudus be­ing deceiued of the English men, called his owne subiects to the warre, assembling them at the [...] of Calidon wood. by the Englishmen, commanded by sol [...]mne summons, that all such of his subiects, as were a­ble to beare armor, should assemble in nether Cali­don within eight daies after, with conuenable pro­ [...]ision of vittels, there to know his pleasure. His commandement was obeied: so that a mightie ar­mie of men at the day and place appointed came to­gither, which being mustered, they streitwaies re­mooue vnto Calidon castell, now called Dunkeld, Brudus en­treth into An­gus with an ar [...]e. where they passe the riuer of Taie, and so enter into Angus, not without some difficultie: but being once gotten ouer, they march foorthwith towards the place where they vnderstood their enimies did lie. Brudus the night before the day in the which he thought they should haue battell, by the aduise of certeine expert warriours, which he had with him, appointed all the horses that were in the campe, seruing for burden, to A woonderful policie vsed by Brudus. be bestowed amongst the women, lackies, and coi­strels, part of them being clad in armor, and part in white linnen, with long poles in their hands like to speares and iauelins. Amongst them also he ordeined an hundred horssemen to be placed, whome he made priuie as then to his intention, by whose leading that feat which should be wrought in this behalfe, was to be atchiued. These he caused to lie couertlie within a wood néere vnto the place where the battell should be fought, giuing them in commandement not to shew themselues till the battell were begun.

King Alpine all this while held himselfe in a castell which stood vpon an hill, a little from Dundée, being The incam­ping of Alpine his armie. now decaied, so that little thereof remaineth to be séene at this day. Upon the north side of the hill, there lieth a great large plaine, compassed on ech side with mounteins, as then full of woods & launds, but now for the most part bare and without anie trées or bu­shes. In this plaine were the Scots incamped. Al­pine beholding foorth of the castell, how the Picts ap­proched to giue battell, got him into the campe, & ex­horting his people to shew themselues valiant, pla­ced them in araie. The Picts no lesse desirous to fight than their gouernors would haue wished them, be­gan Rashl [...]e the Picts begi [...] the battell. the battell before they had commandement, with such violence, that the right wing of the Scots was sore disordered. But Alpine perceiuing that, came spéedilie to their succours, greatlie reproouing them for their faintnesse of courage. To be short, he did so much to imbolden them, that by his means the fight was renewed in most cruell wise: insomuch that those which before were put backe, began to winne ground againe, and to beate downe their enimies verie fiercelie.

But heerewith did the counterfet troope of horsse­men, which was hid in the wood suddenlie come foorth, and shewed themselues vpon the backe halfe of the [Page 128] Scotishmen, appéering in sight to be an huge num­ber, The Scots being deceiued with a coun­terfet troope of horssemen fled. & farre more than they were in déed: with which sight the Scots being brought into a sudden feare, least they should be compassed about with multitude of enimies, they brake their arraie, threw off their ar­mor, and tooke them to their féet, so to escape and saue themselues by flight. Thus few were slaine in the battell, but a great number died in the chase, & were beaten downe on ech side as they were ouertaken by the Picts. Alpine himselfe was taken, and hauing 10 his hands bound behind him, was led to the next King Alpine taken by his enimies and after beheaded towne, and there beheaded. The place beareth the name of him vnto this day, being called Pasalpine. His head also was set vpon a polé, and borne vnto Camelon, and there set vp vpon one of the highest turrets of the wall. The Scots that escaped from this sorowfull ouerthrow, got them with all spéed in­to Kenneth the sonne of Al­pine inuested king of Scot­land. 834. Argile, where they inuested Kenneth the sonne of Alpine king of their realme. This was in the yéere of our Lord 834, and the fourth yéere after Alpine 20 entred first into the estate.

The Picts hauing atchiued this great and ioifull victorie, assembled at Camelon by commandement of their king, where causing a solemne procession to be made, in rendering thanks to almightie God for their good successe in their passed iournie: they take The Picts giue thanks vnto God for their victorie. They make a vow to conti­nue the warre. a generall oth vpon the gospell booke, that from thencefoorth they would not ceasse to make the Scots war, till they had vtterlie destroied the race of them: and herewith ordeined a law, that if anie man made 30 mention of anie peace or league to be had with the Scots, he should lose his head for it. There were in­deed some ancient personages amongst them, that The good counsell of graue menis despised. spake against this insolent outrage of the people, al­ledging that in time of prosperous successe men ought to vse a modestie: but certeine youthfull per­sons offended with such graue aduise, thrust the au­thors thereof out of the church, within the which they were as then assembled. The Scots being certified héereof, were nothing héerewith discouraged, but ra­ther 40 The Scots are animated. put in good hope of better successe, sith the eni­mies abused themselues thus in time of felicitie.

The next summer after, the Picts assembled their power togither, and setting forward towards the The Picts fall at vari­ance within themselues. Scots, thorough a light occasion they fell at vari­ance amongst themselues, and fought with such ha­tred togither, that the king was not able to appease the fraie, till night parted them in sunder. Then cal­ling the lords afore him, he assaied alwaies to haue agréed the parties, but when he saw it would not be, 50 in the morning he gaue them licence to depart eue­rie man to his owne home, breaking off his iournie for that time. Brudus liued not past three moneths af­ter, for through griefe that things went not forward Brudus died. as he wished, he fell into a gréeuous disease, and fi­nallie thereof died. After whose deceasse, the Picts chose his brother named Drusken, to succéed in go­uernment of the kingdome, who applied his whole in­deuour Drusken K. ouer the Picts vpon his first entring into the estate, to ap­pease the ciuill discord amongst his subiects. 60

But whilest he was thus busilie occupied about the same, there were certeine Scots, which sore dis­dained The head of king Alpine is stolne, and solemnlie bu­ried with the bodie. to vnderstand that the head of their late king should remaine vnburied, in such reprochfull sort a­mongst their enimies. Wherevpon hauing perfect knowledge of the Pictish toong, they feined them­selues to be merchantmen of that countrie, & com­ming vnto Camelon, watched their time, till they found meanes in the night season to steale to the wals, and secretlie taking awaie the head, escaped with the same home into their owne countrie.

This act of theirs was not a little commended: and so now the head of king Alpine being recoue­red, was closed in a ledden coffin, and Kenneth him­selfe, hauing in his companie a great number of his nobles, went with it ouer into Colmekill, where he buried it in the abbeie, amongst the sepultures of his elders, togither with the residue of the bodie in verie solemne wise, as apperteined. And further, those per­sons that had put their liues in aduenture to fetch the same head from the wals of Camelon, were by Kenneth rewarded with rich gifts and lands in per­petuitie, to remaine to them and to their heires for e­uer. After this, Kenneth deuising for the suertie of his Kenneth for­tified the realme. subiects, furnished all the holds and castels on the frontiers of his enimies with men and munition, according as he thought expedient: and moreouer tooke order, that all the youth of the realme should be in a readinesse vpon an houres warning, to go foorth against the Picts, if they attempted anie new inua­sions.

But the Scotish lords had no great lust to take a­nie enterprise in hand e [...]soones against the Picts, re­membring how infortunatelie they had sped the last time: so that for the space of thrée yéeres there was no great exploit atchiued, saue certeine roads and incursions, which both the nations continuallie vsed to make one vpon an other, as time and occasion ser­ued. At length king Kenneth being verie desirous Kenneth cal­led his nobles to reuenge his fathers death. to be reuenged of the Picts, for the death of his father king Alpine, and other iniuries by them doone and attempted against the Scotish nation, in the fourth yéere of his reigne, he assembled the peeres and chie­fest nobles of his realme, trusting to persuade them to aid him in all such enterprises as he ment to take in hand against the Picts, whome he purposed to pursue with open warres, till he had them at his pleasure. But calling his lords and peeres thus as­sembled on a day before him, and going earnestlie a­bout to mooue them to the warres, he could stir them no more to his purpose, than if he had beene in hand to haue counselled them vnto that which in no wise had apperteined vnto their duties: which their lacke of stomach, Kenneth perceiuing, he began to deuise a pretie shift, whereby to induce them to his accord.

First therefore, breaking vp the assemblie for the same day, he commanded that they should come to­gither againe on the next morow, to consult further A pretie shift deuised by the king to per­suade the no­bilitie. for the state of the realme; as they should sée cause. The same euening also he had them all to supper, which being prolonged till farre in the night, it was late before they went to bed, so that being ouerwat­ched, when they were once gotten to rest, they were soone brought into a sound sléepe. Now had the king appointed for euerie one of their chambers one man apparelled in garments pretilie deuised and made of fish skins vnskaled, bearing in one of their hands a staffe of such rotten wood as shineth in the night, and in their other hand a great oxehorne, to the end that vttering their woords through the same, the sound of their voices should séeme farre differing from the v­suall spéech of man.

Thus appointed in the dead of the night, they en­ter the chambers to ech of them assigned, where (as is said) the lords laie fast asléepe, who being at the first as it were halfe awakened, were woonderfullie amazed at the strangenesse of the sight (doubting whether it were but a dreame, or some true and vnfei­ned vision.) Héerewith also were heard certeine se­uerall voices, far greater than those of men, decla­ring that they were messengers sent from almightie God vnto the Scotish nobilitie, to command them to obeie their king, for his request was iust: the Pic­tish Of such sights there were manie in those daies: and oftentims no doubt estée­med to be hea­uenlie visions in déed: kingdome due vnto him by rightfull heritage, & ought to be recouered from that people, which for their great offenses and sins towards almightie God, should shortlie come to vtter destruction: such was the determinate pleasure of his diuine maie­iestie, [Page 129] against the which might neither counsell nor puissance of man be able to resist.

When the counterfeited messengers had thus made an end of their woords, they stilie hid their staues vnder their innermost garments, and there with quicklie conueied their vppermost vestures made of fish skales (as I haue said) into their bosoms, in such slight and nimble wise, that it seemed these vi­sions had suddenlie vanished awaie. Those lords that had séene these sights, laie still for that night, great­lie 10 musing on the matter. In the morning being got vp, and assembled in the councell chamber, they de­clared to ech other what they had séene and heard in the night passed. And for that all their visions which they had seene by ech others report, were in euerie be­halfe like, and nothing differing one from an other, they beléeued verelie it was some celestiall oracle & message sent from God. Therefore presentlie they go vnto the king, declaring vnto him how they had The lords de­clare their vi­sion vnto the king. béene admonished from aboue, to continue the wars 20 with all their forces against the Picts.

The king told them he had séene the like vision, but they ought to kéepe it close, least by glorieng too The answer of king Ken­neth. much in the fauour shewed by almightie God toward them, they might happilie displease his diuine maie­stie, which otherwise they might perceiue was readie in their aid. Then finallie might the vision be publi­shed, when thorough his fauourable assistance, the warres were brought to a luckie end. This aduise of the king was well liked of them all, and commande­ment 30 giuen, that all maner of prouision should be prepared with all spéed for an armie to be set foorth into Pictland. The lords going busilie about to pro­uide themselues of all things necessarie, mustered their men in all parts, so that there was leuied a grea­ter host than had béene seene in those parties of long time before. When the whole power was come togi­ther, Kenneth marched foorth with the same, entring by great violence into the Pictish borders about Kenneth en­tred into Sterling­shire. Drusken ha­stilie inuaded his enimies. Sterling. 40

Drusken the king of Picts aduertised héereof, and hauing his armie in a readinesse both of Picts and such Englishmen as he had reteined, to serue him for his wages, fetcheth a compasse about, and passing by the Scotish armie in the night, incampeth betwixt them and home, insomuch that the day did no sooner appéere, but the one part desirous to be in hand with the other, without token of trumpet, or com­mandement of capteine, they rushed togither most fiercelie. The hastie spéed of the Picts to ioine, put 50 them to no small disaduantage; but the departure of the Englishmen, withdrawing themselues aside to The English­men fled. the next mounteine, most of all discouraged them: for the Scots therwith giuing a shout, declared them selues to be highlie recomforted with that sight. Drusken in all haste sent vnto those Englishmen a Drusken sen­deth to the Englishmen. messenger, willing them with large promises of re­ward to returne to his aid: but the Englishmen an­swered, that their vse was not to fight without order and commandement of their generall, and that the 60 Picts like vnskilfull men had cast awaie themselues to be slaine by the enimies hand, where it apperteined vnto warlike knowledge to auoid the battell, when no hope of victorie appéered.

The middle ward of the Picts séeing themselues left naked on the one side, and assailed on the backs; whereas the Englishmen should haue kept their ground and defended them, they began to shrinke: which the Scots perceiuing, stroke on the more fiercelie, till at length the Picts not able to with­stand their force, fell to running awaie. They made The Picts are vanqui­shed. their course towards the water of Forth, which was not farre from the place of the battell, where being o­uertaken, they were beaten downe & slaine in great numbers: for Kenneth gaue commandement that they should spare none of the Picts nation, neither gentleman nor other, that fell into their hands. The Englishmen whilest the Scots and Picts were thus The English m [...]n escape. occupied in the fight and chase, withdrew homeward with all spéed; and by reason of the mounteins which they had to passe, that tooke awaie the sight of them from the Scots, they escaped into their countrie without anie pursute. Drusken himselfe so soone as he perceiued how the field went against him, got him Drusken es­caped by flight to his horsse, which he had appointed to be readie for him at hand vpon all occasions, and so escaped out of danger with a few other in his companie.

The Scots returing from the chase, remained in the place of the battell all night, kéeping strong watch about their campe, for doubt least the Eng­lishmen had béene lodged in some secret place néere by to haue set vpon them at vnwares, if they might haue séene anie aduantage; but in the morning when it was knowne how they were quite gone their waies, and returned into their countrie (as before ye haue heard) then was the spoile of the field and Pic­tish campe gathered and bestowed amongst the soul­diers, after the ancient custome of that nation. And then were they all licenced to depart euerie man to his home, with thanks for their seruice and paines in this iournie so manfullie imploied. Within few The Picts sue for peace. daies after, the Pictish king Drusken sent his am­bassadors vnto king Kenneth to sue for peace. Ken­neth was contented to heare him, and promised to grant a peace, so they would surrender into his hands the gouernement of their kingdome due vnto him by right of inheritance. But this cordition be­ing vtterlie refused of the Picts, was the cause that the warre was eftsoones renewed with more cruel­tie than before.

The yéere next insuing this battell, Kenneth got Kenneth get­teth Mernes, Angus, and Fife. Mernes, Angus, and Fife into his hands, furnishing all the castels and holds with men, munition, and vittels. But whilest he went about to subdue the countries about Sterling, woord was brought him that such as he left thus in garison in those countries, were betraied by the inhabitants, and slaine euerie mothers sonne. Kenneth woonderfullie kindled in Fife is put to the fire and swoord. wrath for the newes, left off his treatie, which then he had in hand with the people of Menteth and Ster­lingshire for their submission, and returned in great hast towards Fife, where being arriued, he put all to the fire and swoord, not leauing one aliue of the Pic­tish nation within all those quarters. The like cruel­tie Mernes and Angus is crucilie puni­shed. was shewed through the whole countries of Mer­nes and Angus, for an example to other to beware how they falsified their faiths once giuen by waie of allegiance.

In the meane time that Kenneth with his Scots Drusken commeth to rescue his people. raged in such wise through those countries, Drusken assembling all the power of his countries, came foorth into the field to méet the Scots, meaning ei­ther to put them backe out of the confines of his do­minion, either else to die with honor in the attempt thereof. Thus passing through the countrie, at length he came vnto Scone, where afterwards stood a fa­mous abbie of chanons of saint Augustines order, and here he found Kenneth with his armie alreadie incamped. The next day, when both parties were re­die to haue giuen battell, Drusken wishing rather to aske peace whilest his power was yet in safetie, than after he were once vanquished (if such were his misaduenture) to intre at for the same in vaine, sent an herald at armes vnto Kenneth, willing that he might talke with him before he ioined, for that he had to say certeine things, which being followed, might turne to the great benefit and commoditie of both the Scotish and Pictish nations

[Page 130] Kenneth for that he would not seeme to refuse a­nie indifferent offers, was contented to come to a communication, and so therevpon both the kings in presence of both their armies arranged in the field readie to fight, came togither in a place appointed, either of them being accompanied with a like num­ber of their nobles, as by the heralds it was accor­ded. Here Drusken with manie reasons going a­bout to persuade peace, shewed how necessarie the The persua­sion of peace by Drusken. same was betwixt the two nations: and againe, 10 how doubtfull fortune was to them that trusted too much in hir vnstedfast fauour: at length he grew to this end, that if Kenneth could be contented to grant a peace, the Picts should release all such right, title Mernes, An­gus, and File is required of the Picts to release. and interest as they had in the countries of Mernes, Angus, and Fife, vnto him and his successors the Scotish kings for euer, so that he should make no further claime vnto anie other of those countries which the Picts as yet possessed.

Herevnto Kenneth answered, that he well vn­derstood 20 Kenneth his answere. how vnstable fortunes lawes were, but si­thens the Picts fought in an vniust quarell, as to defraud the posteritie of their lawfull king Hungus, who latelie reigned amongest them, of the rightfull inheritance of their kingdome, they themselues had iust cause to doubt fortunes chance, where the Scots hauing put vpon lawfull armour, and séeking to at­teine that by warre which by other means they could not atteine at the hands of the vniust possessors, they had lesse cause to mistrust hir fauour, & therefore if 30 the Picts were desirous of peace, they ought to cause a surrender to be made of their kingdome into his hands, accordinglie as they well knew it was rea­son they should. And what commoditie might there­of insue to both nations, being by such means once ioined and vnited into one intire kingdome, he doub­ted not but they vnderstood it sufficientlie inough. And as for other conditions of peace than this, he told them plainelie there would be none accepted. Thus did the kings depart in sunder, without anie 40 agréement concluded: and being returned to their armies, they make readie to trie the matter by dint of sword.

Kenneth exhorted his people that day to shew themselues men, sith the same should iudge whether the Scots should rule and gouerne the Picts, or the The order of the battell. Picts the Scots. With these and manie other effec­tuall words when he had incouraged his folks to the battell, he diuided them into thrée wards, as two wings and a maine battell. In euerie of them he 50 set first archers and arcubalisters; and next vnto them pikes and speares, then bilmen and other with such short weapons: last of all, an other multitude with all kind of weapons, as was thought most expedient. The fore ward was committed to the lea­ding of one Bar, a man right skilfull in all warlike knowledge, the second one Dongall gouerned, and the third was led by Donald the kings brother. The king himselfe with a troope of horssemen followed them to succour in all places where he saw néed. 60

Then commanded he his trumpets to sound to the battell, which the Scots began with such a chéere­full shout, that the Picts euen vpon the first onset were so amazed, that if Drusken had not with com­fortable words relieued their fainting stomachs, the King Drus­ken imbolde­neth his peo­ple the Picts. most part of them had fled without anie stroke stric­ken. But being incouraged through the presence of their king, shewing himselfe with chéerefull counte­nance amongst them, and therewith exhorting them to stand by him at that present, there was fought a right sore and cruell battell betwéene them. The wo­men that were amongest the Picts, of whom there The women were a cum­brance to the Picts. was no small number, speciallie in the right wing, made such a wofull noise, when they beheld the men one kill an other, that they were a more cumbrance to the Picts, than aid, when it came to the point of seruice: by reason whereof that wing was shortlie beaten downe, and put to flight. Which when Ken­neth beheld, he set in with his horssemen on the Kenneth with the horssemen disordered the Picts araie. backs of the Picts, now left bare by the running thus away of those in the foresaid wing: and so entring in amongest them, disordred their araie in such wise, that by no means they were able to aid themselues, or come into anie order againe: so that in the end The right wing of the Picts is put to flight. they were faine to throw downe their weapons, and take them to their féete, thereby to escape the dan­ger. Such heaps of slaine men, armour, & weapons laie here & there strewed in the place of the battell, that the Scots were forced in following the chase to breake their araie, so to passe the more speedilie: by means whereof, falling amongest whole bands of the Picts, manie of them were slaine.

This mischiefe Kenneth perceiuing, comman­deth Kenneth cau­seth the re­treat to be sounded. to sound the retreat, and so gathering his peo­ple about their standards, he appointed certeine companies in warlike order to pursue in chase of the enimies, whilest he himselfe with the residue a­bode still in the place (where the field was fought) all that day and the next night following. The Sco­tish capteins that were sent to follow the chase, earnestlie executing their kings commandement, made great slaughter of Picts in all places where they might ouertake them. Drusken the Pictish The king of the Picts slaine. king himselfe being pursued to the riuer of Taie, for that he could not passe the same, was there slaine with the whole retinue which he had about him. It is said, that the Scotishmen incountred with the Picts that day at seuen sundrie times, and in seuen sundrie places, and still the victorie abode with the Scots. The day after the battell, such as had followed the chase returned to the campe; where they presen­ted vnto Kenneth their king, the armour and other spoile of Drusken the Pictish K. which they brought with them, besides great abundance of other pil­lage and riches, which they had gotten of the enimies that were slaine. Druskens armour and other things belonging to his owne bodie, was offered vp to saint Colme, in the church dedicated to his name within the Ile of Colmekill, there to remaine as a monument of this victorie to such as should come after.

After this the whole preie and spoile was gathered and diuided amongest the souldiers. Kenneth was counselled to haue discharged his armie, and to haue departed home; but he purposing now to make an end of the whole warres, sith he was in such a for­wardnesse, An oration of king Kenneth called togither the multitude, and in this wise began to vtter vnto them his mind and purpose. ‘¶ It is the dutie of a good capteine, when he hath the victorie in his hands, & as yet the warres not ended, if he mind the preseruation of himselfe and his countrie, and to vse the victorie as he ought, not to cease from pursuing the enimies once van­quished, till he haue either made them his friends, or else vtterlie destroied & rid them out of the way; for if anie man shall thinke it best to suffer the eni­mie to remaine in quiet, after he be once weakened and brought to a low ebbe, till time peraduenture he shall haue recouered his forces againe, he shall pro­cure to himselfe (as I gesse) more danger than hap­pilie he is well wareof. And that we may speake somewhat of this danger now present, the state of the Pictish kingdome (as ye know) is sore inféebled, their power being diminished by force of warre, is brought to that point, that it resteth in our hands vt­terlie to destroie and exterminat the whole nation. Which act ought to be abhorred, if it were possible for vs by anie meanes to draw them (our honor saued) [Page 131] vnto our friendship. But the Picts are of such a stubborne nature, and so desirous of reuenge, that so long as there remaineth anie one of them aliue, they will beare in their hearts a desire to reuenge all such losses as they haue in anie wise susteined by this warre. Wherevpon I doo verelie belieue, that there is none of the Pictish nation from hencefoorth, will beare anie faithfull friendship towards the Scots. Therefore sith we can not make the Picts, thus latelie scourged by vs, our friends, I thinke 10 it best (except we will neglect our owne safeties) vt­terlie to destroie the whole nation, by putting to the sword not onelie both men and women, but also all their youth and yoong children: least they being dés­cended of that linage, hereafter in time to come, arme themselues to the reuenge of their parents deaths, and that not without perill of the vtter losse of our countrie and kingdome.’

This sentence of the king though it séemed too cru­ell to many, yet whether for that they saw the same to 20 stand with the kings pleasure, or that they thought it The commōs allow the Kings saieng. most expedient for the suertie of the Scotish com­mon-wealth, it was allowed and ratified by them all. Such crueltie here vpon was foorthwith shewed throughout all the Pictish regions, that there was [...] cruell act committed by the Scots vpon the Picts. not one liuing creature of humane shape left aliue, sauing such as saued themselues within the walles of Camelon, or in certeine other holds and fortres­ses, and also about two thousand of those that fled in­to England: for all the residue were most vnmerci­fullie 30 murthered and slaine, without respect either of age, sex, profession, or estate. Thus Kenneth ha­uing dispatched the inhabitants, seized the countrie Pictland par­ted vnto di­uers men. into his owne hands, making partition of the same as he saw cause, and diuiding it amongst his nobles, according to the merits of euerie of them dulie weied and considered, he added new names vnto e­uerie quarter and region (either after the name of the gouernor, or else of some promontorie, riuer, or other notable water or place, according as was the 40 ancient custome of the nation) that the memorie of the Pictish names might end togither with the in­habitants.

The countrie ancientlie called Horestia, was gi­uen New names are giuen vn­to euerie region. Angus. Merne. vnto two brethren, Angusian, and Mernan, by reason whereof the one part of the same countrie was called Angus, and the other the Mernes. The linage of those two noble men remaine vnto this day. The region which till then was named Otholi­nia, was turned afterwards to the name of Fife, af­ter 50 the name of one Fife Duffe: whose valiancie Fife. was throughlie tried in these last warres with the Picts. There remaine vnto this day tokens and old ruines of a castell situate betwixt the riuer of Leuin and saint Kenneths church, which (as yet appeareth) was fensed about with seuen rampires, and as ma­nie ditches, wherein the posteritie of this woorthie man after his deceasse had their habitation by the space of manie hundred yéeres. Louthian reteined Louthian. still the former name, so honorable was the remem­brance 60 of that famous prince king Loth amongst all men. The strongest castell of the whole countrie, [...] reward gi­uen vnto Bar which was the fortresse of Dunbar. Kenneth bestowed vpon that valiant capteine na­med Bar, whose counsell and forward seruice stood the Scots in no small steed in those warres, in which the Picts were thus subdued. That fortresse euer si­thence (after his name) hath béene called Dunbar, that is to say, the castell of Bar.

There descended of him a noble house or familie, bearing the name of this castell, continuing in great The familie of Dunbar. fame and honor, euen vnto our time, of the which the earles of March had their beginning, and continued long in that dignitie from one to another, with sun­dry branches of right famous memorie. The names of diuerse dales were also changed, but yet some The chan­ging of the names of the daies. Annandale. Twedale. kept their old names still. Ordolucia shortlie after began to take the name of Annandale, of the riuer of Annan that runneth through the same. And so likewise Twéedale tooke name of the water of Twéed. And Cludesdale of the riuer of Clude. In Cludesdale. like maner manie other countries, townes, and ca­stels had their names changed at the same time, af­ter they came into the possession of the Scotishmen, vpon sundrie considerations, for a witnesse of their victorious acts atchiued against the Picts. Further­more, The gentle­women are preserued in Camelon. into the citie of Camelon were withdrawne the most part of all the noble mens wiues of the Picts, with their children, vpon trust to be in safetie in the same, as well by reason of strength of the place, as also of the strong garison which was appoin­ted to defend it.

Kenneth therefore hauing taken his pleasure a­broad Kenneth sen­deth vnto Ca­melon, cōman­ding them for to yeeld. in the countrie, came thither with a mightie armie to besiege the citie. And first sending vnto them within, to know if they would yéeld, he was an­swered, how sith it plainelie appeared, that the Scots could be satisfied with nothing but with the slaughter of all such as fell into their hands, aswell of women and children, with impotent aged, as of others, they were minded neuer to surrender their hold with life. Wherevpon the siege continued by the space of ma­nie daies. Whilest the Scots in the meane time got togither a great number of fagots, and other such They of Ca­melon require truce for three daies. brush and stuffe to fill the ditches withall, which were verie deepe and broad, at length when they within be­gan to want vittels, they required a truce for three daies, in the which meane time they might take ad­uise for the surrender of the citie. Kenneth mistru­sting no deceit granted their request, and therevpon commanded his people to ceasse from all maner of annoiance of the enimies, for that terme.

But in the meane time the Picts prepared them­selues The Picts issue vpon the Scots with great fortune. of all things necessarie to make an issue vpon the Scots. There was also an old gate forlet and stopped vp with earth and stones vpon the one side of the citie, so that of a long time before there had béene no way foorth by the same. Wherefore in the darke of the night the Picts ridding away the earth and ra­mell wherewith it was closed vp, about the third watch they passe foorth at that gate in good order of battell, setting first vpon such Scots as kept the standing watch, who were in doubt of nothing lesse than of anie issue to be made on that side, by means whereof they were easilie oppressed, and likewise the other that kept the inner watch, insomuch that the slaughter went on almost euen to the kings tent with great noise and clamor, as is commonlie seene in such sudden tumults, especiallie chancing in the night season.

When the day began once to appeare, the Picts withdrawing towards the citie by the same waie they came, were pursued by the Scots, and no small number of them slaine at the entring. The citie al­so had beene taken at the same time, but that the Picts out of the turrets and loupes of the walles, discharged a woonderfull number of quarels, darts, arrowes, stones, and other things vpon the Scots, as they approched néere to the gate, where their fel­lowes (that made the issue) hasted to enter againe into the towne. There were slaine of the Scots at An extreame vow made by king Kenneth this bickering aboue six hundred, wherewith Ken­neth was so kindled with wrath, that detesting the falshood of the Picts, he vowed by open oth that hée would not depart from the siege, till he had put the citie and them within to fire and sword, without sparing of anie, either one or other. The constan­cie of the Picts when they were be­sieged.

Sundrie times he attempted to haue woone the citie by force of assault, but the Picts still defended [Page 132] their walles so stoutlie, that he could not atchiue his purpose. Wherevpon the siege continued for the space of foure moneths togither. So that such scarsitie of all kinds of vittels still arose amongst them, that the wretched citizens absteined from nothing that might in anie wise be eaten, though it were neuer so much to be abhorred. And yet although they were brought into such miserable state, that there was no hope longer to defend themselues, if anie man not­withstanding all such extremitie, were heard make 10 mention of surrendering, he was foorthwith slaine by his fellowes, as an enimie to his nation and a friend vnto the Scots. It was thought that Kenneths oth made them so obstinate in their wilfull contumacie; bicause they saw nothing but death, which way soe­uer they inclined.

At length when the citie was thus reduced into all extreme miserie, and the ditches filled with faggots A pretie craft vsed by Ken­neth. and other such stuffe, Kenneth one night appointed six hundred of his choisest souldiers to lie in ambush 20 within a wood, ioining néere to one side of the citie, so that in the morning when he should giue the as­sault on the contrarie side, they might suddenlie come foorth and scale the walles on that other. These souldiers, according to that which they had in com­mandement, shortly after the breake of day, hearing that Kenneth had begun the assault on his part, quicklie came foorth of the wood, and hauing their lad­ders readie, came to the walles, reared them vp, and swiftlie getting into the citie, opened one of the 30 The Scots enter the citie. gates where one part of the armie entered; the citi­zens standing in no doubt at all of anie attempt on that side: so as being gotten togither to defend the walles on that part where Kenneth gaue the approch, and now hearing how the enimies were got into the citie, and comming on their backs, they were woon­derfullie amazed, but yet so long as they were able to make anie resistance, they did what lay in their vt­termost power to beat backe the Scots, and to driue them out of the citie againe. 40

The slaughter therfore was great which the Scots The Picts are miserablie slaine, with­out regard of person. made of the Picts in euerie passage & corner of the stréets, insomuch that the Scotish lords and other capteins, in reuenge of the late receiued losse of their men, through the false practised policie of the Picts, commanded in a great furie to set fire on the hou­ses, and to kill and slea all such of the Pictish nation as came in their way. Thus the murther proceeded vpon all estates, aswell religious as other, and like­wise vpon women and children, without anie diffe­rence. 50 A number of ladies and gentlewomen, get­ting them into the presence of king Kenneth, be­sought Ladies and gentlewomen desire the king to be pardo­ned of their liues. him in most lamentable wise, to haue pitie vpon their wofull estate, and to saue their liues from the hands of his most cruell souldiers. But such was the rage kindled in the Scotishmens hearts, that there was no more fauor shewed toward them than toward the other, and so immediatlie were they also slaine without all compassion. So farre foorth was the murther executed on all hands, that there was 60 not one left aliue of the Pictish nation, neither man, woman, nor child to bewaile that miserable destruc­tion All the Pic­tish nation destroied. The citie of Camelon is throwne downe. of their countrie and kinsfolkes. Then were the walles throwne downe & made euen with the plaine ground. The houses and buildings aswell priuate as publike, with churches and chappels, were set on fire, and that which might not be consumed with the rage of fire was ruinated and destroied with hand, so that there remained of all that famous citie, nothing but the ashes, with heapes of the broken and burned stones, and likewise of the pauement and foundati­on of some part of the walles.

At the same time the castell of Maidens, now called The castell of Maidens is left of the Picts. commonlie Edenbourgh castell, was still kept with a mightie garrison of Picts, but they hearing of the miserable destruction of Camelon, and doubting to fall into the like mischance, left the castell void, and fled to Northumberland. Thus ended the kingdome of the Picts in Albion, in the yéere after they first be­gan to reigne therein 1173, and in the yéere after the birth of our Sauior 839, from the first comming 839. 1421. H. B. 6038. H. B. of Ferguse 1166, and after the creation of the world 4806, if the Scotish chronicles be true. ¶ But where­as the truth concerning the time of the first com­ming into this Ile, aswell of the Scots as Picts re­steth daubtfull, and that aswell by authoritie of ap­prooued writers, as by reasonable coniectures, we haue in the historie of England more largelie writ­ten thereof; we referre those that be desirous to see further of that matter, vnto the same, following here in this historie of Scotland the report most an end, as we find it in Hector Boetius, and other the Sco­tish writers, not taking vpon vs so frankelie to set downe our owne opinion in this Scotish, as in the English historie, through want of such helpes in the one, as we haue got in the other.

There were séene the same yeere two comets or Prodigious tokens séene in the aire. blasing starres of dreadfull aspect to the beholders, the one went before the sunne rising in haruest sea­son, and the other followed the going downe thereof in the spring of the yéere. There was oftentimes al­so séene in the aire a vision of firie armies, running togither with burning staues, and the one being vanquished, they suddenlie both of them vanished a­way. Also at Camelon, as the bishop was at seruice holding his crosier staffe in his hand, it was kindled so with fire, that by no meane it could be quenched, till it was burnt euen to ashes. About noone daie, the aire being faire and cleare, as well in the countries of the Scots as of the Picts, there was heard such a noise and clattering of weapons and armor, with braieng of horses, as though two armies should haue béene togither in fight, whereby manie of either na­tion which heard it, were put in great feare. These The interpre­tation of thess tokens. vncouth woonders were interpreted by diuinors di­uerslie: some of them affirming the same to betoken ioy and happie prosperitie, and other alledging, how they signified rather mishap and vtter calamitie.

But to returne to our purpose. King Kenneth ha­uing thus destroied the Pictish kingdome, togither almost with the whole nation, caused the marble stone (which Simon Breke sometime brought out of Spaine into Ireland, and the first Ferguse out of The marble stone is remo­ued from Ar­gile into Gou­rie, in the place called Scone. Ireland into Albion, as before is recited) to be brought now foorth of Argile (where till that time it had béene diligentlie kept) into Gourie, which regi­on before apperteined to the Picts, there to remaine from thencefoorth as a sacred token for th' establish­ment of the Scotish kingdome in that countrie: he placed it at Scone vpon a raised plot of ground there, bicause that the last battell which he had with the Picts was fought neare vnto the same place, the victorie (as before is specified) chancing to the Scots. Upon this stone (as before is rehearsed) the Scotish kings were vsed to sit, when they receiued the inue­sture of the kingdome. ¶ Some writers haue re­corded that by commandement of Kenneth, at the same time when this stone was thus by him remoo­ued, those Latine verses were grauen vpon it, where­of mention is made before, where we spake of the a­foresaid Ferguse the first his comming ouer foorth of Ireland into Albion there to reigne.

Now in the meane time, when those few of the The resi [...] of the Picts were disper­sed. Picts, which by flight had escaped the Scotishmens hands, and were gotten into England, could by no meanes persuade the Englishmen, being troubled with intestine warre, to aid them in recouerie of their countrie, some of them passed the seas ouer in­to [Page 133] Norway, and some into Denmarke, and diuerse other of them remained still in England, where they got their liuing either by some manuall occupation, either else by seruice in the warres. The Scots from thencefoorth liued in quiet, during the life time of K. The Scots [...] in quiet. Kenneth, who deserued eternall fame, by the inlar­ging of the bounds of his kingdome, so mightilie and in such wise, that where he found the fronters, he made the same well néere the middest of his king­dome. Other things he did also touching the politike 10 gouernement of his subiects in time of peace, no lesse woorthie of praise than his noble and famous conquests: but speciallie he ordeined certeine lawes for the wealth of his people, whereby his iudges and [...]nneth ma­keth lawes [...] ordinances. other officers should proceed in the administration of iustice, of the which I haue thought requisite to rehearse part as yet being vsed, that aswell the au­thor, as the time of their first establishment, maie the better appeare, vnto such as shall peruse this hi­storie. 20

The Chapters of those lawes which yet remaine to be obserued, are these.

LEt euerie shire haue certein men skilled in the lawes appointed to Lawiers [...]. be resident in the same, according as in the beginning it was insti­tuted. 30 Let their sonnes also in their youth be brought vp in knowledge of the same lawes.

Let them onelie keepe in their custodies The tables of the law to be kept. the tables of the lawes, with the register bookes of the kings & peeres of the realme.

If any of them be conuicted of extort bri­bing, Bribers to be hanged. or other the like vniust dealing, let him die vpon the gallowes, and his bodie remaine vnburied. 40

Such as are cōdemned for theft, let them be hanged, and those that are proued giltie Punishment too theft and m [...]ther. of murther, let them lose their heads.

A woman which is condemned to die, ei­ther A woman cō ­demned to be drowned, or burned quick. let hir bee drowned in some riuer, ei­ther else let hir be buried quicke.

He that blasphemeth the name of God, of the saints, of his prince, or of the cap­teine Blasphemers haue their toongs cut out of his tribe, let him haue his toong 50 cut out.

He that is conuicted of a lie to his neigh­bours The punish­ment for a lier. hinderance, let him haue his swoord taken from him, and be banished out of all mens companie.

Such as be accused of any crimes that deserue death, let them passe by the sen­tence A man accu­sed to be con­demned by an o [...] quest o [...] men. of 7 honest men, either else of 9, 11, 13, 15, or more, so that the number be od. 60

Robbers by the high waies, destroiers Robbers to be put to the sword. of corne growing in the fields, as is vsed by enimies in time of warre, let them die by the swoord.

Fugitiues, vagabonds, and such other [...]agabonds to be whipped and burnt in the chéeke. The wife shal not suffer for the husbands offense. The concu­bine and hir mate to haue [...] punish­ment. idle persons, let them be whipt and burnt in the cheeke.

Let not the wife suffer for the husbands offense, but the husband shal answer for the wiues misdeeds, if he be priuie therevnto.

Any mans lemman or concubine shall suffer the same paines that he dooth which offendeth with hir.

He that rauisheth a maid shall die for it, [...] [...]s of m [...]s shall die. vnlesse she require for safegard of his life, to haue him to hir husband.

If any man be taken with an other mans Adult [...] shall die. wife in adulterie, she consenting vnto him therein, they shall both suffer death for it. But if she consent not, but be forced a­gainst hir will, then he shall die onelie for the same, and she shall be released.

If the child hurt the father either with A child h [...] ­ting his father shall die. toong, hand, or foot, let him first be depriued of that member, and then hanged, his bo­die to remaine without buriall.

A murtherer, a dumbe person, or he that who are not to inh [...]t. is vnthankfull to his parents, shall not in­herit his fathers patrimonie.

Iuglers, wizzards, necromancers, and Iuglers and wizzard [...], [...]. such as call vp spirits, and vse to seeke vpon them for helpe, let them be burnt to death.

Let no man sow in the earth any graine So [...]ing of graine. before it be purged of all the weeds.

He that through negligent slouth, suffe­reth Euill hus­bandrie. his arable ground to bee choked vp and ouergrowne with weeds; for the first fault let him forfait an oxe, for the second ten oxen, and for the third let him forgo the same ground.

Thy companion in the warres, or thy Buriall of friends. friend being slaine, see him buried, but let the enimie lie vnburied.

Anie straie cattell that commeth into w [...]ifes and [...]. thy grounds, either restore them to the ow­ner, either els deliuer them to the searcher out of theeues, commonlie called Tonode­rach, or to the parson or vicar of the towne: for if thou reteine them in thy hands by the space of three daies, thou shalt be ac­counted giltie of theft.

He that findeth anie thing that belon­geth Things found. to an other man, let him cause it to be cried in the market, or els he shall be iud­ged for a fellon.

He that striketh him, with whom he go­eth Aduersaries in sute of law. to the law, about anie matter in con­trouersie, shall be iudged giltie of the acti­on, and the other set free.

If oxen or kine chance by running togi­ther Oxen or kine hurting [...]h other. to kill one another, the truth being not known which it was that did the hurt, that which is found without hornes shall be iudged the occasion of the skath; and he that is owner of the same, shall haue the dead beast, and satisfie him for the losse to whome it belonged.

If a sow eate hir pigs, let hir be stoned A sow. to death, and buried, so that no man eate of hir flesh.

A swine that is found eating of corne Swine. that groweth in the field, or wrooting vpon the tilled grounds, let it be lawfull for anie man to kill the same without danger.

Other kinds of beasts, wherein other Beasts [...] f [...]ant. men haue anie propertie, if they breake in­to thy pastures, or eate vp thy corne, im­pound them, till time the owner haue satis­fied thee for the quantitie of the damage.

¶ These were ciuill ordinances belonging Articles tea­ching religion to the good gouernement of the people, o­ther there were, which apperteine to reli­gion: [Page 134] as these.

Thou shalt deuoutlie reuerence the al­tars, temples, images, oratories, chapels, priestes, and all men of religion.

Thou shalt obserue with due reuerence Kéeping of ho­lie daies. festiuail and solemne holie daies, fasting daies, vigils, and all maner of ceremonies instituted by the godlie ordinance of man, in the honor of our S. Christ & his saints.

To hurt a priest, let it be accounted an 10 offense woorthie of death. Priests.

That ground wherin anie that is slaine lieth buried, leaue it vntilled for seuen Ground to be left vntilled. yeeres space.

Repute euerie graue holie, and adorne it with the signe of the crosse, so as thou Graurs. shalt be well aduised that in no wise with thy feet thou tread vpon it.

Burie the dead according to the quanti­tie 20 of his substance. Buriall.

The bodie of a noble man & of him that hath well deserued of the common-wealth, Buriall of no­ble men. shall be buried in solemne and pompous wise, but yet in mourning sort & dolorous manner.

Let there be two knights or esquires to attend his bodie to the graue. The one be­ing mounted vpon a white horsse shall 30 beare the coate-armor of the dead, and the other in mourning apparell with his face couered shall ride vpon a blacke horsse; who after the corps is brought to church, tur­ning his horsse from the altar, shall crie out how his maister is dead: and there­with the people making an outcry against him, he shall streictwaies depart and get him with all speed to the place frō whence he came; the other going streight to the al­tar, 40 shall there offer vp vnto the priest his coate-armor with his horsse, as a token to signifie thereby that his maister dooth in­ioy euerlasting life, in the land of perma­nent light and ioies eternall.

But this custome of buriall, as that which was supposed not apperteining to the order of the christian religion, the age that followed did vtterlie abolish, appointing to the priests in 50 steed of the horsse and armor, fiue pounds ster­ling in monie for the offering. With these and diuers other ordinances, which time and other statuts by other kings deuised haue abrogated, Kenneth gouerned his people in great felicitie during his life time.

The bishops sée, which before had béene at Abirne­thie, he translated vnto the church of that holie man 60 S. Reule his church, now called Saint Andrewes. S. Reule. Euer since which time the towne hath béen called S. Andrewes, and those which gouerned the same church a long time after, were called the great bishops of Scotland: for the realme was not diui­ded into dioceses till the daies of Malcolme the 3, who by diuine inspiration (as is said) ordeined the sée of Murthlake, now called Abirden: but such as were reputed of vertuous behauiour and know­ledge méet for the office, vsed the authoritie & roome of bishops, in what place soeuer they were resident. Yet such was the continuance of those which gouer­ned the church of S. Andrewes, that there haue béene aboue the number of fortie bishops resident there, since the first institution of that sée; manie of them for the opinion conceiued of their holinesse, being numbred according to the manner in times past in the register of saints. But now to returne vnto Ken­neth, The bounds of the Scotish kingdome. who hauing (as is said) inlarged the bounds of his kingdome, so as the same stretched foorth vnto the confines of Northumberland on the one side, and to the Iles of Orknie on the other, the sea compas­sing the residue, at the length after he had reigned a­bout twentie yéeres in great renowme and glorie, he departed out of this life, through too much abun­dance King Ken­neth departed out of this life, 855. H. B. of rheumatike matter, at Fortiuiot, in the yéere of our Lord 856. His bodie was conueied into the Ile of Colmekill, and there honorablie buried a­mongst his ancestors.

AFter his deceasse succéeded in gouernment [...] the realme his brother Donald, farre differing Donald. in qualities from his noble brother the foresaid Ken­neth; Donald the fourth of that name succée­deth his bro­ther Kenneth. The king is of dissolute be­hauior. but yet before he came to the rule of the realme, he disclosed not his vicious nature, for doubt of of­fending the king his brother. Neuerthelesse he had continued scarse two yéeres in the estate, but that he had subuerted all good orders in his realme, by his naughtie examples of dissolute liuing: for his mind was set on nothing but on wanton pleasure; as in the vnlawfull vse of concubines, riotous banket­ting, kéeping of hawkes, hounds, & horsses for plea­sure, and not for the vse of warres, whereof he had no regard at all: for such charges as he should haue béene at for maintenance of men of warre to kéepe the frontiers of his realme, were imploied on a sort of rascals, that serued him in the furtherance of his wanton delights and voluptuous desires, as hunts­men, falconers, cookes, bawdes, ruffians, and such like lozzels.

Wherevpon diuers of the nobles remembring what apperteined to their duties, spared not but frée­lie The king is admonished of his nobles. admonished the king what danger would insue of his misordered behauior, if he reformed not his ma­ners, nor restreined the licentious dooings of his ser­uants and familie. But when they perceiued that their woords were not regarded, but for the same they themselues ran into displeasure; they sorrowed not a little, to sée so small hope of amendment of such enormities, as euerie where reigned through the re­gion: for all youthfull persons giuen to sensuall lust followed the same without anie feare or care of cor­rection, so that there was no measure of offending and haunting of euill rule in all parties, insomuch that shortlie, through want of all good gouernance, wrong was placed in stéed of right, and contempt of Gods honor imbraced euerie where in place of ver­tue and godlinesse.

In this meane while, the residue of the Picts re­maining The exiled Picts require aid of the Englishmen. amongst the Englishmen, ceassed not to solicit the gouernors of the countrie to aid them to­wards the recouerie of their dominion out of the Scotishmens hands, promising to be subiects vnto the English nation, if by their helpe they might be restored to their ancient seates. At length Osbert Osbert and Ella kings of Northumber­land. and Ella kings of Northumberland were persuaded through instant sute to take that enterprise in hand, the rather vpon trust of good successe, for that they vnderstood what lacke of politike gouernement then remained amongest the Scots, by reason of the kings naughtie demeanor and most inordinat trade of life. But first there was a league concluded with The English­men and Bri­tains ioined their powers with the Picts. new articles of agreement betwixt the Englishmen and Britains, as yet inhabiting alongst the coasts of Cumberland, by meanes of which league both Britains and Englishmen ioined their powers to­gither, and in most spéedie and forcible wise passed the water of Twéed, first pitching their campe in the countrie of Mers. From [...]ence immediatlie king Osbert (being appointed as generall in that iournie) [Page 135] sent an hera [...]d vnto Donald the Scotish king, com­manding [...] her [...]d is [...] vnto Do­ [...]. him either to surrender vp vnto the Picts all such regions as the Scots had taken from them, either else to looke to haue the Englishmen and Bri­tains no lesse their enimies than the Picts, whose cause they had taken vpon them to mainteine and defend.

Donald being at the first sore troubled with these newes, yet at length (by the aduise of his nobles) he tooke a good hart vnto him, and in defense of his 10 realme caused musters to be taken throughout all his dominions, and foorthwith came into the field to [...] is put to [...]ght at [...]dworth, or Iedburgh. incounter his enimies, whome he found at Ied­worth readie to giue battell: where after sore fight, in the end Osbert with his people was chased to the next mounteins. Donald hauing thus obtei­ned the victorie in this conflict, supposed all had béene his owne, and therevpon remooued ouer Tweed with all possible hast, marching foorth till he came to the mouth of that riuer, where there laie at 20 anchor certeine English vessels, laden with proui­ [...]on of vittels and all other things necessarie for the furniture of an armie. Donald setting vpon these ships, with small resistance tooke them, spoiled them [...] his prouision by w [...]ter is ta­ken by the [...]. of all such things as were found aboord, and after set fire on them. The spoile was diuided amongest the souldiers and men of warre, which serued them to small vse or commoditie: for all the youth of the ar­mie, through example of their prince, was so corrup­ted in vicious customes, that the campe was reple­nished 30 with hoores, bawds, stews, and dicing tables, in such wise, that all such prouision as should haue serued for store and staple of vittels, was spent in riotous banketing without anie order or measure: & oftentimes (as it chanceth where politike gouerne­ment [...] great dis­order in the Scotish campe. lacketh) there happened amongest them in the armie, discord and variance with sundrie [...] and slaughters.

When the enimies were aduertised how far out of order all things stood in the Scotish campe for want 40 of g [...]d and discreet chie [...]eins, Osbright with all spéed got a mightie host togither againe, and before his approch was looked for of the Scots, he commeth vp­on them one morning in the breake of the day, and assaile [...] them in their lodgings, wherein he found them so vnprouided of all helps to make resistance, that it was a woonder to sée the disorder that appea­red amongest them: some of them running vpon their enimies naked without all discretion, other The Scots campe sud­denlie inua­ded. breaking foorth of the campe to saue themselues by 50 flight, not sparing hill nor dale where they saw anie way to escape the enimies hands, though it were with present danger of breaking their necks downe the [...]deling banks and craggie rocks, being forced [...] by the fierce pursute of the Englishmen and Britains, who most eagerlie preased vpon them in all places, to reuenge the late receiued ouerthrow and slaughter of their friends and kinsfolks. There died of the Scots in this mortall bickering aboue [...]0000 [...] sl [...]. King Donald is taken with the n [...]bilitie. twentie thousand persons. King Donald being fast 60 asleepe at the first assault of the enimies, as he that had drunke ouer night more than i [...]gh, was ta­ken before he could make anie shift for himselfe, with the residue of the nobilitie, that scaped with life.

The Scotish campe, the next day a [...]ter this The campe is [...]. ouerthrow, was [...]ed, the spoile being d [...]ded a­mongest the Englishmen and Britains. But when the [...]ame of this infortunat battell was n [...]sed once through the realme of Scotland, how the king was taken prisoner, his campe woone, the armie [...], The whole [...] of Scotland dis­ [...]ted. and almost all the souldiers and men of warre [...], those few of the nobles which were left aliue remaining prisoners in the enimies hands, there was such dole and lamentation made ouer all, as though the realme had alreadie béene lo [...] without re­couerie. Some there were that blamed fortune, some curssed the wicked trade of life in the king, o­ther bewailing the great calamitie of this mischance put the fault in diuers other things, as in such cases commonlie it falleth out: for in sundrie heads are e­uer sundrie opinions. Manie [...]an vp and downe the stréets and high waies, to inquire the certeintie of all things, and whether there were anie hope at all left to resist the enimies, also which way the eni­mies held, whereabout they went, and what they pur­posed to doo.

Anon after, when it was certeinlie knowen that The English men inuade Louthian, the Britains Galloway. the Englishmen were entred by Louthian, and the Britains by Galloway, there was such feare mixed with sorrow (for losse of their friends and kinsfolks) stricken into the peoples hearts, and namelie into the womens, that a greater hath not béene heard of in anie region. So that all prouision to defend The Scots left comfort­lesse. their countrie was quite neglected, so amazed were the Scots with the sudden change of fortunes fauor. The Englishmen herevpon tooke all the countrie e­uen to the water of Forth, and likewise the Britains seized into their hands all that which lieth from the The Bri­tains as yet kept posses­sion of Cum­berland, and those other coun [...]es li­ [...]ng by the coast of th [...]se wes [...] seas. The victori [...] vsed cru [...]. bounds of Cumberland vnto Sterling bridge, fin­ding no resistance in their way at all. Herevnto as­well the Englishmen as Britains vsed the victorie verie cruellie, sparing neither one nor other of the Scotish bloud, that by anie means fell into their hands, but priests and all passed one way, that is, by the edge of the sword.

King Osbert purposed to haue passed the water of Forth, that waie to haue entered into Fife, & so o [...]er Taie into Angus: but hearing that the Scots had gathered a power to impeach his passage, he staied certeine daies. At length vnderstanding that the enimies were nothing of that puissance or num­ber, as at the first they were reported to be; he de­termined to set ouer in certeine boats ten thousand of his men; but through a sudden tempest of wind A great manie Englishmen drowned. and weather, that rose in that instant, there were fiue thousand of them drowned, the residue being constreined to land againe on the same side from the which they loosed, hauing lost through violence of the weather all their tackle and whole furniture of their vessels. Osbert being also admonished with this mis­fortune, thought good to attempt no more the furi­ous rage of the water, but determined by land to go vnto Sterling, where he vnderstood he should find the Britains, with whome he might ioine his power, and passe ouer the bridge there, and so inuade other of the Scotish regions which lay thereabout.

But at his comming thither, certeine Scotish am­bassadours came vnto him to sue for peace, which Ambassadors sue for peace. they humblie required at his hands in▪ name of the whole realme, beseeching him to consider [...] the state of the case as it stood, and not to trust too much Fortune is brittle. o [...] brittle fortune, the which sheweth hir selfe neuer stable; but commonlie vseth to call backe againe hir grant of prosperous successe, where the receiuer [...] not skill to vse it moderatlie, and the vanqui­shed séemeth to haue béene sufficientlie corrected. As for the Scots, though it might appeare that their force was greatlie abated, & that resistance should little auaile them: yet were they minded to die in defense of their liberties, rather than to submit them­selues vnto anie conditions of vile seruitude. The words of these ambassadors being throughlie weied (though some tooke them in great disdaine) yet in the end it was supposed that after victorie thus had a­gainst the enimies, honorable conditions of peace ought to be preferred before doubtfull warre.

Wherevpon answere was made to the ambassa­dors, that both the English and British people with [Page 136] their kings were contented to haue peace with the Peace gran­ted with con­ditions. Scots (though it laie in their hands now to destroy the whole nation) if so be the Scots would agrée to resigne aswell to the Englishmen as Britains all such lands and countries as they had now gotten in­to their possessions, without anie claime or title to be Articles of peace propo­ned. made to the same from thenceforth, either by them or anie of their posteritie, so that the water of Forth on the east halfe, should diuide the Scotish domi­nions from the confines of the Englishmen & Bri­tains, The Forth called the Scotish sea. and be called from that time euer after, the 10 Scotish sea. On the west the water of Clide should diuide the Scotish lands from the Britains; the ca­stell of Alcluith, standing at the mouth of the same Donbreton. It was cal­led before Ca­er Arcluith, that is, the ci­tie vpon Cluid, as H. Llhoid hol­deth. riuer, to remaine in the hands of the Britains, from thencefoorth to beare the name of Dunbreton, that is to say, the castell of the Britains. And further­more, that if anie of the Scots should attempt to passe the said bounds into anie of the British or English borders, he should die for that offense. And if by force of tempest it chanced anie of them to be 20 driuen to land on the south shore, within anie of those parties, they should take nothing away with them but water or vittels, and depart within thrée daies, except some reasonable cause of staie constreined them to the contrarie. Moreouer, they should not for­tifie anie townes or castels on the frontiers néere to the English or British confines. And further, they should couenant to pay vnto the Englishmen and Britains, within the space of twentie years, the summe of one thousand pounds of siluer. For per­formance 30 of which articles of agréement, the Scots should deliuer thréescore hostages, being the sonnes and heirs apparant of the chiefest noble men of all Hostages are required. their realme and countrie. And if it so were that they misliked and refused anie of these articles, he com­manded that there should no other ambassadour come to him for anie other treatie of accord.

The ambassadors returning home, and declaring how they had sped, manie of the Scots thought the 40 articles nothing reasonable for frée people to accept; The Scots mislike the ar­ticles of peace. other iudged that either they must come to some a­greement with the Englishmen and Britains, or els put the land in extreme perill. Thus had the peo­ple béene diuided into two contrarie opinions and factions, had not one Calene a noble man, borne of high parentage, and gouernour of Angus, with so­ber reasons and strong arguments appeased this contention, persuading them to haue respect to the Calene his graue counsell taketh place. time. And sith the force of the realme was so infée­bled, ab [...]ted, and brought vnder foot through aduerse 50 fortune: better it was to yeeld vnto necessitie in sa­uing part at that present, in hope after, when occa­sion serued to recouer the residue, than through ob­serued wilfulnesse to lose the whole. For considering the present danger, it could be reputed no dishonor to receiue conditions of peace at the enimies hands, sith there wanted not the like example of the Ro­mans, who gladlie accepted such articles of peace, as that noble prince king Gald appointed them: and 60 yet it is not to be iudged, that there wanted men of great knowledge and wisdome amongest them, and such as regarded their honor, so far foorth as reason in anie wise did reach.

The multitude moued with these words of Calene, whose graue authoritie (by reason of his age and The multi­tude consen­ted vnto Cale­ne his sai­engs. roome) was of no small reputation amongst them, hauing lost nine of his owne sonnes in the last bat­tell, they finallie determined to follow his opinion in receiuing the same conditions of agreement which Osbert had prescribed: and therevpon sent againe The Scots receiue the peace. their ambassadours with the hostages appointed for the establishing of the peace, in maner as is before rehearsed. Which being throughlie accomplished in such solemne wise, as in those daies and in the like cases was accustomed, Osbert set Donald with his King Donald with the noble men are sent home againe. nobles at libertie, sending them home togither with the ambassadours, being earnestlie required so to doo, both by the English lords, and also by the Bri­tains.

The agréement being thus made, the lands were Lands diui­ded betwixt the Britains and English­men. diuided betwixt the Englishmen and the Britains, in such sort as the Britains had for their part all that which lieth from Sterling vnto the west sea, betwixt the riuers of Forth and Clide, vnto Cumberland: and the Englishmen possessed the other parcels, li­eng from Sterling vnto the east sea, betwixt the Scotish sea and Northumberland: so that by this means, Clide water, Forth, and the Scotish sea (where Forth runneth into the maine sea) diuided the Scots from the Englishmen and Britains. And thus was the towne of Sterling a common march vnto those thrée people; the same towne with the castell remaining vnto Osbert, as it was couenan­ted amongest other articles of this peace. Here (as the Scotish writers haue) he ordeined his mint, and his coiners of monie to inhabit, wherevpon came vp the name of Sterling monie: but therein they are deceiued, for (as in the historie of England shall appéere) that name came not in vse till manie yéeres after. Osbert also in this place caused a stone bridge A bridge of stone made [...] Sterling. to be made ouer the water of Forth, in stead of the woodden bridge which the Picts had made there, and was now pulled downe, and in the midst of this new stone bridge he set vp a crosse, whereon were ingrauen these verses, to be read of the passers by:Belenden th [...] Scot.

Anglos à Scotis separat crux ista remotis,
Arma hîc stant Bruti, stant Scoti hac sub cruce tuti.
I am free march as passengers maie ken,
To Scots, to Britains, and to Englishmen.

The Picts hope is decei­ued.The Picts which had béene with the Englishmen in this iournie, euer hoping to be restored to their lands and former possessions by Osbert, when they saw how he reteined the same in his owne hands, appointing his subiects to inhabit therein, they doub­ted that which afterwards came to passe in déed, least the Englishmen of friends would now become eni­mies, séeking the destruction of the whole Pictish generation, thereby to assure themselues in the pos­session of those lands and liuings, wherevnto the Picts (as they thought) would euer make some claime and title, whilest anie of them remained aliue.

Upon this mistrust therefore did those Picts, which were amongest the Englishmen, make the best shift they could for themselues, so that manie of them got ships, and sailed into Norwaie and Denmarke, vn­to The Picts went into Norwaie and Denmarke. their countriemen there: the other that could not make shift to get away, were slaine anon after by the Englishmen, so that one of them was not to: b [...] found aliue within anie of the English dominions. And such was the end of the Picts that fled vnto the Englishmen for succour. In this meane time the Scotish king Donald being restored againe to his countrie, was receiued with more ioy and honor than he had deserued; in hope yet by this scourge of aduerse fortune, that he would haue reformed his former abuses. Neuerthelesse, he had not béene at home anie long time, but that he fell to his old vici­ous King Donald falleth to his old vices a­gaine. trade of life againe, remoouing from his com­panie such honorable personages as wished the suer­tie of his estate, with the aduancement of the com­mon welth, to the reliefe and ease of his poore mise­rable subiects. At length the nobles of the realme, perceiuing the danger that their countrie stood in, by reason of Donalds insolent misorder, vndiscréet King Don [...]ld is laid in pr [...] ­son. rule and gouernement, they found means to appre­hend and commit him vnto safe keeping. But the monstrous creature, within a few daies after he [Page 137] was thus put in ward in great desperati [...] [...]ue He slaieth himselfe in prison. himselfe, in the sixt yeare after he had begun his in­fortunat reigne, and in the yeare of our Sauiour 860. 860.

The same yeare that the realme of Scotland was brought vnto such miserable state by the puissant force of the Englishman and Britains, as aboue is rehearsed; there were sundrie woonders heard of in the countrie; as in Louthian a child of one moneth A yoong babe giueth war­ning vnto his mother. old and a h [...]fe, admonished the mother to flie out of 10 that co [...]ie: for it would come to passe, that the enimies should come and take that region out of the Scotishmens hands. Beasts also, as they were pa­sturing Beasts ro­ [...]ng died. abroad in the fields there, roaring after a strange sort, suddenlie died. Fishes likewise, in shape resembling the figure of man, were found Fishes like in shape to men. dead in the sands of the Scotish sea. In Galloway there fell such abundance of adders and snakes out Adders and snakes fell downe out of the skie. of the skie, that the aire being corrupted with the sauour of them lieng on the ground, both men and 20 beasts died of certeine diseases, which they tooke through infection thereof.

Such as were accounted to be skilfull in diuina­tion, affirmed that these things did signifie an in­fortunat reigne, with an euill end vnto king Do­nald, The interpre­tation of the prodigious things. King Con­stantine crow­ned. as afterwards it happened, who hauing made away himselfe in prison (as before is expressed) Con­stantine the sonne of king Kenneth was crowned king at Scone, in the chaire of marble there, accor­ding to the maner as then vsed. After his first en­tring 30 into the estate, he would gladlie haue gone in hand with the wars against the Englishmen, to He lain would recouer his predecessors losses. He was adui­sed otherwise by his coun­cell. haue recouered out of their possessions, those coun­tries which they had latelie taken from the Scots in his predecessors time: but his councell aduised him otherwise, declaring that the state of the common­wealth was so decaied by the misgouernance of his said predecessor, that till the same were reformed, and such intestine discord, as through licentious li­bertie reigned amongest his subiects might be ap­peased and quieted, there was no hope to atchiue a­nie 40 woorthie enterprise abrode against forreigne e­nimies.

Herevpon by their aduertisements and good ad­uise, he deuised a reformation of all such misorders Misorders are redressed. as were growen vp in all parts of his realme: and first for the spiritualtie, he ordeined that priests should attend their cures, and not to intermeddle Priests shuld onelie attend their vocation. with anie secular businesse, but to be frée from go­ing forth to the warres: neither should they keepe horsses, hawks, or hounds. And if anie of them were 50 found negligent in dooing his dutie apperteining to his vocation, he should for the first fault forfeit a A penaltie for not dooing their dueties. péece of monie, but for the second he should lose his benefice. For the youth of his realme he tooke order (to bridle them the better from wanton delights and Youth should cate but one meale a day. sensuall lusts) that none of them should haue past one meale a day, and that of no fine or deintie deli­cats, and to absteine from all such drinke as might Drunkennes punished with death. distemper their braine, so that if anie yoong person, 60 either man or woman were knowen to be drunken, they should die for it.

He commanded further, that all the youth of his realme, should exercise running, wrestling, shoo­ting, throwing of the dart and bowle: so to auoid slouthfulnesse, that their bodies might with such ex­ercises be made the more able to indure paines and trauell: and for the same purpose he tooke order, that they should lie vpon the bare boords, with one man­tell onelie throwen vnder them, so that they should Youth to b [...] trained vp in hardnesse. tast nothing neither by day nor night, that might noozell them in anie wanton delights or effeminat pleasures. It was also ordeined, that all such as kept vittelling houses for banketting cheere, should Kéepers of banketting houses he ba­nished. be banished the rea [...]e, with those that kept brothell houses. Thus were the Scots by obseruing of these ordinances made within short [...]e of glut­tons an [...] excessiue [...]ders, sober and temper at men: of de [...] and [...]ull persons, hard, tough, and able Scots were made sober and able to abide hardnes to abide anie trauell or labor, were the [...]ame neuer so painfull: and hereof the state of the common­wealth began to grow to good perfection, so that Constantines administration was liked of the [...]ost part of all his subiects.

The first that went about to disquiet the prospe­rous reigne of that woorthie prince, was one Euan, Euan disqui­ered the king and realme. a man of an ancient house, & borne in the westerne Iles. ¶ Such haue béene the vnquiet nature of the Scotishmen, euen from the beginning, neuer to The vnquiet nature of Scotishmen. liue contented anie long [...]me either with peace or warre: for being once wearied with the charges of the warres, they streightwaies wish for peace; and hauing in time of peace heaped togither some wealth, then can they not suffer the gouernement of their superiors, but either are readie to fall out with some forreigne enimie, or else to raise some commotion amongest themselues. This Euan Euan lieute­nant of Dun­stafage conspi­reth against the king. therfore being the kings lieutenant of his castell of Dunstafage in Louchquhaber, practised a conspira­cie against the king, with a number of other light persons being gentlemen borne, misliking the ad­ministration of things, onelie for that they saw how their inordinat libertie to oppresse inferiour persons, and to vse such wild and insolent misdmeanour, as they had doone afore time; was now restreined by lawfull iustice and execution of due punishment for the same.

But as these conspirators went about to haue mooued the people of Louchquhaber, Murrey land, Rosse, and Cathnesse, to haue ioined with them in their traitorous interprise; some of them in whom Euan put most trust, secretlie aduertised the king The king is aduertised of Euan his treason. of all the whole matter, who gathering a competent number of men togither, made such spéedie hast to­wards Dunstafage, where the chiefe capteine of the rebels as then lay, that he came before the same yer The king cō ­meth to Dun­stafage with an armie. anie inkling were knowen to them within of his approch. By meane whereof comming vpon them so at vnwares, he had the castell soone at his pleasure; and immediatlie herevpon caused Euan to be trus­sed Euan is exe­cuted. vp on a high paire of gallowes, for a spectacle to all his complices. And furthermore, least the other conspirators might prouide them of some other chief­teine, he apprehended diuerse of the nobilitie that were accused to be of Euans confederacie, the which he put in streict prison, there to be safelie kept, till the Manie kept in prison. peeres of the realme had determined with good deli­beration, what should become of them. This busines being in this wise appeased, when all men looked for quietnesse, there suddenlie followed a greater and One trouble followeth another. more pernicious trouble: for such is the course of the world, that when men least thinke of mischiefe, they fall oftentimes into most danger.

Cadane king of Denmarke, pretending a title to all such lands as somtimes belonged to the Picts, for Cardane king of Denmarke that the residue of that nation which had escaped the hands of the Scots and Englishmen, had resigned vnto him all their right & interest of the same lands, he determined in that quarrell (and in reuenge of the The cause that made the Danes to make warre against Eng­land and Scotland. iniuries which the Picts alledged they had susteined) to make warres both vpon Scots and Englishmen. He caused therefore an huge number of ships to be prepared, and a mightie armie of men to be put in a readinesse, to passe in the same ouer into Albion, vnder the leading of his two brethren, the one na­med Hungar, and the other Hubba. These two chief­teins hauing their ships and men with all prouision A great nauie sent into Scotland. apperteining once readie, tooke the sea, and sailed [Page 138] foorth till they came to the coosts of Scotland, where they tooke land within the countrie of Fife, before a­nie tidings were heard of their comming thither.

The Danes being set on land, spared no kind of cru­eltie The Danes vse great crueltie. that might be shewed against the inhahitants, and namelie for that they had not as yet receiued the faith of Christ, they raged without all measure a­gainst priests, and religious persons, ouerthrowing and burning vp churches and chappels, wheresoeuer they found anie in their way. Wherevpon the Eng­lishmen 10 The inhabi­tants fled the countrie. that inhabited in Louthian, and the Scots that dwelled in Fife, left their houses & possessions, fléeing into other parties, where they thought they might best escape the hands of their new come ad­uersaries. A great companie also of such vertuous and godlie persons, as about the same time laboured busilie in setting foorth the woord of life vnto the peo­ple in those parties, fled with one Adrian as then bi­shop of the Scotishmen, into the Iland called Maie, which lieth in maner in the midway of the passage o­uer the Forth betwixt Fife and Louthian, where as 20 then there was a famous monasterie of moonks. But neither the reuerence of the place, neither the in­nocencie of those harmles creatures could restraine the Danes from polluting their wicked hands in murthering that deuout companie, as they were They that fled into May Iland were slaine. then estéemed.

This is that reuerend band of martyrs, which the Scotish people haue had in such reuerence in the foresaid Iland of Maie; a few names of some of 30 that multitude as yet remaining in memorie a­mongst writers, as the foresaid bishop Adrian, Glo­dian, Gaius, or (as others write) Monanus archdea­con of saint Andrews, and bishop Stolbrand; the names of the residue are forgotten. ¶ Some there be that affirme how this companie were Hungari­ans, The vncertentie of writers in this matter of these mar­tyrs. the which flieng out of their countrie, from the persecution which was their exercised by men of mis­beliefe against the christians, they arriued here in Scotland, and applied themselues to the instructing 40 of the Scotishmen in the way of saluation. Other write that they were Scots and Englishmen thus assembled there togither. But of whence soeuer they were, certeine it is that by custome they were be­come Scots, and instructed the Scots (as before is said) in the way of saluation. After this cruell slaugh­ter thus by the Danes committed, they continued in their wood rage, as they passed through Fife and the other countries néere bordering vpon the same, till all the inhabitants were auoided out of their hou­ses, 50 either by flight or slaughter.

Constantine the Scotish king being kindled in the meane time with passing great displeasure, for these so notable iniuries receiued at the hands of the Danes, thought good with all spéed to go against them, and to attempt the chance of battell before they had wasted anie further within his dominions, so greatlie to the diminishing of his roiall power and estimation amongst his subiects. Herevpon leuieng his people, and assembling a mightie host togither, he 60 Constantine assembled a mightie army. passed foorth with the same towards his enimies, the which were lodged in two seuerall camps, the one be­ing distant from the other about a quarter of a mile, seuered in sunder with the course of a little riuer cal­led Leuin, the which (vpon the approch of the Scots vnto that part of the campe that laie on the further side next vnto them) chanced to be raised on such hight, thorough abundance of raine, that in two daies after vnneth it might bée passed ouer at the foords.

After this sore and tempestuous weather, the aire cleared vp and waxed verie faire and calme, giuing occasion to the Scots to worke their feat against one part of their enimies, whilest the other could not come ouer vnto their aid and succor [...]. In this campe which lay on that side the riuer next vnto the Scots, Hubba was lodged, who did what he could to haue staied his men from issuing foorth of the campe, to giue battell when the Scots drew néere to the same, and assaied all waies by prouoking the Danes with skirmishes to come foorth and fight with them in The Scots & Danes ioine their battels. plaine field. But notwithstanding all that he could doo, foorth they rushed in such wise by plumps, and with so great noise and clamour, that the capteins were constreined of necessitie to set them in order of battell, sith they would néeds giue the onset vpon their present enimies.

The Danes did weare aloft vpon their armor cer­teine linen garments, wrought with red silke, shew­ing The Danes apparell. faire and white both at hand and a far off. Their weapons were of such sort as serued for the push ra­ther Their wea­pons. than for downe-right blowes, the points being of such a handsome strong fashion, that no armor might lightlie hold foorth against them. These kind of weapons, togither with the muster of their huge bo­dies, was dreadfull at the first for the Scotishmen to Tall men of bodie and lims. behold, as they marched towards them in araie of battell. But anon comming néere togither readie to ioine, the Scots manfullie taking to them new cou­rages, A battell. set vpon the Danes with great violence, who likewise began the battell verie stoutlie, so that the same continued right fierce and cruell a good space. At length the Danes being assailed on each side, both afront before, and on their backs behind, oppressed as The Danes take the flight. it were with multitudes, did throw downe their weapons and fled amaine. Manie of them making towards their campe were ouertaken and slaine, di­uerse of them falling into the ditches were oppressed with throng, aswell of their owne companie, as of their enimies, as they passed ouer them in following the chase, and striuing to enter the campe vpon such as stood to defend them from entering. Other there were that leaping into the water in hope to get ouer, were drownd in the whorling waues of the streame; though some, through helpe of their fellowes (which stood on the other side readie to haue passed the wa­ter, if they might so haue doone without manifest danger of drowning) escaped and got ouer, amongst whome Hubba was one, to the great reioising of his Hubba was saued from drowning. brother Hungar, to sée him thus deliuered twise from perill of death, as first from amongest his eni­mies, and secondlie out of the roring streame of that déepe and swift raging riuer.

The Scots hauing thus put one part of their eni­mies to the woorse, with that happie successe tooke such The Scots tooke of this victorie immo­derate ioy. comfort and immoderate ioy, as though they had béene now sure of victorie ouer all the residue; so that for two daies togither, there was such dansing, sin­ging, and piping amongst them, as ehe like hath not béene heard of. Yea so farre procéeded their insolent outrage, that they began to contend amongst them▪ The Scots for ioy readie to fall out. selues for the prisoners and spoiles, which they coun­ted now their owne, as though alreadie they had the same wholie in their possession: and further reasoned, not without altercation, whether the Danish captens after they had them once in their hands, should be put to death, or els be kept aliue to be shewed to the peo­ple in triumph or no. Great adoo and manie vaine woords were spent héereabout, in such earnest sort, that they were at point to haue fallen out amongst themselues: but there was no mention at all made touching the ordering of their battels, and other the necessarie procéedings against their enimies. At length, when the riuer was fallen and come to his old course againe, so that it might easilie be passed, Con­stantine in order of battell got ouer with his people, Constantine procéeded a­gainst his eni­mies. to the other side where the Danes were lodged, who hauing more mind to set themselues in such order, [Page 139] whereby they [...]ight gaine the [...]torie, [...]han to [...]se for the [...]ing of the spoile, perceiuing [...] new [...] to giue the [...]set, foorthwith araied their The order & [...]ing of the Danes [...]e. [...]bba had the right wing Buerne had the left wing. people [...] this [...]rt.

Hubba with six thous [...]d Danes, was placed in the right [...]. The left was led [...]y one Buerne an Englishm [...] [...]rne, who was [...] out of his coun­trie, for that he could not be [...]ce such iniuries [...]s Os­bert offered him in forcing his wife, to the great re­proch and dishonor of his house and name. He had 10 with him in this left wing certeine bands of Eng­lishmen, with those Picts that had escaped ouer into Denmarke (as before is mentioned.) Hungar with all the resi [...]e of the armie, kept the battell or middle Hungar kept the battell. ward, [...]xhorting his men to shew their force & man­hood that day, sith the same should either put them in possession of the whole l [...]d of Albion, wi [...]h all the substance and riches conteined therein, either else bring them perpetuall seruitude with ignominie a­mongst their most cruell and fierce aduersaries. He 20 therefore himselfe openlie in presence of them all, [...]owed with solemne oth, either to returne with vic­torie to his campe, either else to die in the place, wil­ling [...]ngar made [...] [...]ow. them all to make the like couenant. Wherevp­on the vniuersall multitude allowed him so much The souldiers did make the like [...]ow. for this his motion, that there was not one amongst the whole number, which agréed not to [...]weare the like [...]th. Constantine keeping in manner the like order, placed in the right wing his brother E [...]hus, in the [...]ing Con­stantine pla­ced his men in like manner. left Duncane [...]he lieutenant or thane of Athole, ap­pointing 30 to either of them ten thousand men a péece.

All the residue were set in the battell where he him­selfe stood. And first he gaue them all hartie thanks in An incourage ment giuen to his souldiers. that they had so valiantlie atchiued the [...]orie in the last battell, requiring them now not to blemish their former glorie with anie faintnesse of courage, re­creant cowardise, or dishonorable flight: and further he willed them in no wise to be afeard of their eni­mies, in respect more for their hugenesse of bodie, than for anie of their valiant [...]outnesse of heart: for 40 if they assailed them with one whole and entire con­sent, according to their woonted for wardnesse & man­like prowes, they should quicklie put them to [...]ight, and obteine a ioifull victorie. Heerewith he also war­ned them not to run rashlie vpon the enimies, but to suffer them first to giue the charge: for by that meanes he thought the Danes would wi [...]h their ear­nest violence disorder themselues, and so should it be more easie for the Scots to breake in amongst them.

But this deuise did not a little abate the Scotish 50 mens courages. For the Scots vse is, when they shall enter into battell, to make a great shout and noise, and therewith to run vpon their enimies, by which meanes (as they suppose) they both put the eni­mie in feare, and incourage themselues to the bat­tell. The Danes at the sound of the trumpet marched The Danes approch to­wards the Scots. foorth towards the Scots, where they [...]ood thus in or­der of battell: but when they perceiued that the Scots came not forward, they also staied in the [...]d­way to refresh themselues, least at the ioining they 60 should be out of breath. Anon after, passing for­ward The Danes [...]ot quarels and threw darts. The Scots sho [...] arrowes and darts as thicke [...]s [...]. an easie pace, they shot quarrels, and threw darts at their enimies verie freshlie, and the Scots let [...]ie at them againe with arrowes and darts as thicke as it had béene a [...]torme of haile.

After this they rushed togither with great vio­lence on both sides: but wiwithin a while, the Danes had put both the wings of their enimies to [...]ght, and after compassing the maine battell round about, they constreine the same in the end with great bloud­shed The Scots [...]e put to [...]ght. and slaughter to giue backe and [...]ée out of the field. Ten thousand Scots fied that day in this in­fortunate battell with Constantine himselfe, who be­ing first taken was had into a ca [...] by [...]he [...]ea [...] a­mongst Con [...]tine is taken [...] [...]thered. The blacke den or [...]. the rocks, and there cruellie [...]red by the [...]. The place was called certeine y [...]es after; the blacke den: but now they name it the [...]i­uels den, in memorie of that heinous murther there committed. The Scotish nation also had beene vtter­lie as then destroied, had not Ethus the brother of Co [...]antine, perceiuing how [...]he field was lost, es­caped Ethus [...]ro­ther vnt [...] Constantine was sa [...]d by flight. awaie with two companies of his best men of warre, so [...]eseruing himselfe to the time of more luc­kie fortune.

THe people likewise doubting for want of a go­uernor Ethus. to be the sooner ouercome by their eni­mies, did lead [...]he said Ethus to Scone, where they crowned him king, in the yéere after the birth of our Sauiour 874, and the 13 after Constantine began 874. to rule the estate of the realme. The same yéere were manie woonders and v [...]keth sights séene with­in the Scotish do [...]ons. In the mouth of the Fishes like vnto men [...] shape. Forth, otherwise called the Scotish sea, there ap­peared fishes in great numbers, like vnto men in shape, swimming vp and downe in the streame with halfe their bodies aboue the water, and hauing a blacke skin, which couered there heads and necks, from their shoulders vpwards like an hood. These Bassmates. are called Bassmates, and vse to go in great compa­nies togither, as though they were skulles of her­rings, signifieng (when they are seene) some great [...]fortune vnto the countrie, as the common people haue long had an opinion. Also the loches, riuers, and all maner of other waters were frozen from the beginning of Nouember, till the latter end of A­prill; A long winter and when the frost brake, and the snowe mel­ted, there was such a [...]oud flowing ouer all the plaines euen to the roots of the mounteins, as the like had not bene séene. Furthermore, when the same shr [...]nke and went away, in the mud and [...]ime there was such a sort of frogs left, that when they were Frogs in the [...]d & [...]me. dead, and began to putrisie, the aire was so infected, that manie deadlie diseases insued, whereof great numbers of the inhabitants did perish. Moreouer, there was a mightie starre or comet séene with firie A comet. raies issuing foorth of the same, which both night and day folowed the moone during the moneth of Aprill, to the great horror of all that beheld it.

But to procéed. The Danes (as is said) hauing vanquished the Scots, and was [...]ed the countrie of Fife, passed ouer into Louthian, where robbing and The Danes went into Louthian. spoiling all before them, they pursued the inhabi­tants into Northumberland, whi [...]her they fled for refuge. There the Danes being aided with certeine Englishmen in fauour of Bruerne, [...]ue in battell King Os [...]rt & E [...]a [...]aine. both Os [...]ert and E [...]a, kings of that countrie. The crueltie of the Danes was such after they had atchi­ued the victorie, that few escaped with life, but such as saued themselues by flight. But chie [...]lie there rage appeared most against priests, and such as pro­fessed themselues men of religion. For the Danes being Eth [...]ks, persecuted most egerlie those that in anie wise professed Christ. The like outragious This cr [...] inuaded Nor­folke also. murthering of the christians was practised through­out the countrie, and at length came vnto that blessed king saint Edmund, reigning as then o­uer the people of the Eastangles, as in the English historie more plainlie ma [...]e appéere. Howbeit other of the English kings mainteined the warres with these Danes certeine yéeres after this, with variable fortune; the most part of those people which inhabited on that coast toward the Germane seas, either be­ing [...]aine or brought into miserable bondage and thraldome. But Alured, which succéeded his brother king Edelfred, not in the kingdome of Northfolke King [...] redressed those harmes. Hector Boeti­us [...]staketh diuers mat­ters touching the report of our histories. and Su [...]ke (as Hector Boetius affirmeth) but in the kingdome of the We [...]ons, redressed a great part of this miserie, into the which the countrie was [Page 140] thus brought by the Danes, by subduing them in sundrie conflicts, and sleaing their two capteins the foresaid Hungar and Hubba, as in the same En­glish historie is further expressed.

But now to returne vnto Ethus, I find that he was of such swiftnesse of foot, that he would watch and make waie in running with harts and hounds, and therevpon was surnamed Lightfoot: but of what Ethus surna­med Lightfoot nimble lightnesse of bodie soeuer he was, truth it is that he was of disposition in mind vnfit to haue the 10 order of anie publike regiment. For whereas he might haue recouered Fife and Louthian with other regions, whilest the Englishmen and Danes were Ethus neg­lected the op­portunitie. togither by the eares, he passed ouer that occasion, delighting more in following the pleasures of the bo­die & sensuall lusts, than to bestow his time in feates of chiualrie and other warlike exercises. The nobles of the realme perceiuing him thus to abuse the woor­thie A conspiracie made against king Ethus. gifts of his person, mistrusting least his insolent dooings should indamage the publike state of the 20 common-wealth, they tooke counsell togither how they might apprehend him, and to send him some whi­ther out of the waie where to be safelie kept, and then to place some other in the gouernement of the realme, that might rule the same with more discreti­on & better aduise. And least their resolution should be disclosed before it tooke effect, they slacked no time, but went spéedilie about their businesse. And com­ming to the king, whome they found a hunting in Calidon wood, they suddenlie arested him, and ther­with King Ethus is arested, with his fa­uourers. committed him to safe kéeping: & those whome 30 they knew to be fauourers of his euill rule and mis­gouernance, they put them also fast in irons, till they had answered vnto such articles as should be laid to their charge. This doone, they procéeded to the election of a new king; and in the end by the persuasion of one Dongall gouernor or thane of Argile, they chose Gregorie the sonne of that Dongall, which reigned Gregorie is chosen king. before Alpine, who was not past two moneths old when his father died. 40

THis Gregorie being knowne to be a man woor­thie of the roome, though he himselfe onlie was Gregorie. against it, at length by persuasion receiued the inue­sture of the kingdome at Scone, with all due solem­nitie. Ethus hearing thereof, through anguish of mind died within thrée daies after, in the second yeere of his reigne, and 876, after the birth of our 876. H. B. 875. Io. Ma. Sauiour. There be that write how he was strangled in prison by Dongall his procurement, least by ad­uenture he might haue béene restored vnto libertie, 50 and withall haue made claime to the crowne againe. Gregorie being thus established in the estate, consi­dering that the suertie of all realmes rested in the hands of the diuine maiestie, to begin his gouern­ment with some luckie enterprise, caused a conuoca­tion to be holden at Forfair, for the aduancement of A conuocati­on of the cler­gie. Priests are frée of all tri­bute. Christs religion: where amongst other things, it was ordeined, that priests from thencefoorth (to the end they might more freelie attend to their vocation) should be exempt from paieng of tribute and all ma­ner 60 of exactions. Also that they should not be con­streined to go vnto the warres, neither to come be­fore They should not be called to serue in the warres. Authoritie gi­uen vnto bi­shops to order kings. anie temporall iudges, but onlie before their or­dinaries and bishops, by whome they should be iud­ged in all causes. The same ordinaries and bishops should also haue authoritie to order all men, both publike and priuate, aswell for the kéeping of faith gi­uen, as to constreine them to confirme the same, and to punish such as should be found in the contrarie; likewise in causes of controuersie touching matri­monie, tithes, testaments, legacies, and such like: moreouer the correcting of those that blaspheme ei­ther God or his saints.

Heretikes and necromancers, with other the like offendors against the lawes and articles of the chri­stian religion, was assigned vnto the bishops and their substituts, so that all those which were found dis­obedient vnto them, and refused to be at their com­mandement, then should haue authoritie to excom­municate them out of the church, and from compa­nie kéeping with anie of the cōgregation, so as they that were thus excommunicated, should be depriued of all abilitie to inioy anie inheritance or right to lands or possessions whatsoeuer they were. Neither should they be accepted as a witnesse in anie maner of cause, neither beare anie office or rule in the com­mon-wealth. This Gregorie also (as is said) was the first author of that ordinance, by the which the Scotish kings at their coronation vse of ancient cu­stome When the Scotish kings first be­gan to pro­mise by oth to mainteine the libertie of the church. King Grego­rie was giuen wholie vnto godlinesse. King Grego­rie was neuer maried. He was [...]. to vow by solemne oth, that during their liues, they shall mainteine and defend the church with his ministers, in all ancient liberties and priuileges, and not to suffer anie man to hurt or infringe the same.

There was suerlie in this Gregorie a certeine na­turall inclination to vertue, with such aduisednesse in all his woords, that he vttered few or none but that the same séemed to be spoken with verie great con­sideration. He was neuer maried, but continued in chastitie all his life time. Of meate & drinke he was verie spare, delighting in all kind of sobrietie, more watchfull than giuen to sléepe. But his fame increa­sed most for his mainteining of iustice and ciuill ad­ministration concerning the state of the common-wealth, not omitting the practise of warre, where ne­cessitie required. The first expedition which he tooke in hand, he made into Fife, to recouer that countrie to He made an expedition in­to Fife. The Picts fled into Lou­thian. the crowne of Scotland. At whose entrance into the same, the Picts, whome the Danes had left in those parties at their departure thence, being striken with feare to fall into the hands of the Scots their ancient enimies, fled foorthwith into Louthian, leauing Fife in manner void, and without anie that would offer to defend it against the Scots.

Wherevpon Gregorie so finding it desolate of The king set inhabitants in Fife. inhabitants, sent for people out of other parts of his realme, appointing them dwellings in that countrie as he thought most expedient. This doone he passed He subdued Louthian. into Louthian, where taking the fortresses and pla­ces of defense, some by force, and some by surrender, he easilie reduced that countrie into his subiection, so that within a few daies, hauing there all at his plea­sure, he came vnto Berwike, where there were a great number of Danes ioined togither with the The Danes and Picts ioine them­selues togi­ther. Picts, as men not minding to flee anie further, but to fight with the Scots euen there, if they should come forward vpon them. But when they saw what number the Scots were of, and héerewith doubting the Englishmen to come on their backs if the mat­ter went not well with them; they thought it best that such Danes as were of anie great reputation of nobilitie, should withdraw into Berwike before the enimies were at hand, and the residue to passe o­uer Twéed into Northumberland, there to ioine They [...]ed in­to Northum­berland. with other Danes that in those parties were latelie arriued.

But the Englishmen within Berwike, abhorring The Danish nobilitie fled into Berwike nothing more than to be vnder subiection of the Danes, in the euening after the receiuing of the Danish nobles into their towne, deliuered it togi­ther with their ghests vnto the Scotishmen, who suf­fering the Englishmen at their pleasure either to go their waies with all their goods, or to remaine still in their houses, slue the Danes, without sparing either The Danes are slaine in Berwike. man, woman, or child. Then leauing a strong garri­son of Scotishmen within Berwike, Gregorie marched foorth with the residue of his people into Northumberland, to vnite that countrie to other of [Page 141] his dominions that bordered vpon the same.

In those parties at that selfe time there were two armies lodged in the fields, the one of Danes not far from Yorke, vnder the leading of one Herdunt, who had latelie taken and sacked that citie, and the o­ther of Englishmen that laie 20 miles off from the said Danes. Herdunt hearing of the slaughter which the Scots had made of his countriemen at Ber­wike, threatned sore that he would not leaue a man aliue of the Scotish race within anie part of the con­fines 10 Herdunt threatned the Scots. of Albion. Which vow manie of the companie, following their capteins example, likewise made. Shortlie after, hearing of their enimies approch, the The Danes prepare to the battell. whole host (by commandement of Herdunt) issued foorth of their campe to giue battell.

Héere the Scotish king standing with his people in order of battell, had thought to haue vsed some The Scots egerlie innade their enimies. comfortable speech vnto them, thereby to incourage them to fight: but such hast was made by the Scots to preasse vpon their enimies, that he saw it more 20 needfull to take héed to the ordering of them in per­fect araie, than to stand about to erhort them, whome he saw readie inough of their owne accord to fight. Therefore he said no more vnto them, as he went a­mongst the ranks, but onelie willed them to remem­ber how cruellie Constantine their king was some­time King Grego­rie his saieng to the souldi­ers. murthered, after he had yéelded himselfe priso­ner to these enimies, with whome they should now ioine.

The Scots héere vpon running to the battell with 30 no lesse stoutnesse of mind than violent force, gaue their enimies scarse space to charge their weapons, but bare them downe with long speares and iaue­lins, and withall the bilmen following them made great slaughter on ech side, so that there néeded nei­ther exhortation of capteins, nor diligence of wi­flers The Danes [...]d to their camp [...]. to kéepe them in araie. For the wrathfull sto­machs of the souldiers onelie wrought the feat in such sort, that the Danes were quicklie put to flight and chased. Those that could not escape to the campe, 40 got them vnto the next mounteins, who chanced vp­on better lucke than those that escaped to the campe, for the egernesse of the Scots was such in chasing the enimies, that neither ditch nor rampire could staie them from entring the campe vpon the Danes where they made greater slaughter than they had doone in the field.

The next daie Herdunt goeth about to assemble his men togither againe, being dispersed here and Herdunt as­sembled his men togither. there: but when he vnderstood how he had lost the 50 more halfe of his whole host, he cursed that vnhappie day, and determined to retire vnto Rasin, who as Herdunt went toward Ra­sin, chiefe ge­nerall of the Danes in England. then was capteine generall of all the Danes that were in England. But Herdunt by reason of [...]s wounded men, whome he was [...] to carie wi [...] him, could not make forward wi [...] anie great speed, so that he was scarse fortie miles got footh on his waie, when woord came to him, that [...] fighting with the Englishmen vnwarilie, at a place called Helcades, chanced to be slaine with a great multi­tude 60 of his people: and therevnto his head was ca­ried abroad vp and downe the countrie from towne to towne to be séene. By such mishaps the prosperitie of the Danes so much flourishing of late, began now manifestlie to decaie.

Herdunt although he was not a little discouraged therewith, ye [...] he chose foorth a plot of ground mo [...] Herdunt re­mained in camp [...]. méet for his [...]; were he determined to abide in campe, till he might vnder [...] what the Danes in other places were [...]. But Gregorie king of Scots, hauing thus expelled the Danes foorth of Northumberland, brought [...]at countrie vn­der his subiection: neuer thele [...]e he [...] in­habitants King Grego­rie suffered the inhabi­tants of Nor­thumberland to inioy their lands. King Grego­rie wintered at Berwike. to inioy all their posse [...] still; onelie re­ceiuing of them in name of souereigntie a yéerelie tribute. So that within a few daies after, he brake vp his armie, and went himselfe into Berwike, where he remained all the winter season in consulta­tion with his nobles about the publike affaires of the realme.

In the beginning of the next summer, he prepared againe for warre, and raising an armie, he purposed King Grego­rie prepared an armie a­gainst the Britains. to make a iournie against the Britains, who held (as before ye haue heard) a great part of Scotland. But he was not driuen to vse anie force in this warre: for the Britains being vexed afore this time with warre by the Danes, had compounded with them for an huge summe of monie to haue truce for twen­tie yéeres space: but the Danes without regard to their promise, shortlie after (with a greater power than at the first) entered into the British borders, re­newing the warre so fiercelie, that albeit their force was sore enféebled, by reason of the two last ouer­throwes; yet the Britains doubting the woorst, fea­red to incounter with them, and therefore after con­sultation had, they thought it best to assaie if they might happilie allure the Scots, of their enimies to become their friends. Héerevpon sending vnto the The Bri­tains send to king Grego­rie. Scotish king an herald, they require to ioine with them in armes against the Danes, common enimies to both their countries, promising that if they would so doo, they would willinglie render into his hands all such possessions which they held at anie time be­longing vnto the Scotish kingdome.

Gregorie weieng with himselfe how necessarie this friendship should be, not onelie to the publike King Grego­rie his consi­deration. weale of all the whole land of Albion, but also of the good suertie and aduancement of Christes religion, whereof the Danes were greeuous aduersaries (for this he thought, that if Scots, Englishmen, and Britains did some in one, and knit themselues to­gither in aiding each other, there was no nation in the world that they néeded to feare) he consented vn­to the request of the Britains, and so accepting their A peace con­cluded, and lands surren­dered to the Scots. offer, he had all those regions which perteined some­time to the Scots, and were now in possession of the Britains, surrendered into his hands, and so by this means were the Scotish confines inlarged and extended vnto their owne ancient limits and for­mer bounds.

This dissention and variance being ceassed after this maner, it greatlie reioised the minds of all the inhabitants of this Ile; but contrariwise, the Danes looked for nothing more than present destruction to insue vpon them, if this amitie should continue anie while amongest their enimies. Wherefore they prac­tised sundrie means to breake th'amitie thus remai­ning betwixt their aduersaries, Scots, English­men, and Britains. Wherein they néeded not great­lie to trauell, for within a short time after the conclu­sion of the same league, the prosperous successe of the Englishmen (which for a season had followed them vnder the conduct and gouernement of their king Alured against the Danes) occasioned the The Bri­tains repent them of the league made with the Scots. Britains also (hauing now no further feare of the Danish puissance) to repent themselues of the league, which they had latelie made with the Scots, so that Constantine, whome a little before they had receiued to be their king after the deceasse of his father, raised a power, and with the same entered into Annandale, to recouer that countrie out of the Scotishmens hands. But hearing in the end that Gregorie was comming with a great armie to suc­cour his subiects, whome the said Britains [...] [...]ch side had sore afflicted, they began to draw backe to­wards Cumberland with their [...]ie, thinking there to be in safetie, vntill a time more conuenient.

But king Gregorie coasting the countrie, met [Page 142] with them at Lochmaben, and there gaue them bat­tell, The Scots ouerthrow the Britains. wherein when Constantine perceiued how his people began to shrinke backe, as one hauing more regard to his honor than to the suertie of his life, he rushed foorth into the formost prease, there to succour and relieue his standards: but being compassed a­bout amongest a great companie of his enimies, his chance was there to be slaine with a number of Constantine is slaine. the chiefest lords of all the British nation. The other multitude séeing the day go thus against them, fled 10 to saue their liues, leauing the victorie so vnto the Scots.

This ouerthrow did put the Britains in danger to haue bin vtterlie ouerrun, what by the Scots on the one side, and Danes on the other: for as for forren aid to be looked for of the English, they had plaine an­swer they should haue none, sith they had so vniust­lie broken the league concluded with their confede­rats the Scots, to the great hinderance of the pros­perous procéedings of all the inhabitants of this 20 Ile, against their common enimies the Danes. Yet the better to establish the estate of their coun­trie, and in hope of some recouerie of their former damages; they crowned to their king one Herbert or (as some copies haue) one Hebert the brother of Herbert king of Britaine sent ambassa­dors to Gre­gorie. the last Constantine, and herewith sent ambassa­dours vnto Gregorie king of the Scotishmen to ex­cuse themselues, in that they had so wrongfullie at­tempted the warres against him and his people, laieng all the fault in Constantine, who against the 30 wils and contrarie to the minds of his subiects, did take vpon him that dishonorable and most infortu­nat enterprise.

Gregorie hauing heard the message of these am­bassadours, for answere declared vnto them, that King Grego­rie his an­sw [...]re. he vnderstood well inough, that the Britains now sued for peace vpon no reuerend consideration they had vnto their oths of couenant; but onelie for that they saw how if they should pursue the warre still, they were sure that in the end they should be like to 40 haue the foile: and therefore he was fullie thus resol­ued, not to conclude anie peace or truce wi [...]h such disloiall people, till they had resigned ouer into his hands the whole possession of the countries of Cum­berland Gregorie re­quired a resig­nation of Cumberland and Westmer­land. and Westmerland, with assurance neuer to pretend anie claime or title vnto those dominions from thenceforth: and herewith for performance of couenants, to render into his hands not onelie the keies of all the townes, castels and fortresses in the same countries, and to auoid quite their waies into 50 Wales to other their countriemen there, but also to deliuer sixtie noble mens sonnes and heires appa­rant as pledges to remaine with the Scots.

The ambassadours returning home with this message, and reporting it accordinglie vnto their king, when all men had said their aduise, in the end they condescended to conclude a peace with the rehearsed conditions prescribed by the Scotish king, sith they saw no better meane to preserue their nation from present destruction. And thus deliue­ring 60 the appointed number of pledges, they left the countries of Cumberland and Westmerland void, Peace was concluded. surrendering into the Scotishmens hands the pos­sessions of all the townes, castels and fortresses, and therewith departed into Northwales, where they placed themselues in the countrie betwixt Conway and the riuer of Dée, out of the which they expelled the Humf. Lhoid. 870. Englishmen (that were then in possession thereof) and therewith they erected a kingdome there, which they named Stradcluid, mainteining warres a­gainst the Englishmen manie yeares after.

King Gregorie hauing thus inlarged his king­dome, assembled his nobles at Carleill, where he resolued (with their aduise) to follow such good for­tune as by Gods prouidence dailie chanced vnto them. Wherevpon it was agréed, that they should go first vnto Yorke to conquere that citie, whilest The policie of the Scots to haue taken [...]orke. the Englishmen in Kent were occupied with the Danes that were come thither; so as neither the one nation nor the other could attend to make anie attempt to hinder the Scotishmens enterprise. But in the meane time came ambassadours vnto Gre­gorie King Alured sent ambassa­dours vn [...]o king Grego­rie. from king Alured, to congratulat his prospe­rous successe against his enimies the Danes and o­thers. These ambassadours also willed to haue the ancient league betwixt Englishmen and Scots re­newed, by which means both their powers might ioine togither against their common enimies, when they should attempt anie wrongfull inuasion.

This request was granted, so that shortlie there­vpon Peace confir­med. peace was established betwixt those princes and their people, with confirmation of the old league, whereto were added these articles; That the Scots should inioy possession of Northumberland without anie claime to be made to the same by the English­men; New condi­tions of peace. If the Danes chanced to inuade either of their dominions, the warre should be accounted as com­mon to them both; Neither should the Scots grant No passage to be granted vnto the eni­mie. passage to anie enimie of the Englishmen through Scotland, neither the Englishmen suffer the Sco­tishmens enimies to passe through England; If a­nie Englishmen did rob or steale anie thing out of Punishment of robbers. Scotland, that should not breake the league; but the offendors with the receiuers should be deliuered to the Scotish magistrats, to be punished according to the qualitie of the offense; and the like should be ob­serued by the Scots towards the Englishmen.

Thus things being quieted with the Englishmen, as Gregorie was about to lay armour aside, word came to him of new troubles forth of Galloway, by Galloway in­uaded by the Irishmen. reason of an inuasion made by the Irishmen into that countrie. For the Irishmen hauing knowledge that the inhabitants of Galloway had spoiled two ships of Dubline arriuing on their coast, sent ouer a great power of men, the which landing in Galloway, made great slaughter of the people on each side. King Gregorie being aduertised hereof, streitwaies made towards them, but they hauing knowledge of his comming drew to their ships with a great prey of goods and cattels, and returned therewith imme­diatlie backe into their owne countrie.

Herevpon Gregorie without delaie got togither his ships and followed the enimie with all his armie, and landing in Ireland, put the nobles of that realme in great feare, who as then were in contention togi­ther which of them should haue the gouernement, by reason their king was latelie dead, and had left a sonne behind him being but a child in yéeres, to suc­céed him in his throne. Some therefore of the wiser sort, and such as tendered the wealth of their coun­trie, went earnestlie about to agree the parties, but when they saw that it would not b [...], they did so much preuaile, that a truce was taken betwixt them for A [...]ce was taken betwixt the two parties. a while, least fighting still amongst themselues, they should put their countrie in danger to be ouerrun of the Scots: against whome when they had agréed vp­on the foresaid truce, either of the factions raised a The two I­rishmen ga­ther their powers. power, one Bren being generall of the one, and Cor­nelius of the other; for these two princes were heads of the parties, betwixt whom the controuersie for the gouernement of the realme rested▪ [...]nd therevpon by consent of the residue had the [...]ding of all them that were of their [...]on.

These two capteins with their armies in [...]mped themselues vpon the banke of the riuer Bane, vn­der the mounteine called Fute: their camps being seuered by a small distance the one from the other, Two armies one néere the other. in such a strong place, that it was not possible for [Page 143] the enimies to approch them without manifest dan­ger to cast away themselues. Their chiefe purpose The Irish­mens practise. was to prolong the time here in this place, till they had famished the Scotish armie, and then to deale with them at their pleasure. But the industrious pro­uision of Gregorie passed the politike deuise of the Irishmen: for he had commanded that euerie one of The Scots had made pro­uision of vit­tels afore hand. those Scotishmen, which passed the seas with him, should purueie himselfe of vittels, according to the custome of the countrie, for fiftie daies space, as of bread, chéese, butter, lard, and powdered biefe: as for 10 drinke, they knew they should not néed to care, sith they were sure to find water inough in euerie place where they chanced to come: for as yet filthie & ser­uile gluttonie had not softned nor inured with wan­ton delicacie the warlike natures of the Scotish people.

In the end Gregorie, hauing for certeine daies rested himselfe and his men, and deuising in the meane time which way he might best indamage the enimies; at length concluded to send in the night 20 season two thousand of his souldiors vp to the ridge The kings deuise. of the forenamed mounteine called Fute, through the thicke bushes and woods, wherewith the same was couered, to the end that getting to the top of that hill, right ouer where the Irish camps laie, they might in the morning (at what time Gregorie with the rest of the armie went about to assaile his eni­mies) tumble downe stones from the browes of the hill vpon them, thereby either to destroy great num­bers 30 of them, either else to constreine them to come foorth of their strength into the plaine fields, and so to fight with them in a place indifferent.

Kenneth Cullan the thane of Carrike, tooke vp­on him to haue the conduct of them that should go a­bout Kenneth Cullan. this interprise, who conueieng his band ouer the water of Bane, and so vp on the backeside of the King Grego­ne assailed the Irishmen. mounteine, in the morning when their felows fell in hand to assaile the Irish campe, where Bren lodged, they tumbled such plentie of mightie stones downe 40 vpon the Irishmen, that aboue a thousand of them being slaine, all the residue were forced to forsake their ground, & to flée in maner without anie stroke striken. The Scots that were sent to pursue them, tooke a great number of them prisoners, and slue but The Irish are pursued. a few, hauing before hand such commandement from their prince.

Whilest this mischiefe fell vpon Bren and his people, Cornelius with his folkes curssing that in­fortunate daie, left their lodgings, and marched their 50 waies in good order of battell, till they were farre inough out of danger. The bodie of Bren also was found amongst other in the rifling of the campe, Bren was slaine. with the head bruised in péeces, and the braines pa­shed out with some stone throwne downe by the Scotishmen from the hill side: which Gregorie at the request of some of the prisoners, caused to be bu­ried in christian sepulchre. He caused also women and children to be sent awaie harmelesse, onelie re­teining the men of able age prisoners. Furthermore 60 Women and children are kept harmles. he commanded that they should vse neither fire nor sword, but against such onelie as with weapon in hand made anie resistance: and commanded them Unarmed men were spared. Ui [...]s were commanded to be prouided also that they should prouide themselues of vittels to serue them, whilest they should lie abroad & remaine there in that countrie.

Herevpon manie of the Irish people thus fasting the merci [...] clemencie of the Scotish king, yéelded themselues vnto him with sundrie fortresses, so that Gregorie finding sufficient prouision of vittels to serue his host for a long season, he went vnto the strong citie of Doungarg, or Doungard, which he en­uironed Doungarg or Doungard besieged. about with a strong siege, & continuing the same certeine daies, at length they within wearied with continuall trauell and lacke of vittels, opened The towne was yéelded. the gate, and suffered him to enter. He would not permit his men to meddle with anie of the spoile, but appointed the townesmen to redéeme the same A gentis ransome. (their armour excepted) of his souldiors for a péece of monie.

Afterward, tarieng in this citie by the space of thrée daies, he departed and came afore another citie called Pontus, which he receiued by surrender, and Pontus was surrendred also. therfore preserued the citizens from all hurt & annoi­ance. From thence he purposed to haue gone vnto Dublin, about 14 miles distant from Pontus, but as he marched thitherwards, he was aduertised that Cornelius was comming towards him with such Cornelius came with an huge armie. an huge armie, as the like had not béene séene with­in the memorie of man in that Ile. Whervpon Gre­gorie changing his purpose of going to Dublin, vp­on report of these newes, he got him vp into the next mounteine.

The next day came the Irishmen ranged in thrée The Irish­men came in thrée battels. Kernes. These might we name Gal lowglasses, if they had beene furnished with exes. battels. In the first there was a great multitude of Kernes with darts and bowes: in the second were a great number of mightie tall men, armed in cotes of male, with bucklers and great long swoords, which they caried vpon their right shoulders. In the third battell, wherein stood their generall Cornelius, with all the chiefest nobles of the countrie, were an infi­nite companie of all sorts of souldiors, chosen foorth of all the whole numbers. The Scots (according to The Scots came in two wings. their custome) diuided themselues into two wings, and a middle ward, in euerie of the which were thrée sorts of souldiors: as first archers, and those with long speares, then bilmen, and last of all such as bare long swoords and leaden malles.

Thus the battels being ordered on both parts, Two battels ioine. forward they make one towards another to begin the fight. The Scots (after their shot and throwing of darts was spent, and that they came to ioine) kept off their enimies with long speares or iauelins, in such sort, that they were not able to come néere them: which disaduantage Cornelius perceiuing, com­manded on high, that they should with their swoords cut those [...]ns in sunder. And as he lifted vp the visor of his helmet, the better to exhort his people to the execution hereof, he was so wounded in the face Cornelius was sore wounded. with a speare, that he was faine to withdraw apart out of the field. The Irishmen supposing he had fled, incontinentlie to saue themselues, threw off their The Irish ran away. armor and fell to running awaie. Thus did the victo­rie incline to the Scotish standards.

There died but a few (to speake of) in the battell, howbeit in the chase there was a woonderfull num­ber slaine: for the Scots pursued them euen vnto Dublin gates, which citie the next daie Gregorie be­set on each side with a mightie siege. There was got Dublin be­sieged. into this citie at the same time a woonderfull multi­tude of people, what of such as were receiued into it fléeing from the battell, as also of other which were there assembled before, in hope of assured victorie and safegard of their goods. By reason wherof being thus besieged, they began quicklie to want vittels, so that either they must of necessitie yeeld, either else by some issue auoid that danger wherein they were pre­sentlie bewrapped.

But forsomuch as they saw no great likelihood of good successe in that exploit, in the end it was con­cluded amongst them, that (sith there was no meane for those noble men which were inclosed within that citie to escape the enimies hands, and that there were none other of anie reputation abroad able to defend the countrie from the Scotishmens puissance) they They confuse vpon a treatie of peace to be made. should fall to some treatie with the Scotish king for a peace to be had, with so reasonable conditions as might be obteined: for other remedie in that pre­sent [Page 144] mischiefe they could deuise none, and therefore this was iudged the best waie of the whole number, namlie of Cormach bishop of Dublin, a man for his singular vertue and reputation of vpright life, of no small authoritie amongst them.

He tooke vpon him also to go vnto Gregorie to breake the matter, & so comming afore his presence, besought him most humblie to haue compassion vp­on Cormach B. of Dublin went vnto K. Gregorie. the poore miserable citie, and in such sort to tem­per his wrath, if he had conceiued anie péece of dis­pleasure 10 against the citizens, that it might please him yet vpon their humble submission to receiue them vnto his mercie, and further to accept into his protection his cousine yoong Duncane, vnto whome the kingdome of Ireland was due of right, as all Duncane. the world well vnderstood. He besought him also to remember, that it apperteined more to the honor of a king, to preserue the lawfull right of other kings A wittie saieng. and princes with the quiet state of cities and coun­tries, than by violent hand to séeke their destruction. 20

Wherevnto the king answered, that he was not come into Ireland for anie couetous desire he had to the realme, or to the intent to spoile his kinsman of King Grego­rie his wife & godly answer. the gouernement thereof, but onelie to reuenge such iniuries as the Irishmen had doone to his subiects. Not the Scots but the Irishmen themselues were they that had giuen the occasion of the warre, which they had déerelie bought with no small portion of their bloud (which had bene shed) as punished for that crime worthilie by the iust iudgement of almightie 30 God. But as touching an end to be had of his qua­rell, & for the reseruing of the kingdome vnto yoong Duncans behoofe, when he had the citie at his plea­sure, he would then take such order as he should thinke most conuement.

This answer of the Scotish king being reported vnto them within the citie, they determined foorth­with to set open their gates to receiue him: who, Dublin is sur rendered vnto K. Gregorie. when he had caused search to be made whether all things were truelie ment according to the outward 40 shew or not, he marched foorth towards the citie to enter the same in order of battell, with all his whole Gregory was receiued with procession. armie, into the which he was receiued with processi­on of all the estates: for first there met him all the priests and men of religion, with the bishop the fore­said Cormach, who hauing vpon him his pontificall apparell, bare in his hand the crucifix: then followed Cormach bi­shop of Dub­lin becōmeth a crosse-bearer. the nobles with the other multitude.

Which order when Gregorie beheld, he comman­ded his battell to staie a little, and therewith he him­selfe 50 aduanced foorth on foot till he came to the bishop, and falling downe vpon his knées, he reuerentlie kissed the crucifix, wherevpon receiuing humble thanks with high commendation of the bishop for He kisseth the crucifix. such his clemencie, he entered the citie, not staieng till he came into the market place, where comman­ding one part of his armie to keepe their standing, he went with the residue vnto the church of our ladie, and after to that of saint Patrike, where hearing the celebration of diuine seruice, when the same was en­ded, 60 hée entered the castell, where his lodging was prepared. In the morning he caused execution to be doone of certeine vnrulie persons of his armie, who He entred the castell. in the night passed had broken vp the houses of some of the citizens, and rauished diuerse women. And for this act Gregorie being had in high reuerence of the Irish people, lodged part of his armie within the ci­tie, and part he commanded to lodge without in the campe.

At length hauing remained a season in this estate at Dublin, he caused the Irish lords to assemble in A peace con­clude [...] with Ireland. councell, where in the end the peace was concluded betwixt him and them, with these articles and coue­nants. First it was agréed that the yoong king Duncane should be brought vp vnder the gouerne­ment [...] of couenent. of wise and discréet persons, to be instructed in all princelie knowledge, within a strong castell, (wherein he had hitherto remained euer since his fa­thers Their yoong king to be wel brought vp. decease) till he came to yéeres of discretion. And that in the meane time Gregorie should haue the gouernance of the realme, receiuing all the for­tresses K. Gregorie to haue the go­uernment of the realme. He should also appoint the magistrates. No man to trafficke in Ireland with out a pasport. into his possession. He should also haue the ap­pointment of the magistrates, who should sée iustice ministred according to the old statutes & ordinances of the Irish kingdome. That the Irishmen should receiue neither Englishman, Britaine, nor Dane, into their countrie, no not so much as for trade of merchandize, without safe conduct to be granted by him. So that things being thus brought to a quiet­nesse in Ireland, he receiued an oth of the chiefest of them for performance of the couenants, and here­with K. Gregorie returned into Scotland. taking with him thréescore hostages, he retur­ned with his victorious armie backe into Scotland.

After this there chanced no notable trouble to the Scots, neither forreine nor ciuill, by all the time of king Gregories reigne, so that passing the rest of his life in quietnesse, he studied chieflie for the politike gouernement of his people in good order and rule, to the aduancement of the common-wealth: and fi­nallie died an happie old man, in a castell called The king died. Doundore within the countrie of Gariosh, in the 18 yeere after his entring into his estate, and after the birth of our Sauiour 893. He was neuer maried, but liued in continuall chastitie: for his famous vic­tories 893. and other his princelie dooings, he deserued of the Scots to be numbered amongst their most high and renowmed princes. Amongst other his princelie acts which he set forward in his life time, to the ad­ornement of his countrie and common-wealth; A­berdine (of a village) was aduanced by him to the Aberdine is made a citie. state and dignitie of a citie, and the church there in­dowed with faire reuenues, and sundrie priuiled­ges. His bodie was conueied vnto the abbeie of King Grego­rie is buried in Colmekill. Colmekill, and there buried with all solemne pompe and exequies: ouer the which his next successor, Do­nald the fift of that name, caused a faire toome to be erected.

In the daies of this Gregorie also, there liued that famous clearke Iohn Scot, a Scotishman in déed Iohn Scot. Some hold that he was an English­man. Bale. borne, but brought vp in studie of good literature at Athens, where hauing learned the Gréeke toong, he was sent for into France, to come vnto the empe­rour Lewes, with whom he remained in seruice for a time: and by whose commandement he translated the booke of saint Dionyse, intituled Hierarchia, into Latine. Afterwards being sent ambassador from the Dionys A [...] ­pagita was translated by Iohn Scot. He taught [...]. Alured in England. He taught in Malmesburie same Lewes vnto Alured or Alfred king of Eng­land, he continued with him and taught his children, hauing a place thereto appointed him within the abbeie of Malmesburie, where he had such resort of hearers and scholers, that it was a woonder to be­hold. Notwithstanding, at length when he ceassed not to blame and sharpelie to reprooue the corrupt maners of such his scholers, as were giuen more to libertie than learning, he was by them murthered He was kil­led [...] his scho­lers. with daggers, as he was reading vnto them, and was afterwards registred amongst the number of martyrs.

BUt to our purpose. After Gregorie, succéeded Donald the 5 in gouernement of the kingdome, Donald. he was the sonne of Constantine the second, who Donald the fift. finding the state of the realme in good quiet and flou­rishing in welth, he applied his whole studie to main­teine the same in semblable plight and condition. And before all things he caused iustice to be [...]ulie He was a good iusticier. ministred, so that no iniurie, speciallie if it were doone to ante poore person, escaped vnpunished. Christ He [...] re­ligious. the Lord of all vertue had giuen him such a godlie

[Page 145] [...]

[Page 146] the English and Scotish nations. Héere vpon both the Scots and Danes made the greatest prouision The Scots and Danes contederate themselues to­gither. Malcolme is made chiefe generall of the armie. He is created also heire ap­parant. The earle of Cumberland heire appa­rant to the king of Scots The Scots and Danes ioine their powers togi­ther. They begin a cruell warre. that might be, thinking verelie to subdue the Eng­lishmen, and to bring them to vtter destruction.

Malcolme sonne to king Donald was appointed by king Constantine to haue the leading of the Scotish armie, conteining the number of twentie thousand men. The same Malcolme also at the same time was created heire apparant of the realme, ha­uing Cumberland assigned vnto him for the main­tenance 10 of his estate. And euen then it was ordei­ned, that he which should succéed to the crowne after the kings deceasse, should euer inioy that prouince. Malcolme ioining his power with Aualassus and Godfrie (who had assembled in like manner a migh­tie host of Danes) they all togither brake into the English confines, sparing no kind of crueltie that might be deuised, murthering the people without a­nie pitie or compassion in all places where they came, to the intent that the Englishmen mooued 20 with the slaughter of their kinsfolks and friends, should come foorth into the field to giue battell, suppo­sing they should not be able to withstand the force of the Danes and Scotishmen now ioined in one ar­mie togither.

But the more vilanie they shewed in their dooings, the sooner were they punished for the same. For A­thelstane the base sonne of king Edward (whome the Athelstane base sonne vn­to king Ed­ward. Englishmen had chosen to succéed in gouernement of their kingdome after his fathers deceasse) with all spéed sought to be reuenged of such ini [...]ious doo­ings 30 Where vpon getting togither an armie, he in­countred Athelstane came against the Scots. with them at a place called Broningfield, or Brunenburgh, in Iuly, in the yeere 937, where the English at the first of purpose gaue somthing backe, 937. as though they had fled: which manner when the Danes and Scots beheld, supposing the Englishmen had fled in déed, they began to pursue amaine, lea­uing The Scots and Danes out of order. their order of battell, ech of them striuing who might be the formost. 40

The Englishmen (according to the order appoin­ted to them by their capteins) suddenlie fell into ar­raie againe, and fiercelie returning vpon their eni­mies, The Scots and Danes ouerthrowne. did beat them downe in great numbers, & so atchiued a most triumphant victorie. There died in this mortall battell manie thousands of Danes and Scotishmen, but chieflie the Scotish nobilitie bought The nobilitie went to wracke. the bargaine most déere, who choosing rather to die in the field than to suffer rebuke by dishonorable flight, it came so to passe that few of them escaped. There di­ed 50 on that side (as some write) 20000 men in this battell, togither with Wilfert king of the Guentes, Hanwall king of Britains, and seuen dukes that came to helpe the Scots and Danes. Athelstane by good aduise following the victorie, entred into Nor­thumberland, Athelstane tooke Nor­thumberland. and finding the countrie dispurueied of men of warre, he easilie made a full conquest ther­of, hauing all the holds and fortresses deliuered into his hands.

Then without further delaie he passed into West­merland, 60 and after into Cumberland, where the inha­bitants Westmerland and Cumber­land recoue­red. of both those regions bare-footed and bare­headed, in token of most humble submission, yéelded themselues vnto him, promising from thence foorth to continue his faithfull subiects. In the meane time Malcolme being sore wounded in the battell, esca­ped; yet with great danger, and in an horsse-litter Malcolme escaped his hurts. was conueied home into his countrie, where he de­clared to king Constantine the whole circumstance of the ouerthrow and losse of his countries aforesaid. Wherevpon Constantine caused a councell to be cal­led at Abirnethie, where he perceiued how sore his A councell called by Con­stantine. realme was inséebled through lacke of such of the no­bilitie as were lost in the last battell, by reason the re­sidue that were left, seemed through wan [...] of yéeres, neither able by counsell nor by force to defend the realme, so as he vtterlie despaired either to be of power to beate backe the enimies, or to gouerne his realme in such politike sort as he would haue wi­shed. And therefore, to rid himselfe of all such cares and troubles, and withall despising all such worldlie pompe as might withdraw him from diuine contem­plation (where vnto he was partlie bent) he gaue o­uer his kinglie estate, and became a canon within Constantine becommeth a canon. the abbeie of saint Andrewes amongst the couent there.

This was in the yéere of our Sauiour 943, and in the fortith yéere of his owne reigne (as Hector Boe­tius 943. saith:) but if he did thus forsake the world, and entred into religion immediatlie after the battell fought at Broningfield or Brunenburgh (for so we find it named by some writers) then must it néedes Matth. West. be before this supposed time alledged by the same Bo­etius, for that battell was fought anno 937, as the best approoued amongst our English writers doo re­port, so that it should rather séeme that Constantine refused in déed to deale with the gouernement of the realme, about the same yéere of our Lord 937, or shortlie after; and that Malcolme gouerned as re­gent and not as king whilest Constantine liued, who departed this life (after he had continued in the ab­beie of saint Andrewes a certeine time) in the fore­said yéere 943, falling in the fortie yéere after he first 943. Constantine died. began to reigne. He was first buried in the church there amongst the bishops, but afterwards he was taken vp and translated vnto Colmekill, where he had a toome set ouer him, as was conuenient for the memorie of his name.

In the 36 yéere of his reigne there were two mon­strous creatures borne in Albion, the one amongst the Danes being an hermophrodyte, that is to say, A monster, a child with both sexes, hauing the head like a swine, the brest standing foorth more in resemblance than the common shape of man, a fat bellie, with féete like a goose, legs like a man, full of bristels, and a verie euill fauored thing to behold. The other was borne in Northumberland, onelie hauing a mans An other monster. sex, with one whole bellie from the nauill downe, but aboue the same diuided with two brests creasted or compassed ridge-wise, and not broad like to the shape of man: beside this it had foure armes and two heads. And euen as from the nauill vpwards it was thus diuided into two bodies, so did it appeare there was two contrarie wils or desires in the same, Two contra­rie willes in this monster. euer lusting contrarilie, as when the one did sléepe, the other would wake; when the one required to haue meat, the other passed for none at all. Oftentimes would they chide and brall togither, insomuch that at length they fell so far at variance, that they did beat and rent either other verie pitifullie with their nailes. At length the one with long sickenesse wea­ring away and finallie deceassing, the other was not One part died before the o­ther. able to abide the gréeuous smell of the dead carcase, but immediatlie after died also.

About the same time there issued foorth a founteine Bloud issued out of an hill. of bloud out of the side of a mounteine in Gallo­way, and flowed in great abundance for the space of seuen daies togither, so that all the riuers therabout (whereof there is great store in that countrie) had their waters mixed with bloud, and so running into the sea, caused the same to séeme bloudie certeine miles distant from the shore. These prodigious What was ment by these woonders. sights put men in great feare, for that diuinours did interpret the same to signifie some great bloud­shed to fall vpon the Scots shortlie after. They were also the better beléeued, for that within a while after, that great ouerthrow happened at Broningfield, as before is specified.

[Page 147] AFter that Constantine (as is said) was entred into religion, the before named Malcolme the Malcolme forme of Donald was admitted king, [...] rather re­gent: who although he perceiued right well how the force of the realme was so infeebled, that there was no hope to mainteine warres abroad; yet his chiefe studie was by all means possible to defend the bor­ders of the Scotish dominion, and before all things to procure peace with the Englishmen. But as he was about to haue sent embassadours, vnto king 10 Athelstane, to haue treated for peace, he was cre­diblie informed, how Athelstane had giuen Nor­thumberland [...] had gi [...]n him Northember­ [...]g. vnto A [...]lassus, and made a league with him to haue his aid against the Scots. Which newes put Malcolme in woonderfull dread, for that he vnderstood how his realme was vnpurucied of skilfull capteins to make resistance. Yet he caused a councell to be called, wherein when such as were as­sembled [...] councel cal­led. proponed manie [...]ond and [...]dish reasons, it might happen there was small hope of anie good conclusion; but euen as they were at a point to haue 20 broken vp without anie certeine resolution, word was brought ho [...] through seditious discord, which had chanced betwixt the Danes and Englishmen be­ing assembled togither in campe, they had fought a The English men and the Daius fall [...] togither, and fight. right cruell and bloudie battell, the victorie in the end remaining with the Englishmen, who ceased not to pursue the Danes in chase, so long as anie day light appéered in the skie.

Aualassus with such Danes as he might get togi­ther 30 Aualassus fled into [...]estmer­land, rifled the Ile of Man, and got him into Ireland. after that ouerthrow, fled into Westmerland, and within thrée daies after, in such ships as he found there vpon the coast, he failed ouer into the Ile of Man, and spoiling the same, with all the preie he pas­sed from thence ouer into Ireland. In the meane time king Athelstane hauing lost no small number of his people in the foresaid battell, omitted his iour­nie into Scotland, and lay still in Northumberland, no man vnderstanding what he intended to [...]. They go in procession in Scotland for [...]. Which newes were so pleasant to the Scotishmen, 40 that there was common supplications and processi­ons made through the whole realme, in rendering thanks to almightie God for deliuering the people by this means from so great and present a danger.

Shortlie after came ambassadours from Athel­stane vnto Malcolme, to mooue means for a peace to Ambassadors sent vnto Malcolme. be concluded betwixt the Scotish and English nati­ons, according to the articles of the old league, which motion was i [...]fullie hear [...] of Malcolme, though he set a countenance of the matter as though he passed 50 not whether he had warre or peace: but in the end, for that (as he said) peace was most necessarie for all parts, he shewed himselfe willing to haue the old [...] league renewed betwixt the Englishmen and Scots, with anie reasonable conditions which should be thought requisit.

After the returne of the ambassadouts, the league The league was confir­med againe. was newlie confirmed [...] the two kings and their people, with the semblable ar [...]les as were comprised in the old league, with this article onelie 60 added there vnto, that Northumberland, being as Northumber­land allotted vnto Eng­land. now [...]shed most with Danish inhabitants, shou [...] remaine to the Englishmen; and Cumber­land with Wes [...]land to the Scots, vpon this condition, that he which should succ [...] as heire vnto Cumberland and [...]ester­land to [...] ho­mage vnto England. the crowne of Scotland [...] the kings [...]easse, be­ing heire [...] regions, and [...] homage vnto the [...] of [...] his [...]affall perpetuallie for the [...]. The [...] [...]ing [...] established betwixt these nations, Indulph the [...] of Constantine the [...] of Cumberland, and inherit [...] [...] land.

After this, Malcolme passed the [...] to good quiet, without anie troubles of warre, as a [...] onelie [...] to maint [...] the state of his realme in good order, as well for the wealth of the temporaltie, as spiritualtie, wh [...] vnto he was e­quallie inclined. At length, as he rode about the pro­ [...]es of his realme, to see the lawes dulie [...] ­stred, at [...]rine a village in [...] land, where he caused iustice to be somewhat [...] executed vp­pon King Mal­colme was murthered. offenders, he was murther [...] in the night sea­son by treason of a few conspirat [...]s, in the fiftéenth yeare of his reigne. But such as did this wicked The conspi­rators were put to [...] ­tion. déed with their complices, by [...]gent examination were tried out, and on the next day [...]eing apprehen­ded, suffered due execution, according as they had deserued, being torne in peeces with wild horsses, The murthe­rers were torne with [...]ies. and those péeces sent vnto sundrie cities, where they were hanged vp on the gates and towers, vntill they [...]otted away.

They that were the deuisers of the murder also, The procu­rers of the murther were [...]ed. and procured the d [...]ers there vnto, were thrust quite through vpon sharpe stakes, and after hanged vp alost on high gibbets; and other of the conspirators were put to other kinds of death, as the case séemed to require. The death of Malcolme chanced in the yeare after the death of our Sauiour 959. ¶ Here 959. The mista­king of the names and tu [...]es of the English kings in the Scotish [...] ­ters. we haue thought good to put you in remembrance, that either the Scots are deceiued in their account of yeares; or else mistake the names of the kings of England: for where they write that this Malcolme departed this life about the 22 yeare of Athe [...]ne king of England, that can not be; if Malcolms [...] ­ceasse chanced in the yeare 959, for Athel [...]ane was dead long before that time, to wit, in the yeare 940, and reigned but sixtéene yeares.

Moreouer, where the Scotish writers make [...] ­tion of the warres which king Edmund that [...] ­ded Athelstane had against A [...]lafe and the Danes of Northumberland, in the daies of king Indulph that succéeded Malcolme, it can not stand by anie means (if they mistake not their account of yeares:) for the same Edmund was slaine in the years 948. But verelie this fault in the iust account of yeares is but too common in the Scotish historie, and there­fore to him that should take vpon him to reforme the errors thereof in this behalfe, it were necessarie to alter in a maner the whole course of the same hi­storie. And therefore we will not with anie man to giue anie credit vnto their account in yeares, tou­ching the reignes of the English kings, further than they shall see them to agrée with our writers, whome in that behalfe we may more safelie follow, [...] by conferring the same with the Scotish writers in some places, happilie perceiue the true time, aswell of the reignes of their kings, as of ants done, to full [...]tin in yeares and seasons, much differing from their account: thereof to admonish the reader, aswell [...]re as in the English historie, we haue thought it not impertinent.

And albeit that some may [...] what rea [...] [...] haue to mooue vs to doubt of their account of years, more than we [...] of that in our owne writers? [...] will referre the same vnto their iudgements that are learned, and haue trauelled indifferentlis alike, aswell in peruling the one as the other without [...]. But as the errors are sooner found than ame [...] [...], so haue we thought good to set downe in the [...]argent of this booke, the yeares as we find them [...]ted in the Scotish writers, speciallie in places where we differ anie thing from them, because we will not séeme by way of controliment to preiudice the authors, further than by due consideration the [...] [...]sed reader shall thinke it expedient.

B [...] to my purpose. After the corps of Malcolme Indulph. [...] buried (according to the custome) a­mongst, [Page 148] his predecessors in the abbie church of Col­mekill, Indulph prince of Cumberland was placed in the marble chaire at Scone, there receiuing the crowne and other the inuestures of the kingdome. In the administration whereof he continued for the space of fiue yeares without anié notable trouble; in the end of which terme, he was required by messen­gers sent vnto him from Aualassus, to ioine with Indulph is prouoked by Aualassus to warre against England. him in league against the Englishmen, in reuenge of that ouerthrow, which aswell the Danes as Scots had receiued at Broningfield, alledging that oppor­tunitie 10 was now offered, sith after the decesse of A­thelstane, the Englishmen had created Edmund to His persua­sions. be their king, a man of a dull wit, & not fit for the ad­ministration of high affaires: neither did the league concluded betwixt Athelstane and Malcolme inforce anie impediment, but that he might enter the warre against the Englishmen, considering that both the princes that were the authors of that league were departed out of this life, by whose deceasse the said 20 league was ended.

But Indulph for answere herevnto declared, Indulph his answere. that the league was concluded betwixt Malcolme and Athelstane, by great deliberation of aduise, and by consent of all the estates of both realmes, taking their solemne oths for the true obseruing thereof, so that he could not, vnlesse he should violate that oth, attempt anie thing to the breach of peace with the Englishmen, procuring the iust indignation of al­mightie God against him and his people in that be­halfe. 30 Herevpon the Danes accounting Indulph The Danes not pleased with such an answere pro­cure warre a­gainst Eng­land. but a slouthfull and negligent person for this kind of answere, as he that regarded not the honor of his realme and people, in letting passe so great opportu­nitie to be reuenged of the Englishmen for the death of such Scots as died in the ouerthrow at Broning­field, determined not to be noted with the like spot of reproch: but with all speed sending for aid into Norwaie, prepared to passe ouer into England, vn­der the conduct of Aualassus, who ioining his power 40 The Norwe­gians c [...]me to the aid of A­ualassus. R [...]inold a va­liant capteine. with the Norwegians, which came to his aid vnder the leading of a right valiant capteine called Rai­nold, transported with all spéed ouerinto Northum­berland, vnto whome the gouernour there named Elgarine, acknowledging himselfe to be descen­ded of the Danish bloud, yéelded all the castels, Elgarine yéel­ded the forts vnto the Danes. tounes & forts, promising to aid Aualassus against king Edmund to the vttermost of his power.

These newes comming to the knowledge of Ed­mund, with all spéed he gathereth his power, and 50 [...]ing into Scotland for such aid as he ought to haue from thence by couenants of the league, there came vnto him ten thousand Scotishmen with rea­ [...] 10000 soul­diers sent vn­to king Ed­mund. [...]ls to serue him in these his wars against the Danes. Then ioining his owne people with those Sco [...]ishmen, he set forward towards the enimies. There were a [...] 8000▪ Northumberland men with Aualassus, the which vpon the first incounter with the Englishmen, fell [...]reight to running away, which made an open and readie breach vnto the English 60 part, to atteine the victorie: for the Danes being not able to resist the violent force of their enimies, in­couraged now with the flight of the Northumbers, were quicklie constreined to giue backe, and in the [...]nd [...] flee amaine, the Englishmen and Scots [...]d [...]wing in the chase with such fiercenesse, that all such as they ouer [...]ke died vpon the sword, though they submitted themselues neuer so humblie in requi­ring mercie.

Elgarine yet chancing to fall into his enimies Elgarine is taken priso­ner. hands was taken aliue: for so had Edmund com­manded, that if anie man might take him, he [...] in anie case saue his life, that he might put [...] death in most cruell wise, to the example [...].

After this, and for the space of three daies after the battell, Edmund lay still in the fields néere vnto the place where they fought, and then repaired vnto Yorke, where Elgarine for his treason was drawen Elgarine is drawen in péeces. in péeces with wild horsses. There chanced also no notable trouble in Albion, during the space of foure yeares after this said ouerthrow of the Danes with their capteine Aualassus, who is also otherwise cal­led Aulafe, as is to be séene in the English histories, where the same make mention of the foresaid king Edmund, whome likewise they affirme to be the brother of Athelstane, and not his sonne, as before is partlie touched. Indulph in this meane time did with K. Indulph was diligent in his office. great diligence sée to the good order of his realme, shewing therein what belonged to the office of a woorthie prince. But euen as all things séemed to rest in peace & quietnes through the whole Ile of Al­bion, Hagon king of Norwaie, and Helrike king of Denmarke, of purpose to reuenge the slaughter of The kings of Denmarke and Norwaie enter with an armie into Scotland. their countrimen latelie made in Northumberland, came with a mightie nauie vnto the coasts of Scot­land, assaieng to land with their whole armie, first in the Forth, then in the riuer of Taie; but yet through such resistance as the Scots made, being assembled togither to kéepe them off, they were faine to with­draw, The enimies are put off. and wasting alongst the coasts of Angus, the Marnes, Mar, and Buthqhane, at length faining as though they would haue taken their course honie­wards, they lanched foorth into the high seas. But within foure daies after returning againe to the shore, they landed their people earlie in one morning vpon the coast of Boen, at a place called Cullane, a countrie ioining vnto Buthqhane, putting such of They land in Boen. the countrie people to flight, as presented them­selues to impeach their landing and inuasion.

But Indulph being aduertised hereof, forthwith King In­dulph draw­eth néere to­wards the e­nimies. assembling the whole power of his realme, drew to­wards that part with such spéed, that he was come into Boen before his enimies were certified that he was set forward. So soone therefore as they heard he was come, such as were abroad forraieng the same countrie, were called backe to the campe. But Indulph without protracting of time came still forward, and vpon his approch to the enimies, he K. Indulph prepared to battell. prepared to giue battell, and with a short oration be­gan to incourage his people to fight manfullie. But before he could make an end, the Danes gaue the onset with such violence, that the battell a long space The Danes gaue the onset. continued doubtfull on both sides, the Danes on the one part and the Scots on the other, dooing their vt­termost [...] to atchiue the victorie, till at length then of Louthian with their capteins Dun­bar and Gra [...]e began to appeare on the backe halfe A supplie sene vnto the Scots. of the Danes. With which sight they were put in such feare, that those which fought in the foreward, retired backe vnto the middle ward, whome the Scots eag [...]lie pursuing, beat downe euen till they came with the reare ward, which [...] rather to die in the fight, than to giue backe, and so t [...] be [...]aine in the cha [...] ( [...]or those in the rear [...] ward were heauie armed th [...]) continued the battell more with a cer­t [...]e stiffe [...] of mind, than with anie great force or f [...]rcast, being so [...] [...]hed as they were, & [...] of thes [...] fellowes for other of the Danes, namelie [...]he [...] and [...] fled their waies, The Danes fled. sot [...]e [...]wards their ships, and some here and there being scatte [...]ed [...] [...]elds, [...] into the [...]os­ses, the [...] other stre [...]s, where they were [...] o [...] by such as followed in the chas [...].

Indulph [...]elfe [...] [...]ine companies about him▪ [...] battell to discouer the fields, as though all had beene quiet on each side, The king with few in his companie f [...]ll by [...] [...]hole [...]and of the Danes, where [Page 149] the same lay in couert within a close vallie, being [...]eth into the enimies [...]get through negligence. fled from the field thither vpon the first ioining of the battels, with the which entering into fight, he was shot through the head with a dart, and so died; but not before he was reuenged of those his enimies, the [...]. In [...]ulph was slaine with a dart and died. whole number of them being slaine there in the place. His bodie was first buried in Cullane, a towne of Boene, and after translated vnto the ab­bie of Colmekill, and there interred amongest o­ther his predecessors the Scotish kings. Indulph 10 reigned about nine yeares and died thus valiantlie, [...]61 saith Io. [...]. though infortunatlie, in the yeare after the incar­nation 968, as saith Hector Boetius. 968

AFter the corps of Indulph was remooued vnto Duffe. Colmekill and there buried; Duffe the sonne of K. Malcolme was crowned K. at Scone with all due solemnitie. In the beginning of his reigne, Cu­lene the sonne of K. Indulph was proclaimed prince of Cumberland: immediatlie wherevpon the king The king went vnto the westerne Iles. transported ouer into the westerne Iles, to set an or­der there for certeine misdemeanors vsed by diuers 20 robbers and pillers of the common people. At his arriuall amongst them he called the tha [...]es of the He purged the Iles. Iles afore him, commanding streightlie as they would auoid his displeasure, to purge their countries of such malefactors, whereby the husbandmen and o­ther commons might liue in quiet, without vexation of such barrettors and idle persons as sought to liue onlie vpon other mens goods.

The thanes vpon this charge giuen them by the king, tooke no small number of the offendors, part­lie, 30 [...]tors ta­ken and put to death. by publike authoritie, & partlie by lieng in wait for them where they supposed their haunt was to re­sort, the which being put to execution according to that they had merited, caused the residue of that kind of people either to get them ouer into Ireland, either else to learne some manuall occupation where­with Uagabounds compelled to learne an oc­cupation. to get their liuing, yea though they were ne­uer so great gentlemen borne. Howbeit the nobles with this ertreme rigor shewed thus by the king a­gainst their linage, were much offended therwith, 40 The nobles were discon­tented with the kings doo­ings. accounting it a great dishonor for such as were des­cended of noble parentage, to be constreined to get their liuing with the labor of their hands, which onlie apperteined to plowmen, and such other of the base degrée as were borne to trauell for the maintenance of the nobilitie, and to serue at their commande­ment by order of their birth, and in no wise after such sort to be made in maner equall with them in state and condition of life.

Furthermore, they murmured closelie amongest 50 The occasion of murmuring of the nobili­tie. themselues, how the king was onlie become friend to the commons & cleargie of his realme, hauing no respect to the nobilitie, but rather declared himselfe to be an vtter enimie thereof, so that he was vnwoor­thie to haue the rule of the nobles and gentlemen, vnles he knew better what belonged to their degrée. This murmuring did spread not onelie among them in the Iles, but also through all the other parts of his realme, so that they ceased not to speake verie euill of the gouernement of things. In the meane 60 The king fell [...]cke. time the king fell into a languishing disease, not so gréeuous as strange, that none of his physicians could perceiue what to make of it. For there was séene in him no token, that either choler, melancho­lie, flegme, or any other vicious humor did any thing abound, whereby his bodie should be brought into such decaie and consumption (so as there remained vnneth anie thing vpon him saue skin and bone.)

And sithens it appeared manifestlie by all out­ward signes and tokens, that naturall moisture did nothing faile in the vitall spirits, his colour also was fresh and faire to behold, with such liuelines of loo [...], that more was not to be wished for; he had also a temperat desire and appetite to his meate & drinke, but yet could he not sléepe in the night time by anie prouocations that could be deuised, but still fell into excéeding sweats, which by no means might be re­streined. The physicians perceiuing all their medi­cines to pant due effect, yet to put him in some com­fort of helpe, declared to him that they would send for some cunning physicians into forreigne parts, who happilie being inured with such kind of diseases, should easilie cure him, namelie so soone as the spring of the yeare was once come, which of it selfe should helpe much therevnto.

Howbeit the king, though he had small hope of The king be­ing sicke, yet he regarded iustice to be executed. recouerie, yet had he still a diligent care vnto the due administration of his lawes and good orders of his realme, deuising oft with his councell about the same. But when it was vnderstood into what a pe­rillous sicknesse he was fallen, there were no small number, that contemning the authoritie of the ma­gistrats, A rebellion practised. began to practise a rebellion. And amongst the chiefest were those of Murrey land, who slaieng sundrie of the kings officers, began to rage in most cruell wise against all such as were not consenting to their misordered tumult. The kings physicians for­bad The rebellion was kept frō the kings knowledge. in anie wise, that the king should be aduertised of such businesse, for doubt of increasing his sicknes with trouble of mind about the same. But about that present time there was a murmuring amongst the people, how the king was vexed with no naturall sicknesse, but by sorcerie and magicall art, practised by a sort of witches dwelling in a towne of Murrey Witches in Fores. land, called Fores.

Wherevpon, albeit the author of this secret talke was not knowne: yet being brought to the kings eare, it caused him to send foorthwith certeine wittie persons thither, to inquire of the truth. They that Inquirie was made. were thus sent, dissembling the cause of their iornie, were receiued in the darke of the night into the ca­stell of Fores by the lientenant of the same, called Donwald, who continuing faithfull to the king, had kept that castell against the rebels to the kings vse. Unto him therefore these messengers declared the cause of their comming, requiring his aid for the ac­complishment of the kings pleasure.

The souldiers, which laie there in garrison, had an inkling that there was some such matter in hand as The matter appeareth to be true. was talked of amongst the people; by reason that one of them kept as concubine a yoong woman, which was daughter to one of the witches as his par­amour, who told him the whole maner vsed by hir mother & other hir companions, with their intent al­so, which was to make awaie the king. The souldier A witches daughter is examined. hauing learned this of his lemman, told the same to his fellowes, who made report to Donwald, and hée shewed it to the kings messengers, and therewith sent for the yoong damosell which the souldier kept, as then being within the castell, and caused hir vpon streict examination to confesse the whole matter as she had séene and knew. Wherevpon learning by hir confession in what house in the towne it was where The witches are found out. they wrought there mischiefous mysterie, he sent foorth souldiers about the middest of the night, who breaking into the house, found one of the witches An image of wax rosting at the fire. rosting vpon a woodden broch an image of wax at the fler, resembling in each feature the kings person, made and deuised (as is to be thought) by craft and art of the diuell: an other of them sat reciting cer­teine words of inchantment, and still basted the i­mage with a certeine liquor verie busilie.

The souldiers finding them occupied in this wise, The witches were exami­ned. tooke them togither with the image, and led them in­to the castell, where being streictlie examined for what purpose they went about such manner of in­ [...]hantment, they answered, to the end to make away [Page 150] the king: for as the image did waste afore the fire, so The whole matter is confessed. did the bodie of the king breake foorth in sweat. And as for the words of the inchantment, they serued to keepe him still waking from sléepe, so that as the war euer melted, so did the kings flesh: by the which meanes it should haue come to passe, that when the war was once cleane consinned, the death of the king should immediatlie follow. So were they The nobles of the countrie set the wit­ches on work. taught by euill spirits, and hired to worke the feat by the nobles of Murrey land. The standers by, that 10 heard such an abhominable tale told by these wit­ches, streightwaies brake the image, and caused the witches (according as they had well deserued) to bée The witches were burnt. burnt to death.

It was said, that the king at the verie same time that these things were a dooing within the castell of The king is restored to health. Fores, was deliuered of his languor, and slept that night without anie sweat breaking foorth vpon him at all, & the next daie being restored to his strength, was able to doo anie maner of thing that lay in man 20 to doo, as though he had not béene sicke before anie thing at all. But howsoeuer it came to passe, truth it is, that when he was restored to his perfect health, The king with an armie pursued the rebels. he gathered a power of men, & with the same went into Murrey land against the rebels there, and cha­sing them from thence, he pursued them into Rosse, and from Rosse into Cathnesse, where apprehending them, he brought them backe vnto Fores, and there The rebels are executed. caused them to be hanged vp, on gallows and gibets.

Amongest them there were also certeine yoong 30 gentlemen, right beautifull and goodlie personages, being neere of kin vnto Donwald capteine of the castell, and had béene persuaded to be partakers with the other rebels, more through the fraudulent coun­sell of diuerse wicked persons, than of their owne ac­cord: wherevpon the foresaid Donwald lamenting Captein Don wald craued pardon for them but not granted. their case, made earnest labor and sute to the king to haue begged their pardon; but hauing a plaine deni­all, he conceiued such an inward malice towards the king (though he shewed it not outwardlie at the 40 first) that the same continued still boiling in his stomach, and ceased not, till through setting on of his wife, and in reuenge of such vnthankefulnesse, hée found meanes to murther the king within the fore­said castell of Fores where he vsed to soicurne. For Donwald conceiued ha­tred against the king. the king being in that countrie, was accustomed to lie most commonlie within the same castell, hauing a speciall trust in Donwald, as a man whom he ne­uer suspected.

But Donwald, not forgetting the reproch which 50 his linage had susteined by the execution of those his kinsmen, whome the king for a spectacle to the people had caused to be hanged, could not but shew mani­fest tokens of great griefe at home amongst his fa­milie: which his wife perceiuing, ceassed not to tra­uell with him, till she vnderstood what the cause was of his displeasure. Which at length when she had learned by his owne relation, she as one that bare Donwalds wife counsel­led him to mur ther the king. no lesse malice in hir heart towards the king, for the like cause on hir behalfe, than hir husband did for his 60 friends, counselled him (sith the king oftentimes v­sed to lodge in his house without anie gard about him, other than the garrison of the castell, which was wholie at his commandement) to make him awaie, and shewed him the meanes wherby he might soonest accomplish it.

Donwald thus being the more kindled in wrath by the words of his wife, determined to follow hir ad­uise in the execution of so heinous an act. Whervpon The womans [...]ll counsell is followed. deuising with himselfe for a while, which way hée might best accomplish his curssed intent, at length gat opportunitie, and sped his purpose as followeth. It chanced that the king vpon the daie before he pur­posed to depart foorth of the castell, was long in his o­ratorie at his praiers, and there continued till it was late in the night. At the last, comming foorth, he called such afore him as had faithfullie serued him in pur­sute and apprehension of the rebels, and giuing them heartie thanks, he bestowed sundrie honorable gifts The king re­warded his friends. amongst them, of the which number Donwald was one, as he that had béene euer accounted a most faith­full seruant to the king.

At length, hauing talked with them a long time, The king went to bed. he got him into his priuie chamber, onelie with two of his chamberlains, who hauing brought him to bed, came foorth againe, and then fell to banketting with Donwald and his wife, who had prepared diuerse de­licate His chamber­lains went to banketting. dishes, and sundrie sorts of drinks for their reare supper or collation, wherat they sate vp so long, till they had charged their stomachs with such full gorges, that their heads were no sooner got to the pil­low, but asléepe they were so fast, that a man might haue remooued the chamber ouer them, sooner than to haue awaked them out of their droonken sleepe.

Then Donwald, though he abhorred the act great­lie in heart, yet through instigation of his wife hee called foure of his seruants vnto him (whome he had made priuie to his wicked intent before, and framed to his purpose with large gifts) and now declaring vnto them, after what sort they should worke the feat, they gladlic obeied his instructions, & spéedilie going about the murther, they enter the chamber (in which the king laie) a little before cocks crow, where The suborned seruants cus the kings throte. they secretlie cut his throte as he lay sléeping, with­out anie buskling at all: and immediatlie by a po­sterne gate they caried foorth the dead bodie into the fields, and throwing it vpon an horsse there prouided readie for that purpose, they conuey it vnto a place, about two miles distant from the castell, where they staied, and gat certeine labourers to helpe them to turne the course of a little riuer running through the fields there, and digging a déepe hole in the chanell, The king his buriall. they burie the bodie in the same, ramming it vp with stones and grauell so closelie, that setting the water in the right course againe, no man could perceiue that anie thing had béene newlie digged there. This they did by order appointed them by Donwald as is reported, for that the bodie should not be found, & by bléeding (when Donwald should be present) declare him to be guiltie of the murther. ¶ For such an opini­on men haue, that the dead corps of anie man being slaine, will bléed abundantlie if the murtherer be present. But for what consideration soeuer they bu­ried him there, they had no sooner finished the worke, The poorel [...] borers are slaine. but that they flue them whose helpe they vsed herein, and streightwaies therevpon fled into Orknie.

Donwald, about the time that the murther was in dooing, got him amongst them that kept the watch, Donwald kept himselfe amongst the watchmen. and so continued in companie with them all the resi­due of the night. But in the morning when the noise was raised in the kings chamber how the king was slaine, his bodie conuied awaie, and the bed all bu­raied with bloud; he with the watch ran thither, as though he had knowne nothing of the matter, and Donwald a verie di [...] ­biet. breaking into the chamber, and finding cakes of bloud in the bed, and on the floore about the sides of it, he foorthwith flue the chamberleins, as guiltie of that heinous murther, and then like a mad man running to and fro, he ransacked euerie corner within the ca­stell, as though it had béene to haue seene if he might haue found either the bodie, or anie of the murthe­rers hid in anie priuie place: but at length comming to the posterne gate, and finding it open, he burdened the chamberleins, whome he had slaine, with all the fault, they hauing the keies of the gates commit­ted to their kéeping all the night, and therefore it could not be otherwise (said he) but that they were of counsell in the committing of that most detesta­ble [Page 151] murther.

Finallie, such was his ouer earnest diligence in [...] wiser than other. The matter [...]pected. the seuere inquisition and triall of the offendors héerein, that some of the lords began to mislike the matter, and to smell foorth shrewd tokens, that he should not be altogither cleare himselfe. But for so much as they were in that countrie, where he had the whole rule, what by reason of his friends and authori­tie togither, they doubted to vtter what they thought, till time and place should better serue there vnto, and héere vpon got them awaie euerie man to his home. 10 For the space of six moneths togither, after this hei­nous murther thus committed, there appéered no Pr [...]digions [...]ather. sunne by day, nor moone by night in anie part of the realme, but still was the skie couered with continu­all clouds, and sometimes such outragious winds a­rose, with lightenings and tempests, that the people were in great feare of present destruction.

IN the meane time Culene prince of Cumberland, the sonne (as I haue said) of king Indulph, accom­panied Culene. with a great number of lords and nobles of 20 the realme, came vnto Scone, there to receiue the crowne according to the manner: but at his com­ming thither, he demanded of the bishops what the The king as­ked the cause of the foule weather. The bishops answer vnto the king. cause should be of such vntemperats weather. Who made answer, that vndoubtedlie almightie God shewed himselfe thereby to be offended most highlie for that wicked murther of king Duffe: and suerlie vnlesse the offendors were tried foorth and punished for that deed, the realme should féele the iust indigna­tion of the diuine iudgement, for omitting such pu­nishment 30 as was due for so greeuous an offense. Culene héere vpon required the bishops to appoint publike processions, fastings, and other godlie exer­cises The king re­quired pub­like praiers to [...]e had. to be vsed of the priests and people, through all parts of the realme, for the good appeasing of Gods wrath in this behalfe; and in such sort and manner as in semblable cases the vse and custome in those daies was. He himselfe made a solemne vow, confirming it with a like oth, before all the péeres & nobles there The king made an oth. assembled, that he would not ceasse till he had reuen­ged 40 the death of king Duffe vpon the false inhabi­tants of Murrey land, to the example of all other.

The multitude being present, getting them to ar­mor, followed their prince, taking his iournie with­out The king went with an arm [...]e into Murrey land. further delaie towards Murrey land, the inhabi­tants of which region hearing of his approch, and the cause of his comming, were striken with excéeding feare: but namelie Donwald, being giltie in consci­ence, doubted lest if he were put to torture, he should A giltie con­science accu­seth a man. be inforced to confesse the truth. Whervpon without 50 making his wife priuie to his departure, or anie o­ther of his familie, saue a few such as he tooke with him, he secretlie got him to the mouth of the riuer of Spey, where finding a ship readie, he went aboord the Donwald get­teth him se­cretlie awaie. same, purposing to haue fled his waies by sea into Norwaie: for this is the peculiar propertie of a giltie conscience, to be afraid of all things, and either in ge­sture or countenance to bewraie it selfe, accounting flight most sure, if occasion may serue thereto. For 60 this Donwald, whome no man (though some partlie The murther. of the king is reuealed. suspected him) might well haue burdened with the crime of his maisters death (by reason of his faith­full seruice shewed towards him afore time) had he not thus sought to haue auoided the countrie, was now detected of manifest treason, euerie man detes­ting his abhominable fact, and wishing him to be o­uer whelmed in the raging flouds, so to paie the due punishment, which of right he owght, for his vile tre­son in murthering his naturall lord.

Culene being heereof aduertised, passed ouer The castell of Fores is ta­ken and all the [...]nhabitants slaine. Spey water, and taking the castell of Fores, slue all that he found therein, and put the house to sacke and fire. Donwalds wife with his thrée daughters were taken: for Culene commanded, that whosoeuer could light vpon them, should in anie wise saue their liues, and bring them vnto him. Which being doone, he had The murther is who [...] con­fessed. them to the racke, where the mother vpon hir exami­nation confessed the whole matter, how by hir pro­curement chieflie hir husband was mooued to cause the déed to be doone, who they were that by his com­mandement did it, and in what place they had buried the bodie. Héere would the multitude haue run vpon hir and torne hir in peeces, but that they were restrei­ned by commandement of an officer at armes. The K. with the residue for that night rested themselues, and in the morning tooke order for due prouision of all things necessarie to take vp the bodie of king King Duffe his bodie to be taken vp. Duffe, and then to conueis it vnto Colmekill, there to be buried amongest his predecessors.

But as they were busie héereabout, woord came that the traitor Donwald was by shipwracke cast Donwald is taken prisoner vpon the shore within foure miles of the castell, as though he were by Gods prouision brought backe into his owne countrie to suffer worthie punishment for his demerits. Wherevpon the inhabitants of the places next adioining tooke him, and kept him fast bound till they knew further of the kings pleasure: who verie glad of the newes, sent foorth immediatlie a band of men to fetch him. They that were sent did as they were commanded: and being scarse retur­ned, there came in diuerse lords of Rosse, bringing with them Donwalds foure seruants, which (as be­fore Donwalds foure seruants were taken also. is said) did execute the murther. Thus all the of­fendors being brought togither vnto the place where the murther was both contriued and executed, they were arrained, condemned, and put to death in ma­ner as followeth, to the great reioising of the people that beheld the same.

They were first scourged by the hangman, and then Donwald with his con­federats are executed. bowelled, their entrails being throwen into a fire and burnt, the other parts of their bodies were cut in­to quarters, and sent vnto the chiefest cities of the realme, and there set vp aloft vpon the gates & high­est towers, for example sake to all such as should come after, how heinous a thing it is to pollute their hands in the sacred bloud of their prince. This dread­full end had Donwald and his wife, before he saw anie sunne after the murther was committed, and that by the appointment of the most righteous God, the creator of that heauenlie planet and all other things, who suffereth no crime to be vnreuenged. Those that were the takers of the murtherers were Rewards gi­uen vnto the takers of those murtherers. highlie rewarded for their paines and trauell therein susteined, being exempt from charges of going foorth to the warres, and also of all manner of paiments belonging to publike duties, as tributes, subsidies, and such like.

These things being thus ordered, the bodie of king Duffe was taken vp, and in most pompous manner The bodie of king Duffe honorablie bu­ried. conueied vnto Colmekill, accompanied all the waie by Culene, and a great multitude of lords both spiri­tuall and temporall, with other of the meaner states. There be that haue written how his bodie (though it had laine six moneths vnder the ground) was no­thing impaired either in colour or otherwise, when it was taken vp, but was found as whole and sound as though it had béene yet aliue, the skarres of the wounds onelie excepted. But to procéed, so soone as it Maruellous things are séene. was brought aboue the ground, the aire began to cleare vp, and the sunne brake foorth, shining more brighter than it had beene séene afore time, to anie of the beholders remembrance. And that which put men in most deepe consideration of all, was the sight of manifold flowers, which sprang foorth ouer all the fields immediatlie therevpon, cleane contrarie to the time and season of the yéere.

Within a few yeeres after this, there was a bridge [Page 152] made ouer the water in the same place, where the bo­die had beene buried, and a village builded at the one end of the bridge, which is called vnto this day, Kil­flos, that is to say, the church of flowers: taking that Kilflos. name of the woonder there happened at the remoo­uing of the kings bodie, as the same authors would séeme to meane. But there is now (or was of late) a rich abbeie, standing with a verie faire church, conse­crat in the honor of the virgine Marie. Monstrous sights also that were seene within the Scotish king­dome that yéere were these: horsses in Louthian, be­ing 10 of singular beautie and swiftnesse, did eate their Horsses eate their owne flesh. A monstrous child. A sparhawke strangled by an [...]wle. owne flesh, and would in no wise taste anie other meate. In Angus there was a gentlewoman brought foorth a child without eies, nose, hand, or foot. There was a sparhawke also strangled by an owle. Neither was it anie lesse woonder that the sunne, as before is said, was continuallie couered with clouds for six moneths space. But all men vnder­stood that the abhominable murther of king Duffe was the cause héereof, which being reuenged by the 20 death of the authors, in maner as before is said; Cu­lene was crowned as lawfull successor to the same Duffe at Scone, with all due honor and solemnitie, in the yeere of our Lord 972, after that Duffe had 972. ruled the Scotish kingdome about the space of foure yeeres.

The beginning of Culenes reigne, begun with King Culene did not conti­nue as his be­ginning was. righteous execution of iustice, promised a firme hope of an other manner of prince, than by the admini­stration 30 which followed he declared himselfe to be: for shortlie after loosing the rains of lasciuious wan­tonnesse to the youth of his realme, through giuing a lewd example by his owne disordered dooings, all such as were inclined vnto licentious liuing, follow­ed He followes his sensuall lustes. their sensuall lusts and vnbrideled libertie, aban­doning all feare of correction more than euer had béene séene or heard of in anie other age. For such was the negligence of the king, or rather mainte­nance of misordered persons, that whatsoeuer anie 40 of the nobilitie did either against merchants, priests, Euill dooers were not pu­nished. or anie of the commons, though the same were ne­uer so great an iniurie, there was no punishment vsed against them: so that all men looked for some commotion in the common-wealth therevpon to in­sue, if there were not other order prouided therefore in time. The ancient péeres of the realme also being Good counsell was not heard gréeued thereat, spared not to admonish the king of his dutie, declaring vnto him into what danger the realme was likelie to fall through his negligent be­hauiour. 50

Culene answered them, that he wist well inough The kings answer vnto his graue p [...]eres. how yoong men were not at the first borne graue and sage personages, like to them with hoarie heads: wherefore their first youthfull yéeres could not be so stable as they might be héereafter by old age and con­tinuance of time. But as for such rigorous extremi­tie as diuerse of his elders had vsed towards their subiects, he minded not (as he said) to follow, being taught by their example (as by the kings, Indulph, 60 Duffe, and such other) into what danger he might in­curre by such sharpe seueritie shewed in the gouern­ment of the estate. Wherevpon he was determined so to rule, as he might giue cause rather to be belo­ued He would not displease. than feared, which was the onelie meane (as he thought) to reteine his subiects in due and most faith­full obedience. This answer was such, that although it séemed nothing agréeable for the preseruation of the publike state in quiet rest and safetie, yet was there no man, by reason of his regall authoritie, that durst reprooue the same, but diuerse there were that praised him therein, as those that hated all such as lo­ued the vpright administration of iustice.

But such ancient councellors as had trulie ser­ued in rule of the common-wealth in the daies of the former kings, Indulph & Duffe, misliking the state of that present world (wherin the youth of the realme, Ancient coun­cellors leaue the court. namelie all such as were descended of noble paren­tage, and vsed to be about the king, followed their wilfull & sensuall lusts, growing euerie day through want of correction to be woorse and woorse) departed from the court, and withdrew to their homes, with­out medling anie further with the publike admini­stration. The youthf [...] court follow­eth their se [...] ­suall lusts. In whose place there crept in others, that with their flatterie corrupted the residue of such sparks of good inclination as yet remained in the king, if anie were at all; insomuch that in the end he measured supreame felicitie by the plentifull inioi­eng of voluptuous pleasures and bodilie lusts. He fansied onelie such as could deuise prouocations ther­vnto, A wicked time of volup­tuousnesse. and in filling the bellie with excesse of costlie meates and drinks, those that could excell other were chieflie cherished, and most highlie of him estee­med.

Heerewithall he was giuen vnto leacherie beyond all the bounds of reason, sparing neither maid, wi­dow, A leacherous king. nor wife, prophane nor religious, sister nor daughter (for all was one with him) that to heare of such villanie and violent forcings as were practised Forcing of womenkind excéeded. by him and his familiars, it would loth anie honest hart to vnderstand or remember. He was so farre past all shame in this behalfe, that when his leache­rous lust by too much copulation was so tired, that he might no more exercise his former lewdnesse, he tooke speciall pleasure yet to behold other to doo it in O beastlie be­hauiour! his presence, that his decaied lust might be the more stirred vp with sight of such filthinesse. This abhomi­nable trade of life he practised for the space of thrée yeeres togither, giuing occasion of much spoile, ra­uine, manslaughter, forcings, and rauishments of women, with all such kind of wicked and diuelish transgressions: no execution of lawes (instituted by All honestie exiled. authoritie of the former kings, for restreint of such flagitious offenses) being put in vre, through negli­gence of this monstruous creature.

So farre foorth also increased the libertie of théeues, Robberie, theft, &c. were mainteined. robbers, and other offendors, mainteined by such of the nobilitie as consented vnto their vnlawfull doo­ings, and were partakers with them in the same, that if anie man went about to withstand them, or refused to accomplish their requests and demands, he should be spoiled of all that he had, and happilie haue his house burnt ouer his head, or otherwise be misu­sed in such outragious and violent sort, that it would gréeue all those that had anie zeale to iustice, to heare of such enormities as were dailie practised in that countrie. Howbeit, at length the death of king Death [...] an end of all. Culene brought an end to all such wicked dealings: for falling into a filthie disease (through abuse of ex­cessiue drinking and leacherie) called the wasting of nature, he consumed awaie in such wise by rotting [...]. of his flesh, that he appéered more like vnto a dead carcase, than vnto a liuelie creature, insomuch that his owne seruants began to abhor him.

Wherevpon the lords and other honorable perso­nages of the realme, vnderstanding his case, caused a parlement to be summoned at Scone, where they determined to depose king Culene, and appoint some A parlement. other (whome they should iudge most méetest) to reigne in his place. Culene also not knowing where­fore this councell was called, as he was going thi­therwards, at Meffen castell, being almost in the mid waie of his iournie, was murthered by one King Culene was murthe­red. Cadhard the thane of that place, whose daughter he had rauished before time amongst diuerse other. This end had Culene togither with all his filthie sensuali­tie: but the reprochfull infamie thereof remaineth in memorie with his posteritie, and is not like to be for­gotten [Page 153] whilest the world goeth about. He was thus dispatched in the fift yéere of his reigne, and after the birth of our Sauiour 976, the nobles & great péeres of the realme reioising at his death, though they al­lowed 976. not of the manner thereof.

AFter that the bodie of king Culene was once conueied vnto Colmekill, and there buried a­mongst Kenneth. his elders, the nobles and great péeres as­sembled togither at Scone, where they proclaimed Kenneth the sonne of Malcolme the first, and brother 10 vnto Duffe, king of the realme. In the beginning of his reigne, he had inough to doo to reduce the people Ill life is re­formed. from their wild and sauage kind of life (into the which they were fallen through the negligent gouern­ment of his predecessor) vnto their former trade of ciuill demeanor. For the nature of the Scotishmen is, that first the nobles, and then all the residue of the people transforme themselues to the vsage of their prince: therefore did Kenneth in his owne trade of liuing shew an example of chastitie, sobrietie, libera­litie, 20 King Ken­neth was of a [...]rtuous li­uing. and modestie, misusing himselfe in no kind of vice, but refraining himselfe from the same. He ba­nished all such kind of persons as might prouoké ei­ther him or other vnto anie lewd or wanton plea­sures. He mainteined amitie aswell with strangers as with his owne people, punishing most rigorouslie He loued strangers. all such as sought to mooue sedition by anie manner of meanes. He tooke busie care in causing the people to auoid sloth, and to applie themselues in honest ex­ercises, He abhorred [...]outh. iudging (as the truth is) that to be the waie 30 to aduance the common-wealth from decaie to a flourishing state.

Thus when he had somewhat reformed the misor­ders of his subiects, he indeuored himselfe by all meanes he could deuise to punish offendors against He did punish offendors. the lawes and wholesome ordinances of the realme, and to purge all his dominions of théenes, robbers, and other such as went about to disquiet common peace. At Lanerke, a towne in Kile, was a sessions A session kept at Lainrike, [...] Lanerke. appointed to be kept for execution of iustice, where certeine offendors were summoned to appéere. But 40 at their comming thither, perceiuing that such mani­fest proofes would be brought against them of such crimes as they had committed, that they were not able to excuse the same, through persuasion of diuerse noble men vnto whom they were of kin, they fled se­cretlie The giltie ran awaie. their waies, some into the westerne Iles, and some i [...]to other places, where they thought most ex­pedient for safegard of their liues. The king percei­uing that through the disloiall meanes of the lords 50 The king dis­sembled with thes [...] dooings. his purpose was so hindered, that he might not im­nister iustice, according to the institution of his lawes, he dissembled his wrath for a time, and licen­ced euerie man to depart to their houses, his traine onelie excepted Then went he into Galloway to vi­sit saint Ninian for performance of his v [...]w, which The king went to visit saint Ninian. The king consulted how to call the tr [...]ressors vn [...]dge­ment. he had made so to doo. Héere he inuented (by confe­rence which he had with some of his priuie councell) a deuise, whereby he might fetch againe the offendors vnto iudgement: but [...]his was kept close till the yéere following, for doubt least if those lords which 60 bare them good will had come to anie inkling there­of, they would by vttering it haue disappointed his purpose.

At length, after a yeere was passed, he appointed all the lords and nobles of his realme [...] assemble a [...] Scone, as though it had béene to haue communed a­bout An assemblie h [...]d at Scone. some weightie a [...]aires touching [...] state of [...] realme. The night then before they should come togi­ther into the councell-chamber, he caused by some of his faithfull ministers, a sort of armed men to be [...] Armed men laid in [...]. close in a secret place, with commandement giuen to their capteine, that in no wise he should [...]rre with [...] [...]he next day that [...] sembled togither, and then without delaie to execute that which should be giuen him in commandement. On the morrow after the nobles comming togither The king and lords sitting, the armed men step foorth. into the councell-chamber, they had no sooner taken their places, euerie one according to his degree a­bout the king, but that the armed men before menti­oned, came rushing into the house, placing them­selues round about them that were set, according to the order prescribed by former appointment. The lords with this present sight being much amazed, be­held one an other, but durst not speake a woord. Then the king perceiuing their feare, began to declare vn­to The king put teth the lords out of doubt. them the whole cause of his calling them to coun­cell at that time, and why he had appointed those ar­med men to be there attendant. The effect of his ora­tion there made vnto them was, that he had not In oration made by the king. caused those armed men to come into the chamber for anie harme ment towards anie of their persons, but onelie for the publike preseruation of the realme. For so much as they knew, there was one kind of A rehearsall of all [...] people much noisome to the common-wealth, being confederate as it were togither by one consent to ex­ercise all sorts of mischiefe and oppression against the poore people, as to rob, spoile, and take from them all that they had, to rauish their wiues, maids, & daugh­ters, and some times to burne their houses: the which licentious libertie in such wicked persons, through want of due punishment in the daies of king Cu­lene, what danger it had brought vnto the whole state of the Scotish common-wealth, there was none but might well vnderstand.

For sith it was so, that the lords and other high estates liued by the trauell of the commons, then if the same commons should in anie wise decaie, the lords and such other high estates could in no wise prosper: for if the labourer through iniurie of the robber were forced to giue ouer his labour; where should the lord or gentleman haue wherevpon to liue? So that those which robbed the husbandman, robbed also the lord and gentleman; and they that sought to mainteine such loitering persons as vsed to rob the poore man, went about the destruction both of king, lord, and gentleman; yea and finallie of the vniuersall state of the whole common-wealth. Ther­fore he that loued the common-wealth, would not séeke onelie to defend the commons from such iniu­ries as théeues and robbers dailie offered them; but also would helpe to sée iust execution doone vpon the sanie théeues and robbers, according to the lauda­ble lawes and customes of the land. ‘The last yeare (said he) you your selues remember (I thinke) how I purposed by your helpe and counsell to haue pro­céeded by order of the lawes against all enimies and perturbers of the peace. At Lainrike was the day Lainrike, or Lanerke. appointed for them to haue appeared, but there was not one of them that would come in, but contemp­tuouslie disobeieng our commandement kept them awaie, by whose counsell I know not. But I haue béene informed by some how diuers of you fauoring those rebels, by reason they were of your linage, were of counsell with them, in withdrawing them­selues so from iudgement.’

‘The often sending of messengers betwixt them and you, well neere persuaded vs to thinke that this report was true. But yet not withstanding, I haue put away all such [...]er suspicion out of my head, wishing you (as I [...]rust you be) void of all such dissi­ [...]ation. And now I require you, not as fautors of the rebelles, but as defendors of the common­wealth, though happilie somewhat-slacke heretofore in discharge of your dueties, to shew your selues [...]ch in helping to apprehend the offendors, as that the world may perceiue you to haue made full satis­ [...] for your [...] [...]ror, [...]f before in you there [Page 154] were anie.’ In the end he was plaine with them, and told them flatlie that they should assure them­selues to haue those armed men which they saw there present, to be continuallie attendant about them, till he might haue all the rebelles at commande­ment.

The lords hauing heard the kings spéech, and per­ceiuing The lords gentle submis­sion, with a large promise. what his meaning was, first partlie excused themselues so well as they might of their cloked dis­simulation, and then falling downe vpon their knées 10 afore him, besought him to put away all displeasure out of his mind, and clearelie to pardon them, if in anie wise they had offended his maiestie, promising that they would with all diligence and faithfulnesse accomplish his desire, in causing the offendors to be brought in vnto iudgement: and till the time that this were brought to passe, they were well contented to remaine in such place where he should appoint them to abide. The councell then being broken vp, The king went to Ber­tha. the king with those lords passing ouer the riuer of 20 Taie, went vnto Bertha, which towne during the kings abode in the same, was streictlie kept with watch and ward, that no creature might enter or go foorth without knowledge of the officers appointed by the king to take héed therevnto. If anie idle person were espied abroad in the stréets, streightwaies the Roges puni­shed. sergeants would haue him to ward.

The nobles remained in the kings house, or in o­ther lodgings to them assigned, procuring by their friends and ministers to haue such offendors as vsed 30 to rob and spoile the husbandmen, apprehended and Iniurious men brought vnto Bertha. brought to the king to Bertha, there to receiue iudge­ment & punishment according to their merits: for so they perceiued they must néeds worke, if they min­ded the safegard of their owne liues. Hereof it fol­lowed also, that within short space after, there were brought vnto Bertha to the number néere hand of fiue hundred such idle loiterers as vsed to liue by A great num­ber of vaga­bonds were iudged to die. spoile and pillage, manie of them being descended of famous houses: all which companie being con­demned 40 for their offenses to die, were hanged vp on gibbets about the towne, and commandement gi­uen by the king, that their bodies should not be ta­ken downe, but there to hang still to giue example to other, what the end was of all such as by wrong­full means sought to liue idelie by other mens la­bours.

The rebelles being thus executed, king Kenneth licenced the lords to depart to their owne houses, ex­horting The lords haue licence to depart. them to remember their duties towards 50 the common-wealth, and to studie for preseruation of peace and quietnesse according to their vocation. After this, the realme continued in quietnesse with­out anie forraine or inward trouble for the space of certeine yeares following, and had remained in the same state still, if the Danes had not made a new The Danes séeke for to reuenge old losses. inuasion, who being sore greeued in their hearts for such displeasures as they had susteined in Albion, de­termined now with great assurance to reuenge the same. Where vpon gathering an huge multitude of 60 The Danes take the sea to go into Al­bion. men togither, they were imbarked in vessels pro­uided for them; and sailing foorth, they purposed to take land vpon the next coast of Albion where they should chance to arriue; & being once on land, to de­stroie all before them, except where the people should submit & yeeld themselues vnto them. This nauie being once got abroad, within short time arriued [...] that point of land in Angus, which is called the red The Danes arriue at the red head, or red Braies in Angus. Braies, or red head, not far from the place where the abbie of Abirbroth, or Abirbrothoke was afterward founded.

Here the Danish fléet first casting anchor, their capteins fell in consultation what they were best to doe. Some of them were of this opinion, that it was not most expedient for them to land in that place, but rather to passe from thence into England; for at The Danes consuit to go into England the Scotishmens hands being poore, and yet a fierce and hardie nation, there was small good to be got, being thereto accustomed to giue more ouerthrowes than they commonlie receiued. Againe, the soile of that countrie was but barren, and in manner ouer­growen with woods (as it was in déed in those daies) with few townes & small habitations, and those so poore, that no man knowing the same, would vouch­safe to fight for anie possession of them: wherein con­trariwise England (that part namelie which lieth towards the south) was so fruitfull of corne and cat­tell, so rich of mines, and replenished with so manie notable cities and townes inhabited with men of great wealth and substance, that few were to be found comparable thereto. So that the matter be­ing well considered, they could not doo better, than to saile into Kent, where they might be sure of rich spoile, without anie great resistance. Other there were that held how that this iournie was attemp­ted They consult for to saile into Kent. by the counsell of their superiors, onelie to re­uenge such iniuries as the Danish nation had recei­ued at the hands of the Scotishmen, and not to at­teine They onelie sought re­uenge. riches or anie dominion.

The Scots also being a cruell people, & readie to fight in defense of other mens possessions (as in the warres of Northumberland it well appeared) would suerlie be readie to come to the aid of the English­men into Kent, euen so soone as it was knowen that the Danes were on land in those parts: so that by this means they should be constreined to haue to doo both with the Scotishmen and Englishmen, if they first went into Kent: where if they set on land here in Scotland, they should incounter but onelie with the Scots. Therefore, the best were according Some thought best to land in Scotland. to their first determination, to land amongest the Scots, sith chance had brought them vnto those coasts; adding that when they had somewhat abated the arrogant presumption of their enimies there, then might they passe more safelie into England, af­ter a luckie beginning of fier and sword, to proceed against their aduersaries in those parties as fortune should lead them. This deuise was allowed of the greatest number, being glad to get beside the water. Wherevpon the mariners (vpon commandement giuen) drew with their ships into the mouth of the riuer called Eske, the which in those daies washed on the walles of a towne in Angus called then Ce­lurke, but now Mountros. Here the Danes ta­king The Danes doo land at Mountros. land, put the inhabitants of the countrie there­abouts in great feare, so that with all spéed for their safegard they got them into Mountros: but the towne being quickelie assailed of the Danes, was taken, put to the sacke, and after raced, castell and Mountros to­ken, and all within was slaine. all to the bare ground, not one liuing creature be­ing left aliue of all such as were found within the same.

From thence the armie of the Danes passed The Danes come to the ri­uer of Taie. through Angus vnto the riuer of Taie, all the peo­ple of the countries by which they marched fléeing a­fore them. King Kenneth at the same time laie at Sterling, where hearing of these gréeuous newes, he determined foorthwith to raise his people, & to go King Ken­neth gathered a great armie. against his enimies. The assemblie of the Scotish armie was appointed to be at the place where the ri­uer of Erne falleth into the riuer of Taie. Here when they were come togither in great numbers at the day appointed, the day next following word was brought to the king, that the Danes hauing passed a [...]r Taie, were come before the towne of Bertha, They [...] s [...]ge before Bertha. and had laid siege to the same. Then without further delaie, he raised with the whole armie, and marched [...] towards his enimies, commi [...] that night [Page 155] vnto [...] village not f [...]r distant from the ri­uer of Taie, famous euer after▪ by reason of the battell fought then néere vnto the same. The Danes hearing that the Scots were come, detracted no time, but foorthwith prepared to giue battell.

Kenneth as soone as the sunne was vp, beholding the Daues at hand, quickelie brought his armie in­to King Ken­neth set his men in aray. order. Then requiring them earnestlie to shew their manhood, he promiseth to release the [...] of all tributs and paiments due to the kings cofers for the space of fiue yeares next insuing: and besides that 10 he offered the summe of ten pounds, or else lands so much woorth in value to euerie one of his armie, that should bring him the head of a Dane. He wil­led them therefore to fight manfullie, and to remem­ber The king ex­horted the Scots vnto [...]. there was no place to atteine mercie; for either must they trie it out by dint of swoord, or else if they fled, in the end to looke for present death at the eni­mies hands, who would not ceasse till time they had found them foorth, into what place so euer they resor­ted for refuge, if they chanced to be vanquished. The 20 Scots being not a little incouraged by the kings words, kept their order of battell according as they were appointed, still looking when the onset should be giuen. Malcolme Duffe prince of Cumberland led the right wing of the Scots; and Duncane lieu­tenant The order of the Scotish battell aray. of Atholl the le [...]t: King Kenneth himselfe go­uerned the battell. The enimies on the other part had taken their ground at the foot of a little moun­teine The Danes had the ad­uantage of a little moun­teine. right afore against the Scotish campe. Thus both the armies stood readie ranged in the field, be­holding 30 either other a good space, till at length the Scots desirous of battell, and doubting least the Danes would not come foorth to anie euen ground, aduanced forward with somewhat more hast than The Scots begin the bat­tell. the case required, beginning the battell with shot, and throwing of darts right freshlie.

The Danes being backed with the mounteine, were constreined to leaue the same, and with all spéed to come forward vpon their enimies, that by 40 ioining they might auoid the danger of the Scotish­mens arrowes and darts: by this meanes therefore they came to hand-strokes, in maner before the signe was giuen on either part to the battell. The fight was cruell on both sides: and nothing hindered the Scots so much, as going about to cut off the heads of the Danes, euer as they might ouercome them▪ Which maner being noted of the Danes, and percei­uing that there was no hope of life but in victorie, they rushed foorth with such violence vpon their ad­uersaries, that first the right, and then after the left 50 The two wings of the Scots fled. wing of the Scots, was constreined to retire and flée backe, the middle ward sto [...]tly yet kéeping their ground▪ but the same stood in such danger, being now left naked on the sides; that the victorie must néedes haue remained with the Danes, had not a renewer of the battell come in time, by the appointment (as is to be thought) of almightie God.

For as it chanced, there was in the next field at the same time an husbandman, with two of his sons 60 busie about his worke, named Haie; a man strong and stiffe in making and shape of bodie, but indued Haie with his two sonnes. with a valiant courage. This Haie beholding the king with the most part of the nobles, fighting with great valiancie in the middle ward, no [...] destitute of the wings, and in great danger to be oppressed by the great violence of his [...], caught a plow-beame in his hand, and with the same exhorting his sonnes to doo the like, hasted towards the battell, there to die rather amongest other in defense of his countrie, than to remaine aliue after the disco [...]ture in mise­rable [...] an [...] bondage of the cruell and most vnmercifull enimies. There was néere to the place of the battell, a long lane fensed o [...] the sides with di [...] ­ches and walles made of [...], through the which the Scots which fled were beaten downe by the enimies on heapes.

Here Haie with his sonnes supposing they might Haie [...]aied the Scots [...]rō running away best staie the [...]ght, placed themselues euer [...]wart the lane, beat them backe whome they met fleeing, and spared neither friend nor [...]o: but downe they went all such as came within their reach, wherewith diuerse hardie personages cried vnto their fellowes to returne backe vnto the battell, for there was a new power of Scotishmen come to their succours, The Scots were driuen to their battell againe. by whose aid the victorie might be easilie obteined of their most cruell aduersaries the Danes: therefore might they choose whether they would be slaine of their owne fellowes comming to their aid, or to re­turne againe to fight with the enimies. The Danes being here staied in the lane by the great valiancie The Danes fled towards their fellowes in great dis­order. of the father and the sonnes, thought verely there had béene some great succors of Scots come to the aid of their king, and therevpon ceassing from further pursute, fled backe in great disorder vnto the other of their fellowes fighting with the middle ward of the Scots.

The Scots also that before was chased, being in­couraged herewith, pursued the Danes vnto the place of the battell right fiercelie. Wherevpon Ken­neth K. Kenneth called vpō his men to remem ber their duties. perceiuing his people to be thus recomforted, and his enimies partlie abashed, called vpon his men to remember their duties, and now sith their ad­uersaries hearts began (as they might perceiue) to faint, he willed them to follow vpon them manfully, which if they did, he assured them that the victorie vn­doubtedlie should be theirs. The Scots incourages with the kings words, laid about them so earnestlie, The Danes [...]orsake the fields. that in the end the Danes were constreined to for­sake the field, and the Scots egerlie pursuing in the chase, made great slaughter of them as they fled. This victorie turned highlie to the praise of the Sco­tish nobilitie, the which fighting in the middle ward, bare still the brunt of the battell, continuing man­fullie therein euen to the end. But Haie, who in such wise (as is before mentioned) staied them that fled, causing them to returne againe to the field, deserued immortall fame and commendation: for by his meanes chieflie was the victorie atchiued. And therefore on the morrow after, when the spoile of the The spoile is diuided. field and of the enimies campe (which they had left void) shuld be diuided, the chiefest part was bestowed on him and his two sonnes, by consent of all the mul­titude; the residue being diuided amongst the souldi­ers and men of warre, according to the ancient cu­stome vsed amongst this nation.

The king hauing thus vanquished his enimies, as he should enter into Ber [...]ha, caused costlie robes to be offered vnto Haie and his sonnes, that being Haie refused costlie gar­ments. richlie clad, they might be the more honoured of the people: but Haic refusing to change his apparell, was contented to go with the king in his old gar­ments whither it pleased him to appoint. So en [...]ring with the king into Bertha, he was receiued with The king came to Bertha. little lesse honor than the king himselfe, all the people running foorth to behold him, whome they heard to haue so valiantlie restored the battell, when the field was in maner lost without hope of all recouerie. At his entring into the towne he bare on his shoulder the plow-beame, more honourable to him than anie sword or battell are might haue béene to anie the most valiant warrior. Thus Haie being honored of all estates, within certeine daies after, at a councell Haie i [...] made one of the nobilitie. holden at Scone, it was ordeined, that both he and his posteritie should be accepted amongst the num­ber of the chiefest nobles and peeres of the realme, being rewarded (besides monie and other great gifts) He had reue­nues assig­ne [...] to him. [...] and reuenues, s [...]ch as he should choose [Page 156] sufficient for the maintenance of their estates.

It is said, that by the counsell of his sonnes, who knew the fruitfulnes of the soile, he did aske so much ground in those parts where the riuer of Laie runs by the towne of Arrole ouer against Fife, as a falcon Haie his request. would flie ouer at one flight. Which request being freelie granted of the king, the place was appointed at Inschire for the falcon to be cast off: the which ta­king hir flight from thence, neuer lighted till shée came to a great stone néere a village called Rosse, 10 The falcon mesured Haie his lands out. not passing foure miles from Dundée. By which meanes all that countrie which lieth betwixt In­schire aforesaid, and the said stone (being almost six miles in length, and foure in breadth) fell vnto Haie and his sons. The name of the stone also being cal­led the falcons stone to this daie, dooth cause the thing better to be beléeued, and well néere all the foresaid ground still continueth in the possession of the Haies euen vnto this day. Besides this, to the further hono­ring Haie had armes giuen him. of his name, the king gaue him armes thrée 20 scutchons gules in a field of siluer, a plowbeame ad­ded therevnto, which he vsed in stead of a battell axe, when he fought so valiantlie in defense of his owne countrie. Thus had the Haies their beginning of no­bilitie, whose house hath atteined vnto great estima­tion of honor, and hath béene decorated with the of­fice of the constableship of Scotland, by the bounte­ous beneuolence of kings that succéeded. These things happened in the first yéere of king Kenneth.

In the residue of the time that he reigned, though 30 there chanced no great businesse by forren enimies, yet by ciuill sedition the state of the realme was woonderfullie disquieted. First a companie of Kerns of the westerne Iles inuading Rosse, to the intent to Ciuill wars in Scotland. haue fetched a bootie, were met withall by the waie and ouerthrowne by the inhabitants of that coun­trie. After this sturre, another followed, farre more dangerous to the whole state of the common-welth, raised by one Cruthlint, one of the chiefest lords of the Mernes, who was sonne vnto a certeine ladie 40 An other com­motion in Mernes by Cruthlint. named Fenella, the daughter of one Cruthneth, that was gouernor of that part of Angus which lieth be­twixt the two riuers, the one called Southeske, and the other Northeske. So it chanced, that on a time Cruthlint came vnto the castell of Delbogin to sée his grandfather, the said Cruthneth as then lieng in Cruthlint went to sée his grandfather. the same: where vpon light occasion a fraie was be­gun amongst the seruingmen, in the which two of Cruthlints seruants fortuned to be slaine. Which in­iurie Two of his seruants were slaine. when Cruthlint declared by waie of complaint 50 vnto his grandfather, he was so slenderlie heard, and answered in such reprochfull wise, as though he him­selfe had bin the author of the busines, so that Cruth­neths seruants perceiuing how little he was regar­ded of their maister, fell vpon him and beat him, that They set vp­on Cruthlint also. not without danger of life he brake foorth of their hands, and hardlie escaped away.

In his returne homewards, he came to his mo­ther Fenella, where she lay within the castell of Fe­thircarne, the chiefest fortresse of all the Mernes. 60 Where being incensed through his mothers instiga­tion, Cruthlint was instiga­ted to reuenge being a woman of a furious nature, he attemp­ted foorthwith to be reuenged of the iniurie receiued: so that assembling a number of his friends and kins­folks so secretlie as he might togither, with a band of the inhabitants of the Mernes, he entereth into Angus, and comming vnto the castell of Delbogin He killed all them that were in the castell. in the night season, was suffered to enter by the kée­pers of the gate, nothing suspecting anie treason in the world, by reason wherof was Cruthneth sudden­lie oppressed, the house sacked and raced, not one that was found within the same being left aliue. The spoile also was diuided by Cruthlint amongst them which came with him. The next day likewise he for­raied the countrie all there abouts, returning home The countrie is forraied. with a great bootie.

They of Angus prouoked herewith, rested not long; but assembling themselues togither inuaded They of Mernes re­quite their iniuries. the countrie of Merns, where making great slaugh­ter on each side, they left the countrie void almost both of men and cattell. Thus did the people of those two countries pursue the warre one against another a certeine time, with dailie incursions and wastings of either others countries, in such cruell wise, that it was thought the one of them must néeds shortlie come to vtter destruction, if spéedie remedie were not the sooner prouided. The king being informed of this mischiefe and great trouble, which was fallen The king made a procla­mation by an herald. out through sedition amongst those his subiects, hée made proclamation by an herald, that those of An­gus and Mernes, whom he vnderstood to be culpable, should appeare within fifteene daies after at Scone, The culpable should appeare at Scone. there to make answer afore appointed iudges, to such things as might be laid to their charge, vpon paine of death to euerie one that made default. When the day of appearance came, there were but few that did appeare.

The most part of them doubting to be punished The faultie men ran away for their offenses with Cruthlint their capteine, fled out of Mernes, taking with them their wiues, and their children, and all their goods. The king being sore mooued herewith, perceiued how readie the Sco­tish The K. was sore offended therewith. people were by nature vnto rebellion, when they were gentlie vsed: and againe how they obeied the magistrates best when they were restreined from their wild outragious dooings by due punishment and execution of iustice. He considered therefore that if he did not cause those seditious rebels which had thus disobeied his commandements to be puni­shed according to the order of the lawes, he should haue the whole realme shortlie disquieted with ciuill The K. min­ded to punish the disobedi­ent rebels. Cruthlint ta­ken with ma­nie more. warre and open rebellion. Where vpon with all spéed he caused earnest pursute to be made after Cruth­lint, and the residue of the offendors, the which at length being taken in Lochquhabir, were brought vnto a castell in Gowrie called Dounsinnam, where after iudgement pronounced against them, Cruth­lint He is executed with certeine others. first, and then other the chiefest stirrers on either side were put to execution. The commons, for that it was thought they followed their superiors against their willes, were pardoned and licenced to depart to their houses.

For this equitie shewed in ministring iustice by The K. was worthily com­mended for his iustice. the king, he was greattlie praised, loued, and dread of all his subiects; so that great quietnesse followed in the state of the common-wealth, greatlie to the aduancement thereof, and so continued till the 22 yéere of this Kenneths reigne. At what time the blind loue he bare to his owne issue, caused him to procure a detestable fact, in making away one of his K. Kenneth poisoned his confin Mal­colme. néerest kinsmen. This was Malcolme the sonne of king Duffe, created in the beginning of Ken­neths reigne prince of Cumberland, by reason wher­of he ought to haue succéeded in rule of the king­dome after Kenneths death. Whereat the same Ken­neth gréeuing not a little, for that thereby his sonnes should be kept from inioieng the crowne, found meanes to poison him. But though the physicians vnderstanding by such euident signes as appeared in The K. was not suspected of this fact. his bodie, that he was poisoned indéed, yet such was the opinion which men had of the kings honor and in­tegritie, that no suspicion at all was conceiued that it should be his deed.

The cloked loue also which he had shewed toward him at all times, and so sudden commandement gi­uen by him vpon the first newes of his death, that his The poiso­ning of Mal­colme is brought into suspicion. funerals should be celebrated in euerie church and chappell for his soule; and againe, the teares which he [Page 157] shed for him, in all places where anie mention chan­ced to be made of the losse which the realme had su­steined by the death of so worthie a prince, made men nothing mistrustfull of the matter, till at length some of the nobles perceiuing the outward sorow (which he made) to passe the true griefe of the heart, began to gather some suspicion, that all was not well: but yet bicause no certeintie appeared, they kept their thoughts to themselues. About the same time came ambassadors foorth of England from king Edward 10 the sonne of Edgar (which after through treason of Ambassdors came from K. Edward. his stepmother Esculda, was made a martyr) requi­ring that sith Malcolme the prince of Cumberland was deceassed, it might please the king with the states of the realme to choose some other in his place, who dooing his homage vnto the king of England, He required a new prince to be elected. according as it was couenanted by the league, might be a meane to confirme the same league be­twixt the two nations for the auoiding of all occasi­ons of breach thereof that otherwise happilie might insue. 20

Kenneth at the same time held a councell at Scone, where hauing heard the request of these am­bassadors, The K. heard a fit message for his pur­pose. in presence of all his nobles, he answered that he was glad to vnderstand that king Edward was so carefull for maintenance of loue and amitie betwixt his subiects and the Scotishmen, according to the articles of the ancient league in times past concluded betwixt them, the ratification whereof for his part he likewise most earnestlie desired, and therefore in rendering most heartie thanks vnto 30 him for his gentle aduertisement, he purposed by the aduise of his nobles, and the other estates of his realme as then there assembled, to elect a new prince of Cumberland, without anie further delaie: and therevpon required the ambassador to be present on the morrow, to heare what he was whom the nobles should name to be preferred vnto that dignitie. The ambassadors herevpon departing foorth of the coun­cell chamber, were conueied to their lodging by di­uerse of the nobilitie that were appointed to kéepe 40 them companie.

Then Kenneth with a long oration went about The king re­quested that the crowne might come by inheritance. to persuade the péeres, and other the estates of the realme there (as I said) assembled, to alter the cu­stome and ancient order vsed by their elders in choo­sing of him that should succéed in the gouernance of the realme, after the deceasse of him that was in possession. He vsed so manie reasons as was pos­sible for him to deuise in that behalfe, thereby to in­duce 50 them to his purpose, which was to haue an act established for the crowne to go by succession, onelie to this end, that one of his sonnes might inioy the A fit oration for his pur­pose. same immediatlie after his deceasse. He declared also what discommodities, seditions, and great incon­ueniences had growne, in that the crowne had gone in times past by election: for though it was ordeined at the first that it should so doo, vpon a good intent and great consideration, yet in processe of time proofe He had roome though to walke in, to gather proofes & reasons to persuade this matter, it be­ing good of it selfe. and experience had shewed, that more hinderance 60 happened vnto the common-wealth thereby (beside the danger euer insuing incidentlie vnto such issue as the king left behind him) than profit, if the sundrie murthers, occasions of ciuill discord, and other wic­ked practises were throughlie weied and considered, the summe whereof he recited from point to point, and so in the end with great instance be sought them, that so pernicious a custome might be abolished and taken away, to the great benefit of the whole state of the realme, speciallie sith in all realmes common­lie the order was, that the sonne should without anie contradiction succéed the father in the heritage of the crowne and kinglie estate.

The king had no sooner made an end of his long oration, which he handled after the pithiest sort hée The peeres of the realme ded wilinglie grant to his reqest. could, but that diuerse of the noble men which were there amongst other, being made priuie to the mat­ter aforehand, motioned meanes to haue Malcolme the son of Kenneth created prince of Crunberland, that he might so haue an entrance to the crowne af­ter the deceasse of his father. This motion by and by was in manie of their mouthes, which Kenneth perceiuing, he required of the most ancient peeres whome they would name to be prince of Cumber­land, that there might be a meane to ratifie and con­firme the league betwixt the Scots and English­men, Constantine the sonne of king Cullin, and Grime the nephue of king Duffe by his brother Mo­gall: howbe it by the force of the former law they might by good reason haue looked to haue had the pre­ferment themselues.

But yet perceiuing it was in vaine to denie that which would be had by violence (although they The herald required Cō ­stantine his voice first. should neuer so mus [...] stand against it) being first de­manded of the herald what they thought, they an­swerd (notwithstanding against their minds indéed) that the king might order all things as should stand with his pleasure, appointing whom he thought most méet to bée prince of Cumberland, and to ab­rogate Constantins his saieng. the ancient law of creating the kings, in deuising new ordinances for the same, as should séeme vnto him and those of his councell most requi­site and necessarie. The multitude then following their sentence, cried with lowd & vndiscréet voices, The multi­tude wel plea­sed, crie Mal­colme. to haue Malcolme the sonne of king Kenneth crea­ted prince of Cumberland. And thus the same Mal­colme (though as yet vnder age) was by the voices of the people ordeined prince of Cumberland, in place of the other Malcolme sonne to king Duffe. The daie next following, the ambassadors comming into the councell chamber, heard what was decréed touching their request, and then being highlie re­warded of the kings bountious liberalitie, they re­turned into England, and Malcolme with them, to be acquainted with king Edward, and to doo his ho­mage for the principalitie of Cumberland, as the cu­stome was.

At the same time also there was a new act deuised A new act for the succession of the crowne. and made, the old being abrogated (by the appoint­ment of the king) for the creation of the Scotish kings in time to come, manie of the nobles rather consenting with silence, than greatlie allowing it ei­ther in harts or voices, though some currifauours a­mong them set forward the matter to the best of their powers. The articles of this ordinance were these. The eldest heire male of the deceassed king, Articles con­cluded in that parlement. whether the same were sonne or nephue, of what age soeuer he should be, yea though he should be in the mothers wombe at the tune of the fathers deceasse, should from thence-foorth succéed in the kingdome of Scotland. The nephue by the sonne should be prefer­red before the nephue by the daughter, in atteining to the heritage of the crowne. And likewise the bro­thers sonne should be admitted before the sisters son. The same law should be obserued of all such of the Scotish nation, as had anie lands or inheritance comming to them by descent. Where the king by this meanes chanced to be vnder age, & not able to rule, there shuld be one of the chiefest péeres of the realme chosen and elected to haue the gouernance of his per­son and realme, till he came to 14 yéeres of age. The which foureteenth yéere of his age being accompli­shed, he should haue the administration committed to his owne hands. The heires of all other persons of ech estate and degrée should remaine vnder the wardship of their appointed gouernors, till they came to the age of 21 yéeres, and not till then to meddle with anie part of their lands and liuings.

[Page 158] These lawes and ordinances being once published and confirmed, king Kenneth supposed the kingdome King Ken­neth ministred iustice trulie. to be fullie assured vnto him and his posteritie, and therevpon indeuored himselfe to win the harts of the people with vpright administration of iustice, and the fauour of the nobles he sought to purchase with great gifts which he bestowed amongst them, aswell The good will of the nobilitie he bought with gifts. in lands belonging to the crowne, as in other things greatlie to their contentation. Thus might he séeme happie to all men, hauing the loue both of his lords and commons: but yet to himselfe he séemed most 10 The king had a giltie consci­ence. vnhappie, as he that could not but still liue in conti­nuall feare, least his wicked practise concerning the death of Malcolme Duffe should come to light and knowledge of the world. For so commeth it to passe, that such as are pricked in conscience for anie secret offense committed, haue euer an vnquiet mind. And (as the fame goeth) it chanced that a voice was heard A voice heard by the king. as he was in bed in the night time to take his rest, vttering vnto him these or the like woords in effect: 20 Thinke not Kenneth that the wicked slaughter of Malcolme Duffe by thee contriued, is kept secret from the knowledge of the eternall God: thou art he that didst conspire the innocents death, enterprising by traitorous meanes to doo that to thy neighbour, which thou wouldest haue reuenged by cruell pu­nishment in anie of thy subiects, if it had beene offe­red to thy selfe. It shall therefore come to passe, that both thou thy selfe, and thy issue, through the iust ven­geance of almightie God, shall suffer woorthie pu­nishment, 30 to the infamie of thy house and familie for euermore. For euen at this present are there in hand secret practises to dispatch both thée and thy issue out of the waie, that other maie inioy this kingdome which thou doost indeuour to assure vnto thine issue.’

The king with this voice being striken into great dread and terror, passed that night without anie sleepe comming in his eies. Wherefore in the morning he The king confesseth his sinnes. got him vnto bishop Mouean, a man of great holi­nesse of life, vnto whome he confessed his heinous 40 and most wicked offense, beseeching him of counsell, which waie he might obteine pardon and forgiuenes at Gods hands by woorthie penance. Mouean hea­ring how the king bemoned his offense committed, he willed him to be of good comfort. For as the wrath of almightie God was prouoked by sinne and wicked offenses, so was the same pacified againe by repentance, if so be we continue penitent and wil­ling to amend. King Kenneth being confirmed in The king ta­keth great re­pentance. hope of forgiuenesse by these and sundrie other the 50 like comfortable woords of the bishop, studied vnfei­nedlie to doo woorthie penance, leauing nothing vn­doone which he thought might serue for a witnesse of his penitent hart, thereby to auoid the vengeance which he stood in feare of to be prepared for him, by reason of his heinous and wicked crime.

It chanced héerevpon, that within a short time af­ter he had beene at Fordune, a towne in Mernes, to visit the reliks of Paladius which remaine there, he The king went to For­dune in pil­grimage. A parke with wild beasts at the castell of Fethircarne. turned a little out of the waie to lodge at the castell 60 of Fethircarne, where as then there was a forrest full of all manner of wild beasts that were to be had in anie part of Albion. Here was he receiued by Fe­nella ladie of the house, whose son (as ye haue heard) he caused to be put to death, for the commotion made betwixt them of Mernes and Angus. She was also of kin vnto Malcolme Duffe, whome the king had Fenella was of kin vnto Malcolme. made awaie, and in like manner vnto Constantine and Grime, defrauded of their right to the crowne, by the craftie deuise of the king (as before is partlie mentioned.) This woman therefore being of a stout stomach, long time before hauing conceiued an im­mortall grudge towards the king, vpon the occasi­ons before rehearsed (namelie aswell for the death of hir sonne Cruthlint, as hauing some inkling also of the impoisoning of Malcolme Duffe, though no full certeintie therof was knowne) imagined night and She was de sirous for to reuenge. day how to be reuenged.

She vnderstood that the king delighted aboue mea­sure in goodlie buildings, and therefore to the end to compasse hir malicious intent, she had caused a tow­er Fenella hir malicious in­tent. to be made, ioining vnto hir owne lodging with­in the foresaid castell of Fethircarne. The which tow­er was couered ouer with copper finelie ingrauen with diuerse flowers and images. Héereto was it hoong within with rich cloths of arras wrought with gold and silke, verie faire and costlie. Behind the same were there crossebowes set readie bent with Crossebowes readie bent, hidden. sharpe quarrels in them. In the middest of the house there was a goodlie brasen image also, resembling the figure of king Kenneth, holding in the one hand a faire golden apple set full of pretious stones, deui­sed with such art and cunning, that so soone as anie man should draw the same vnto him, or remooue it neuer so little anie waie foorth, the crossebowes would immediatlie discharge their quarrels vpon him with great force and violence.

Fenella therefore being thus prouided aforehand, after meate desired the king to go with hir into Fenella had the king into the inner chamber. that inner chamber, into the which being entered, he could not be satisfied of long with the beholding of the goodlie furniture, aswell of the hangings as of di­uerse other things. At the last hauing viewed the i­mage which stood (as is said) in the midst of the cham­ber, he demanded what the same did signifie? Fenella answered, how that image did represent his person, and the golden apple set so richlie with smaragds, ia­cincts, saphires, topases, rubies, turkasses, and such like pretious stones, she had prouided as a gift for him, and therefore required him to take the same, be­séeching him to accept it in good part, though it were not in value woorthie to be offered vnto his princelie honor and high dignitie. And héerewith she hirselfe withdrew aside, as though she would haue taken some thing foorth of a chest or coffer, thereby to auoid the danger.

But the king delighted in beholding the gems and orient stones, at length remoouing the apple, the The king was slaine with the crosse bowes. better to aduise it, incontinentlie the crossebowes discharged their quarrels so directlie vpon him, that striking him through in sundrie places, he fell downe starke dead, and lay flat on the ground. Fenella as soone as she beheld him fall to the ground readie to Fenella esca­ped from them all. die, she got foorth by a backe doore into the next woods, where she had appointed horsses to tarie for hir, by meanes whereof she escaped out of all dan­ger of them that pursued hir, yer the death of the king were openlie knowne vnto them. His seruants His seruants looked for their king. still waiting for his comming foorth in the vtter chamber, at length when they saw he came not at all, first they knocked at the doore softlie, then they The doores broken open, they find him dead. rapped hard thereat: lastlie, doubting that which had happened, they brake open doore after doore, till at length they came into the chamber where the king lay cold dead vpon the floore.

The clamor and crie héerevpon was raised by his seruants, and Fenella curssed and sought for in eue­rie Fenella could not be found. place, that had committed so heinous and wicked a déed: but the vngratious woman was conueied so secretlie out of the waie, that no where could she be heard of. Some supposed that she fled first vnto Con­stantine, Fenella got hirselfe into Ireland by the helpe of Constantine. by whose helpe she got ouer into Ireland. The ambitious desire which the same Constantine shewed he had to succeed in gouernment of the king­dome after Kenneths deceasse, increased that suspi­cion greatlie. For immediatlie after it was known Constantine aspired vnto the crowne. that Kenneth was dead, he got his friends togither, and went vnto diuerse places requiring the lords to [Page 159] assist him in atteining to the crowne, which by the old ordinance and law of the realme (instituted in the beginning, and obserued till now of late, that Ken­neth by his priuate authoritie had gone about to a­brogate the same) ought to descend vnto him, as all the world verie well vnderstood.

COnstantine procured friends, so on ech side, that by their meanes being of high authoritie in the Constan­tine. realme, he was brought by them vnto Scone, and there crowned king the 12 day after Kenneths de­ceasse, Constantine procured friends. in the 25 yeere after that the same Kenneth 10 had begun his reigne ouer the Scotishmen, and in the yéere of our saluation a thousand iust, in the which 994. Io. Ma. 1000. H. B. yéere (as is said) sundrie vnketh sights were séene as well in Albion, as in other places. The sea left vpon the sands on the coasts of Buchquane, an infinite Maruellons [...]aps chanced. multitude of fishes, the which lieng there dead, caused such a filthie sauour, that the aire being therewith in­fected, great death of people insued. The moone appée­red of a bloudie colour, to the great terror of them The moone appéered blou­die. that beheld it. In the summer next following, corne 20 failed, and cattell died so generallie, that if there had not beene more plentie of fish got than was accusto­med Scarsitie of corne and cat­tell. It rained stones. to be, the people had béene famished in manie places. In Albion and also France it rained stones. But all these dreadfull woonders might not with­draw the Scotishmen from their wicked vices, wherevnto in those daies they were wholie giuen, though there wanted not diuerse vertuous men, as Preaching was despised. well bishops as other, that in their sermons exhorted 30 the people to repent and amend their naughtie li­uings: for otherwise vndoubtedlie such grislie sights and tokens as chanced in those daies, menaced some great mischiefe to fall vnto the whole nation. And suerlie their woords proued true: for the Scots con­tinuing in their wilfulnesse, being stubborne harted one against another, brought their countrie into danger of vtter destruction.

Malcolme the sonne of Kenneth, created (as ye Malcolme seeketh trends against Con­stantine. haue heard in his fathers life time) prince of Cum­berland, 40 hearing that Constantine (against the or­dinance latelie made) had vsurped the crowne, as soone as his fathers bodie was buried in Colmekill, with such funerall pompe as apperteined, he desired his fathers friends to giue him such faithfull counsell as they thought most expedient, which way he were best to woorke for the appeasing of the sedition now begun, by reason of Constantines presumptuous Good counsell was giuen him. attempt. There were some amongest that compa­nie that tooke it to be best, first to vnderstand the 50 minds of all the péeres and nobles of the realme, be­fore they went about anie exploit against the tyrant; least whilest Malcolme should séeke to deliuer him­selfe from danger, he might happilie wind himselfe further into trouble, than without extreame perill of the common-wealth he should be able to get foorth thereof againe. Other there were that iudged it best [...]et other counsell was giuen him. suddenlie to go against Constantine before he made himselfe strong: for if they came vpon him yer he were prouided for their comming, manie of them 60 that feigned themselues to be his friends, would for­sake him, so soone as they saw anie power of his eni­mies at hand. And then should he either fall into their hands, or be driuen to flée the realme for safe­gard of his life.

The flerce yoong man following this counsell as the best to his seeming, & trusting more to his owne wit than to the graue aduise of men of skill, assem­bled Malcolme go­eth with an [...]rmie to fight with Con­stantine. [...]. Constan­tine went to [...] Mal­colme. togither in all hast possible about the number of ten thousand men, with whome making towards Constantine with spéedie iornies, at length he came into Louthian. Constantine being informed of all his aduersaries dooings, had gotten togither also an huge power, so that passing foorth with the same to incounter them, the brute which ran of his great number and puissance, caused Malcolme for verie feare that he should not be able in anie part to match Malcolme thought him­selfe too weake him, to breake vp his armie, and to flée backe into Cumberland: by reason whereof he had béene put to such hinderance and dishonor, as would not easilie haue béene recouered, had not Kenneth the bastard sonne of his father the aboue mentioned Kenneth incamped with a mightie power about Sterling, & defended the passages of the Forth, that Constan­tine with his armie could not come ouer. Then rose Lacke of vit­tels caused Constantine to breake vp his campe. there great famine and penurie of vittels in both hosts, so that Constantine with great indignation was constreined to breake vp his campe, and so to leaue his enterprise for that season.

Thus was the realme diuided into two sundrie factions, wherevpon followed wastings and incur­sions made into each others possessions, with such crueltie, that the same might be a sufficient instruc­tion what mischiefe happeneth through ciuill discord. The poore commons and husbandmen were brought to such miserie through the often spoilings and rob­beries vsed by the men of warre, that they were not able to till their grounds. Finallie, there rose one mischiefe so fast in the necke of an other, that no kind of crueltie was spared, robbing, reauing, and forcible extortion was exercised on all sides without hope of anie redresse or amendment. Whilest the Scotishmen were thus at diuision amongest them­selues, King Ed­ward, or ra­ther Ethe [...]red, purchased peace of the Danes. renting and pulling in péeces their owne mi­serable natiue countrie, Edward king of England being oppressed with inuasion of Danes, was glad to buie peace at their hands, for himselfe and his peo­ple, with right large summes of monie; but percei­uing that his enimies ceassed not dailie to spoile and rob his subiects, he purposed to trie what he might Malcolme is readie to helpe king Ed­ward against the Danes. doo by making them warre: and to make his part the stronger, he required Malcolme prince of Cum­berland to aid him against the Danes, according to the couenant of the ancient league. Malcolme con­senting to K. Edwards request, came with a mightie armie of Cumberland men to support him: by rea­son whereof the Danes doubting to be ouermatched, King Ed­ward made peace with the Danes. after certeine light skirmishes, without anie great bloudshed, condescended to haue peace, which was concluded with these conditions: that king Edward should paie vnto the Danes a thousand pounds of gold, for the which they should content themselues with those lands which they had alredie in possession, and to inuade no further vpon the Englishmen; but contrariwise to be readie to fight in their defense, if anie forreine enimie sought to make anie warres vpon them. In the meane time, whilest Malcolme was thus in England occupied in aid of king Ed­ward against the Danes, king Constantine thought the time to serue verie well for his purpose, to reduce all those regions of Scotland, which tooke part with his aduersarie (the foresaid Malcolme) vnder his sub­iection.

He assembled therefore twentie thousand men, King Con­stantine ren [...] ­ed warre with Malcolme. and comming into Louthian, heard how Kenneth the bastard aforesaid (being left by his brother Mal­colme to resist Constantines attempts) had got to­gither an huge armie of his brothers friends, and was come vnto Crawmond, where the riuer falleth into the Forth, thrée miles from Edenburgh, pur­posing there to abide his enimies, if they minded to assaile him. Constantine herevpon hasted thither­wards, and comming within sight of his enimies, Constantine ioined battell with Kenneth the bastard. streightwaies ioined battell with them; immediat­lie wherewith there rose such an outragious tempest of wind, comming out of the east, & driuing the sand in the faces of Constantines men, that they were not able to sée about them to make anie defense a­gainst [Page 160] their enimies that then preassed vpon them right eagerlie. By means whereof the discomfiture lighted vpon Constantines side, though neither part King Con­stantine is slaine. had anie great cause to reioise: for in the hotest of the fight, Constantine and Kenneth chanced to in­counter togither, and so fighting man to man, either slue other. Thus Constantine ended his life by dint of the enimies sword, in the third yeare of his reigne, & in the yeare after the incarnation 1002, & his bodie 1002 was buried in Colmekill amongst his predecessors. 10

THen Grime nephue to king Duffe, hearing of the slaughter made betwixt king Constantine and Kenneth, gathered togither the residue of Con­stantines Grime. armie, being scattered abroad after the ouerthrow, supposing that by the death of Kenneth, the partie of his brother Malcolme was sore weake­ned, & therevpon he came vnto the abbeie of Scone, and there caused himselfe to be crowned king, as lawfull successor vnto Constantine, by force of the old laws and ordinances of the realme. And to esta­blish 20 Grime vsed liberalitie and gentlenesse towards Con­stantines friends. himselfe the more firmelie in the state, he shew­ed great gentlenesse towards all them that were friends vnto Constantine, and bestowed vpon them manie bountious gifts. Neither was his liberalitie shut vp from other that had fauored Malcolme, for to the end he might allure them to beare him good will, he rewarded them highlie both in lands and treasure: but other of the same faction, whome he saw by no means could be woone, he caused them to be proclamed traitors, and confiscated their goods 30 as rebels to his person, and enimies to the crowne.

Malcolme prince of Cumberland sore mooued in his mind that Grime had thus taken vpon him the crowne, called his friends togither, requiring to Malcolme prince of Cumberland is mooued a­against Grime. A good coun­sell. haue their aduise, which way he were best to woorke in this so great a matter. They counselled him in no wise he should despise the force of his enimies, but rather to assaie by all means to draw those no­bles vnto his purpose, which were assistant vnto Grime. Wherevpon Malcolme following the coun­sell of his friends, sent foorth secret messengers vnto 40 Malcolme sendeth priui­lie to the lords of Scotland. those lords that tooke part with Grime, requiring them to remember their promised faith, giuen vnto his father king Kenneth, concerning the obseruance of the law established by their consent for the succes­sion of their kings: which if they would doo in re­nouncing their obeisance vnto the vsurper Grime, he promised so to gouerne the realme with equall iu­stice, that no estate in reason should find cause to Malcolme his promise vnto the Scots. mislike with his dooings. Manie of the nobles by 50 means of this message reuolted from the said Grime soliciting their friends by earnest trauell to doo the like. But other & the greater number tooke those that brought the message, & sent them as prisoners vnto Malcolme his messengers are committed to prison. Grime, who presentlie committed them to prison.

Malcolme sore offended therewith, by counsell of his friends, assembled an armie to go against them, that (contrarie to the law of all nations, as he see­med Malcolme be­ing offended therewith, ga­thered an ar­mie. to take the matter) had imprisoned his pur­seuants and messengers: but as he was mar­ching 60 forward on his purposed iournie, he heard by the way, how his aduersarie king Grime had gathered a farre greater power than he had with Grime is of greater force than Mal­colme. him, not onelie of all such of the Scotish nation in­habiting beyond the riuers of Forth and Clide, but of them also of the westerne Iles. Malcolme doub­ting least if the certeintie hereof were once bruted a­mongest his people, the fame would increase the Malcolme would not haue his peo­ple to vnder­stand the trueth thereof. terror more than néeded; he gaue commandement therfore that no maner of wight should be suffered to come into his armie, vnlesse he were first brought to his presence. But this deuise nothing auailed him: for thereby, that which he desired to be concea­led His aduise a­uailed not. and kept most secret, became the more manifest, by reason that such as had some inkeling of the mat­ter, told it from one to another; making it much more than it was in déed. For there rose a murmu­ring amongest them, that there was such treason contriued, that if Malcolme with his armie went forward to ioine with his aduersaries, he should not A brute spred in Malcolmes armie of trea­son. be in danger onelie of them, which he knew to come against him in Grimes host; but also of no small number of them which were in his owne armie, who vpon the ioining had determined to turne their speare points against him in Grimes quarell.

This rumor passing from one to another, put the whole number in great feare. It was first raised by certeine merchantmen, of whome there was a Merchant­men authors of the rumor. great number in Malcolms host, hauing more skill in buieng and selling, than in anie warlike feats or enterprises. These at the first suing for licence to de­part home, and could haue no grant, began to la­ment their miseries, in such dolefull wise, that all the campe was troubled with the noise; insomuch that euen the old men of warre, and diuerse of the capteins were not a little discomfited and amazed with such wailefull clamors. Malcolme being ad­uertised hereof, thought not good to match in battell against his fierce enimies with his people thus asto­nied through dread and terror, and therefore gaue li­cence Malcolme li­cenceth the most part of his armie to depart hence. Malcolme in­tendeth to stop his eni­mie from pas­sing ouer the Forth. The great bishop of Scotland. to the most part of his host to depart for that time, and aboad onelie with certeine bands of his most faithfull friends néere to the water of Forth, to stop his enimies from passing ouer that riuer.

Whilest the realme of Scotland was thus disqui­eted and troubled with ciuill discord, Fothadus the great bishop of Scotland, a man of right appro­ued vertue and clemencie, sore lamenting to sée his countrie thus diuided and rent as it were in péeces, got him into his pontificall vestures, with a multi­tude of other reuerend priests and ecclesiasticall mi­nisters, in humble wise comming and presenting Fothadus sée­keth to take vp the matter. themselues before king Grime, who with great re­uerence receiuing them, willed to vnderstand the cause of their comming. Then Fothadus answered, that he was come as the seruant of Christ, the au­thor of all peace and concord, beséeching him by way of humble supplication to take ruth and pitie of the great trouble and miserie fallen to the realme, since the time he had taken the gouernance vpon him, the state of things being such, as if some redresse were not found in all speedie wise, the vtter ruine of the common-wealth must needs insue, by reason of the sundrie debats and factions dailie rising among the people of all sorts and degrees, so that murthers, The fruits of ciuill warre. robberies, rapes, with all other kinds of iniuries & mischiefe were still put in practise without restreint or punishment, in such licentious sort that no man could assure himselfe of his owne: for whether it were within doores, or without, the robber was as redie to laie hands on it as the owner. Neither was there anie hope of reformation so long as the ciuill wars lasted. Therefore if it might stand with the pleasure of king Grime in reliefe of the poore com­mons of Scotland, to condescend vnto some neces­sarie Fothadus vndertaketh to conclude a peace betwixt the parties. agreement with Malcolme, Fothadus offered to vndertake to conclude a peace betwixt them, in such wise as should in no maner of behalfe be preiu­diciall to his honor and roiall maiestie.

Grime mooued with the words of the bishop (who most instantlie besought him, although the calami­tie and great affliction of his people did but little mollifie his heart; yet in respect of his owne suertie, which might not continue if his people were once de­stroied, to remit part of his high displeasure) answe­red, that peace he could be contented to haue, so the same might be concluded with his honor saued: for Grimes an­swere to Fo­thadus. suerlie wars he neuer desired but onelie in defense [Page 161] of his good title and right, which he had to the crowne descended vnto him by the old lawes and ancient ordinances of the realme, and therefore he purposed not to leaue the same with life, but to fight for it a­gainst Malcolme, and all his partakers, euen vnto death. But if it were so, that Malcolme would con­tent himselfe with the principalitie of Cumberland, and so therevpon breake vp his campe, and depart foorth of the lands perteining vnto the crowne, he would gladlie come to a communication with him for peace; but if Malcolme refused thus to doo, he as­sured 10 him that he would not leaue off to pursue him to the vttermost of his power, as his most cruell and fierce enimie.

Fothadus hauing heard Grimes words, besought him to stai [...] a time, till he might go vnto Malcolme, to vnderstand what his full mind was in this behalfe not doubting but to find him conformable vnto anie reasonable motion, for relieuing of the poore afflic­ted state of the land. Grime granting vnto this re­quest, 20 Fothadus goeth vnto Malcolme. Fothadus in like sort and habit as he came vn­to Grime, went vnto Malcolme, whome he found at Sterling; where comming before his presence with a long oration, he greatlie bewailed the dolorous calamities of the Scotish common-wealth, into the which it was fallen through ciuill sedition onlie, and herewith declared also by great likeliehood of sub­stantiall reasons, how infortunat and miserable the end should be of the warres, if the same were pur­sued to the vttermost. His tale being throughlie 30 heard and well digested, wrought so with Malcolme, that he promised to withdraw into Cumberland without anie further attempt, if Grime would in Malcolms of­ [...]. like case breake vp his campe, and a [...]ée to haue a truce for three moneths space, in which meane time they might by certeine commissioners appointed and authorised thereto, talke and common for conclu­ding of a finall peace and concord betwixt them.

Grime refused not this offer, and so therevpon licenced his people to depart to their homes, repai­ring 40 Grime is con­tented with Malcolms motion. himselfe with certeine of his nobles into An­gus vnto the castell of Forfair, there to take further aduise what was to be doone touching the appointed communication of peace. But Fothadus would in no wise rest, till the commissioners were met and Fothadus his diligence to procure the parties to a­gréement. assembled togither in communication at Scone, where within few daies after (chieflie through his earnest diligence) peace was concluded with these conditions. First, that Grime during his life time should inioy the crowne, and after his deceasse the 50 The condi­tions of the peace betwixt Grime and Malcolme. same to remaine to Malcolme & his heirs by lineall descent for euer, according to the ordinance & decrée made & established by K. Kenneth. And whosoeuer should go about either by word or déed to impeach or hinder the said ordinance and decrée, should be re­puted for a traitor to the common-wealth & realme. Furthermore all the lands lieng betwixt Louthian & Northumberland, and betwixt Clide and West­merland, euen from the Almaine seas to the Irish seas, should presentlie remaine & be transported vn­to 60 the dominion & gouernement of Malcolme, with the which contenting himselfe, during the naturall life of Grime, he should continue in friendship with the said Grime, & so in no wise stirre or moue anie warre or debate, either against him or anie of his friends: for if he did, and went about to breake anie of the articles of this peace, he should not onelie lose those lands which he now held, but also be depriued of all the right, title, claime, and interest which either he or his posteritie might make or pretend vn­to the crowne at anie time hereafter.

When both the princes had bound themselues by solemne othes to performe euerie point and points The warres being [...]assed, the princes applie their studies to re­forme misde­meanors. in these articles comprised, they laid armor aside, and began to take order for reforming of all misde­meanours, which had happened within the land, by reason of the ciuill contention mooued betwixt them and their partakers. Howbeit, commandement was giuen by either of these princes, that their sub­iects should be still in a readinesse with armour and weapons (if néed required) to desend themselues a­gainst all sudden inuasions of their neighbours, whereby it may be gathered, that the one had the o­ther still in some mistrust, what countenance so [...]uer they shewed outwardlie. Yet notwithstanding, for the space of 8 yeares togither, the peace continued without breach, or any notable trouble betwixt them.

But Grime at length of a chast & liberall prince, King Grime his alteration from noble qualities vnto detestable vices. through long slouth and increase of riches, became a most couetous ty [...]ant, and so corrupted in maners and conditions, that it passed the bounds of all rea­son and equitie: insomuch that when he had put vn­to death diuerse of his nobles, to the end he might haue their lands and goods as forfeited by atteindor, he oppressed the people by continuall exactions also each day more than other. His subiects being thus brought into extreame miserie through his wicked and vniust gouernement, not knowing where to séeke for redresse, saue onelie at the hands of almigh­tie The common peoples praier God, the punisher of all sinne, besought him to haue pitie of their afflictions and miseries, and to change the gouernment of the realme into some bet­ter state. The lords also hauing great indignation of the trouble fallen to the realme, by the kings misgo­uernance and auaricious crueltie, appointed a cer­teine The lords re­quire Grime to reforme the [...] of his officers. number of gentlemen to go vnto him as am­bassadors from them, to require him to put awaie from him such naughtie persons as by euill counsell had peruerted his mind, & mooued him to doo things contrarie to his honor, and the wealth of his realme.

One of these ambassadors (to whome the charge was giuen) had the words in name of them all, who comming before the kings presence, declared to him that they were sent from the residue of the nobles and péeres of his realme, to admonish him of things perteining to the suertie of his estate, and common wealth of his dominions: which was, that whereas through persuasion of euill councellors he suffered manie enormities to be committed by his ministers and officers against his subiects, to their vtter impo­uerishment and vndooing, the rebuke whereof did re­dound vnto his dishonour; if it would please him to remooue out of his presence and seruice all such dis­loiall persons as sought the hinderance of the com­mon-wealth, he should win therby the loue of all his liege subiects, which now could not but grudge and repine at this his gouernement, as men by the same brought into such calamitie, that better it were for them in their iudgements to be dead than aliue, if re­formation were not the sooner had against such extor­tions as his seruants and officers did dailie practise, The office of the sword. and for the which no doubt he must néeds answer, sith the sword was committed vnto him, not to [...] couetous persons, nor to oppresse innocent and [...]ue dealing people, but contrarilie to punish and correct guiltie and vniust dealers.

When king Grime had heard what message these ambassadors had brought, he answered to the same with fa [...]ed words, and willed them vnder the pre­text of courtesie to a banket, in purpose to haue put King Grime purposed to haue slaine th [...] messengers. them all in prison: but they being aduertised thereof got them in all ha [...] to their horsses, and fled forthwith vnto Ber [...]a, where the residue of the nobles at the same time were assembled. Grime hauing [...]us no regard to the wholesome aduertisement of his no­bles, thought that all things would come forward with such felicitie and [...]ap as he wished, not cea [...]ng from raising new paiments and exactions [...]ill of [Page 162] his subiects, till at length he was aduertised how his nobles had raised open warre against him, at which The lords of Scotland ar­rere warre a­gainst Grime their king. newes being sore kindled with displeasure, he got to­gither a great number of men, and marched foorth towards them that had so rebelled against him. Then followed more mischaefe and trouble than euer had béene séene afore that time in Scotland: for by reason of this ciuill dissention, castels were raced and ouer­throwne, What mischief insued. townes burned vp, corne destroied, fields wasted, and the people slaine in all places, yea as well 10 in churches as elsewhere.

Malcolme prince of Cumberland hearing of such cruell wars as were thus raised in Scotland betwixt the king and the nobles of the realme, to the danger of the vtter euersion of the whole common-wealth, returned with all spéed foorth of England (where he was with an armie as then in aid of king Egeldred against the Danes) into his owne countrie for de­fense of his subiects, if anie attempt should happilie be made against them in that troublesome season. 20 Howbeit, he was no sooner returned home, but the nobles of Louthian came vnto him, beseeching Malcolme is required to re­lieue the Sco­tish estate. him to take pitie vpon his miserable and torne countrie, & to imploie his whole force to remooue a­way from the people such imminent destruction as dailie hasted towards them, which to doo they thought it was partlie euen his dutie, sith God had bestowed vpon him such gifts, both of bodie, mind, and fortune, as most plentioustie appeared in him, not onelie for the weale of himselfe, but also of his friends & coun­trie, 30 & therefore his part was to shew his earnest di­ligence to deliuer the common-wealth of such ty­rannie as was practised by the misgouernement of Grime and his vnhappie councellors. Which be­ing done, he might order all things as should like him best.

Malcolme mooued with these and the like persua­sions Malcolme con senteth to make warres against Grime. of the Scotish lords, which dailie resorted vnto him, resolued with promise of their support to leuie warre against Grime in this so necessarie a quarell, 40 and so assembling a great puissance togither, he did set foorth towards his aduersarie. By the way also there came still vnto him great numbers of men from each side to aid him in this enterprise, offering by solemne othes to become his liegemen and sub­iects. Grime likewise being aduertised of those newes, with all spéed got togther such people as hee might assemble for the time, and comming forward Grime assem­bleth an armie to incounter Malcolme. The camps néere the one to the other. Grimes policie. with the same at the towne of Auchnabart, both the armies pitched downe their tents, the one fast by the 50 other, on the Ascension daie. Here Grime suppo­sing that he might take his enimies at some aduan­tage, if he came vpon them on the sudden, for that be­ing giuen to deuotion, they would looke for nothing lesse than for battell on that daie, he got foorth of his campe in the dawning of that morning, in purpose foorthwith to assaile them.

Notwithstanding, Malcolme being aduertised thereof, sent vnto Grime, requesting him to desist Macolmes request. from battell for reuerence of that blessed feast, but 60 Grime would in no wise assent thereto, but néedes would come on without stop or staie; whervpon both the armies rushing togither met right fiercelie, so that in the beginning there was great slaughter The battell betwixt Grime and Malcolme. Grimes part discomfited. made on both sides, but within a while king Grimes side was put to the woorsse, and in the end clearelie discomfited. In the chase were manie slaine, but yet no such number as so notable a victorie required. It is said that Grime was taken aliue standing at de­fense, & most fiercelie fighting, who being sore woun­ded The end of king Grime. in the head, had both his eies put out, and after­wards continuing so in great miserie and langnor certeine daies, at length departed out of this life, in the 9 yéere of his reigne, and was buried in Colme­kill, after the incarnation 1010 yéeres.

After this victorie thus obteined by Malcolme, he 1004. Io. M. 1010. H. B. called such noble men as were taken prisoners in Malcolmes words to thé that were ta­ken prisoners. this battell before him, vsing manie gentle woords toward them, declaring that the right of the crowne apperteined vnto him, and that the warres which hée had made, were not attempted against the common wealth of the Scotish estate, but rather in reliefe thereof, to the end the people might be deliuered of the tyrannie exercised by Grime and his councel­lors. When he had thus vttered his mind vnto them, he appointed a publike assembly to be kept at Scone A parlement at Scone. (for the election of a new king) there to be holden within 15 daies after. Whither the Scotish nobilitie comming togither at the time & place appointed, and consenting to crowne Malcolme king, he vtterlie Malcolme refuseth the crowne but vpon cōdition. refused to receiue the crowne, except the law establi­shed by his father Kenneth for the succession thereof were first confirmed and approoued, wherevpon the lords bound themselues by solemne othes to per­forme the same, and neuer to breake and violate it The ordināce of king Ken­neth for the succession of the crowne is confirmed. in anie condition. His request herein being granted with generall consent both of the nobles and com­mons, the crowne was set vpon his head, he being placed in the chaire of marble, to the great reioising of all the people present.

WHen the solemnitie of this coronation was ended, he called before him againe all the Malcolme lords and péeres of his realme; of the which, part had aided him in the last warres, and part had béene as­sistant vnto his aduersarie Grime: and there vsed the matter in such wise amongst them, that he made Malcolme a­gréeth the no­bles of his realme. them all friends, each one promising to other to for­get all former offenses, displeasures, and controuer­sies past, which he did to auoid all intestine trouble that might grow out of the rootes of such rancor and malice, as in time of the ciuill discord had sproong vp among them. Further, for the better administration Malcolmes wisdome in ordeining officers. of iustice in due forme and maner, he bestowed pub­like offices vpon discréet persons, skilfull in the laws and ordinances of the realme. Other offices pertei­ning to the warres & defense of the realme, he com­mitted to such as were practised & trained in such ex­ercises, so that iustice was ministred on all sides throughout the kingdome, with such equitie and vp­rightnesse, as had not beene heard of in anie age be­fore him. Whilest the Scotish estate was gouerned in such happie wise, by the prudent policie of king Malcolme; it chanced that Sueno king of Danes Sueno king of Denmark [...] landed in England. landed in England with a mightie nauie, in purpose to reuenge the iniuries done before vnto his people by the Englishmen.

This Sueno (as appeareth more at large in the historie of Denmarke) first being an earnest perse­cutor of christian men, and punished by the diuine prouidence for his crueltie in that behalfe, shewed by sundrie ouerthrowes receiued at the enimies hands, as in being thrife taken prisoner, and in the end dri­uen and expelled out of his kingdome, he came into Scotland for reliefe and succour, where through the Sueno cōuer­ted to the chri­stian faith in Scotland. wholesome instruction of godlie and vertuous men, he renounced his heathenish beléefe, and receiued the christian faith, and being baptised, at length was restored home to his kingdome. Shortlie after with a mightie armie of Danes, Gothes, Norwegians, and Swedeners, with other northerne people, he arriued (as is said) in England, and chased king E­geldred Egeldred (or as the Scots write Eldred) chased into Northumber­land, getteth aid from the Scots. into Northumberland, who there receiuing aid from the Scots, according to the league which latelie before he had contracted with them, he deter­mined est soones to trie the chance of battell with his enimies. Marching forwards therefore towards them, he came to the riuer of Owse, néere to the banks whereof, not farre from Yorke, he pitched [Page 163] downe his tents.

Then Sueno not forgetfull of the benefits and pleasures receiued but latelie at the Scotishmens Suenos mes­sage to the Scots. hands, sent an herald at armes vnto them, comman­ding them to depart their waies home, and to refuse Egeldreds companie; either else to looke for most cruell battell at the hands of the Danes, the Norwe­gians, and others the people of Germanie, there rea­die bent to their destruction. Egeldred being aduer­tised that his aduersaries messenger was thus come 10 into his campe, caused him to be staied and arrested for a spie. And the same day he brought foorth his bat­tels readie ranged into the fields, to trie the matter by dint of swoord, if Sueno were so minded; who ve­rie desirous to accept the offer, brought foorth also his people in perfect order and well arraied to fight, so that there was no staie on either part, but that togi­ther they flue most fiercelie, & in such eger wise, that The battell betwixt Egel­dred & Sueno neither side had leasure to bestow their shot, but euen at the first they buckled togither at handblowes, con­tinuing 20 certeine houres with great & cruell slaugh­ter, till at length the Englishmen were put to flight, The English men put to flight by the Danes. leauing the Danes a verie déere and bloudie victo­rie. The murther also that day of the Scots was great, but yet nothing to the number of the English­men. Egeldred himselfe with a few other, got a bote and passed ouer Ouse, so escaping out of the enimies Egeldred es­capeth by flight. hands, but the rest were for the most part either ta­ken or staine.

Thus Egeldred being vtterlie vanquished and 30 despairing of all recouerie, fled out of England ouer into Normandie, where he was verie friendlie recei­ued of Richard as then duke of Normandie, and af­terwards purchased such fauour there amongst the Normans, that he maried the ladie Emme, daugh­ter vnto the said duke, and begot of hir two sonnes, Alured and Edward, as in the English chronicles more at large it dooth appéere. Sueno hauing thus o­uercome his enimies, and now put in possession of the whole realme of England, was in mind to haue 40 Suenos cru­ell imaginati­on. destroied all the English generation, so to establish the kingdome to him and his posteritie for euer, with­out anie impeachment afterwards to be made by such as should succéed of them that were then aliue. But the nobles of England aduertised of Suenos The nobles of England their humble petition vnto Sueno. determination, came humblie before his presence, & falling downe on their knées at his féet, besought him in most pitifull wise to haue compassion on their miserable estate, who in times past being a most puissant nation, both by sea and land, were now 50 satisfied (if he would grant them life) to continue vn­der what bondage and seruitude it should stand with his pleasure to preseribe, for they desired neither pos­session of castels, townes, or other souereignties, but onelie to liue with their wiues and children vnder subiection within their owne natiue countrie, at the victors will and appointment.

Sueno, albeit he was of nature verie cruell, yet he qualified his displeasure by this humble submissi­on of the English nobilitie; in such sort, that he vsed 60 Un [...]r what conditions Sueno licen­ced the Eng­lishmen to liue in their owne countrie. the victorie farre more gentlie, than at the first he had purposed, commanding that the whole English nation should remaine in the countrie, but in such wise, as by no meanes they should presume to beare anie armor or weapon, but to applie themselues vnto husbandrie, and other seruile occupations vnder the gouernement of the Danes, vnto whom they should resigne and deliuer all their castels, forts, and strong holds: and taking an oth to be true liege men vnto Sueno, as their souereigne lord and king; they should bring in (to be deliuered vnto his vse) all their weapons and armor, with other munition for the warres, also all their gold and siluer, aswell in pl [...] as coine. If anie of the Englishmen re [...]ed th [...]s is do, proclamation was made that he should immedi­atlie lose his life as a rebell and a disobedient per­son. These conditions were hard, and hardlie vrged. The Englishmen were brought vnto such an extre­mitie, that they were saine to accept these conditions of peace, for other meane to auoid present death they knew none. And thus was the dominion of Eng­land conquered by the Danes, after the Saxons had reigned in the same 564 yéeres. 529. H. B.

Such tyrannie also after this was vsed by the The miserie of the Eng­lishmen vnder the bondage of the Danes. Danes, that none of the English nation was admit­ted to anie office or rule within the realme, either spi­rituall or temporall, but were vtterlie remoued from the same, and some of them cast in prison and dailie put in hazard of their liues. Finallie, the English­men were brought into such miserable thraldome, that euerie housholder within the realme was con­streined to receiue and find at his owne proper costs and charges, one Dane, who should continuallie giue good watch what was said or doone in the house, and to aduertise the king thereof, for doubt of conspira­cies or treasons to be contriued and practised against his person and roiall estate. This Dane by the good man of the house and his familie, for honor sake, was called lord Dane, which woord was afterwards tur­ned to a name of reproch, as where anie idle person liued loitering, without the vse of some honest exer­cise The name of lordain how it came vp. to get his liuing withall, the people were and yet are accustomed to call him a lordaine.

¶ Thus farre out of Hector Boetius we haue shew­ed of Suenos dooings in England, the which although it agrée not in all points with our English histories, yet sith the historie of Scotland in this place séemeth partlie to hang thereon, we haue thought good to set it downe as we find it in the same Boetius: but ad­uertising the reader withall, that if our histories be true, this which followeth touching Suenos inua­ding of Scotland, chanced before that Egeldred, whome the Scotish writers name Eldred, was dri­uen to flée into Normandie. For when that Sueno Sueno [...]anded héere this last time of his comming foorth of Den­marke into England in Iulie, in the yéere 1013, & departed this life in the be­ginning of Februarie, in the yeere 1014 lastlie returned into England, and constreined E­geldred so to forsake the land, he liued not long after but departed this life about Candelmas, in the yéere 1014 (as in the English histories ye may read more at large) not hauing time to make anie such iournie into Scotland: so that it may be thought, if he did enterprise anie such exploit there, it was before this his last arriuall in England.

But now to procéed according to that which we find in the foresaid Boetius. Sueno hauing spoiled the Englishmen of their liberties (in manner before re­membred, or rather brought them to become tributa­ries vnto him, as at the first time of his arriuall here he did in deed, he thought it necessarie, for the more suertie of his estate in England, to conclude some peace or league with his neighbours the Normans, Britains, & Scots, vnder condition that they should not support anie Englishman against him. But for­somuch as he could not compasse his intention héere­in, he furnished all the castels and fortresses on the sea-coasts, ouer against Normandie, with men, mu­nition, and vittels, to resist all sudden inuasions that might be attempted on that side. And on the other Sueno prepa­reth to inuade the Scots. part towards the north, he made all the prouision he could deuise to make mortall wars vpon the Scots: and the more to annoie his enimies, he sent com­mandement vnto Olauus his lieutenant in Nor­waie, Olauus, and Onetus. and to Onetus his deputie in Denmarke, to some with all the power they might leauie into Scotland, to make warres on his enimies there.

Wherevpon shortlie after those foresaid capteins arriued with an huge armie in the mouth of Speie, The Danes land in Scot­land. and landed in such puissant order, that the inhabi­tants of M [...]y and fled out of their houses, with [Page 164] their wiues, children, and goods (such as they could conueie awaie with them) into places where they thought to remaine most out of danger. But the Danes, after their manner, burne and spoile all be­fore The crueltie of the Danes. them, aswell churches and chappels, as other buil­dings and edifices. Such of the people as could not flée in time, but by chance fell into their hands, were slaine without all mercie. Also all the strengths and holds in the countrie were taken by the Danes, thrée castels onelie excepted: that is to say, Elgin, Fores, 10 and Narne, which the Danes named afterwards Burg, and for that they trusted (when the same was woone) the other two would yeeld without anie fur­ther defense, they first laid siege vnto this castell of Narne, inforsing themselues with all their power to The castell of Narne besie­ged. win it: but in the meane time, they were informed how Malcolme the Scotish king was come within fiue miles of them with all the forces of his realme to giue them battell.

Incontinentlie herevpon they raised their siege, 20 and hasted foorth to méet him, with no lesse courage than if victorie were alreadie present in their hands. Shortlie after, there came vnto them heralds also Malcolme sendeth am­bassadors to the Danes. from Malcolme, to vnderstand whie they had thus inuaded his realme with open and most cruell warre, hauing no occasion giuen by him or his subiects so to doo: who scarselie had doone their message, but that The Danes slea the am­bassadors. they were slaine foorthwith by cruell outrage of the Danes. Malcolme being sore mooued to vnderstand the law obserued by all nations for the safetie of mes­sengers 30 to be thus violated by the enimies, kept on his iournie with the more fierce courage, till he came to a medow a little beside Killos, where he incam­ped for that night. Great noise and clamour was heard throughout the armie, euerie man being desi­rous of battell, to reuenge the iniuries doone by the Danes against their friends and countriemen: not­withstanding on the morrow, when they saw their e­nimies in farre greater number, and in better order than euer had béene séene by anie of them before that 40 time, their hart began to wax faint, hauing greater The Scots through feare are astonied. care which waie to saue their owne liues, than to giue the onset vpon their enimies.

Malcolme perceiuing such dread to be entred into Malcolms woords to his nobles. the harts of his people, that they were now more like to run awaie than to fight, if he should bring them foorth to battell, got him to a little hill, and calling his nobles about him, he declared vnto them how he could not but detest their great cowardise, that were thus astonied at the first sight of their enimies, with­out further triall of their forces. ¶ ‘At home (said he) 50 ye are most hardie and valiant, where no danger ap­péereth. What rebuke then is it vnto you, to be thus faint harted (now that ye are come where valiancie should be shewed) in degenerating so far from your woorthie fathers and noble progenitors, the which at Loncart vnder the conduct of my father Kenneth, Loncart. obteined so famous a victorie of the selfe same nati­on, whose furious puissance ye séeme now so much to feare? There hath béene triall made in battell with 60 this enimie in our time, both within the bounds of Scotland, and also of England, to the great honor and renowme of our elders. What discomfitures the Danes haue receiued are yet fresh in memorie, so manie of them losing their liues amongst vs, that Albion may well be reckoned the sepulture of Albion the se­p [...]lture of Danes. Danes; as some of you can well record by your owne remembrance, and other haue heard by report of their forefathers and ancestors. Ye ought then (said he) to be of good courage, rather than to faint now at néed, considering ye haue to doo with those e­nimies, who are but the remnant of the other, which before haue béene vanquished and ouerthrowne by Scotishmen, both at Loncart, and in diuerse other places; yea and besides that, such as moo [...]ing warres now at this present without [...]ust occasion, haue vio­lated the lawes both of God and man, deseruing thereby iust vengeance at Gods hands, the punisher of all such vniust offendors. There is great hope therefore of victorie (said he) left vnto all such as fight against these enimies, if we take manlie harts vnto vs, and shew our selues in valiant constancie like to our elders, whereby it shall then appéere what outra­gious follie remained in the Danes, to inuade vs without occasion of iniuries preceding. Therefore if ye haue not more regard to the safetie of your fraile bodies, which must néedes at length perish, than to the defense and preseruation of your common countrie; why passe ye not forward, sith there is now no place nor time to take longer aduise in the matter, as ye may well vnderstand by the presence of the enimie readie to ioine?’

The nobles mooued with these woords of their prince, began boldlie to exhort their people to battell. Incontinentlie whervpon rose such noise and raging furie through the armie, that without measuring ei­ther their owne forces or their enimies, they rush The Scots without order rush foorth to battell. foorth vpon them without anie order or good araie. O­lauus & Onetus beholding the Scots to come thus furiouslie against them, boldlie incountred them with arraied battels. Wherevpon insued a verie ter­rible fight, with great manhood shewd on both sides, nothing being let passe that might apperteine to woorthie capteins: the Scots inforcing themselues to defend their countrie and ancient liberties on the one side, and the Danes dooing their best indeuour by valiant hardinesse to saue their liues and honors on the other. At length, after huge murther & slaugh­ter The Scots put to flight. Malcolme [...] wounded. made on both parts, the Scots were put to flight, Malcolme was sore wounded, & had his hel­met so fast beaten to his head, that it might not well be got off, yet was he conueied out of the field in ma­ner for dead, and kept secret in a wood, till he was somewhat amended, and then got him into places out of danger. The Danes hauing got this victorie, and gathered the spoile of the field, returned to be­siege e [...] soones the castell of Narne, with more force and violence than before.

This castell in those daies was inclosed on ech side with the sea, hauing one narrow passage as an entrie vnto it, made by craft of man in manner of a bridge. Those that were within it, hauing know­ledge of the ouerthrow and losse of the field, rendered The castell o [...] Narne ren­dr [...]d by com­position. the fortresse, on condition, that leauing all their ar­mor, weapon, and other munitions behind them, they might depart with their liues and other goods saued. Neuerthelesse the Danes, contrarie to their [...]aith gi­uen, The Danes breakers of faith and pro­mise. being once entred the castell, hanged all those which they found within it ouer the wals, in most de­spitefull manner. Thus was Narne woone by the Danes, the strongest hold within Murrey land, and so garnished with men, munition, and vittels, that it was thought impregnable. Then those souldiers which kept Elgin and Fores, hearing what crueltie Elgin an [...] Fores left void. the Danes had thus vsed, fled out of those castels, and left them void without anie person to defend them. The Danes re [...]oising at this good fortune, trusted to establish themselues sure seates in Murrey land, and therevpon sent backe their ships into Norwaie and Denmarke, to fetch from thence their wiues and children. In the meane time they constreined such Scots as they had laid hands on, to reape and inne the corne growing abroad in the fields, vnto their vse and commoditie.

K. Malcolme being aduertised of all these things, doubting least by the arriuall of new aid, his enimies might war more puissant, in the beginning of the next summer he assembled a great multitud [...] of war­ors, [Page 165] and came in good order and most warlike arraie vnto Murthlake, a towne of Mar, where the first e­rection Murthlake. of the bishops sée of Abirden was founded. Héere the one armie comming in sight of the other, they were suddenlie both amazed. For the Scots ha­uing had too much experience of the crueltie shewed The Scots and Danes [...] afraid of [...]other. afore time by the Danes, were put in no small feare now at the plaine & open sight of them. The Danes being farre off from the sea side, and vpon an vn­knowne ground, were more afraid of some ginle­fall practise, than of the open violence and force of 10 their enimies. Yet neuerthelesse in the end, by the in­couragement of the capteins on both sides, they buckled togither with great fiercenesse and most cru­ell malicious hatred on ech hand.

In the first brunt thrée valiant capteins, that is to say, [...]nneth of Ila, Grime of Stratherne, and Pa­trike of Dunbar, rushing ouer fiercelie on their eni­mies, were slaine, and gaue occasion to manie of the [...] [...]s [...]ed [...]. Scotishmen to flee, but the place was such, that they 20 could not well make their course anie waie foorth, by reason of the narrownesse thereof, fensed on either side with deepe trenches full of water and mud: also in trauerse were laid sundrie trées, as it had béene of purpose to impeach the passage, deuised in that sort (as was thought) in time of some ciuill warres. Here though Malcolme like a valiant champion, did his best to staie them that fled, yet was he borne backe with the preasie, till he came to the middest of this place, where stood a chappell dedicated in the honor of saint Moloke, the which Malcolme beholding, cast 30 vp his hands towards heauen, making his praier on this wise. ‘¶ Great God of vertue, rewarder of pie­tie, and punisher of sinne, we thy people seeking to de­fend Malcolmes praier. our natiue countrie granted to vs of thy bene­uolence, as now destitute of all mortall helpe, and thus oppressed with the iniurious inuasion of Danes, doo flee vnto shée in this our extreme necessitie, besée­ching thee to haue compassion vpon our miserable e­state: remooue (oh mercifull lord) this dreadfull ter­ror 40 [...]o you, that is to God, and o [...]r ladie, and saint Molo [...]e, for so he to [...]d them togither according to the manner of that tune. from thy people. And oh thou mother of God, the sweet refuge of mortall people in their distresse and miseries: and thou saint Moloke to whom this chap­pell was dedicate, helpe vs at this present, and in the honor of you I héere make a vow to build a cathe­drall church for a bishops sée, to remaine as a monu­ment, to testifie vnto our posteritie, that by your sup­port our realme hath béene defended.’

Scarselie had Malcolme made an end of this praier, when diuers of the nobls with a lowd voice, as though they had béene assured that his praier was 50 heard, cried to their companies; Stand good fellows, for suerlie it is the pleasure of almightie God, that we returne and renew the battell against our eni­mies. Héerevpon rose a woonderfull noise amongst The Scots oftentimes re­new battell. the souldiers, eth one incouraging other to withstand the enimies, and to fight in most manfull wise in de­fense of their countrie and ancient liberties, & foorth­with as it had béene by miracle they returned vpon their enimies, making great slaughter on ech side, 60 without regard to their liues or bloudie wounds, which they boldlie and without feare receiued. Heere­with Malcolme with an ambushment of stout war­riors came vpon Onetus, who was pransing vp and downe the field without anie helmet on his head, as though the Scots had béene alreadie without recoue­rie clearelie discomfited, and so there was he beaten downe beside his horsse, and amongst the footmen [...]netus is slaine. slaine out of hand. The residue of the Danes behol­ding the slaughter of their capteine, staied from fur­ther pursute on the Scots. Heereof insued great boldnesse to the Scots, and discouragement to the Danes: albeit the battell continued still a long space, the souldiers dooing their best on either side, till at length the Danes were put to fight, manie of The Danes put to flight. them being slaine, and but few taken. D [...]s behol­ding the dis [...]ture of his people, [...] how his com­panion in authoritie was flame, fled into [...] [...]us [...]th into [...]rer [...]me land with a small companie about him.

The next day, [...]lcolme considering what a [...] ­ber of his most valiant capteins he had lost in this battell, diuided the spoile of the field amongest his men, and ceassing from further pursute of the Danes at that [...]me [...] into Angus, where he remained the residue of the yeere w [...]in the castell of Forf [...], taking counsell with his nobles touching the pub­like affaires of the realme, and how to recouer his countrie of Murrey land out of the ennimies hands. king Suen [...] hearing in the meane time how i [...] for­tunatelie his people had sped thus in Scotland at Suene [...] ­teth a new ar­ [...]e to [...] Scotland. the battell of [...]ake, in reuenge thereof deter­mined to inuad [...] the Scots with two mightie [...]a [...]es, the one to be rigged in England, and to come foorth of the riuer of [...]hames, and the other to be sent from Denmarke, one Camus a Dane, verie expert Ca [...] ap­po [...] cap­ [...] generall of the Danes. in warlike knowledge, being appointed to be gouer­nor of all the men of warre that should come from both those parties.

The yeare next insuing, both these fléets according to commandement and order giuen, arriued and met togither within the mouth of the Forth, néere to saint Eb [...]s head. Here Camus going about to S [...]nt Eb [...]s [...]. The Scots [...]pe o [...] the Danes f [...]s landing. land his men, was kept off by the shout resistance of the Scots, there assembled for the same intent. Camus then plucking vp the sailes, directed his course vnto the Ile of Sketh, where riding at anchor for the space of one moneth, and abiding for some prosperous wind, at length when the same came once about, he passed from thence vnto the [...]ed­braies, called in Latine [...]ubrum promentorium. [...] there Carinus with his ar [...]e lan­deth at the [...]edbraus. landed his whole armie, before the countrie could be gathered to resist him. Camus being once landed, got him to the next hill, and beholding the ru [...]e of the towne of Montros, which a few yeares before had béene destroied by the Danes, he reioised not a little, for that his chance was to come on land in the selfe same place, where the Danes had earst vanqui­shed their enimies, hoping of like lucke in this his enterprise and present expedition.

After this, he tooke his iournie through Angus, Camus mar­cheth through Angus. The crueltie of the Danes. sparing no maner of crueltie that might be deuised: cities, townes, villages, and churches, with all ma­ner of other buildings publike and priuat were con­sumed with fire. At his comming to Brechine, for that the castell there in those daies was of such strength, that it might not be hastilie woone, he The towne and church of Brechine de­stroied. caused the towne and church being right faire and sumptuouslie built in honor of the Trinitie (to whom it was dedicated) to be spoiled, & so raced to the earth, that one stone was not left standing vpon an other. With these and the semblable cruelties, Camus raging both against God and man, was final­lie aduertised that king Malcolme was come to Dundée with all the power of Scotland. Then sud­denlie he tooke the next way towards the sea side, comming the next day following vnto a village cal­led Balbrid, where he pitched downe his tents. The King Mal­colme hasteth foreward to fight with the Danes. same day, king Malcolme making all hast possible to succour his subicas, and preserue the countrie from the crueil outrage of the Danes, came to the towne of Barre two little miles from the place, where his enimies were incamped. In the morning he drew into the field, in purpose to giue them open battell.

But before he arraied his battels, he called his Malcolmes oration. nobles and capteins togither, desiring them to con­sider how they should match in fight against people blinded with vile auarice, liuing on the spoile and pil­lage [Page 166] got by théeuerie, and not by anie iust warres: enimies not onelie to the christian faith, but also to all innocent people, whome they sought vniustlie to inuade, without hauing occasion so to doo, saue onelie vpon an iniurious meaning to liue by spoile of other mens goods, wherein they haue no maner of proper­tie. He willed them therfore to remember how they were come thus against those enimies in defense of their natiue countrie, appointed vndoubtedlie by God to reuenge the cruell iniuries doone by the 10 Danes against his name, and people that professed the same. They ought not then to measure force in number of souldiers, but rather in manhood and va­liancie of heart. Camus likewise exhorted his peo­ple, Camus ex­horteth his Danes. not vsing manie words, but yet pithie, desiring them to remember how it behooued them either to win immortall fame by victorie, either else to die with miserie in an vncouth land, by the hand of their most fierce and cruell enimies.

Herewith Malcolme imbattelling his people, 20 brought them foorth stronglie ranged in good order to incounter the Danes, which likewise approched to­wards him in good arraie of battell. His heart was filled the more with hope of victorie, for that he had tried sundrie times before the force of the enimies in diuers conflicts and encounters. For such is the na­ture The nature of valiant hearts and noble sto­machs. of noble and valiant stomachs, the more expe­rience they haue in honorable enterprises, the more are they kindled in desire to shew their powers in famous acts and woorthie attempts. The armies 30 here vpon on both sides, fiercelie rushing togither, A bloudie bat­tell. began a battell right cruell & terrible, continuing certeine houres with such bloudshed, that the riuer of Lochtée ran with a purple hue downe into the Al­maine seas. The fields also where they fought, though they were full of sand (as the nature of the soile gi­ueth) yet were they made moist by the abundance of bloud spilled in the same. Manie there were so earnestlie bent to be reuenged on the enimie, that after they had their deaths wound, they would run 40 themselues foreward vpon their aduersaries wea­pon, till they might close wish him, inforcing their vttermost powers to dispatch him also; so that di­uers were séene to fall to the ground togither fast grasping one another, and so immediatlie both of them to die withall: such burning hatred kindled their harts, that thus were they wholie set on re­uenge. At length yet the honor of the field remained Malcolme winneth the field. Camus is slaine. with Malcolme.

Camus peceiuing the discomfiture to light on his 50 side, with a small companie about him thought to haue escaped by flight vnto the next mounteins, but being pursued of his enimies, he was slaine by them yer he was got two miles from the place of the bat­tell. The place where he was slaine, is named after him vnto this day, and called Camestone, where is an obeliske set vp in memorie of the thing, with his An obeliske. picture grauen therein, and likewise of those that slue him. The principall slear of Camus was one Keith, a yoong gentleman of right hardie courage, 60 The house of Keithes ad­uanced to ho­nor. whose seruice in the battell was verie notable, in re­compense whereof he was rewarded by king Mal­colme, with sundrie lands and faire possessions in Louthian. His familie (saith Hector Boetius) hath and dooth continue in great honor amongest Sco­tishmen euen vnto this day, and is decorated with the office of the marshalship of Scotland, to the high renowme and fame thereof, amongest the chiefest péers of the realme.

An other companie of the Danes flieng from this ouerthrow were slaine at Abirlemnon, not past Danes slaine at Abirlem­non. foure miles from Brechin, where is set vp a great stone or obeliske, grauen with certeine characters or letters, to aduertise them that passe that waies foorth, of this slaughter of Danes there made by our woorthie elders. The residue of the Danes that esca­ped with life from the field, hauing certeine Scotish­men to their guides corrupted with monie sted to their ships, declaring to their fellowes what mishap had fortuned. King Malcolme after he obteined this famous victorie (as before is said) at Barre, he cau­sed The diuiding of the spoile. the spoile of the field to be diuided amongest his souldiers, according to the laws of armes; and then caused the dead bodies of the Danes to be buried in the place where the field had béene fought, and the bo­dies of the Scotishmen which were found dead were conueied vnto the places of christian buriall, and there buried with funerall obsequies in sundrie chur­ches and churchyards. There are séene manie bones Bones of Danes. of the Danes in those places where they were bu­ried, there lieng bare aboue ground euen vnto this day, the sands (as it often chanceth) being blowen from them. The other Danes, which escaped to their ships, pulled vp sailes to haue passed into Murrey land vnto Olauus, but remaining on the seas the space of foure daies togither, tossed to and fro by con­trarie winds, at length by a streinable east wind they were driuen vpon the coast of Buchquhan, and through want of conuenable harbrough were in pre­sent danger to haue béene cast away. At length, af­ter they had ridden at anchor in the Firth there, to their great displeasure a long space, and finding no prosperous winds to depart from the shore, for that their vittels began to faile them, they set fiue hun­dered of their best and lustiest souldiers on land, to fetch in some bootie or preie of cattell, therewith to relieue their hunger and famine. They that were thus sent foorth, being perfectlie appointed with ar­mour and weapon, ranged abroad till they had got togither a great number of beasts, with the which drawing towards their ships, they were incountred by the way by Marnachus the thane of Buchqu­hane Marnachu [...] thane of Buchquhan [...]. accompanied with the power of that countrie, whose force when they saw how they were not well able to resist without some aduantage of place, they got them vp into an high crag, where, with tum­bling downe stones vpon the Scotishmen as they mounted vp towards them, they caused them some­what to staie; but at length through the earnest exhor­tation of Marnachus, the Scots (as people inflamed with wood desire to be reuenged) mounted the hill in despight of their enimies, though diuers of them were slaine in that assault. Those which wan the height of the crag vpon the Danes, made such a cruell battell with them, that there was not one Dane that escaped their hands.

This conflict was fought néere vnto Gemmer a Danes slain [...] néere vnto Gemmer. village or towne in Buchquhane, where, in memorie thereof, lie manie great bones of the Danes to be séene yet euen vnto these daies. It should appeare by the same bones, that men in former time were of more huge growth and stature, than they be at this present. The other Danes which were on ship bord, vnderstanding what had happened to their fellowes (because they returned not againe to the ships) so soone as the wind came about for their purpose, hoi­sed vp sailes, and tooke their course foorthright to­wards Murrey land. In the meane time king Sue­no hearing of these ouerthrowes, which his people had in such sort receiued at the Scotishmens hands, as a prince of a right haughtie courage, not lightlie ouercome with anie aduerse fortune, made prepa­ration in all spéedie wise to be reuenged, appointing his brother Canute, as then hauing the administra­tion Sueno prepa­reth the third time to inuade Scotland. Canute bro­ther vnto Sueno, ap­pointed gene­rall to come a­gainst the Scots. of Denmarke; to come from thence with a new fléete and armie against the Scots. It is said, that this Canuie, according to order prescribed him by his brother Sueno, landed first in Buchquhane, and [Page 167] destroied a great part of that countrie by fire and sword, in reuenge of the slaughter of his countrie­men the Danes, which had beene there made late­lie before.

Malcolme sore kindled in wrath by these iniuries, though through continuance of the wars his power was greatlie decaied, yet did he assemble an armie with all spéed he could deuise, and marched with the same towards the Danes, in purpose to staie them with often skirmishes and light incounters, but in King Mal­c [...]es deter­mination. no wise to ieopard with them in anie pitcht field or 10 generall battell, for feare least if he had the ouer­throw, he should not be able to furnish a new power for defense of his countrie, against the rage of the enimies. For the space therefore of fiftéene daies togither, there was often skirmishing betwixt the parties. The which terme being expired, the Scots beholding so huge murder of their countriemen and friends, with the spoile of the fields, and destruction of the townes and villages, burning and blasing on each side before their faces, they come to king Mal­colme, 20 and desired him that he would grant them The Scotish­mens request vnto their king for li­cence to fight. licence to fight with their enimies, protesting plaine­lie, that if he would not consent thereto, they would giue battell at their owne choise.

Malcolme perceiuing the earnest minds of his people to incounter their enimies in plaine field, and that he might no longer protract the time, he granted their petition, and therewith beseeching them to re­member their honors and dueties: incontinentlie the onset was giuen with great hatred and malice 30 The onset is giuen. on either part, so that most egerlie continuing in fight a long time, they inforced themselues to rid each other out of life: so that all the nobles well néere on both sides were slaine, the name of victorie rather than the victorie it selfe remaining with the Scots, The Scots wan the name of victorie, ra­ther than vic­torie it selfe. who were so féeble and faint with long fight & slaugh­ter, that in the end of the battell they were not able to pursue those few of the Danes, which escaping with life fled faintlie out of the field. And so for that night, which followed the day of this bloudie battell, 40 they lodged heere and there in seuerall places, at ad­uenture as well as they might.

On the morow after, when it was vnderstood on both parties, what losse they had susteined, their minds were conuerted rather to peace than to re­new battell, bicause they were not of power longer Peace conclu­ded for want of power to mainteine battell. The articles of the peace betwixt the Danes and Scotishmen. to mainteine it. Wherevpon by mediation of such as tooke vpon them to treat a peace, the same was con­cluded with these articles. First, that the Danes 50 should depart out of Murrey land, Buchquhan, and all other the bounds of Scotland. That the warres should clearelie ceasse betwixt the Danes and Sco­tishmen, during the naturall liues of Sueno and Malcolme, or either of them. That neither of those two nations should aid or in anie wise support the o­thers enimies. That the field where the last battell was fought, should be hallowed for christian buriall, within the which the Danes that were slaine in the same battell should be buried, and a church to be 60 built there, and lands appointed foorth for the mainte­nance of priests, to celebrate there according to the order of the christian religion, then vsed by both the people: for the Danes latelie before that season had also receiued the faith. This peace being ratified by the solemne othes of both the kings, Sueno and Mal­coline, The holds in Scotland de­liuered vp by the Danes in­to the Scotish mens hands. Canute retur­neth into Denmarke. Canute with his Danes resigning vp the pos­session of such holds and places as they held in Mur­rey land, Buchquhan, or else where within anie part of the Scotish dominions, got him to his fléet, and departed with the same home into Denmarke.

King Malcolme hauing thus restored his countrie vnto ioifull peace, thought nothing so good as to per­forme the articles of the agréement accorded be­twixt him and the Danes, and therefore caused a church to be builded in the place appointed, dedica­ting A church builded. the same in honor of saint Dlauus patrone of Denmarke and Norwaie, to signifie vnto such as came after, that sundrie nobles of the Danes laie buried in that church. In memorie hereof, the lands that were giuen to the same church, are called euen yet vnto these daies Crowdan, which signifieth as Crowdan, what it sig­nifieth. much as if ye should say, The slaughter of Danes. The church which was first builded there, chancing as often happeneth in those parties, to be ouercast with sands, an other was crected in place not farre off, hauing a more commodious site. Sundrie of the bones of them that were buried in this place, being Bones of Danes. left bare by reason that the sands were blowne away besides them, Hector Boetius (the writer of the Sco­tish chronicle) beheld in the yeere 1521, which séemed more like vnto giants bones, than to men of com­mon stature (as he auoucheth) whereby it should ap­peare, that men in old time were of much greater stature and quantitie of bodie, than anie that are to be found in these our daies.

Malcolme being thus deliuered of his enimies Publike praiers. the Danes, caused publike praiers generallie to be made throughout the realme, in rendring thanks to almightie God, that it had pleased him to deliuer his people from the troubles of warre. He tooke order also, that churches should be repared, which by the The repa­ring of chur­ches. The restoring of lawes and iustice. enimies in time of the warres had béene destroied. And further, he caused the administration of the lawes and wholsome ordinances of the realme to be vsed and put in practise, according to the due forme of the same, which manie yéeres before could haue no place, by reason of the warres. He caused an assem­blie of all the estates of his realme to be called at A parlement at Bertha. Bertha castell, in those daies standing not farre from the place where the towne of Perth now standeth. In which conuention were manie things enacted, both for the setting foorth of Gods honor, and the weale of the realme, whereby Malcolme wan much praise a­mongst his subiects, to the eternall memorie of his nama.

After this, supposing it most honorable to ad­uance the bloud of such as had serued well in the last warres, or had their fathers or other friends slaine in the same, he called a parlement at Scone, in the A parlement at Scone. which, causing partition to be made of the realme, by diuiding it into baronies, he bestowed it amongest Diuision of the realme in­to baronies. the nobles, according to the qualitie of euerie one his merits, reseruing in maner nothing to the main­tenance of the crowne, common entries onelie ex­cepted, with the mounteine wherin the marble chaire stood, and a few other possessions which he purposed to giue vnto churches and chappels. The nobles on the other part, to the end the king might haue suffici­ent wherewith to mainteine his roiall estate, gran­ted vnto him and his successors for euer the custodis The ward­ship of heires granted ta [...] the king. and wardship of their heires, if they chanced to die leauing them vnder the age of 21 yéeres: and in the meane time till the same heires came to the said age, they agréed that the king and his successors should inioy the vse and profits of their lands, whether they were men or women, and when they came to the age of 21 yeeres, that then they should enter into the possession of their lands, yéelding vnto him or his successors one yéeres rent in name of a reliefe; and if they chanced not to be married before their fathers Mariage o [...] wards. deceasse, then also should they marrie at the kings appointment, or else compound with him for the same.

Thus ended the parlement for that season, with great ioy and comfort on each hand, for that the king had shewed such liberall bountiousnesse towards his barons, and they no lesse mindfull of their duties had [Page 168] declared such veneuolent hearts, as appeared in that their frée and large gift granted in forme and maner as before is expressed. Neither did Malcolme forget the vow which he made at Murthlake, when he was in danger to haue receiued the ouerthrow at the hand of the Danes. For according to the same vow, he caused a church to be built in the same place, e­recting a bishops sée there, and indowed it with the lands & possessions of these thrée places, Murthlake, The sée of Murthlake, otherwise A­berden. Cleometh, and Dunmeth, with all ecclesiasticall in­risdictions 10 and tithes apperteining thereto. The bi­shops that sat in this sée were called the bishops of Murthlake, till the daies of king Dauid the first, who changing the name, caused them to be called the bi­shops of Abirden, augmenting the sée with sundrie faire reuenues to the better maintenance thereof.

Malcolme thus hauing purchased rest from further troubles of warre, gouerned the realme a certeine time after in good order of iustice, and caused a booke to bée set foorth, called Regia maiestas, conteining 20 The booke talled Regia maiestas. the lawes and ordinances wherby the realme should be gouerned: and assigning foorth in the same what fées also should be giuen vnto the chancellor, secreta­rie, constable, marshall, chamberleine, iustice, trea­suror, register, comptroller, and other the officers of his house. Such princelie dooings and noble ver­tues were found in this Malcolme for a season, that if the same had continued with him in his latter age, there had neuer reigned anie king in Scotland, that might haue bene thought to haue passed him in wor­thie 30 fame: neuertheles his excellent qualities were stained at length by that reprochfull vice of vile aua­rice. Malcolme waxeth aua­ritious. Couetousnes and age arri­uing togither. For as it oftentimes happeneth, couetousnesse and age laid hold on him both at once. He then began to repent in that he had béene so liberall in giuing a­way his lands to his barons; & to recouer the same againe, he surmized feigned matter by vntrue sug­gestions against diuerse of the chiefest nobles, put­ting some to death, & banishing other, that he might by this meanes inioy their lands and goods as con­fiscate 40 Malcolmes crueltie to pur chase riches. to the crowne for their supposed offénses.

The nobles hauing great indignation at such cru­eltie vsed by the king against them and their linage, and that vpon no iust causes, but enelie vpon forged The conspi­racie of the Scotish nobi­litie against Malcolme. deuises, they conspired in sundrie méetings secretlie appointed amongst them, to find some meanes to dis­patch him out of life. At length he chanced to haue some inkling whereabout they went, & doubting to fall into their hands, fled for safegard of his life vnto Glammis, where diuerse of the conspirators were 50 Malcolme s [...]ne at Glammis. brought into his lodging, by some of his owne hous­hold seruants, and there slue him in reuenge of their friends, whome he before had wrongfullie put to death. These murtherers with their complices incon­tinentlie fled with all spéed possible to auoid further danger for this their act: but missing their way (for the ground was quite couered as then with snow) they finallie came to the loch of Forfair, which was the same time frozen ouer. They therefore thinking to passe ouer it, when they came into the midst, the 60 ise brake vnder them, so that sinking in, they were finallie drowned. Howbeit their bodies were after­wards The murthe­ters drowned. drawne foorth of the loch with drags, and dis­membred, and their heads and quarters were sent to diuerse townes of the realme, and there hoong vp for a signification of their wicked treason. This was the end of king Malcolme in the 32 yéere of his reigne, if ye reckon from the death of Constantine, or 25 after the death of Grime, and after the incar­nation of our Sauiour 1034 yéeres. He was buried 31. H. B. 1040. H. B. in Colmekill with his ancestors.

In this season was séene manie woonders and strange sights in Albion. On Christmas daie there Strange sights. was an earthquake, and a great rist of the earth made therewith in the midst of Striueling towne, out of the which issued such an abundant streame of water, that it bare away the next wood that was ad­ioining to the riuer of Forth. In the summer the sea rose higher, & flowed further into the land, than euer it had beene séene at anie other time. On Midsum­mer daie, which is the feast of saint Iohn Baptist, there was such a vehement frost, that the corne and other fruits of the earth were blasted and killed, so that therevpon followed a great dearth in all the countrie.

AFter Malcolme succéeded his nephue Duncane Duncane. the sonne of his daughter Beatrice: for Mal­colme had two daughters, the one which was this Beatrice, being giuen in mariage vnto one Abba­nath Duncan king of Scotland. Crinen, a man of great nobilitie, and thane of the Iles and west parts of Scotland, bare of that mariage the foresaid Duncane; the other called Do­ada, was maried vnto Sinell the thane of Glam­mis, by whom she had issue one Makbeth a valiant Makbeth. gentleman, and one that if he had not béene some­what cruell of nature, might haue béene thought most woorthie the gouernement of a realme. On the other part, Duncane was so soft and gentle of na­ture, Duncan of [...] soft a nature. that the people wished the inclinations and ma­ners of these two cousins to haue béene so tempered and interchangeablie bestowed betwixt them, that where the one had too much of clemencie, and the o­ther of crueltie, the meane vertue betwixt these two extremities might haue reigned by indifferent par­tition in them both, so should Duncane haue proued a woorthie king, and Makbeth an excellent capteine. The beginning of Duncans reigne was verie quiet and peaceable, without anie notable trouble; but af­ter it was perceiued how negligent he was in pu­nishing offendors, manie misruled persons tooke oc­casion thereof to trouble the peace and quiet state of the common-wealth, by seditious commotions which first had their beginnings in this wise.

Banquho the thane of Lochquhaber, of whom the Banquho thane of Loch quhaber. The house of ye Stewards. house of the Stewards is descended, the which by or­der of linage hath now for a long time inioied the crowne of Scotland, euen till these our daies, as he gathered the finances due to the king, and further punished somewhat sharpelie such as were notorious offendors, being assailed by a number of rebels inha­biting A mutinie a­mongst the people of Lochquhaber. in that countrie, and spoiled of the monie and all other things, had much a doo to get awaie with life, after he had receiued sundrie grieuous wounds amongst them. Yet escaping their hands, after hée was somewhat recouered of his hurts, and was able to ride, he repaired to the court, where making his complaint to the king in most earnest wise, he pur­chased at length that the offendors were sent for by a sergeant at armes, to appeare to make answer vnto such matters as should be laid to their charge: but they augmenting their mischiefous act with a more wicked déed, after they had misused the messenger A sergea [...] [...] armes slaine by the rebels. with sundrie kinds of reproches, they finallie slue him also.

Then doubting not but for such contemptuous dem [...]anor against the kings regall authoritie, they should be inuaded with all the power the king could make, Makdowald one of great estimation among Makdowald offereth him­selfe to be cap­teine of the rebels. them, making first a confederacie with his neerest friends and kinsmen, tooke vpon him to be chiefe cap­teine of all such rebels as would stand against the king, in maintenance of their grieuous offenses latelie committed against him. Manie slanderous words also, and railing tants this Makdowald vtte­red against his prince, calling him a faint-hearted milkesop, more meet to gouerne a sort of idle moonks in some cloister, than to haue the rule of such valiant and hardie men of warre as the Scots were. He [Page 169] vsed also such subtill persuasions and forged allure­ments, that in a small time he had gotten togither a mightie power of men: for out of the westerne Iles there came vnto him a great multitude of people, of­fering themselues to assist him in that rebellious quarell, and out of Ireland in hope of the spoile came no small number of Kernes and Galloglasses, offe­ring gladlie to serue vnder him, whither it should please him to lead them.

Makdowald thus hauing a mightie puissance about him, incountered with such of the kings peo­ple 10 Makdowald discomfiteth the kings power. as were sent against him into Lochquhaber, and discomfiting them, by mere force tooke their capteine Malcolme, and after the end of the battell smote off his head. This ouerthrow being notified to the king, did put him in woonderfull feare, by reason of his The smal skil of the king in warlike af­faires. small skill in warlike affaires. Calling therefore his nobles to a councell, he asked of them their best ad­uise for the subduing of Makdowald & other the re­bels. Here, in sundrie heads (as euer it happeneth) 20 were sundrie opinions, which they vttered according to euerie man his skill. At length Makbeth speaking much against the kings softnes, and ouermuch slack­nesse in punishing offendors, whereby they had such time to assemble togither, he promised notwithstan­ding, if the charge were committed vnto him and Makbeths offer. vnto Banquho, so to order the matter, that the re­bels should be shortly vanquished & quite put downe, and that not so much as one of them should be found to make resistance within the countrie. 30

And euen so it came to passe: for being sent foorth with a new power, at his entring into Lochquha­ber, Makbeth and Banquho are sent against the rebels. The rebels forsake their capteine. the fame of his comming put the enimies in such feare, that a great number of them stale secret­lie awaie from their capteine Makdowald, who ne­uerthelesse inforced thereto, gaue battell vnto Mak­beth, with the residue which remained with him: but being ouercome, and fléeing for refuge into a castéll (within the which his wife & children were inclosed) at length when he saw how he could neither defend the 40 hold anie longer against his enimies, nor yet vpon surrender be suffered to depart with life saued, hée first fiue his wife and children, and lastlie himselfe, Makdowald slaieth his wife and chil­dren, & lastlie himselfe. least if he had yeelded simplie, he should haue béene executed in most cruell wise for an example to other. Makbeth entring into the castell by the gates, as then set open, found the carcasse of Makdowald li­eng dead there amongst the residue of the slaine bo­dies, which when he beheld, remitting no peece of his cruell nature with that pitifull sight, he caused the 50 Makdowalds head sent to the king. Makbeths crueltie. head to be cut off, and set vpon a poles end, and so sent it as a present to the king, who as then laie at Bertha. The headlesse trunke he commanded to bée hoong vp vpon an high paire of gallowes.

Them of the westerne Iles suing for pardon, in that they had aided Makdowald in his tratorous en­terprise, he fined at great sums of monte: and those whome he tooke in Lochquhaber, being come thither to beare armor against the king, he put to execution. Her vpon the Ilandmen conceiued a deadlie grudge 60 towards him, calling him a couenant-breaker, a Makbeth de­famed by the Ilandmen. bloudie tyrant, & a cruell murtherer of them whome the kings mercie had pardoned. With which reproch­full words Makbeth being kindled in wrathfull ire against them had passed ouer with an armie into the Iles, to haue taken reuenge vpon them for their li­berall talke, had he nōt béene otherwise persuaded by some of his friends, and partlie pacified by gifts pre­sented vnto him on the behalfe of the Ilandmen, sée­king to auoid his displeasure. Thus was iustice and law [...]stored againe to the old accustomed course, by Iustice & la [...] restored. the diligent means of Makbeth. Immediatlie where­vpon [...]wed came that Suen [...] king of Norway was Sueno king of Norway [...]ded in [...]ife a [...]ued in Fife with a puissant armie, to subdue the whole realme of Scotland.

But here to the intent it maie be the better per­ceiued, what this Sueno was, I will somwhat touch from whence he descended. That Sueno, who (as ye This agréeth not with out English writers. haue heard) conquered the realme of England, be­ing also king of Denmarke and Norwaie, had thrée sonnes, Harold, Sueno, and Canute; the first he made king of England, the second king of Norwaie, and the third king of Denmarke. Harold inioied not Harold that reigned king of England, was not the son of Sueno but of Canute and was not slaine, but died of naturall disease. Sée more hereof in England. Canute king of Denmarke. Edmund Ironside. the same dominion of England past thrée yéeres af­ter his fathers deceasse, but was slaine by Ethel­dred or Egeldred, whom his father Sueno had chased into Normandie. But the same Etheldred kept not long the kingdome in peace, for Canute king of Denmarke, to reuenge his brothers death, landed in England with a mightie host, and sleaing Etheldred, recouered the kingdome to the vse of the Danes: but yet one Edmund sonne to the foresaid Ethel­dred, surnamed Ironside, mainteined the warre a­gainst Canute for a season, till at length by both their consents they agréed to fight a combat singularlie man to man, so to trie the matter betwixt them, who should reigne as king ouer the Englishmen.

In this fight when they had continued a long space, and shewed right notable proofes of their man­hood: ‘Edmund (saith Canute) sith it hath pleased al­mightie Canutes words to Edmund Ironside. God, that thou shouldest thus trie the force of my hand without hurt or wound, I thinke it bée likewise his pleasure, that thou shouldest inioy part of the realme: go to therefore, I receiue thée as parte­ner with me in the king dome, so that (if thou be con­tented let vs diuide the kingdome betwixt vs with­out anie more contention.’ Edmund gladlie acceptedthis condition of agreement, supposing it better to haue halfe the kingdome, than to stand to the doubt­full triall of loosing the whole: for he had receiued a wound at Canutes hands, though Canute vnder­stood not so much: againe, he foresaw that occasion hereafter might be offered, whereby he might with­out all trouble come to inioy the whole. Herevpon The diuision of the realme of England betwixt Ca­nute and Edmund Ironside. either of them lept beside their weried horsses in that fierce & earnest fight, & imbracing each other became good friends, in diuiding the realme according to the aboue mentioned motion of Canute. That part of England that lieth ouer against France was assig­ned vnto Canute; and the other, that is, the north parts vnto Edmund. In the meane time Emma the wife of Etheldred, with hir two sonnes (which she Alured & Ed­ward the sons of king E­theldred. had by the same Etheldred) Alured and Edward, fled ouer into Normandie, doubting least this concord betwixt Canute and Edmund should turne smallie to hir aduancement.

But now touching the arriuall of Sueno the Norwegian king in Fife (as before is expressed) ye shall vnderstand, that the pretense of his comming was to reuenge the slaughter of his vncle Camus, and other of the Danish nation slaine at Barre, Crowdane, and Gemmer. The crueltie of this Sue­no The crueltie of Sueno king of Nor­waie. was such, that he neither spared man, woman, nor child, of what age, condition or degrée soeuer they were. Whereof when K. Duncane was certified, he set all slouthfull and lingering delaies apart, and be­gan to assemble an armie in most spéedie wise, like a Duncane be­stirreth him­selfe in assem­bling an ar­mie. verie valiant capteine: for oftentimes it happeneth, that a dull coward and slouthfull person, constreined by necessitie, becommeth verie hardie and actiue. Therefore when his whole power was come togither, he diuided the same into thrée battels. The first was The Scotish armie diuided into thrée bat­tels. led by Makbeth, the second by Banquho, & the king himselfe gouerned in the maine battell or middle ward, wherein were appointed to attend and wait vpon his person the most part of all the residue of the Scotish nobilitie.

The armie of Scotishmen being thus ordered, [Page 170] came vnto Culros, where incountering with the eni­mies, after a sore and cruell foughten battell, Sueno remained victorious, and Malcolme with his Scots Sueno van­quisheth the Scots. discomfited. Howbeit the Danes were so broken by this battell, that they were not able to make long chase on their enimies, but kept themselues all night in order of battell, for doubt least the Scots assem­bling togither againe, might haue set vpon them at some aduantage. On the morrow, when the fields were discouered, and that it was perceiued how no 10 enimies were to be found abrode, they gathered the spoile, which they diuided amongst them, according to the law of armes. Then was it ordeined by com­mandement Suenos com­mandement to spare fire and swoord. of Sueno, that no souldier should hurt either man, woman, or child, except such as were found with weapon in hand readie to make resi­stance, for he hoped now to conquer the realme with­out further bloudshed.

But when knowledge was giuen how Duncane was fled to the castell of Bertha, and that Makbeth 20 Duncane fled to the castell of Bertha. was gathering a new power to withstand the incur­sions of the Danes, Sueno raised his tents, & com­ming to the said castell, laid a strong siege round a­bout it. Duncane séeing himselfe thus enuironed by Sueno besie­geth king Malcolme. his enimies, sent a secret message by counsell of Banquho to Makbeth, commanding him to abide at Inchcuthill, till he heard from him some other newes. In the meane time Duncane fell in fained communication with Sueno, as though he would Fained trea­tie. haue yéelded vp the castell into his hands, vnder cer­teine 30 conditions, and this did he to driue time, and to put his enimies out of all suspicion of anie enterprise ment against them, till all things were brought to passe that might serue for the purpose. At length, when they were fallen at a point for rendring vp the hold, Duncane offered to send foorth of the castell in­to the campe great prouision of vittels to refresh the armie, which offer was gladlie accepted of the Danes, for that they had béene in great penurie of sustenance manie daies before. 40

The Scots héerevpon tooke the iuice of mekil­woort berries, and mixed the same in their ale and Spiced cups prepared for the Danes. bread, sending it thus spiced & confectioned, in great abundance vnto their enimies. They reioising that they had got meate and drinke sufficient to satisfie their bellies, fell to eating and drinking after such greedie wise, that it séemed they stroue who might de­uoure and swallow vp most, till the operation of the berries spread in such sort through all the parts of their bodies, that they were in the end brought into The Danes ouercome with drinke, fall asléepe. a fast dead sleepe, that in manner it was vnpossible 50 to awake them. Then foorthwith Duncane sent vnto Makbeth, commanding him with all diligence to come and set vpon the enimies, being in easie point to be ouercome. Makbeth making no delaie, came with his people to the place, where his enimies were Makbeth as­saiteth the campe of the Danes, being ouercome with drinke and sléeps. lodged, and first killing the watch, afterwards ente­red the campe, and made such slaughter on all sides without anie resistance, that it was a woonderfull matter to behold, for the Danes were so heaire of 60 sléepe, that the most part of them were slaine and ne­uer stirred: other that were awakened either by the noise or other waies foorth, were so amazed and dizzie headed vpon their wakening, that they were not a­ble to make anie defense: so that of the whole num­ber The slaugh­ter of Danes. Sueno with ten other esca­ped. there escaped no more but onelie Sueno him­selfe and ten other persons, to whose helpe he got to his ships lieng at rode in th [...] mouth of Taie.

The most part of the mariners, when they heard what plentie of meate and drinke the Scots had sent vnto the campe, came from the sea thither to be par­takers thereof, and so were slaine amongst their fel­lowes: by meanes whereof when Sueno perceiued how through lacke of mariners he should not be a­ble to conueie awaie his nauie, he furnished one ship Sueno fléeth with one ship, leauing the re­sidue of his nauie behind him. The fléete of the Norwegi­ans sunke by vehement rage of winds. throughlie with such as were left, and in the same sailed backe into Norwaie, cursing the time that he set forward on this infortunate iournie. The other ships which he left behind him, within three daies af­ter his departure from thence, were tossed so togi­ther by violence of an east wind, that beating and rushing one against another, they sunke there, and lie in the same place euen vnto these daies, to the great danger of other such ships as come on that coast: for being couered with the floud when the tide commeth, at the ebbing againe of the same, some part of them appéere aboue water.

The place where the Danish vessels were thus lest, is yet called Drownelow sands. This ouerthrow re­ceiued Drownelow sands. in manner afore said by Sueno, was verie displeasant to him and his people, as should appéere, in that it was a custome manie yeeres after, that no knights were made in Norwaie, except they were first sworne to reuenge the slaughter of their coun­triemen The oth that knights tooke in Norware, to reuenge the death of their friends. Solemne pro­cessions for victorie got­ten. A power of Danes arriue at Kingcorne out of Eng­land. The Danes vanquished by Makbeth and Banquho. and friends thus slaine in Scotland. The Scots hauing woone so notable a victorie, after they had gathered & diuided the spoile of the fleld, caused solemne processions to be made in all places of the realme, and thanks to be giuen to almightie God, that had sent them so faire a day ouer their enimies. But whilest the people were thus at their processi­ons, woord was brought that a new fléet of Danes was arriued at Kingcorne, sent thither by Canute king of England, in reuenge of his brother Sue­nos ouerthrow. To resist these enimies, which were alreadie landed, and busie in spoiling the countrie; Makbeth and Banquho were sent with the kings au­thoritie, who hauing with them a conuenient power, incountred the enimies, slue part of them, and chased the other to their ships. They that escaped and got once to their ships, obteined of Makbeth for a great summe of gold, that such of their friends as were slaine at this last bickering, might be buried in saint Danes buried in S. Colmes Inch. Colmes Inch. In memorie whereof, manie old se­pultures are yet in the said Inch, there to be seene grauen with the armes of the Danes, as the maner of burieng noble men still is, and héeretofore hath béene vsed.

A peace was also concluded at the same time be­twixt A peace con­cluded be­twixt Scots and Danes. the Danes and Scotishmen, ratified (as some haue written) in this wise: That from thencefoorth the Danes should neuer come into Scotland to make anie warres against the Scots by anie maner of meanes. And these were the warres that. Dun­cane had with forren enimies, in the seuenth yéere of his reigne. Shortlie after happened a strange and vncouth woonder, which afterward was the cause of much trouble in the realme of Scotland, as ye shall after heare. It fortuned as Makbeth and Banquho iournied towards Fores, where the king then laie, they went sporting by the waie togither without o­ther companie, saue onelie themselues, passing tho­rough the woods and fields, when suddenlie in the middest of a laund, there met them thrée women in strange and wild apparell, resembling creatures of elder world, whome when they attentiuelie beheld, woondering much at the sight, the first of them spake The prophesie of thrée wo­men suppo­sing to be the weird sisters or feiries. and said; All haile Makbeth, thane of Glammis (for he had latelie entered into that dignitie and office by the death of his father Sinell.) The second of them said; Haile Makbeth thane of Cawder. But the third said; ‘All haile Makbeth that héereafter shalt he king of Scotland.’

‘Then Ban [...]uho; What manner of women (saith he) are you; that séeme so little fauourable vnto me, whereas to my follow heere, besides high offices, ye assigne also the kingdome, appointing foorth nothing for me at all & Yes (saith the first of them) we pro­mise [Page 171] greater benefits vnto thée, than vnto him, for he shall reigne in déed, but with an vnluckie end: nei­ther shall he leaué anie issue behind him to succéed in his place, where contrarilie thou in déed shalt not reigne at all, but of thée those shall be borne which shall gouerne the Scotish kingdome by long order of continuall descent. Herewith the foresaid women vanished immediatlie out of their sight.’ This wasreputed at the first but some vaine fantasticall illusi­on A thing to woonder at. by Mackbeth and Banquho, insomuch that Ban­quho 10 would call Mackbeth in iest, king of Scotland; and Mackbeth againe would call him in sport like­wise, the father of manie kings. But afterwards the Banquho the father of ma­nie kings. common opinion was, that these women were ei­ther the weird sisters, that is (as ye would say) the goddesses of destinie, or else some nymphs or feiries, indued with knowledge of prophesie by their necro­manticall science, bicause euerie thing came to passe as they had spoken. For shortlie after, the thane of The thane of Cawder con­demned of treason. Mackbeth made thane of Cawder. Cawder being condemned at Fores of treason a­gainst the king committed; his lands, liuings, and 20 offices were giuen of the kings liberalitie to Mack­beth.

The same night after, at supper, Banquho iested with him and said; Now Mackbeth thou hast obtei­ned those things which the two former sisters prophe­sied, there remaineth onelie for thée to purchase that which the third said should come to passe. Wherevpon Mackbeth deuiseth how he might at­teine the king­dome. Mackbeth reuoluing the thing in his mind, began euen then to deuise how he might atteine to the 30 kingdome: but yet he thought with himselfe that he must tarie a time, which should aduance him there­to (by the diuiné prouidence) as it had come to passe in his former preferment. But shortlie after it chan­ced The daugh­ter of Siward earle of Nor­thumberland, wife to king Duncane. that king Duncane, hauing two sonnes by his wife which was the daughter of Siward earle of Northumberland, he made the elder of them called Malcolme prince of Cumberland, as it were there­by to appoint him his successor in the kingdome, im­mediatlie after his deceasse. Mackbeth sore trou­bled herewith, for that he saw by this means his 40 hope sore hindered (where, by the old lawes of the realme, the ordinance was, that if he that should succéed were not of able age to take the charge vpon himselfe, he that was next of bloud vnto him should be admitted) he began to take counsell how he might Mackbeth studieth which way he may take the kingdome by force. vsurpe the kingdome by force, hauing a iust quarell so to doo (as he tooke the matter) for that Duncane did what in him lay to defraud him of all maner of title and claime, which he might in time to come, 50 pretend vnto the crowne.

The woords of the thrée weird sisters also (of whom Prophesies mooue then to vnlawfull at­tempts. before ye haue heard) greatlie incouraged him here­vnto, but speciallie his wife lay sore vpon him to at­tempt the thing, as she that was verie ambitious, burning in vnquenchable desire to beare the name of a quéene. At length therefore, communicating Women desi­rous of high estate. his purposed intent with his trustie friends, amongst whome Banquho was the chiefest, vpon confidence of their promised aid, he slue the king at Enuerns, 60 Mackbeth [...]th king Duncane. or (as some say) at Botgosuane, in the sixt yeare of his reigne. Then hauing a companie about him of such as he had made priuie to his enterprise, he cau­sed himselfe to be proclamed king, and foorthwith Mackbeth v­surpeth the crowne. went vnto Scone, where (by common consent) he receiued the inuesture of the kingdome according to the accustomed maner. The bodie of Duncane was first conueied vnto Elgine, & there buried in king­lie wise; but afterwards it was remoued and con­ueied vnto Colmekill, and there laid in a sepulture Duncanes buriall. amongst his predecessors, in the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour, 1046. 1046. H. B.

Malcolme Cammore and Donald Bane the sons of king Duncane, for feare of their liues (which they might well know that Mackbeth would séeke to Malcolme Cammore and Donald Bane flée in­to Cumber­land. Malcolme Cammore re­ceiued by Ed­ward king of England. Mackbeths liberalitie. bring to end for his more sure confirmation in the estate) fled into Cumberland, where Malcolme re­mained, till time that saint Edward the sonne of Ethelred recouered the dominion of England from the Danish power, the which Edward receiued Mal­colme by way of most friendlie enterteinment: but Donald passed ouer into Ireland, where he was ten­derlie cherished by the king of that land. Mackbeth, after the departure thus of Duncanes sonnes, vsed great liberalitie towards the nobles of the realme, thereby to win their fauour, and when he saw that no man went about to trouble him, he set his whole intention to mainteine iustice, and to punish all en­ormities Mackbeth studieth to ad­uance iustice. and abuses, which had chanced through the féeble and slouthfull administration of Duncane. And to bring his purpose the better to passe without anie trouble or great businesse, he deuised a subtill Mackbeths policie. wile to bring all offendors and misdooers vnto iu­stice, solliciting sundrie of his liege people with high rewards, to challenge and appeale such as most op­pressed the commons, to come at a day and place ap­pointed, to fight singular combats within barriers, in triall of their accusations. When these théeues, barrettors, and other oppressors of the innocent peo­ple were come to darren battell in this wise (as is said) they were streight waies apprehended by Streict iu­stice. armed men, and trussed vp in halters on gibbets, according as they had iustlie deserued. The residue of misdooers that were left, were punished and ta­med in such sort, that manie yeares after all theft and reiffings were little heard of, the people inioieng the blissefull benefit of good peace and tranquillitie. Mackbeth shewing himselfe thus a most diligent punisher of all iniuries and wrongs attempted by a­nie disordered persons within his realme, was ac­counted the sure defense and buckler of innocent people; and hereto he also applied his whole indeuor, A kinglie en­deuour. to cause yoong men to exercise themselues in vertu­ous maners, and men of the church to attend their diuine seruice according to their vocations.

He caused to be slaine sundrie thanes, as of Cath­nes, Iustice mini­stred without respect of per­sons. Sutherland, Stranauerne, and Ros, because through them and their seditious attempts, much trouble dailie rose in the realme. He appeased the troublesome state of Galloway, and slue one Mak­gill a tyrant, who had manie yeares before passed no­thing of the regall authoritie or power. To be briefe, such were the woorthie dooings and princelie acts of this Mackbeth in the administration of the realme, that if he had atteined therevnto by rightfull means, and continued in vprightnesse of iustice as he began, till the end of his reigne, he might well haue béene numbred amongest the most noble princes that anie where had reigned. He made manie holesome laws and statutes for the publike weale of his subiects.

Lawes made by king Makbeth set foorth according to Hector Boetius.

HE that is within orders of the Liberties of them that haue taken or­ders. church, shall not be compelled to answere before a temporall iudge, but be remitted to his or­dinarie.

The tenth part of all fruits that in­crease Tithes to be paid to the church. on the ground, shall be giuen to the church, that God may be woorshipped with oblations and praiers.

He that continueth obstinatlie in the Persons ac­cursed. cursse of the church by the space of one [Page 172] whole yeare, contemning to be reconci­led, shall be reputed enimie to the common­wealth: and if he perseuere with indurat mind the space of two yeares, all his goods shall be forfeited.

He that taketh the order of knighthood, The order of knighthood. shall take an oth to defend ladies, virgins, widows, orphans, and the communaltie. And he that is made king, shall be sworne in semblable maner. 10

The eldest daughter shall inherit hir fa­thers Eldest daugh­ters. lands, as well as the eldest sonne should, if the father leaue no sonne behind him. And if anie woman marie with the lord of the soile, she shall lose hir heritage.

No man shall inioy anie lands, rents, The kings gift. offices, or other possessions, but onelie by gift and grant of the king.

No office shall go by inheritance, but 20 shall still remaine at the kings free disposi­tion, No offices to go by inheri­tance. as shall stand with his pleasure to as­signe it.

No man shall sit as iudge in anie tem­porall court without the kings commis­sion Iudges. authorizing him thereto.

All conuentions, offices, and acts of iu­stice, shall passe in the kings name.

He that is reteined or becommeth a 30 sworne man to anie other person saue one­lie Reteiners. to the king, shall lose his life for it, and euerie man shall be bound to defend the king against all other creatures.

He that raiseth the kings liege people, shall lose life, goods, and lands, and so shall Raisers of the kings people, or vnlawfull assemblies. they doo that assemble togither by his pro­curement.

He that attendeth anie man to the church, market, or to anie other publike 40 [...]aiters vpon other men. assemblie, as a reteiner, shall suffer death, except he haue liuing at his hands, on whome he so attendeth.

A horsse kept by anie of the commons or husbandmen to anie other vse than for til­lage Kéeping of horsses. and laboring or the earth, shall be for­feited to the king by escheat.

Counterfeit fooles, minstrels, iesters, Counterset [...]ooles, with minstrels and such like. and these kind of iuglers, with such like 50 idle persons, that range abroad in the countrie, hauing no speciall licence of the king, shall be compelled to learne some sci­ence or craft to get their liuing; if they re­fuse so to doo, they shall be drawen like hors­ses in the plough and harrows.

Though the sonne chance to be put in possessiō of his fathers lands by the kings Possession of lands. licence, during the life of his father; yet 60 shall the same lands be forfeited to the king if his father be afterwards conuicted of treason committed against the kings person.

All such women, that are maried to a­nie lord or baron (though she haue no issue Dowrie of wiues. by him) shall yet haue the third part of his lands after his deceasse, and the remanent shall go to his heires.

All maner of lords and great barons, shall not contract matrimonie with other, Mariage of lords and barons. vnder paine of death, speciallie if their lands and roomes lie neere togither.

All armour and weapon borne to other Bearing of armour. effect than in defense of the king & realme in time of wars, shall be confiscated to the kings vse, with all other mooueable goods of the partie that herein offendeth.

Such as be appointed gouernors, or (as I may call them) capteins, that buy with­in Capteins. those limits, where their charges lie, anie lands or possessions, shall lose both B [...]ng of lands. lands, & possessions, and the monie which they haue paid for the same.

And if anie of the said capteins or go­uernors marie their sonnes or daughters vnto anie maner of person that dwelleth within the bounds of their roomes, they shall lose their office: neither shall it be lawfull for anie of their sonnes or coperte­ners to occupie the same office.

These and the like commendable lawes Mak­beth Makbeths counterfeit zeale and e­quitie. caused to be put as then in vse, gouerning the realme for the space of ten yeares in equall iustice. But this was but a counterfet zeale of equitie shew­ed by him, partlie against his naturall inclination to purchase thereby the fauour of the people. Shortlie after, he began to shew what he was, in stead of e­quitie practising crueltie. For the pricke of consci­ence Makbeths guiltie consci­ence. (as it chanceth euer in tyrants, and such as at­teine to anie estate by vnrighteous means) caused him euer to feare, least he should be serued of the same cup, as he had ministred to his predecessor. The woords also of the thrée weird sisters, would not out of his mind, which as they promised him the kingdome, so likewise did they promise it at the same time vnto the posteritie of Banquho. He willed therefore the same Banquho with his sonne named Fleance, to come to a supper that he had prepared for them, which was in déed, as he had deuised, pre­sent Makbeths deuise to [...]ea Banquho a [...] his sonne. death at the hands of certeine murderers, whom he hired to execute that déed, appointing them to meete with the same Banquho and his sonne with­out the palace, as they returned to their lodgings, and there to slea them, so that he would not haue his house slandered, but that in time to come he might cleare himselfe, if anie thing were laid to his charge vpon anie suspicion that might arise.

It chanced yet by the benefit of the darke night, that though the father were slaine, the sonne yet by Banquho is slaine, but his sonne esca­peth. the helpe of almightie God reseruing him to better fortune, escaped that danger: and afterwards ha­uing some inkeling (by the admonition of some friends which he had in the court) how his life was sought no lesse than his fathers, who was slaine not by chancemedlie (as by the handling of the matter Fleance Banquhos sonne fléeth into Wales. Makbeth woould haue had it to appeare) but euen vpon a prepensed deuise: wherevpon to auoid fur­ther perill he fled into Wales. ¶ But here I thinke it shall not much make against my purpose, if (ac­cording to th' order which I find obserued in the Sco­tish historie) I shall in few words rehearse the originall line of those kings, which haue descended The line of the Scotish kings. from the foresaid Banquho, that they which haue in­ioied the kingdome by so long continuance of des­cent, from one to another, and that euen vnto these our daies, may he knowen from whence they had their first beginning.

Fleance therefore (as before is said) fled into Wales, where shortlie after by his courteous and a­miable behauiour, he grew into such fauor and esti­mation with the prince of that countrie, that he might vnneath haue wished anie greater; at length also he came into such familiar acquaintance with the said princes daughter, that she of courtesie in the [Page 173] end suffered him to get hir with child; which being [...] de­ [...]reth the [...]ce of [...] his daughter. [...]ce is [...]. [...] the sonne of Fle­ance. once vnderstood, hir father the prince conceiued such hatefull displeasure towards Fleance, that he final­lie flue him, & held his daughter in most vile estate of seruitude, for that she had consented to be on this wise defloured by a stranger. At the last yet, she was deliuered of a sonne named Walter, who within few yeares prooued a man of greater courage and valiancie, than anie other had commonlie béene found, although he had no better bringing vp than 10 His bringing up. (by his grandfathers appointment) among the bafer sort of people. Howbeit he shewed euer euen from his infancie, that there reigned in him a certeine The stout sto­mach appea­ [...]ng in wal­ter from his childhood. stoutnesse of stomach, readie to attempt high enter­prises.

It chanced that falling out with one of his com­panions, after manie tawnting words which passed betwixt them, the other to his reproch obiected that he was a bastard, and begotten in vnlawfull bed; where­with being sore kindled, in his raging furie he ran 20 vpon him and slue him out of hand. Then was he glad to flée out of Wales, and comming into Scot­land walter fléeth into Scot­land. to séeke some friendship there, he happened into the companie of such Englishmen, as were come thither with quéene Margaret, and behaued himselfe Saint Mar­garet. so soberlie in all his demeanours, that within a while he was highlie esteemed amongest them. Not long after by such means atteining to the degrée of high walter sent w [...]h an armie to [...]unt re­bels. reputation, he was sent with a great power of men into the westerne Iles, into Galloway, & other parts 30 of the realme, to deliuer the same from the tyrannie and iniurious oppression there exercised by diuers misgouerned persons; which enterprise according to his commission he atchiued, with such prudent poli­cie and manhood, that immediatlie vpon his returne walter made [...]rd steward of Scotland. to the court, he was made lord steward of Scotland, with assignement to receiue the kings rents and duties out of the parts of the realme.

This Walter Steward had a sonne named Ala­ne Steward, who went after with Godfreie of Bul­logne 40 duke of Loraine, & Robertduke of Norman­die Alane Ste­ward. sonne to king William the bastard that conque­red England, into the holie land, at what time they The iournie into the holie land. Alexander Steward. walter Ste­ward. with other westerne princes made the great iournie thither, in the yeare 1099. Alane had issue Alexan­der Steward, that founded the abbeie of Pasleie of saint Benedicts order. Walter Steward, whose va­liancie was well notified at the battell of Largis, as hereafter shall be shewed, was the sonne of the said Alexander. The same Walter had issue two sons, 50 Alexander Steward the sonne of wal­ter. Robert Ste­ward. the one named Alexander, fought right valiantlie in defense of his father at the foresaid battell; and the other named Robert Steward got the lands of Ter­bowtoune, and maried the heire of Crukeistoune, from whom descended the earles of Leuenor and Dernlie. Moreouer, the aboue mentioned Alexan­der Steward that founded Pasleie, had diuerse mo sonnes, as Iohn and Iames, with sundrie other. Iohn Ste­ward and Iames Ste­ward. Howbeit they tooke new surnames by the name of those lands, vnto the which they succéeded. The afore 60 recited Iohn Steward, after the death of his brother Iames, maried the heire of Bonkill a virgine of great beautie, and had by hir Walter Steward that walter inhe­ritor of Bon­kill, &c. inherited the lands of Bonkill, Ran [...]rew, Rothes­saie. Bute, and Stewatoune, after that his father the forenamed Iohn was slaine at Falkirke.

He maried Margerie Bruce daughter to king Ro­bert Bruce, by whome he had issue king Robert the second of that name. This Robert the second tooke King Robert the second. to wife one Isabell Mure, a damsell of right excel­lent beautie, she was daughter to sir Adham Mure knight, and brought foorth issue, thrée sonnes and Iohn Ste ward other­wise named Robert. thrée daughters. The eldest sonne hight Iohn Ste­ward otherwise named Robert, who succéeded im­mediatlie after his fathers deceasse in gouernance of the crowne. The second called Robert was made earle of F [...]fe and Menteith, also he was cre­ated duke of Albanie and ruled the realme of Scot­land Duke of Al­banie. Alexander Steward, sonne to king Robert the second. vnder the name of gouernour, for the space of fiftéene yeares. The third sonne named Alexander was earle of Buchquhane and lord of Baudzenot. The eldest daughter was maried to Iames that was the sonne and heire of William earle of Dow­glas. The second daughter was maried to Iohn Dunbar, brother to George of Dunbar earle of Iohn Dun­bar. March, and was made to the aduancement of his further fame earle of Murrey. He begot on hir one onelie daughter, that was maried to the Dowglas, and so Dowglas came to the earledome of Murrey. The third daughter was maried vnto Iohn Liou [...], that was after made lord of Glammis.

Moreouer, the foresaid Robert that was the first of the Stewards which ware the crowne in Scot­land, maried Ewfame daughter to the earle of Ewfame. Rosse, and got on hir two sonnes, Walter earle of Atholl, and Dauid earle of Stratherne. This Wal­ter walter and Dauid sonnes to king Ro­bert. Robert duke of Albanie. Iames the first. sollicited Robert duke of Albanie, to slea Dauid Steward duke of Rothsaie. And after that Iames the first was returned home foorth of England, hée did what he could to mooue him to slea all the linage of the said duke still being in hope after the dispatch of his kinsmen to come to the crowne himselfe, which hope mooued him to procure his nephue Robert Steward, and Robert Graham his daughters son, Graime or Graham. to flea king Iames the first also, for the which crime the same Walter was after conuicted and destreied with all his sonnes. His brother Dauid earle of Buchquhane died without issue, and so the lands of both these brethren returned againe to the crowne, without anie memorie of their blood. Of Robert Steward duke of Albanie, came duke Murdo, who Duke Murd [...]. maried the earle of Lennox daughter, and got on hir thrée sonnes, Walter, Alexander, and Iames.

Duke Murdo himselfe with his two first sonnes were slaine at Striueling by king Iames the first, & the third brother Iames in reuenge thereof burnt Dunbertane, and was after chased into Ireland, where he deceassed without issue. Robert the third of King Robert the third. that name maried Annabill Drommond, daughter to sir Iohn Drommond of Strobhall knight, and got on hir Dauid and Iames. The first died in Falk­land, Dauid and Iames, sons to kings Ro­bert the third and the other atteined the crowne, and was called Iames the first, and maried the ladie Iane daughter to Iohn Beauford erle of Summerset in England. He had by hir two sonnes borne at one Iohn Beau­ford earle of Summerset. birth, Alexander and Iames. The first died yoong, the second atteined the crowne, named Iames the second. Iames the first had also six daughters, of the Iames the first and his issue. which the eldest was giuen in mariage to the Dol­phine of France, the second to the duke of Britaine, the third to the lord of Feir, the fourth to the lord of D [...]lkeith, the fift to the earle of Huntley, and the sixt had no succession. Iames the second maried Margaret daughter to the duke of Gelderland, and The duke of Gelders daughter. begot on hir thrée sonnes, and two daughters.

The first succéeded him in the kingdome, and was called Iames the third: the second named Alexan­der Iames and Alexander. was duke of Albanie, and maried first the earle of Orkenies daughter, and got on hir Alexander, that was afterward bishop of Murrey, and then par­ting with hir went into France, where he maried the countesse of Bullogne, and begot on hir Iohn Steward duke of Albanie, that was gouernor of Scotland manie yéeres in the minoritie of Iames the fift. The third sonne, Iohn Steward was earle Duke of Al­banie the go­uernor of Scotland. The lord Boid. of Mar, whose chance was to be slaine in the Canno­gat in a bathfat. The first daughter of Iames the second, was maried to the lord Boid, who begot on [Page 174] hir a sonne that was slaine by the lord Mongumrie, and a daughter that was maried to the earle of Cas­sels. After the death of the lord Boid, the husband of this first daughter of Iames the second, she was estsoones maried to the lord Hammilton, and by that The lord Hammilton. means was the house of the Hammiltons honored with the kings bloud. The other sister was maried to the lord Creichton, of whom came small succession Lord Creich­ton. Iames the third and his issue. woorthie to be mentioned. Iames the third maried Margaret daughter to the king of Denmarke. Of 10 the which mariage was borne Iames the fourth, A­lexander that was bishop of saint Andrews & duke of Albanie, and Iohn Steward earle of Mar, but these two died without issue.

Iames the fourth maried Margaret daughter to king Henrie the seuenth of England, and begot on Iames the fourth. hir Iames the fift, who marieng first the ladie Mag­dalen daughter to Francis the French king, had no issue by hir, for that she died in the yéere next after hir comming into Scotland, and then shortlie after 20 the said Iames the fift maried the ladie Marie de Lorrein, duchesse of Lonuile, a widow, and by hir had he issue Marie quéene of Scotland, that tooke to husband Henrie Steward lord Dernlie, by whome she had issue Charles Iames, now king of Scotland. But to returne vnto Makbeth, in continuing the hi­storie, and to begin where I left, ye shall vnderstand that after the contriued slaughter of Banquho, no­thing prospered with the foresaid Makbeth: for in maner euerie man began to doubt his owne life, and 30 Makbeths dread. durst vnneth appeare in the kings presence; and euen as there were manie that stood in feare of him, so likewise stood he in feare of manie, in such sort that he began to make those awaie by one surmized cauilla­tion His crueltie caused throgh feare. or other, whome he thought most able to worke him anie displeasure.

At length he found such swéetnesse by putting his nobles thus to death, that his earnest thirst after bloud in this behalfe might in no wise be satisfied: for ye must consider he wan double profit (as hée thought) hereby: for first they were rid out of the 40 way whome he feared, and then againe his coffers were inriched by their goods which were forfeited to his vse, whereby he might better mainteine a gard of armed men about him to defend his person from iniurie of them whom he had in anie suspicion. Fur­ther, to the end he might the more cruellie oppresse his subiects with all tyrantlike wrongs, he builded a strong castell on the top of an hie hill called Dun­sinane, situate in Gowrie, ten miles from Perth, 50 The castell of Dunsinane builded. on such a proud height, that standing there aloft, a man might behold well neere all the countries of Angus, Fife, Stermond, and Ernedale, as it were lieng vnderneath him. This castell then being foun­ded on the top of that high hill, put the realme to great charges before it was finished, for all the stuffe necessarie to the building, could not be brought vp without much toile and businesse. But Makbeth be­ing once determined to haue the worke go forward, caused the thanes of each shire within the realme, to 60 come and helpe towards that building, each man his course about.

At the last, when the turne fell vnto Makduffe thane of Fife to build his part, he sent workemen Makduffe thane of Fife. with all néedfull prouision, and commanded them to shew such diligence in euerie behalfe, that no occasi­on might bée giuen for the king to find fault with him, in that he came not himselfe as other had doone, which he refused to doo, for doubt least the king bea­ring him (as he partlie vnderstood) no great good will, would laie violent hands vpon him, as he had doone vpon diuerse other. Shortlie after, Makbeth comming to behold how the worke went forward, and bicause he found not Makduffé there, he was sore offended, and said; I perceiue this man will ne­uer Makbeth is offended with Makduffe. obeie my commandements, till he be ridden with a snaffle: but I shall prouide well inough for him. Neither could he afterwards abide to looke vp­on the said Makduffe, either for that he thought his puissance ouer great; either else for that he had lear­ned of certeine wizzards, in whose words he put Makbeths confidence in wizzards. great confidence (for that the prophesie had happe­ned so right, which the thrée faries or weird sisters had declared vnto him) how that he ought to take héed of Makduffe, who in time to come should seeke to de­stroie him.

And suerlie herevpon had he put Makduffe to death, but that a certeune witch, whome hee had in great trust, had told that he should neuer be slaine with man borne of anie woman, nor vanquished till the wood of Bernane came to the castell of Dunsi­nane. By this prophesie Makbeth put all feare out of his heart, supposing he might doo what he would, without anie feare to be punished for the same, for by the one prophesie he beléeued it was vnpossible for anie man to vanquish him, and by the other vnpossi­ble to slea him. This vaine hope caused him to doo manie outragious things, to the gréeuous oppression of his subiects. At length Makduffe, to auoid perill of life, purposed with himselfe to passe into England, to procure Malcoline Cammore to claime the crowne of Scotland. But this was not so secretlie deuised by Makduffe, but that Makbeth had know­ledge giuen him thereof: f [...]r kings (as is said) haue sharpe sight like vnto Ly [...], and long ears like vnto Ly [...]s eies and Midas. eares. Midas. For Makbeth had in euerie noble mans house, one slie fellow or other in fée with him, to re­ueale all that was said or doone within the same, by which slight he oppressed the most part of the nobles of his realme.

Immediatlie then, being aduertised whereabout Makduffe went, he came hastily with a great power into Fife, and foorthwith besieged the castell where Makduffe dwelled, trusting to haue found him therein. They that kept the house, without anie re­sistance opened the gates, and suffered him to enter, mistrusting none euill. But neuerthelesse Makbeth Makbeths crueltie vsed against Mak­duffs familie. most cruellie caused the wife and children of Mak­duffe, with all other whom he found in that castell, to be slaine. Also he confiscated the goods of Makduffe, proclamed him traitor, and confined him out of all Makduffe es­capeth into England vn­to Malcolme Commore. the parts of his realme; but Makduffe was alreadie escaped out of danger, and gotten into England vn­to Malcolme Cammore, to trie what purchase hée might make by means of his support, to reuenge the slaughter so cruellie executed on his wife, his chil­dren, and other friends. At his comming vnto Mal­colme, Makduffes words vnto Malcolme. he declared into what great miserie the e­state of Scotland was brought, by the detestable cruelties exercised by the tyrant Makbeth, hauing committed manie horrible slaughters and murders, both as well of the nobles as commons, for the which he was hated right mortallie of all his liege people, desiring nothing more than to be deliuered of that intollerable and most heauie yoke of thraldome, which they susteined at such a caitifes hands.

Malcolme hearing Makduffes woords, which he vttered in verie lamentable sort, for méere compassi­on and verie ruth that pearsed his sorowfull hart, be­wailing the miserable state of his countrie, he fet­ched Malcolme sigheth. a deepe sigh; which Makduffe perceiuing, began to fall most earnestlie in hand with him, to enter­prise the deliuering of the Scotish people out of the hands of so cruell and bloudie a tyrant, as Makbeth by too manie plaine experiments did shew himselfe to be: which was an easie matter for him to bring to passe, considering not onelie the good title he had, but also the earnest desire of the people to haue some oc­casion [Page 175] ministred, whereby they might be reuenged of those notable iniuries, which they dailie susteined by the outragious crueltie of Makbeths misgouer­nance. Though Malcolme was verie sorowfull for the oppression of his countriemen the Scots, in ma­ner as Makduffe had declared; yet doubting whether he were come as one that merit vnfeinedlie as he spake, or else as sent from Makbeth to betraie him, he thought to haue some further triall, and therevp­on dissembling his mind at the first, he answered as followeth. 10

‘I am trulie verie sorie for the miserie chanced to my countrie of Scotland, but though I haue neuer Malcolme Ca [...]ore his answer. so great affection to relieue the same, yet by reason of certeine incurable vices, which reigne in me, I am nothing méet thereto. First, such immoderate lust and voluptuous sensualitie (the abhominable foun­teine of all vices) followeth me, that if I were made king of Scots, I should séeke to defloure your maids and matrones, in such wise that mine intemperan­cie should be more importable vnto you, than the 20 bloudie tyrannie of Makbeth now is. Héere vnto Makduffe answered: This suerlie is a verie euill Makduffes answer. fault, for manie noble princes and kings haue lost both liues and kingdomes for the same; neuerthelesse there are women enow in Scotland, and therefore follow my counsell. Make thy selfe king, and I shall conueie the matter so wiselie, that thou shalt be so sa­tisfied at thy pleasure in such secret wise, that no man shall be aware thereof.’

‘Then said Malcolme, I am also the most auariti­ous 30 creature on the earth, so that if I were king, I should séeke so manie waies to get lands and goods, that I would slea the most part of all the nobles of Scotland by surmized accusations, to the end I might inioy their lands, goods, and possessions; and therefore to shew you what mischiefe may insue on you through mine vnsatiable couetousnes. I will re­hearse vnto you a fable. There was a for hauing a sore place on him ouerset with a swarme of flies, 40 [...]able of a [...] that continuallie sucked out hir bloud: and when one that came by and saw this manner, demanded whe­ther she would haue the flies driuen beside hir, she an­swered no: for if these flies that are alreadie full, and by reason thereof sucke not verie egerlie, should be chased awaie, other that are emptie and fellie an hun­gred, should light in their places, and sucke out the residue of my bloud farre more to my greeuance than these, which now being satisfied doo not much an­noie me. Therefore saith Malcolme, suffer me to re­maine where I am, least if I atteine to the regiment 50 of your realme, mine vnquenchable auarice may prooue such; that ye would thinke the displeasures which now grieue you, should séeme easie in respect of the vnmeasurable outrage, which might insue through my comming amongst you.’

Makduffe to this made answer, how it was a far Couetous­nesse the root of all mischiefe. woorse fault than the other: ‘for auarice is the root of all mischiefe, and for that crime the most part of our kings haue béene slaine and brought to their finall 60 end. Yet notwithstanding follow my counsell, and take vpon thée the crowne. There is gold and riches inough in Scotland to satisfie thy gréedie desire. Then said Malcolme againe, I am furthermore in­clined to dissimulation, telling of leasings, and all o­ther Dissimulation and deliting in lies. kinds of deceit, so that I naturallie reioise in nothing so much, as to betraie & deceiue such as put anie trust or confidence in my woords. Then sith there is nothing that more becommeth a prince than constancie, veritie, truth, and iustice, with the other laudable fellowship of those faire and noble vertues which are comprehended onelie in soothfastnesse, and that lieng vtterlie ouerthroweth the same; you sée how vnable I am to gouerne anie prouince or regi­on: and therefore sith you haue remedies to cloke and hide all the rest of my other vices, I praie you find shift to cloke this vice amongst the re [...]ue.’

‘Then said Makduffe: This yet is the woorst of all, and there I leaue thee, and therefore saie: Oh ye vn­happie Makduffes exclamation. and miserable Scotishmen, which are thus scourged with so manie and sundrie calamities, ech one about other! Ye haue one curssed and wicked ty­rant that now reigneth ouer you, without anie right or title, oppressing you with his most bloudie crueltie. This other that hath the right to the crowne, is so re­plet with the inconstant behauiour and manifest vi­ces of Englishmen, that he is nothing woorthie to inioy it: for by his owne confession he is not onelie auaritious, and giuen to vnsatiable lust, but so false a traitor withall, that no trust is to be had vnto anie woord he speaketh. Adieu Scotland, for now I ac­count my selfe a banished man for euer, without comfort or consolation: and with those woords the Makduffe wéepeth. brackish teares trickled downe his chéekes verie a­bundantlie.’

‘At the last, when he was readie to depart, Mal­colme tooke him by the sléeue, and said: Be of good Malcolme comforteth Makduffe. comfort Makduffe, for I haue none of these vices before remembred, but haue iested with thée in this manner, onelie to prooue thy mind: for diuerse times héeretofore hath Makbeth sought by this manner of meanes to bring me into his hands, but the more slow I haue shewed my selfe to condescend to thy motion and request, the more diligence shall I vse in accomplishing the same.’ Incontinentlie héere vpon Makduffe & Malcolme [...] ­brace ech o­ther. they imbraced ech other, and promising to be faith­full the one to the other, they fell in consultation how they might best prouide for all their businesse, to bring the same to good effect. Soone after, Makduffe repairing to the borders of Scotland, addressed his Makduffe writeth let­ters to his friends in Scotland. letters with secret dispatch vnto the nobles of the realme, declaring how Malcolme was confederat with him, to come hastilie into Scotland to claime the crowne, and therefore he required them, sith he was right inheritor thereto, to assist him with their powers to recouer the same out of the hands of the wrongfull vsurper.

In the meane time, Malcolme purchased such fa­uor at king Edwards hands, that old Siward earle Siward earle of Northam­berland. of Northumberland was appointed with ten thou­sand men to go with him into Scotland, to support him in this enterprise, for recouerie of his right. Af­ter these newes were spread abroad in Scotland, the nobles drew into two seuerall factions, the one ta­king The nobles of Scotland di­uided. part with Makbeth, and the other with Mal­colme. Héerevpon insued oftentimes sundrie bic ke­rings, & diuerse light skirmishes: for those that were of Malcolmes side, would not ieopard to ioine with their enimies in a pight field, till his comming out of England to their support. But after that Makbeth perceiued his enimies power to increase, by such aid as came to them foorth of England with his aduersa­rie Malcolme, he recoiled backe into Fife, there pur­posing Makbeth re­coileth. to abide in campe fortified, at the castell of Dunsinane, and to fight with his enimies, if they ment to pursue him; howbeit some of his friends ad­uised him, that it should be best for him, either to make some agréement with Malcolme, or else to flée Makbeth is counselled to flée into the Iles. with all speed into the Iles, and to take his treasure with him, to the end he might wage sundrie great princes of the r [...]alme to take his part, & reteine stran­gers, in whome he might better trust than in his owne subiects, which stale dailie from him: but he had such confidence in his prophesies, that he beléeued Makbeths trust in pro­phesies. he should neuer be vanquished, till Birnane wood were brought to Dunsinane; nor yet to be slaine with anie man, that should be or was borne of anie woman.

[Page 176] Malcolme following hastilie after Makbeth, came the night before the battell vnto Birnane wood, and when his armie had rested a while there to refresh them, he commanded euerie man to get a bough of Branches of trées. some trée or other of that wood in his hand, as big as he might beare, and to march foorth therewith in such wise, that on the next morrow they might come close­lie and without sight in this manner within view of his enimies. On the morrow when Makbeth beheld them comming in this sort, he first maruelled what 10 the matter ment, but in the end remembred himselfe that the prophesie which he had heard long before that time, of the comming of Birnane wood to Dunsi­nane castell, was likelie to be now fulfilled. Neuer­thelesse, he brought his men in order of battell, and Makbeth fet­teth his men in order of bat­tell. Makbeth fle­eth, & is pur­sued of Mak­duffe. exhorted them to doo valiantlie, howbeit his enimies had scarselie cast from them their boughs, when Makbeth perceiuing their numbers, betooke him streict to flight, whom Makduffe pursued with great hatred euen till he came vnto Lunfannaine, where 20 Makbeth perceiuing that Makduffe was hard at his backe, leapt beside his horsse, saieng; ‘Thou traitor, what meaneth it that thou shouldest thus in vaine follow me that am not appointed to be slaine by anie creature that is borne of a woman, come on there­fore, and receiue thy reward which thou hast deserued for thy paines, and therwithall he lifted vp his swoord thinking to haue slaine him.’

But Makduffe quicklie auoiding from his horsse, yer he came at him, answered (with his naked swoord 30 in his hand) saieng: ‘It is true Makbeth, and now shall thine insatiable crueltie haue an end, for I am euen he that thy wizzards haue told thée of, who was neuer borne of my mother, but ripped out of her wombe: therewithall he stept vnto him, and slue him in the place.’ Then cutting his head from his shoul­ders, he set it vpon a pole, and brought it vnto Mal­colme. Makbeth is slaine. This was the end of Makbeth, after he had reigned 17 yéeres ouer the Scotishmen. In the be­ginning of his reigne he accomplished manie woor­thie 40 acts, verie profitable to the common-wealth (as ye haue heard) but afterward by illusion of the di­uell, he defamed the same with most terrible cruel­tie. He was slaine in the yéere of the incarnation, 1057, and in the 16 yéere of king Edwards reigne 1057. [...]. M. 1061. H. B. 8. H. B. Malcolme ouer the Englishmen.

MAlcolme Cammore thus recouering the relme (as ye haue heard) by support of king Edward, in the 16 yéere of the same Edwards reigne, he was crowned at Scone the 25 day of Aprill, in the yéere 50 of our Lord 1057. Immediatlie after his coronati­on he called a parlement at Forfair, in the which he A parlement at Forfair. rewarded them with lands and liuings that had as­sisted him against Makbeth, aduancing them to fées and offices as he saw cause, & commanded that speci­allie those that bare the surname of anie offices or lands, should haue and inioy the same. He created manie earles, lords, barons, and knights. Manie of them that before were thanes, were at this time Thanes changed into earles. made earles, as Fife, Menteth, Atholl, Leuenor, 60 Murrey, Cathnes, Rosse, and Angus. These were the first earles that haue béene heard of amongst the Scotishmen (as their histories doo make mention.) Manie new surnames were taken vp at this time amongst them, as Cauder, Lokart, Gordon, Sei­ton, Surnames. Lauder, Wawane, Meldrun, Schaw, Leir­mouth, Libertoun, Strachquhen, Cargill, Rattrey, Dundas, Cockbourne, Mirtoun, Menzeis, Aber­crummie, Listie, with manie other that had possessi­ons giuen them, which gaue names to the owners for the time. Others got their surnames by offices, as Steward, Durward, and Banerman. Also the pro­per names of manie valiant capteins were turned into generall surnames, as Kennedie, Graham, Haie, with diuerse other too long héere to rehearse. So that it came to passe then, as it hath doone manie times since, that new surnames haue worne the old out of vse.

In the foresaid parlement thus holden at Forfair, in the beginning of his reigne, there were manie holesome ordinances established, both apperteining to ciuill administration, and also to the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction. In reward also of Makduffes seruice, Makduffe earle of F [...] his aduance­ment. Priuileges granted vnto Makduffes linage. who (as ye haue heard) chieflie aided him to the attei­ning of the crowne, he honored him and his posteri­tie with thrée sorts of priuileges. First, that the earle of Fife for the time being, at the coronation of a king, should by his office set the crowne on the kings head. The second was, that when the king should giue battell to his enimies, the same earle should lead the vauntgard of his host. The third, that the linage of Makduffe should inioy regall authoritie and power within all their lands and roomes, as to appoint offi­cers and iudges for the hearing and determining of all matters and controuersies (treason onelie excep­ted) and that if anie of their men or tenants were called to answer in anie court out of their circuit, they might appeale to their owne iudges to be appoin­ted, as before is expressed.

Iohannes Maior writeth in his chronicles, that the Iohannes Ma­ior. third priuilege, which Malcolme granted vnto this Makduffe and his posteritie, was this, that for eue­rie gentleman that anie of them should hap to kill by chancemedlie, and not vpon pretensed malice, for the summe of 24 marks he should redeeme his pu­nishment due for the same: & for the casuall slaugh­ter of a meaner person he should be fined at twelue marks. So that murtherers were woont to say, that if they were able to paie that summe to the Kinbot, they ought to be released of further punishment, by Makduffes priuilege. But this third priuilege, to­gither with the other two former grants, the said Maior sore reprooueth, and not without cause, as may appéere, considering the naturall inclination of that people vnto murther, which by this meanes nouri­shing secret hatred and malice in their harts, might vnder the cloke of casuall falling out, flea whom they lifted.

It was ordeined also at this parlement, that ba­rons which had liberties within themselues, should make gibbets, whereon men that deserued death Gibbets and draw-wels. should suffer execution: and also draw-wels, wherein women that were condemned should be drowned, according to the order of the ciuill lawes vsed in Scotland. Moreouer, all the lawes that Makbeth had Makbeths lawes abroga­ted. ordeined, were abrogated at this parlement. Thus whilest Malcolme was busied in setting orders a­mongst his subiects, tidings came that one Lugtake surnamed the foole, being either the sonne, or (as some Lugtake. write) the coosen of the late mentioned Makbeth, was conueied with a great number of such as had taken part with the said Makbeth vnto Scone, and there by their support receiued the crowne, as lawfull Lugtake crowned at Scone. inheritor thereto. To appease this businesse, was Makduffe earle of Fife sent with full commission in the kings name, who incountring with Lugtake at a village called Essen in Bogdale, flue him, and dis­comfited Lugtake is slaine. his whole power, ordering the matter with them in such wife, that afterwards there was no more trouble attempted in that behalfe.

After this, the realme continued in peace certeine yeeres, till it chanced a great number of théeues and A band of théiues. robbers assembling themselues togither at Coc­bourne pethes, did much hurt, by robbing and spoi­ling the people in the countries of Mers and Lou­thian: howbeit, at length one Patrike Dunbar of Patrike Dunbar [...]an­quisheth the théiues and robbers of the countrie. Dunbar, by commandement of the king, fought with them, flue their capteine, with six hundred of his [Page 177] companie, and tooke fourescore prisoners, the which he caused to be hanged. And thus hauing deliuered the countrie of those péelers, with losse of fortie of his owne men, he returned to the king, with the head of the capteine of that rout: so that for his manhood héerein shewed, he was made by the king earle of Patrike Dunbar earle of March. March, and for the maintenance of his estate, had the lands of Cockbourne Pethes giuen to him and his heires for euer, vpon this condition, that in times comming, the earles of March should purge Mers 10 and Louthian of all théeues and robbers. In memo­rie whereof, he was commanded to beare in his armes a fellons head sprinkled with bloud. The head of a theefe or fellon giuen in arms

Shortlie after he got knowledge, how there were certeine gentlemen that had conspired to slea him, & therefore taking occasion to go on hunting, where I conspiracie. this act should haue béene erecuted, he calleth the chiefe author of the conspiracie apart into a certeine vallie, which was closed on euerie side with thicke woods, and there brake the matter vnto him, in repro­uing 20 him verie sharpelie, for that he had so traito­rouflie conspired his death, whose preseruation he ought chieflie to haue wished, considering the mani­fold benefits he had receiued at his hands. And here­with leaping from his horsse, drew his swoord, com­manding The manlie courage of K. Malcolme. the other likewise to draw his, that now ha­uing conuenient time and place thereto, they might trie the matter betwixt them, who should be thought most woorthie of life, by open force of knightlie prow­esse. The conspirator hearing these woords, as a man altogither astonished, fell downe vpon his knees at 30 the kings féet; beseeching his grace of mercie for his wicked purpose and heinous offense: who séeing him thus penitent, bad him arise, and said; ‘I am content héerevpon to forgiue thee, so that thou be not of coun­sell heereafter in anie such traitorous practise.’

Whilest things passed thus in Scotland, great and maruellous chances came to passe within the realme of England. For after the death of king Edward, surnamed the Confessor, Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine tooke on him the kingdome. But Willi­am 40 Sée more her­ot in England bastard duke of Normandie, pretending title to the crowne of England, at length inuaded the land, and sleaing Harold in field, made a full conquest of the realme, and was crowned king at London by Eldred archbishop of Yorke. Héere ye haue to vnder­stand, that king Edward in his life time had sent for his nephue Edward, the sonne of his brother Ed­mund Ironside, to come home foorth of Hungarie, whither (after his fathers deceasse) he and his brother 50 Edwine had béene sent awaie, as in the historie of England it appéereth more at large. This Edward had married the daughter of the emperor Henrie, Wil. Malm. named Agatha, sister to the quéene of Hungarie, and not the king of Hungaries daughter, although the Scotish writers doo so affirme. By hir he had issue a sonne named Edgar, and two daughters, the one named Margaret, and the other Christen.

King Edward ment that his nephue the said Ed­ward should haue succeeded him, and (as some write) 60 Hector Boct. he would in his life time haue resigned the crowne vnto him. But he (a thing woorthie of admiration) vtterlie refused it, and would not once meddle there­with during his vncles life time; & (as it chanced) he died, whilest his vncle king Edward was yet liuing. His sonne Edgar therefore, to whom it séemed that the crowne was due, when he saw the realme con­quered by the Normans, despairing to recouer it out of their hands, got a ship, and determined with his mother and sisters to passe ouer into Germanie to his friends and kinsfolke there: but by contrarie winds he was driuen to shore in the Forth, at a place called vnto this day the queenes ferrie. Malcolme be­ing The quéenes ferrie. at the same time at Dunfermeling, when he heard of the arriuall of this ship, and vnderstood what they were that were aboord in hir, he resorted thither with an honorable companie about him, to visit them for honors sake, vpon fauour he bare towards them, for that they were descended of that noble prince king Edward, in whome afore time he had found so much gentlenesse and friendship.

Finallie, when he vnderstood their estate, he brought them honie with him to his palace, shewing them all the loue and friendship he could deuise; and in the end considering the excellent beutie, wisdome, and noble qualities of the ladie Margaret, sister to Malcolme Cammore ma­rieth Marga­ret sister to Edgar Achel­ling. the same Edgar, he required of Agatha hir mother to haue hir in mariage, wherevnto Agatha gladlie condescended. Shortlie after, with an assemblie of all the nobles of Scotland, this mariage was made and solemnized after the octaues of Easter, in the yeare 1067, with all the ioy & triumph that might be 1067. H. B. deuised. K. William conqueror of England, being informed hereof, feared least this aliance betwixt Malcolme and Edgar might bréed some trouble and disquietnesse to his estate, sith the same Edgar had manie friends through all the parties of England. To preuent therefore the occasions of intestine trou­bles, he confined all the linage of the foresaid Edgar, by reason whereof, a great number of Englishmen Englishmen fled into Scot land. came into Scotland vnto king Malcolme, and ma­nie of them obteining liuings at his hands, remai­ned there continuallie during their liues, leauing to their posteritie their names & possessions. Amongst whome were these, Lindseie, Uaus, Ramseie, Lo­uell, Towhris, Prestoune, Sandlands, Bissart, Surnames of Englishmen in Scotland. Sowlis, Wardlaw, Marwell, with diuerse other.

There came diuerse also out of Hungarie with quéene Margaret, who likewise left their names to their families, which yet remaine euen vnto this Surnames of Hungari­ans. day, as Creichtoune, Fotringham, Giffart, Mel­uill, Borthwike, and others. Also there haue come at sundrie seasons out of France diuers surnames Surnames of Frenchmen. into Scotland, as Fraseir, Sinclare, Boswell, Mowtray, Mountgummerie, Campbell, Bois, Be­toun, or Betuin, Taillefer, and Bothwell, besides sundrie other which were but superfluous to rehearse at this time. ¶ But to the order of the historie. It is recorded by writers, that these (which at this time came out of England vnto Edgar) brought great quantitie of gold and siluer with them; also manie relikes of saints, and (amongst other) that blacke The blacke crosse. crosse which king Dauid gaue vnto the abbeie of Holie rood house in Louthian, which he founded at his owne charges. Shortlie after the proscription of these Englishmen, William the conqueror sent an herald at armes vnto king Malcolme, demanding William con­queror threat­neth king Malcolme. to haue Edgar deliuered into his hands, and threat­ning that if he refused to deliuer him, he would suer­lie fetch him, and that smallie for Malcolms com­moditie.

But Malcolme, though he vnderstood that he should be sure of wars at K. Williams hands for his deniall; yet he declared plainelie to the herald, that Malcolms answere. his maisters request was vnreasonable, & therefore he minded not in anie wise to gratifie him therein. King William receiuing this answere from king Oven warre proclaimed by William con­queror. Northumber­land taketh part with K. Malcolme. Roger a Nor­man capteine or rather earle Roger (as I take it.) Sée in Eng­land. Malcolme, proclamed open warre against Scot­land. In the meane time all Northumberland tooke part with K. Malcolme, for that he was their earles sisters sonne. Wherevpon K. William sent a va­liant capteine, a Norman borne named Roger, to inuade Northumberland. Which Roger gathering a power of men, came hastilie into that countrie, howbeit he abode a short time there in honor, for by the Scots & Northumberland men his armie was discomfited, and he himselfe traitorouslie slaine by his owne souldiers.

[Page 178] But king William nothing discouraged with The earle of Glocester. this ouerthrow: sent one Richard earle of Glocester (whome amongest all the Englishmen he had most in trust) with a mightie armie into Cumberland, Gospatrike saith Simon Dunel. against whome were sent the earles of March and Menteith, who defended the countrie right manlie from the inuasion of the said earle, so that he was not able to take anie aduantage of them. King William aduertised hereof, waxed woonderfull wroth, that no more good was doone against his eni­mies, 10 wherevpon he sent a new power thither with all spéed, vnder the leading of his brother Odo, who was both bishop of Baieux, and earle of Kent. By Odo bishop of Baieux and earie of Kent. this last armie, the countrie of Northumberland was sore spoiled, and a great number both of Scots and Northumberlandmen discomfited and slaine. But as Odo was preparing to returne, there came Malcolme, with all the power he might make, and giuing an onset vpon his enimies, slue a great num­ber Malcolms enterprise a­gainst his eni­mies. of them, and recouered all the bootie which Odos 20 men had got in the countrie, and so right ioifull of that victorie, returned into Scotland. King Wil­liam yet nothing abashed for these mishaps, sent his sonne called Robert, with a far greater power than Robert the sonne of Wil­liam conque­rour. Newcastell vpon Tine fortified. at anie time he had sent before, into Northumber­land, who remaining a long season in campe néere to the riuer of Tine, attempted no notable enter­prise, sauing that he repared and newlie fortified the towne of Newcastell, which standeth vpon the same riuer of Tine; and then at length a peace was 30 concluded betwixt the two kings vnder these condi­tions, A peace con­cluded be­twixt William Conquerour, and Mal­colme Cam­more. that king Malcolme should inioy that part of Northumberland which lieth betwixt Twéed, Cum­berland, and Stainmoore, and to doo homage to the K. of England for the same. In the midst of Stain­moore there shall be a crosse set vp, with the king of Englands image on the one side, and the king of Scotlands on the other, to signifie that the one is march to England, and the other to Scotland. This crosse was called the roicrosse, that is, the crosse 40 The roicrosse. of the kings. Moreouer, it was concluded that Waltheof or Uoldosius (as the Scotish writers Waltheof. name him) the sonne of Siward earle of Northum­berland should marie king Williams néece, borne Siward earle of Northum­berland. of his daughter, and to be frée from all paiments and exactions due to the king by anie maner of pre­rogatiue or means, for the space of twentie yeares next insuing.

In the necke of this peace thus concluded betwixt Rebellion in Galloway. the kings, happened new trouble in Scotland, by 50 reason of intestine rebellion: for the people of Gal­loway, and the Iland men, rose in great numbers, and spoiled the borders of their neighbors, not spa­ring from slaughter in all parts, where they were anie thing resisted. Against these rebels was sent Walter the sonne of Fle­ance. by king Malcolme, Walter the sonne of Fleance (of whome there is mention made before) with a con­uenient armie, who at his comming into Gallo­way, first gaue the people of that countrie an ouer­throw, Makglaue. and slue their chiefe capteine Makglaue. 60 Then afterwards fighting with them of the Iles, he subdued them in such wise, that all things were pa­cified euen at commandement. For which high prowes and diligence in this péece of seruice shewed, he was created by Malcolme high steward of the realme, so that afterwards both he and his posteri­tie euer since haue borne that surname, euen vnto Walter crea­ted high ste­ward of Scotland. these our daies.

After the quieting of this businesse, there sprang a new tumult more dangerous than the former, for the Murreyland men, procuring them of Rosse and Cathnes, with diuers other to ioine with them in confederacie, did not onelie slea the kings seruants, A new rebel­lion in Mur­rey land. and those that were appointed vnder him to see iu­stice ministred, but through support of one Makcun­cane, whome they chose to be their capteine, they al­so wasted and destroied the kings possessions, with more crueltie than euer had béene heard of before. Wherefore to punish these traitorous attempts, Makduffe was sent with an armie into Mar. But Makduffe the traitors doubting least they should not be able to withstand his puissance, thought nothing more a­uailable than to stop him with monie: but in the meane time came the king himselfe in good season into Monimuske, where he was aduertised, that in maner all the north parts of Scotland with the Iles, were confederat with the Murreyland men against him. The king astonished something at these newes, vowed to giue the baronnie of Monimuske (which The kings vow. he vnderstood to be lands perteining to the crowne) vnto the church of saint Andrew in Fife, if it might please God to send him victorie ouer his enimies.

At length comming vnto the water of Speie, he beheld his enimies on the further side, in greater number, and in better furniture for armor than he thought had béene possible to haue found in all Scot­land: Standard bearer. he perceiued also that his standard-bearer be­gan to shrinke, and not to shew the like cheerefull countenance as he ought to haue doone. Wherefore he pulled the banner from him, and gaue it to sir A­lexander Sir Alexan­der Carron. Carron, who with this his new office ob­teined sundrie faire lands and possessions, to him and to his heires for euer: but his surname was af­terwards changed, and called Skrimgeour; of the which is descended a noble house, continuing yet in great honor in the same surname and office. When A peace con­cluded. the king was once passed the water, and the armies on both sides readie to haue ioined, through media­tion of bishops and other vertuous men, the matter was taken vp, and peace made on these conditions; The submis­sion of gentle­men. That the commons that tooke part with the rebels, should returne home out of hand, and the gentlemen to submit themselues to the kings pleasure, their liues and lands saued. Howbeit manie of them were kept in perpetuall prison during their liues, and all their goods confiscated to the kings vse.

All ciuill trouble and commotion being thus quie­ted, King Mal­colme through exhortation of his wife, gi­ueth himselfe to deuotion. king Malcolme (speciallie by the good admo­nishment and exhortation of his wife quéene Mar­garet, a woman of great zeale vnto the religion of that time) gaue himselfe in maner altogither vnto much deuotion, and workes of mercie; as in dooing of almes déeds, by prouiding for the poore, and such like godlie exercises: so that in true vertue he was thought to excell all other princes of his time. To be briefe, herein there séemed to be in maner a cer­teine A godlie strife strife betwixt him, and that vertuous quéene his wife, which of them should be most feruent in the loue of God, so that manie people by the imitation of them were brought vnto a better life. Agatha and Agatha and Christine re­nounce the world. hir daughter Christine also, by the example of these two holie liuers, renounced the pompe of the court, and got them to a priuat and solitarie life, wherein they gaue themselues wholic to diuine contempla­tion. Furthermore, Malcolme by the setting on of the queene his wife, ceassed not to set his indeuor wholie to the aduancement of the christian religion, and to restore things that were decaied by the negli­gence of his predecessors. Therefore whereas before his time, there were but foure bishops sées in Scot­land, as saint Andrews, Glascow, Galloway, and Murthlake, and two of them, that is to say, saint Andrews and Murthlake remaining onelie in good Bishops seas restored and newlie crected by king Mal­colme. reparation (the other being decaied) he restored the other two to their former beauties, and furthermore erected two other of new, as Murrey and Cathnes, placing men of singular vertue and purenesse of life in the same.

[Page 179] But to procéed. It is said, that such outragious ri­ot entred at this time, and began to grow in vse a­mong the Scotishmen, togither with the language and maners of the English nation (by reason that Riot and su­perfluous there brought into Scot­land. such a multitude of the same, flieng out of their countrie, were dailie receiued as then into Scot­land to inhabit there, as before is shewed) that di­uerse of the nobles perceiuing what discommoditie and decaie to the whole realme would insue of this The lamenta­non of the Scotish nobi­litie for the in­temperate surfetting be­gun to grow in vse in their countrie. intemperance, came to the king, lamenting gree­uouslie the case, for that this venemous infection 10 spred so fast ouer the whole realme, to the peruer­ting and vtter remoouing of the ancient sobrietie of diet vsed in the same. Wherefore they besought him to prouide some remedie in time, before hope of re­dresse were past, that the people might be againe re­duced vnto their former frugalitie, who hitherto vsed not to eat but once in the day, and then desiring no The ancient sparenesse of diet amongst the Scots. superfluous meates and drinks to be sought by sea and land, nor curiouslie dressed or serued foorth with 20 sawces, but onelie feeding to satisfie nature, and not their gréedie appetites.

Through this their sober fare, with the exercising of their bodies herewith in continuall trauell, they Sober fare cause of strength and hugenesse of bodie. grew more strong and greater of bodie, than their ofspring are found to be in these daies: for they were more in resemblance like vnto giants than vnto men of our time, with great and huge bodies, migh­tie armes and lims, pressing vpon their enimies like vnto fierce lions, bearing downe all before them, 30 without dread of anie danger, for that they excéeded all humane strength and power. Herevpon king Malcolme tooke great paines to haue redressed this infectiue poison, and vtterlie to haue expelled it foorth of his realme. Howbeit the nature of man is so prone and readie to imbrace all kinds of vice, that Mans nature prone to vice. where the Scotish people before had no knowledge nor vnderstanding of fine fare or riotous surfet; yet after they had once tasted the swéet poisoned bait thereof, there was now no meane to be found to re­streine 40 their licorous desires. ¶ And yet those corrup­ted abuses and riotous superfluities (which came in­to the realme of Scotland with the Englishmen) planted therein by the daies of king Malcolme, are not to be compared in excesse with things vsed in our time. For in those daies, as yet the nature of man was not so ouercome with the abuse of super­fluities, as it is now adaies; for then though they were gone from the ancient sparenesse of diet, they yet did not eat past twise a day, and had but two di­shes 50 at a meale: but now the gréedie taste of mens The gréedie taste of mens infatiable lust. insatiable lust is such, that no kind of flesh, fish, fruit, or whatsoeuer may be gotten, is vnneth able to quench their gluttonous appetit & rauenous gorman­dizing; so that neither land, sea, nor aire, is left vn­sought to satisfie the same, as though they were wor­thie of most high commendation that may deuour most: wherein they may be iustlie compared to grée­die Men compa­red to wolues & coruorants. woolues and coruorants. But to bewaile that in words which cannot be amended in déeds, is but a 60 follie: for the infection is so entered into the inner parts of the intrails, that neither with purging, cut­ting, nor searing, it may be holpen. Sooner shall you destroie the whole nation; than remooue this vice.

In the meane time whilest things passed thus in Scotland, king William the Conqueror died in the 21 yéere of his reigne, and after the incarnation 1087. About which time king Malcolme caused the 1086. H. B. old church of Durham to be plucked downe and buil­ded vp a new, beginning euen at the first floore. In The church of Durham built by king Mal­colme. Turgot. which season, one Egelwin or William (as the Sco­tish writers say) was bishop of that sée, and prior of the abbeie was one Turgot, who afterward was made bishop of saint Andrews, and wrote the liues of queene Margaret and Malcolme hir husband in the Scotish toong. Afterward he deceassed in saint Andrews, but his bodie was brought vnto Dur­ham, and there buried, bicause he was first prior ther­of. King Malcolme by persuasion of this Turgot, The church of Dunfermling builded also a church in Dunfermling, dedicated to the Trinitie, ordeining from thencefoorth that the The sepulture of the Sco­tish kings. common sepulture of the kings should be there, in like maner as it had béene afore time in the Ile of Iona at the abbeie of Colmekill.

Amongst other vertuous ordinances also, which were deuised and made by king Malcolme (through exhortation of his wife quéene Margaret) mentio­ned by Turgot in the booke which he wrote of their liues, this is not to be forgotten, that he abrogated that wicked law, established by king Ewin the third, appointing halfe a marke of siluer to be paid to King Ewins law abrogated or rather al­tered. the lord of the soile, in redemption of the womans chastitie, which is vsed to be paied yet vnto this day, and is called the marchets of woman: where other­wise by tenor of king Ewins law, the lord had the vse of their bodies all the first night after their ma­riage. King William surnamed the Red, the second William Ru­fus. sonne of king William the Conqueror, and succes­sor to him in the kingdome of England, not well contented nor pleased in his mind, that the Scots should imoy a great portion of the north parts of England, ancientlie belonging to his crowne as parcell thereof, he raised a great armie, and before anie denouncing of warre by him made, inuaded Northumberland, and tooke the castell of Anwike, The castell of Anwike woon by the Eng­lishmen. putting all such to the swoord as were found in the same.

King Malcolme, to withstand such exploits at­tempted by his enimie, leuied a great host of his sub­iects, and comming with the same into Northum­berland, besieged the said castell of Anwike. And The castell of Anwike besie­ged by the Scots. now when the kéepers of the hold were at point to haue made surrender, a certeine English knight conceiuing in his mind an hardie and dangerous in­terprise, mounted on a swift horsse without armor or weapon, sauing a speare in his hand, vpon the point whereof he bare the keies of the castell, and so issued foorth at the gates, riding directlie towards the Scotish campe. They that warded, mistrusting no harme, brought him with great noise and clamour vnto the kings tent. Who hearing the noise, came foorth of his pauilion to vnderstand what the matter ment. The Englishman herewith couched his staffe, as though it had bene to the end that the king might receiue the keies which he had brought. And whilest all mens eies were earnest in beholding the keies, the Englishman ran the king through the left eie, An hardie enterprise. and suddenlie dashing his spurres to his horsse, esca­ped to the next wood out of all danger. The point of the speare entered so farre into the kings head, that immediatlie falling downe amongst his men, hée K. Malcolme is slaine. yeelded vp the ghost. This was the end of king Mal­colme in the midst of his armie.

It is said, that king William changed the name The name of the Percées had no such beginning, for they came foorth of Nor­mandie at the conquest. Erles of Nor­thumberland. K. Malcolme buried at Tinmouth, of this aduenturous knight, & called him Perse eie, for that he stroke king Malcolme so right in the eie, and in recompense of his seruice gaue him cer­teine lands in Northumberland: of whome those Percées are descended, which in our daies haue in­ioied the honorable title of earles of Northumber­land. The Scots after the slaughter of their king, brake vp their campe, and buried his bodie within the abbeie of Tinmouth in England. But his sonne Alexander caused it afterwards to be taken vp, and buried in Dunfermling before the altar of the Tri­nitie. At the same time was Scotland wounded with another mishap. For Edward the prince of Edward prince of Scot land died. Scotland, eldest sonne to king Malcolme, died of a [Page 180] hurt which he receiued in a skirmish not farre from Anwike, and was buried in Dunfermling, the first of the bloud roiall that had his bones laid in that place. Quéene Margaret being aduertised of the death both of hir husband and sonne, as then lieng in Quéene Mar garet died. Edenburgh castell, hir disease increased through griefe therof so vehementlie, that within thrée daies after she departed out of this life, vnto an other more ioifull and blessed. King Malcolme was slaine in the yéere of our redemption 1092, on the 13 day of No­uember 10 1097. H. B. The Ides o [...] October H. B. Strange woonders. An huge tide. and in the 36 yéere of his reigne.

In the same yéere, manie vncouth things came to passe, and were séene in Albion. By the high spring­tides which chanced in the Almaine seas, manie townes, castels, and woods were drowned, as well in Scotland as in England. After the ceassing of which tempest, the lands that sometime were earle Good­wins (of whome ye haue heard before) lieng not farre from the towne of Sandwich, by violent force and drift of the sea, were made a sand-bed, and euer s [...] ­thens 20 haue bene called Goodwins sands. The people Goodwins sands. haue thought that this vengeance came to that péece of ground being possessed by his posteritie, for the wicked slaughter of Alured, which he tratorouslie contriued. Moreouer sundrie castels and townes in Murrey land, were ouerthrowne by the sea tides. Such dreadfull thunder happened also at the same Thunder. time, that men and beasts were slaine in the fields, and houses ouerturned euen from their fundations. In Louthian, Fife, and Angus, trées and corne were 30 Trées and corne burnt. burned vp by fire, kindled no man knew how, nor from whence.

In the daies of this Malcolme Cammore, liued that famous historiographer Marianus a Scotish­man Marianus. borne, but professed a moonke in the monasterie of Fulda in Germanie. Also Veremond a Spanish priest, but dwelling in Scotland, florished about the Veremond. same time, and wrote the Scotish historie, whome Hector Boetius so much followeth. Malcolme had by his wife quéene Margaret (otherwise called for hir holinesse of life saint Margaret) six sonnes, Edward 40 The sons of K. Malcolme Cammore. (as is said) was slaine: Etheldred, which died in his tender age, and was buried in Dunfermling: and Edmund which renounced the world, and liued an holie life in England: the other thrée were named Edgar, Alexander, and Dauid. There be that write how Edmund was taken, and put to death by his vncle Donald Bane, when he inuaded the king­dome, Do [...]ald Bane and vsurped the crowne, after the deceasse of his brother king Malcolme, and so then was Edgar 50 next inheritor to the crowne.

This Donald Bane, who (as before is mentioned) fled into the Iles to eschue the tyrannicall malice of Donald Bane fled into the I [...]es. Donald Bane returneth into Scotland. His couenant for the gift of the Iles to the king of Norwaie. Makbeth, after he once heard that his brother king Malcolme was dead, returned into Scotland by support of the king of Norwaie, vnto whom he coue­nanted to giue the dominion of all the Iles, if by his means & furtherance he might obteine the crowne of Scotland. Herevpon landing with an armie in the realme, he found small resistance, and so with 60 little adoo receiued the crowne. For manie of the people abhorring the riotous maners and super [...]u­ous gormandizing brought in among them by the Englishmen, were willing inough to receiue this The respect that the people had to receiue Donald Bane for their king. Donald for their king, trusting (bicause he had béene brought vp in the Iles with the old customes and maners of their ancient nation, without fast of the English likerous delicats) they should by his seuere order in gouernement recouer againe the former temperance of their old progenitors.

As soone as Edgar Etheling brother to Queene K. Malco [...]ms sons sent for into England by Edgar their vncle. Margaret was aduertised that Donald Bane had thus vsurped the crowne of Scotland, he sent secret­lie for his three nephues, Edgar, Alexander, and Da­uid, with two sisters which they had, to come vnto him into England, where he had not kept them anie long while, but that a knight whose name was Or­gan Orgar or one Organ accused Ed­gar Etheling of tr [...]aion. or Orgar, accused him of treason, all [...]dging how he nourished his sisters sonnes and daughters within the realme, in hope to make them inheritors to the crowne: but the malice of this false surmize remained not vnpunished, for one of Edgars friends, taking in hand to darraine battell with Or­gan, in defense of Edgars innocencie, flue him Organ is slaine within lists. within lists. After that Donald had receiued the crowne at the abbeie of Scone, he perceiued that some of the nobles grudged at his preferment, shew­ing by some tokens that they had more affection vn­to king Malcolmes children, than vnto him: and therefore he cast out a woord amongst his familiars, Donald threatneth. that yer it were long the nobles should repent them of their dooing, if they applied not them selues the more to his opinion.

Which woords being marked, and deepelie imprin­ted in some of their hearts, turned afterwards to his great displeasure. For shortlie after came Duncane Duncan Mal colms bastard sonne. the bastard sonne of king Malcolme out of England into Scotland, supported with an armie of men ap­pointed by king William the Red, to place him in the kingdome, and to expell Donald out of the same by force of armes, if he attempted anie resistance. Now when Donald approched with his puissance, in purpose to haue giuen battell, the most part of his people did forsake him, and drew vnto Duncans side, so that Donald thus abandoned of them that should have aided him, was constreined for his re­fuge to flee againe into the westerne Iles: and so Duncane then comming vnto Scone, receiued the crowne of Scotland. But for that he had béene trai­ned Duncane is crowned king of Scotland. the most part of his life in the warres both in England and France, he had small skill in ciuill go­uernement, iudging that thing onelie to stand with Duncane lac­keth skill in ciuill gouerne­ment. iustice, which was decided with speare and shield. By reason whereof Scotland was shortlie filled with new troubles and seditious diuisions.

Donald Bane being aduertised of all those things, that thereby happened in Scotland, sollicited Mak­pender erle of Mernes to take his part, and by some meanes to slea K. Duncane, which enterprise Mak­pender taking in hand, at length (in Menteth) ac­complished Makpender erie of Merns sleieth king Duncane. the same in the night season, when he had espied such aduantage and opportunitie of time, that not so much as one man was found to pursue him. But to say the truth, Duncane was so farre out of the peoples fauor, that more reio [...]sed than were sorie for his death. After he was thus dispatched, his vn­cle Donald Ba [...] is restored to the crowne. Donald was restored againe to the kingdome, chieflie by support of the forenamed Makpender, after his nephue the foresaid Duncane had reigned one yéere and an halfe, where Donald himselfe had reigned (before he was expelled by his said nephue) the space of six moneths, and now after he had reco­uered the kingdome, he continued in the regiment thereof thrée yéeres, not without great trouble and intestine commotions: for the most part of the lords maligning his aduancement, sought occasions dai­lie to depose him.

In the meane time the Ilandmen made some stirre, neither did the warres with England ceasse, (though without anie great exploit or enterprise woorthie of remembrance) sauing a few light skir­mishes betwixt the parties, as occasion serued. At length came Magnus king of Norwaie with a Magnus K. of Norway co meth into the westerne Iles great fléet, and sailing about the westerne Iles, gar­nished all the strengths within them in most defen­sible wise, with men, munition, and vittels, vsurping the dominion as souereigne lord of the same Iles: and at the same time ordeiued those lawes and con­stitutions [Page 181] which are vsed there amongst the inhabi­tants euen vnto these daies. The Scotishmen ha­uing great indignation, that the Iles being anci­entlie parcell of the crowne, should be thus aliena­ted from the same, sent orators vnto Edgar (who Edgar king Malcolmes son is sent for. was, as ye haue heard, the fourth sonne of king Malcolme) desiring him most instantlie to come in­to Scotland, to recouer his fathers heritage and crowne of Scotland out of the vsurpers hands.

Edgar taking deliberate aduise touching this re­quest, Edgar sen­deth messen­gers to Do­nald. first sent ambassadours vnto Donald, promi­sing 10 that if he would be contented to restore vnto him the crowne, being due to him by lawfull succes­sion, he would gladlie reward him with great lord­ships and reuenues in Louthian: but Donald was so farre from minding to doo him reason in this be­halfe, that causing them which brought this message Donald slea­ech Edgars messengers. to be put in prison, he finallie slue them. Then Ed­gar by counsell of his vncle Edgar Etheling, pur­chasing an aid of men at the hands of king William Edgar is ai­ded by K. Wil­liam Rufus. Rufus, set forwards toward Scotland. At his com­ming 20 to Durham, he was admonished by a vision in his sléepe, that if he tooke with him the banner of saint Cutbert, he should haue victorie. On the mor­row Saint Cut­berts banner. after, he came into the abbeie church, where first hearing diuine seruice, when the same was ended, he displaied the foresaid banner, and caused it to be borne before him in that iournie. Neuertheles king Donald met him with a mightie armie, and after K. Donald discomfited and chased in­to the Iles. K. Donald is taken. long fight, was chased into the Iles, where he was taken and brought vnto Edgar. ¶ Some say that 30 when the battels were readie to haue ioined, his men beholding the banner of saint Cutbert spred a­gainst them, immediatlie forsooke him, so that he be­ing destitute of succour, fled, in purpose to haue sa­ued himselfe in some one of the westerne Iles: but being apprehended by the inhabitants, was brought (as is [...]aid) vnto Edgar, by whome he was (howsoe­uer the h [...]p of his taking chanced) cast immediatlie King Do­nald dieth in prison. into prison, wherein he shortlie after died. The victo­rie 40 thus atchiued, Edgar went vnto Edenburgh, and from thence vnto Dunfermeling to visit the se­pultures o [...] his mother and brethren.

AFterwards comming to the abbeie of Scone, and assembling the lords of the realme, he recei­ued Edgar. the crowne, and shortlie after was annointed by the archbishop of saint Andrews named Godrike, Edgaris crowned and annointed. in the yéere of our redemption 1101. For his mo­ther queene Margaret purchased a little before hir death of Urbane the pope, that from hencefoorth all A priuilege for the Sco­tish kings to be annointed. the kings of Scotland should be annointed. This 50 priuiledge was confirmed afterwards by pope Iohn the second of that name. The first king that was annointed according to that grant, was this Edgar the first annointed king of Scot­land. The passage into the holie land. Edgar, in the yere aforesaid. About two yeers before this Edgar recouered th [...] the crowne of Scot­land, was that generall passage made into the holie land vnder Godfrie of Bullongne, and other christi­an princes.

Amongst them, as one of the chiefe, Robert duke 60 Robert duke [...] Normādie. of Normandie went, and should haue béene created king of Ierusalem, had he not at the same time heard how his brother William Rufus the king of England was slaine by chance, through glansing of an arrow shot at a déere in the new forrest; and then hoping to succéed him in the kingdom of Eng­land, he preferred that honor to the other, wherein he saw to be more trauell than gaine. But at his com­ming home, he found that his yoongest brother Hen­rie Henrie Beau clerke king of England. surnamed Beauclerke, was placed in the king­dome of England, and so was duke Robert his hope frustrate of both the kingdomes, and that woorthilie (as most men thought) for that he refused so necessa­rie a dignitie, wherein he might haue serued the com­mon cause of the christian common-wealth. Unto Henrie Beauclerke in the second yere of his reigne Mauld kind Edgars sister. king Edgar maried one of his sisters called Mauld. The other named Marie he coupled with Eustace earle of Bullongne: in which mariage was borne Eustace earle of Bullongne. a daughter that was the onelie heire of the same Eustace in the countie of Bullongne, the which when she came to womans state, was maried vnto Ste­phan earle of March in England, and of Morteigne in France, nephue to Henrie Beauclerke by his sister. The king of England Henrie, had issue by quéene Mauld, two sonnes and two daughters, Wil­liam and Richard, Eufame and Mauld.

But now to returne to king Edgar, to shew some token of thanks towards saint Cutbert for his aid shewed, as was thought, in the battell against his vncle Donald, he gaue vnto the moonks of Durham the lands of Coldingham: and to the bishop of Dur­ham The lands of Coldingham. Canulph bi­shop of Dur­ham. called Canulph, he gaue the towne of Ber­wike. But for that the same bishop wrought after­wards treason against him, he lost that gift, and the king resumed that towne into his hands againe. I doo not find that Edgar had anie warres anie waie foorth during all the time of his reigne, a prince ra­ther reuerenced than dread amongst his subiects for Edgar rather reuerenced than dred. 1107. lo. Ma. 1109. H. B. Alexan­der. his singular equitie and vpright dealing. He depar­ted out of this life at Dundee, in the 9 yéere of his reigne, and after the birth of our Sauiour 1107.

AFter the deceasse of this Edgar, succéeded his brother Alexander the fierce, so called for his ri­gorous valiancie in pursuing of théeues and rob­bers. In the beginning of his reigne, the inhabi­tants of Murrey land and Rosse, beholding him to be most an end in the church at his praiers, and di­uine seruice, after the maner of his parents, supposed he would prooue no great quicke iusticier [...] puni­shing offendors, and therevpon most presumptuous­lie Théeues of Murrey land and Rosse. they began to rob and reaue on ech side, not spa­ring to kill and slea all such as came in their hands, without respect to age or sex; insomuch that the yoong infants smiling vpon the murtherers, being about to execute their detestable crueltie, [...] by the The crueltie of théeues. swoord as well as the resisters: such rooted [...]lice re­mained in their beastlie harts, which vpon renewing their old grudges they now accordingle shewed. King Alexander therefore aduertised heereof; [...]ame into those parts with a competent armie, and appre­hending the chiefe authors and capteins; stroke off Execution. their heads. As he returned backe: thro [...] [...], there came a woman vnto him wéeping [...] la­mentable sort, who fell vpon hir knees at his féet, [...]e­séeching him to pitie hir case, hauing lost both hir hus­band & sonne, by the tyrannous crueltie of the mai­ster The earle of Mernes son. of Mernes, who for that they had called him be­fore a iudge in an action of debt, had slaine and mur­thered as well the one as the other. The king mooued with this detestable kind of iniurie, lighted from his horsse, and would not mount vp againe, till he had séene the author of that heinous trespasse hanged vp­on A righteous iusticier. a gibbet. After his comming into Gowrie, he tooke in hand to finish and make vp the castell of Ba­ledgar, The castell of Baledgar. the foundation whereof his brother▪ Edgar had begun, that it might be an aid to chastise a sort of théeues and robbers which haunted the woods therea­bout, to the great disquietnes of all the countrie. He gaue also to the maintenance of that house certeine lands, which the earle of Gowrie had giuen him at the font stone, when he became his godfather.

Whilest he was thus busie about the furtherance of that woorke, diuerse of those théeues that were ac­customed to liue by robberies in those parts, percei­uing that this castell, which the king was about to build, should turne vnto their destruction, they con­spired Treason of conspirators to haue slaine the king. his death, and winning by rewards and pro­mises [Page 182] the helpe of the kings chamberlaine to the ac­complishing of their traitorous and most diuclish practises, they entered one night through a priuie in­to his lodging, in purpose to haue slaine him as he slept in his bedchamber: but he by Gods prouidence hauing knowledge of their comming, started out of his bed, and caught a swoord which hoong néere at hand, wherewith he slue first his chamberlaine that had brought them in, and then dispatched six of the other traitors (which were alreadie entered his chamber) 10 with singular force and manhood: the other fearing The kings manhood. least with the noise, his seruants that lodged within the house should haue beene raised, and so haue hasted to assaile them on the backs, fled in all haste possible. Neuerthelesse, such pursute was made after them, that manie of them were apprehended, & vpon their examination, being brought before the king, they de­clared plainlie how they were incouraged to woorke that treason which they had gone about, by sundrie great barons and gentlemen of the countrie. Final­lie, 20 the matter was so handled with them, that they disclosed the names of those that had thus procured them to the treason. Wherevpon the king gathering an armie, he marched foorth to pursue them, but be­fore he came vnto the water of Spaie, the conspira­tors had gotten togither their power, & were lodged The water of Spaie. on the further side of the same water, to stop him from passing ouer.

The king séeing them thus assembled to impeach his passage, sent his banner-man sir Alexander Car­ron 30 Sir Alexan­der Carron▪ The rebels are vanqui­shed. with a chosen part of his armie to passe the wa­ter, and to fight with his enimies, where, by the har­die onset of the said sir Alexander, they were quicklie put to flight, and manie of them that were taken in the chase suffered death, according as they had well deserued. The realme after this execution doone on these offendors, continued manie yéeres after in good tranquillitie. This Alexander Carron also for that he was séene in the kings sight that day to fight most manfullie, in sleaing diuerse of the rebels with a croo­ked 40 swoord which he had in his hand (of which sort ma­nie were vsed in those daies) he was highlie rewar­ded at the kings hands, & euer after named Skrim­geour, Skrimgeour. that is, to say, An hardie fighter. He had also his armes increased with a rampant lion holding a crooked swoord, as is to be séene in the armes of his posteritie vnto this day. [...] Other there be that say he got the surname of Skrimgeour, bicause he slue an English man in a singular combat. The principall of this surname in our time held the constableship of 50 Dundée, bearing in his armes a crooked swoord in fashion of an hooke.

After that king Alexander had appeased the intes­tine commotions thus within his realme, he set in hand to repare the abbeie of Scone, wherein he pla­ced The abbeie of Scone. regular can [...], [...]edieating the church in the ho­nor of the Trinitie, and saint Michaell. Not long af­ter this also, he chanced to come into saint Colmes Saint Col­mes Inch. Inch, where he was constreined to abide thrée daies togither through violent rage of weather and tem­pests: 60 and bicause he found some reliefe of meate & drinke, by meanes of an heremit that dwelt within the same Inch, and kept a chappell there dedicated to saint Colme, he made of that chappell an abbeie of The abbeie of saint Colmes Inch builded. regular canons, in the honor of saint Colme, en­dowing it with sundrie lands and rents for the main­tenance of the abbat and conuent of that house. He also gaue to the church of faint Andrewes, the lands called the Boarrinke, so named, for that a great Lands na­med the Bo­arrinke. Bore tusks. bore was slaine vpon the said ground, that had doone much hurt in the countrie thereabout. The tusks of this bore doo hang in chaines vpon the stalles of the quier in saint Andrewes church afore the high altar, and are 16 inches in length, & foure inches in thicke­nesse. Moreouer, the abbeie of Dunfirmling was fi­nished The abbeie of Dunfirmling. by king Alexander, and endowed with sundrie lands and possessions.

Whilest king Alexander was thus occupied in Dauid bro­ther to king Alexander. building and reparing of religious houses, his bro­ther Dauid liued in England with his sister quéene Mauld, & through fauour which the king hir husband bare towards him, he obteined in marriage one Mauld, daughter vnto Woldosius, or rather Wal­theof earle of Huntington and Northumberland, be­got woldosius earle of Nor­thumberland and Hunting­ton. of his wife the ladie Iudith that was neece vnto king William the Conqueror. And for that the said Woldosius or Walthe of had no other issue to inhe­rit his lands, Dauid in right of his wife Mauld in­ioied the same, and was made earle of Huntington The lands of Huntington and Northum berland an­nexed to the crowne of Scotland. and Northumberland, and had issue by his wife a son named Henrie, by whome the lands of Huntington, and some part of Northumberland were annexed vn­to the crowne of Scotland, as after shall appéere. Mauld the daughter of king Henrie Beauclerke, was maried vnto Henrie the emperor, the fourth of that name. William, Richard, and Eufeme, the resi­due of the issue which the same Henrie Beauclerke had by his wife (surnamed for hir singular bounte­ousnesse, the good quéene Mauld) in comming foorth of France to repasse into England, perished in the sea by a tempest, to the great dolour of the king their father, and to all other his subiects of ech estate and degree. Their mother the said Mauld was before that The death of king Alexan­der. time departed out of this life. It was not long after, but that Alexander deceassed also, and was buried in Dunfirmling besides his fathers sepulture, in the 17 yéere of his reigne complet, and from the incarna­tion of Christ 1125 yéeres. 1124. H. B. The begin­ning of the Cummings.

In the daies of this king Alexander, the kinred of the Cummings had their beginning, by one Iohn Cumming, a man of great prowesse and valiancie, obteining of the king in respect therof, certeine small portions of lands in Scotland. The house [...] of these Cummings rose in processe of time thus from a small beginning to high honor and puissance, by rea­son of the great possessions & ample reuenues which they afterwards atteined. At length (as often hap­neth) the importable height of this linage was the onelie cause of the decaie and finall ruine thereof, as in the sequele of this historie ye may at full perceiue. Also in the daies of king Alexander, the order of Knights of the Rhodes. White moonks knights of the Rhodes had their beginning, and like­wise the order of White moonks, the author whereof was one Nodobert. About the same time liued that holie man Richard de sancto Victore, a Scotishman Richard de sancto Victore borne, but dwelled for the more part of his time at Paris in France, where he died, & was [...]uried with­in the cloister of the abbeie of saint Uictor, being a brother of the same house.

BUt now to procéed with the historie. After the de­ceasse Dauid. of Alexander the fierce and first of that Dauid is crowned king of Scotland. name, his brother Dauid came vnto Scone, and there receiued the crowne, as lawfull heire to his brother, for that he left no heire behind him. This Dauid, according to the example of his noble pa­rents; set his whole care about the due ministring of iustice, to the honor of almightie God, and the weale of his realme. He had no trouble by warres with anie forraine enimies, so long as king Henrie Beau [...]lorke liued. Therefore hauing opportunitie of such a quiet time, he rode about all the parts of his realme, and vsed to sit in hearing of iudgement him­selfe, speciallie concerning poore mens causes and matters; but the controuersies of the lords and ba­rons The care of king Dauid for the poore. he referred to the hearing of other iudges. If he vnderstood that anie man were indamaged by anie wrongfull iudgement, he recompensed the par­tie wronged, according to the value of his losse and A righteous iudge. [Page 183] hinderance, with the goods of the iudge that pro­nounced the iudgement.

Thus in the first years of his reigne he did manie things to the aduancement of the common-wealth, and banished such banketting cheare as was vsed a­mongst Banketting cheare bani­shed. his people after the example of the English­men, perceiuing the same to bréed a great weake­ning & decaie of the ancient stoutnesse of stomach, that was woont to remaine in the Scotish nation. He builded to the number of fiftéene abbeies, part 10 of them in the beginning of his reigne before the King Dauid built 15 ab­b [...]es. warres were begun which he had with the English­men, and part after the same warres were ended. The names of those abbeies are as followeth: Holie The names of the abbeies builded by king Dauid. rood house, Kelso, Iedburgh, Melrosse, Newbottell, Holmecultrane, Dundranane, Cambuskenneth, Kinlois, Dunfirmling, Holme in Cumberland; also two nunries, the one at Carleill, and the other at north Berwike: with two abbeies beside New­castell, the one of saint Benedicts order, and the o­ther of white moonkes. He erected also foure bishop­rikes 20 Foure bishops sees erected in Scotland. within his realme, Rosse, Brechin, Dunkeld, and Dublane, indowing them with rich rents, faire lands, and sundrie right commodious possessions. Moreouer he translated the bishops see of Murth­lake vnto Aberden, for sundrie aduised considerati­ons, augmenting it with certeine reuenues, as he thought expedient.

He was admonished (as the report goeth) in his sleepe, that he shuld build an abbeie for a religious or­der to liue in togither. Whervpon he sent for woorke­men 30 into France and Flanders, and set them in hand to build this abbeie of canons regular, as he holie rood house builded. was admonished, dedicating it in the honor of a crosse (wherevnto he bare speciall deuotion) for that verie strangelie it slipped into his hands (on a time) as he was pursuing and following of a hart in the chase. But inough of these moonkish deuises. Manie prudent men blame greatlie the vnmea­surable liberalitie of king Dauid, the which he vsed towards the church, in diminishing so hugelie the re­uenues 40 Liberalitie in king Dauid toward the church reproo­ued. of the crowne, being the cause that manie noble princes his successors haue come to their finall ends, for that they haue béene constreined through want of treasure to mainteine their roiall estates, to procure the fall of sundrie great houses, to possesse their lands and liuings; also to raise paiments and exactions of the common people, to the vtter impo­uerishment of the realme. And sometime they haue béene constreined to inuade England by warres, as 50 desperat men, not caring what came of their liues. Otherwhiles they haue béene inforced to stampe naughtie monie, to the great preiudice of the com­mon-wealth. All which mischiefes haue followed since the time that the church hath béene thus inriched, and The church inriched, and the crowne impouerished. The sateng of King Iames the first. A sore saint. Io. Maior. 60000 pounds inlands gi­uen to the church. the crowne impouerished.

Therefore king Iames the first, when he came to king Dauid his sepulture at Dunfirmling, he said, that he was a sore saint for the crowne, meaning that he left the church ouer-rich, and the crowne too 60 poore. For he tooke from the crowne (as Iohn Maior writeth in his chronicles) 60 thousand pounds Sco­tish of yéerelie reuenues, wherewith he indowed those abbeies. But if K. Dauid had considered how to nourish true religion, he had neither indowed churches with such riches, nor built them with such Superfluous possessions of the church. roialtie: for the superfluous possessions of the church (as they are now vsed) are not onelie occasion to e­uill prelats to liue in most insolent pompe & corrupt life, but an assured net to draw gold and siluer out of realms. But now to returne where I left, touching the historie, ye shall note that (as I said before) Da­uid had by his wife Mauld inheritor of part of Nor­thumberland, Cumberland, and Huntington, a sonne named Henrie, who maried the earle of War­rens daughter, a ladie of high parentage, as des­cended Earle of War­ren. of most noble bloud both French and Eng­lish. On whome he begat thrée sonnes, Malcolme, William, and Dauid; also thrée daughters, Adha­ma, The issue of Henrie. Margaret, and Mauld. But now in the meane time, whilest the estate of the common-wealth in Scotland stood in high felicitie, vnder the prospe­rous gouernement of king Dauid, there happened Quéene Mauld de­ceasseth. to him an heauie losse. For the queene his wife the foresaid Mauld deceassed in hir flourishing age, a woman of passing beautie and chastitie, which two points (as is thought) commend a woman aboue all the rest. King Dauid therefore tooke such griefe for hir death, that he would neuer after giue his mind to marie anie other, but passed the residue of his life without companie of all women. She was bu­ried in Scone, in the yeare of our Lord God 1132. 1132.

Whilest these things came thus to passe in Scot­land, Henrie Beauclerke king of England, caused all the nobles of his realme to take their oths, that after his deceasse they should receiue his daughter Mauld the empresse. Mauld the empresse for their souereigne ladie and quéene. She was as then returned into England; for hir husband the emperour was latelie before de­ceassed. King Dauid also tooke his oth, and there­fore when king Stephan (who vsurped the crowne of K. Stephan. England after king Henries deceasse against the said empresse) sent vnto king Dauid to come and doo his homage for the earledomes of Northumber­land, Homage is required. Cumberland, and Huntington (according as by his tenure he was bound to doo) with intimati­on that if he refused, king Stephan would inuade him with open warre; king Dauid answered, that he had giuen his saith once aforehand for those lands vnto the empresse Mauld, which he minded not to breake for the threatning words of anie new inuasi­ons. King Stephan moued with this answere, sent a The English men inuade Northumber­land. power of men to the borders of Northumberland, (which as then was vnder the dominion of the Scots) to make a rode vpon the inhabitants of that countrie. They that had the charge of this enter­prise, entering into the lands of their enimies, put all to fire and sword that came in their way. The Scots kindled with that displeasure, roded into The Scots make rodes into England England, and did the like displeasures and hurts there. For the yeare after, the earles of March, Menteth, and Angus entred into England with a The earle of Glocester Robert was against king Stephan, but there might be some other happilie vnto whome king Stephan had giuen that ti­tle. A resignation. great armie, against whome came the earle of Glo­cester, and giuing them battell at Northalerton, lost the field, and was taken prisoner himselfe, with diuers other nobles of England. King Stephan therefore, constreined to redéeme the captiues, gaue not onelie a great summe of monie for them; but also made resignation of all such title, claime, or in­terest, as either he or anie of his successors might make or pretend to the counties of Northumber­land and Cumberland. Howbeit his nobles were no sooner returned home, but that repenting him of that resignation, he gathered his puissance againe, K. Stephan repenteth. and entering into Northumberland, fought with the Scots that came foorth to resist him, and obteining the victorie, tooke a great part of the countrie into his possession.

King Dauid, to redresse these iniuries, gathered a mightie armie, with deliberat mind, either to expell the Englishmen out of all the bounds of his domi­nions, or else to die in the féeld. But shortlie after, Thurstane archbishop of Yorke came vnto Rox­burgh, Roxburgh in old time Marken. A truce. called in those daies Marken, to treat for peace, where a truce was concluded for three mo­neths, with condition, that the Englishmen should deliuer vp the dominion, of Northumberland vnto the lord Henrie king Dauid his sonnes. But for so [Page 184] much as this couenant was not performed on king Stephans side, king Dauid inuaded that part of the King Dauid inuadeth Northumber­land. King Ste­phan passeth vnto Rox­burgh. countrie which the Englishmen held, making great slaughter of all them that he found there about to resist him. King Stephan mooued herewith leuied his people, and came in puissant araie vnto Rox­burgh; but for that he had secret knowledge that some of the nobles in his armie sought his destruc­tion, he was constreined to returne without atchi­uing of anie woorthie enterprise. 10

The yeare next insuing, a peace was talked vp­on, the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke ap­pointed commissioners in the treatie thereof on the behalfe of king Stephan, and the bishops of Glas­cow, Aberden, and saint Andrews on the part of king Dauid. But Mauld quéene of England, the daughter of Eustace earle of Bullongne, and néece to king Dauid by his sister Marie, was the chiefest dooer in this matter, to bring them to agréement. The one of the kings, that is to say Stephan, laie at Duresme with his nobles; and the other, that is to 20 say Dauid, lay at Newcastell, during all the time of this treatie, which at length sorted to the conclu­sion of a peace, on these conditions: that the coun­ties of Northumberland and Huntington should A peace. remaine in the gouernement of Henrie prince of Scotland, as heire to the same by right of his mo­ther; but Cumberland should be reputed as the in­heritance Couenants of agréement. and right of his father king Dauid. And for these lands and segniories the forenamed prince 30 Henrie & his successors, princes of Scotland, should doo homage vnto king Stephan and his successors kings of England, for the time being.

The peace thus ratified betwixt the two kings Homage. and their subiects, K. Stephan returned into Kent, and king Dauid repaired into Cumberland, where K. Stephan returneth. Carleill was repared by William Ru­fus king of England, a­bout the yeare of our Lord, 1092. he fortified the towne of Carleill with new walles and ditches. Thus passed the first thrée yeares of king Stephans reigne. In the fourth yeare came Mauld the empresse into England to claime the crowne thereof (as in the English historie more plainelie 40 may appeare.) But whilest England was sore tor­mented with warres by contrarie factions of the no­bles for the quarels of these two persons, no small sorrow hapned to Scotland for the death of Henrie the prince of that land, and onelie sonne vnto-king Dauid, who died at Kelso, and was buried in the ab­beie The death of Henrie prince of Scotland. church there, in the yeare of our redemption, 1152. His death was greatlie bemoned aswell of his father the king, as of all other the estates and de­grées 50 1152. of the realme, for such singular vertue and no­ble conditions as appeared in him. But yet, for that he left issue behind him thrée sonnes and three daugh­ters (as before is mentioned) the realme was not Prince Hen­rie his issue. thought vnprouided of heires.

The king also being mortified from the world, tooke the death of his sonne verie patientlie, considering that all men are subiect vnto death by the law of na­ture, and are sure no longer to remaine here, than The lawes of nature. their day appointed by the eternall determination of 60 him that giueth and taketh away life & breath when it pleaseth him, as by dailie experience is most ma­nifest. Therefore that king Dauid weied the losse of his sonne in such balance, it may appeare by an ora­tion which he made to his nobles, at what time (after his sonnes deceasse) they came to comfort him. For he perceiuing them to be right heauie and sorrow­full for the losse which he and they had susteined by the death of so towardlie a prince, that was to haue suc­céeded him, if God had lent him life thereto; in the end of a roiall feast, the which he made vnto those nobles that came thus to visit him, he began in this wise.

‘How great your fidelitie and care is, which you An oration. beare towards me, although oftentimes heretofore I haue prooued it, yet this present day I haue recei­ued most ample fruit thereof: for now doo I plaine­lie sée, that you lament no lesse for the losse of my late decessed sonne, than if you had buried some one of your owne sonnes, and are therefore come to your great trauell and paine to comfort me, whome you estéeme to be sore afflicted for the ouer-timelie death of my said most obedient sonne. But to let passe for this time due yéelding of thanks to you for the same, till occasion and leasure may better serue thereto; this now may suffice, that I acknowledge my selfe to be so much beholden to you, that whatsoeuer thing I haue in the world, the same is readie to doo you pleasure. But concerning the cause of your com­ming hither, in shewing your courtesies therein, you shall vnderstand, that my parents, whom I trust to be in heauen, and (as saints) inioy the fruits of their vertuous trauels here taken on earth, did so instruct me from my tender youth, that I should woorship with all reuerence the most wise creator and pru­dent gouernor of all things; and to thinke that no­thing was doone by him in vaine, but that the same is prouided and ordeined to some good vse by his high and vnsearchable counsell. And therefore whilest day and night I haue and doo reuolue and call to remem­brance the precepts and instructions of my parents, whatsoeuer hath chanced either tuching aduersitie or His parents godlie instruc­tions. prosperitie, good hap or bad, the same hath séemed to me (at the first) receiuing all things with equall and thankefull mind, and interpreting them to the best, farre more light than they commonlie séeme to o­thers; and lesse they did disquiet me: so as with vse I haue learned at length, not onelie patientlie to beare all aduersities that may happen, but also to re­ceiue the same as things pleasant and euen to be de­sired. And verelie my hap hath beene to be greatlie exercised in this behalfe, for I haue first seene my fa­ther, more déere to me than anie earthlie treasure; Losse of friends. His father. and no lesse profitable than greatlie desired of all the people: and yet neither the loue of the people, nor of his kinsmen and friends might warrant him from this fatall necessitie of death. I haue knowen my His mother. mother right famous in the world for hir singular vertue to passe hence in like maner. My brethren His brethren. that were so louing, and againe so greatlie beloued of me; also my wife whome I esteemed aboue all o­ther His wife. creatures, are they not gone the same way, and compelled to beare deaths hard ordinance? So ve­relie standeth the case, that no man might yet at a­nie time auoid the violence of his force when he com­meth, Death cannot be dispensed with. for we all alike owe this life vnto him, as a due debt that must needs be paid. But this is to be receiued with a thankefull mind, in that the bounti­full beneuolence of our God hath granted that we shall be all immortall, if we our selues through vice, & as it were spotted with filthie diseases of the mind, doo not fall into the danger of eternall death. Where­fore of right (me thinke) I haue cause to reioise, that God by his singular fauour hath granted to me such a sonne, which in all mens iudgements was woor­thie to be beloued whilest he was here amongst vs, Why we ought to take the death of our children and friends patientlie. and to be wished for now, after he is departed from hence. But ought we to take it he anilie, that he to whome he belonged, and who had lent him vnto vs, should call for him againe, and take him that was his owne? For what iniurie is it, if (when I see oc­casion) I shall aske that againe, which you haue pos­sessed through my benefit as lent to you for a time? Neither doo I trust to want him long, if God shall be so mercifull vnto me, as I wish him to be: for I hope shortlie to be called hence by commandement of that most high king, and to be caried vp to rest among that fellowship of heauenlie spirits, where I [Page 185] shall find my father and mother, my brethren, wife, and sonne in far better estate than here I knew them. Therefore that I may repeate it once againe, I reioise (I say) to haue obteined in my sonne, by the grace of the supernall God, that I am assured by faith, he is alreadie in that place to the which all we doo earnestlie wish that we may atteine, and doo in­deuour by all means, that when the time commeth in which our soules are to be loosed foorth of these fraile bodies of ours, as out of prisons, they may be 10 found woorthie of that companie, in which our confi­dence is that he now most blissefullie is remaining. Except anie man may thinke that we are so enui­ous, that therefore we doo lament, because as yet we sticke fast ouerwhelmed and drowned in such fil­thie miers, and cumbred in such thornie thickets and bushes, out of the which he (being now deliuered of all cares) hath escaped. But let vs rather by follow­ing the footsteps of him and other vertuous persons that are gone afore vs, labor both day and night, that 20 at length (through heauenlie fauour) we may come to the place where we doo reckon that by diuine power he is alreadie arriued.’

After that the king had made an end of his ora­tion, and thanks giuen to God for his bountifull magnificence, they rose from the table, and depar­ted to their lodgings, they all greatlie maruelling at the kings high prudence and godlie wisdome. Then was Malcolme, the eldest sonne of the before mentioned prince Henrie, proclamed in his place Malcolme the sonne of Hen­rie procla­med prince of Scotland. prince of Scotland, and conueied through the most 30 parts of the realme by Duncane earle of Fife, and other of the nobles appointed to attend vpon and to receiue the oths of all the barons for their allegi­ance in his name. William the second sonne of prince Henrie was conueied into Northumberland by the foresaid nobles, and there proclamed and cre­ated Earle of Nor­thumberland. earle of that countrie. Then went king Da­uid himselfe vnto Carleill, where he met with Hen­rie the sonne of the empresse, who receiued the order of knighthood there at his hands. This was a little 40 before that the same Henrie came to an agréement Henrie the [...]presse his sonne recei­ueth the order of knighthood. with king Stephan, whereby he was admitted to the possession of halfe the realme of England, and promised by oth of assurance (as the Scotish writers say) that he should neuer go about to take the coun­tries of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Hun­tington from the crowne of Scotland.

Shortlie after was king Dauid taken with a sore disease and maladie, which continued with him to the 50 end of his life. And so when he perceiued himselfe to wax faint and féeble, he required to be borne in to the church, where he receiued the sacrament of the Lords bodie and bloud, with most solemne reue­rence: and then being brought againe to his cham­ber, he called togither his nobles, and commending to them his yoong nephues, the sons of his son the forenamed prince Henrie, he kissed ech one of them after an other, most instantlie desiring them in the The exhorta­tion of king Dauid to his nobles. honor of almightie God, to séeke the preseruation 60 of common quiet, to the aduancement of the publike weale. This doone, he departed out of this life in the 29 yeare of his reigne, or rather in the 30 yeare, if King Dauid departeth out of this life. he reigned 29 and two moneths, as Iohn Maior saith. His bodie was buried in Dunfirmeling, after the incarnation of Christ our Sauiour 1153 yeares. 1153.

How farre this prince king Dauid excelled in no­ble vertues and sober conuersation of life, I haue thought it better to passe ouer with silence, than to go about in few words to comprehend that, where­in if I should spend much time, I were not able in anie wise woorthilie to performe. For where in such cases few things are slenderlie shewed, the residue may séeme to be omitted through fault of the writer. But yet this is not to be forgotten, that where his His singular pitie toward the poore. singular pitifull regard, which he had toward the re­liefe of the poore, passed all other his notable vertues, he purged his court also in such wise of all vicious rule and misordered customes, that his whole fami­lie King Dauids court. was giuen onelie to the exercise of vertue. No riotous banketting nor surfetting chéere was vsed amongst them, no lasciuious woord heard come forth of anie mans mouth, nor yet anie wanton signes shewed to prouoke sensuall lust or carnall concu­piscence. King Dauids seruants. All the woords, works, and whole demeanor of his seruants ténded to some conclusion: nothing mooued to stirre strife or sedition, but all things or­dered in such friendlie and peaceable sort, that the chaine of brotherly loue séemed to haue linked them all in one mind and will▪ Such a rule was their mai­ster King Dauids example, a rule of godlie life. king Dauid vnto them and all other, to direct and frame a perfect and godlie life after.

KIng Dauid being dead & buried (as is before said) Malcolme nephue to him by his son Hen­rie Malcolme succéeded in the estate. He was but 13 yéeres of age, when he began his reigne; but yet his modestie and vertuous conditions were such, that all men conceiued a good hope that he would prooue a right noble and woorthie prince. He was nourished and The educatio of king Mal­colme. brought vp in such vertue, euen from his infancie, that deliting in chast conuersation and cleannesse of bodie and mind, he liued single all the daies of his life, and without mariage: wherefore he was surna­med Malcolme the maid. About the time of his en­tring into the possession of the crowne, there was a A dearth. great derth through all the bounds of Scotland. And soone after followed a sore death both amongst men and beasts, though it was not perceiued that the disease whereof they died was anie thing conta­gious. A death not contagious.

Hereof did one Somerleid the thane of Argile Somerleid thane of Ar­gile goeth a­bout to make himselfe king. take occasion to attempt an higher enterprise than stood with the basenesse of his linage and estate: for considering that the one halfe of the realme was consumed by mortalitie, and the other halfe néere hand famished through lacke of food, he thought it an easie matter for him, now whilest the king was vnder yéeres of ripe discretion, to vsurpe the gouer­nance of the realme into his owne hands, and so as­sembling togither an huge companie of such as in hope of preie lightlie consented to his opinion, hée came forwards, to make as it were a full conquest, fleaing and spoiling all such in his way as went a­bout Somerleids crueltie. to resist him. But his presumptuous enterprise was shortlie repressed: for Gilcrist earle of Angus lieutenant of the kings armie, raised to resist So­merleids Gilcrist sent with an armie against So­merleid. attempts, incountred with him in battell, & slue 2000 of his men. Somerleid hauing receiued this ouerthrow, and escaping from the field, fled into Ireland, and so saued his life.

Henrie the second of that name king of Eng­land, hearing that Malcolme had thus subdued his domesticall enimies, feared least he being imbolde­ned therewith, should now attempt somewhat a­gainst the Englishmen; and therefore by counsell of his nobles, he sent an herald vnto king Malcolme, commanding him to come vp to London, there to K. Malcolme summoned to doo homage. doo his homage vnto him, for the lands of Cumber­land, Northumberland, and Huntington, in maner and forme as his grandfather king Dauid had be­fore doone vnto his predecessor Henrie the first, with certificat, that if he failed, he would take from him all the said lands. King Malcolme obeied this com­mandement of king Henrie: but yet vnder condi­tion (as the Scotish writers affirme) that it should in no maner wise preiudice the franchises and liber­ties K. Malcolme goeth with king Henrie into France. of the Scotish kingdome. At the same time king Henrie had warres against Lewes the sixt, king of [Page 186] France, and so passing ouer into that realme, con­streined king Malcolme to go with him in that ior­nie against his will, notwithstanding that he had a safe conduct fréelie to come and go. In this voiage king Henrie did much hurt to the Frenchmen, and at length besieged the citie of Tholouse. Tholouse be­sieged. King Henries meaning.

In all which enterprises he had Malcolme present with him, to the end that Malcolme might incurre such hatred and displeasure of the Frenchmen, that therby the bond betwixt them and the Scots might finallie be dissolued. But in the end king Henrie ha­uing 10 lost diuers of his noble men by sicknesse, re­turned into England, and then licenced king Mal­colme to returne home into Scotland; who at his comming home, sent the bishop of Murrey, and one of his secretaries vnto the sée of Rome, as ambassa­dors Ambassadors sent to Rome. vnto the pope, which as then hight Engenius the third of that name, to recognise the obedience which he owght to the Romane sée. Shortlie after al­so, there was a parlement holden at Scone, where king Malcolme was sore rebuked by his lords, in 20 A parlement at Scone. K. Malcolme reprooued by his nobles. K. Malcolmes excuse. that he had borne through his owne follie, armor a­gainst the Frenchmen their old confederate friends and ancient alies: but king Malcolme excused the matter with humble woords, saieng he came vn­warilie into king Henries hands, and therefore might not choose but accomplish his will and plea­sure at that time; so that hée supposed verelie the French king would take no great displeasure with his dooings, when he once vnderstood the truth of the 30 matter.

King Henrie hauing perfect vnderstanding of this grudge betwixt the Scotish lords and their king, thought to renew the same with more displeasure, and therevpon sent for king Malcolme to come vn­to Yorke, to a parlement which he held there, where K. Malcolme gorth to Yorke at his comming he was burdened with a right grie­uous complaint surmized against him by king Hen­rie, for that he should reueale vnto the Frenchmen all the secrets of the English armie, when he was 40 with him in France, at the aboue remembred iour­nie, alledging the same to be sufficient matter, for the which he ought to forfeit all the lands which hée held of the crowne of England, as Cumberland, Northumberland, and Huntington. And though Fond dealing and not likelie to be true. king Malcolme by manie substantiall reasons de­clared those allegations to be vntrue and vniustlie forged, yet by king Henries earnest inforcing of the matter, sentence was giuen against him, by the ge­nerall consent of all the estates there in that parle­ment 50 Sentence gi­uen against K. Malcolme at Yorke. assembled. And moreouer, to bring king Mal­colme in further displeasure with the nobles, king Henrie gaue notice vnto them, before king Mal­colme returned backe into his countrie, how he had of his owne accord renounced all his claime, right, title, and interest, which he had to the foresaid lands, supposing by this means to make king Malcolme farre more odious to all his lieges and subiects, than euer he was before.

Malcolme therefore, vpon his returne into his 60 countrie, not vnderstanding anie thing of that sub­till contriued policie and slanderous report, was besieged within the castell of Bertha by the thane of K. Malcolme is besieged. Ernedale, and diuerse others. But after it was knowne how euill king Malcolme had beene vsed, and most vntxulie slandered, they desired pardon of their offense, as induced thereto by vntrue reports, which once being granted, they brake vp their siege, and euer after continued in faithfull allegiance like true and most obedient subiects. But king Mal­colme sore mooued for that he was thus iniuriouslie handled by king Henrie, first desiring restitution to Open warres proclamed against the Englishmen. be made of all such things as had béene wrongfullie taken from him, and so deteined by th' Englishmen, proclamed open warres against them. At length, af­ter sundrie harmes doone, as well on the one part as A conclusion of agreement the other, they came to a communication in a cer­teine appointed place, not far from Carleill, where (to be briefe) it was finallie concluded, that K. Mal­colme should receiue againe Cumberland and Hun­tington: but for Northumberland, he should make a plaine release thereof vnto king Henrie, and to his successors for euer.

For the which agréement he ran so farre into the K. Malcolme hated of his people. hatred of his people, that he might neuer after find means to win their fauor againe; but doubting least if they should stirre anie rebellion against him, they might become an easie preie vnto the Englishmen, Feare of out­ward enimies causeth quiet­nesse at home. they remained quiet for a time. Howbeit shortlie af­ter, there arose another péece of trouble, though lesse in outward apperance, by reason of the small power remaining in the author, yet dangerous inough, considering it was within the realme it selfe. One Angus as then the thane of Galloway, perceiuing Angus the thane of Gal­loway raiseth a commotion: vpon what oc­casion writers make not anie mention. he might not by secret practise atchiue his purposed intent (whatsoeuer the same was) determined by o­pen force to assaie what luckie succes fortune would send him; hoping that those which through feare sate as yet still, would assist him in all his attempts, so soone as they saw anie commotion raised by him to occasion them thereto. Herevpon he assembled to­gither a great companie: but before he could worke Angus dis­comfited by Gilcrist. anie notable feat, to make anie account of, Gilcrist earle of Angus (whose faithfull valiancie was before manifestlie approoued in the suppression of Somer­leids rebellion) discomfited his power, in thrée sun­drie bickerings, & chased Angus himselfe into Whi­terne, where is a place of sanctuarie priuileged for Whiterne [...] place of sanc­tuarie. the safegard of all offendors that flie thereto for suc­cor in the honor of saint Ninian.

Malcolme then, for that he durst not breake the Angus besie­ged in whi­terne. franchises of that place, set a band of men of warre round about it, to watch that he should by no means escape awaie; so that at length wearied as it had bene with long siege, he yéelded himselfe to the king, Angus yéel­deth himselfe to the king. who taking his sonne to pledge for his good abearing in time to come, licenced him to go whither it should please him: but the most part of his lands and li­uings were confiscat to the kings vse. Wherevpon Angus be­came a ca­non. when he saw he might not mainteine his estate as he had doone before, he became a canon in Holie rood house, and there ended his life (as it is reported.) It was not long after the pacifieng of this trouble, but A rebellion mooued by the Murreis. Gildo captein of the rebels. that a new rebellion was raised: for the Murrey land men, by the prouocation of their capteine called Gildo, wasted with fire and sword the countries of Rosse, Bowgewall, or Bongdale, Mar, Gareoch, Buchquhane, and the Mernes, in more cruell sort than anie forreine & most barbarous nation would The crueltie of the rebels. haue doone; insomuch that when the king sent diuers of his seruants vnto them to vnderstand the cause of their rebellious dooings, they slue those messengers, contrarie to the law of nations.

To punish such iniurious attempts, the aboue na­med Gilcrist was sent with an armie into Murrey Gilcrist dis­comfited by the Murreis. land: but the rebels nothing discouraged with the knowledge of his approoued prowesse, met him in the field, and put him to flight. Héere vpon the king him­selfe, supposing that his presence was néedfull to in­courage his people after this ouerthrow, came with a farre greater power than he had sent foorth before, with displaied banner, ouer the riuer of Speie, néere to the mouth whereof he fought with the enimies, and in the end (after fore and long fight continued with great slaughter and bloudshed) he gaue them the o­uerthrow, and in reuenge of their cruelties shewed The Mur­reies are o­uerthrowen. in time of this their rebellion, and to giue example to all other his subiects that should go about to attempt [Page 187] the like, he commanded that none of those of Mur­rey land should be saued (women, children, and aged persons onelie excepted) but that all the residue of that generation shuld passe by the edge of the sword. Thus the Murrey land men being destroied accor­ding to his commandement thorough all parts of the realme, he appointed other people to inhabit their roomes, that the countrie should not lie wast without habitation.

In this meane time, Somerleid the thane of Ar­gile, 10 who (as ye haue heard) was fled ouer into Ire­land, The Mur­ [...]ies destroied vpon trust of the hatred into the which Mal­colme was run, with the most part of all his nobles and commons, through this slaughter of his people, and namelie of them of Murrey land, he thought to Somerleid returneth in­to Scotland. assaie fortunes chance once againe, and so therevpon returned with certeine Kernes and naked men into Scotland. But this last enterprise of his came to a more vnluckie end than the first, for being vanqui­shed Somerleid vanquished at Renfrow. Somerleid is hanged. in battell at Renfrow, he lost the most part of 20 all his men, and was taken prisoner himselfe, and after hanged on a gibbet, by commandement of the king, according to that he had iustlie merited. Mal­colme hauing thus subdued his aduersaries, and be­ing King Mal­colmes sisters maried. now in rest and quiet, he set his mind wholie to gouerne his realme in vpright iustice, and hauing two sisters mariable, he coopled the elder named Margaret with Conon duke of Britaine, and the yoonger called Adhama he maried with Florens earle of Holland. 30

After this, there was a councell holden at Scone of all the Scotish nobilitie, where when they were as­sembled togither in the councell-chamber, Arnold [...] parlement at Scone. archbishop of saint Andrewes stood vp, and by a verie pithie oration, tooke vpon him to aduise the king to change his purpose touching his vow, which (as ap­péered) The oration of Arnold bi­shop of saint Andrewes. he had made to liue chast. He declared vnto him by manie weightie reasons, that it was not on­lie necessarie for him and his realme, that he should take a wife (by whome he might raise vp séed to suc­céed 40 him in the posséssion of the crowne) but also that he might not choose a more perfect state of life (consi­dering the office wherein he was placed) than ma­trimonie, being instituted, not by this law-maker Matrimonie instituted by God. or that, but by God himselfe, who in no one of all his ordinances might erre or be deceiued. Againe for pleasure, he affirmed how nothing could be more de­lectable to him, than to haue a woorthie ladie to his The pleasure of mariage. The commo­dities by a [...]. bedfellow, with whome he might conferre all the con­ceits of his hart, both of griefe and gladnesse, she be­ing 50 a comfort vnto him as well in weale as in wo, an helpe both in sicknesse & health, redie to asswage anger, and to aduance mirth, also to refresh the spi­rits being wearied or in anie wise faint through stu­dious trauell and care of mind.

Then shewed he what an aid children were vnto Children an aid. their parents, namelie to kings, how in peace they might gouerne vnder them, to the great commodi­tie of the common-wealth, and in warre supplie their roomes as lieutenants in defense of their countries, 60 to the no small terror of the enimies. Wherefore sith men are not borne onelie for their owne weale, but Men not borne for them [...]. also for the profit of their friends, and commoditie of their countrie; it could not be chosen, but that he ought to persuade with himselfe to alter his purpo­sed intention, concerning the obseruance of chastitie, and to take a wife to the great ioy and comfort of his subiects, sith it was commendable both before God Commenda­ble before God and man. and man, and so necessarie withall and profitable, as nothing might be more. But these and manie other most weightie reasons could nothing mooue his con­stant K. Malcolme might not be persuaded to take a wife. mind, hauing euen from his tender yéeres affi­anced his virginitie vnto Christ, trusting that God would so prouide, that the realme should not be desti­tute of conuenient heires, when the time came that it should please his diuine maiestie to take him hence to his mercie from amongst his subiects. Thus brake vp that councell without anie effect of the pur­pose for the which it was called.

Shortlie after it chanced that king Malcolme fell sicke, continuing so a long time, by reason whereof he sought meanes to conclude a peace with Henrie A peace con­cluded with England. The Abbeie of saint An­drewes buil­ded. king of England; which being brought to passe, he set woorkemen in hand to laie the foundation of saint Rewles abbeie, which afterwards bare the name of saint Andrewes. When he had finished this house, be­ing a goodlie péece of woorke, and verie costlie, as may appéere at this day by the view thereof, he assig­ned foorth certeine rents for the sustentation of the canons, whome he placed there of the order of saint Augustine, not so largelie as serued for the mainte­nance of superfluous cheere, but yet sufficient for their necessarie finding: by reason whereof, the ca­nons Supers [...]ous rents of ab­beies, prouo­cations to in­ordinate lusts. of that abbeie liued in those daies in most ser­uent deuotion, hauing no prouocations at all to in­ordinate lusts and sensuall pleasures; but onelie gi­uen to diuine contemplation, without respect to a­uarice, or inlarging the possessions and reuenues of their house. He founded also the abbeie of Couper of the Cisteaux order, and indowed it with manie faire The abbeie of Couper founded. The death of king Mal­colme. A comet. lands and wealthie possessions. Finallie, being vexed with long infirmitie, he departed out of this life at Iedburgh the 12 yeere of his reigne. A certeine co­met or blasing starre appéered 14 daies togither be­fore his death, with long beames verie terrible to be­hold. His bodie was buried at Dunfermling, after the incarnation 1185 yéeres. In the daies of this 1185. Roger arch­bishop of yorke the popes legat. Malcolme, Roger archbishop of Yorke, constituted the popes legat, could not be suffered to enter into Scotland, bicause he was a man highlie defamed for his couetous practising to inrich himselfe by vn­lawfull meanes.

AFter Malcolme succeeded his brother Willi­am, surnamed for his singular iustice, the Lion. william sur­named the Lion. Ambassadors sent to the king of Eng­land. Shortlie after his coronation, he sent ambassadors vnto Henrie king of England, requiring him, that according to iustice, he would restore vnto him the earledome of Northumberland, sith it apperteined by good and lawfull interest vnto his inheritance. King Henrie answered the messengers, that if king King William is required to d [...] homage. William would come vnto London, and there doo his homage for Cumberland and Huntington, he should be assured to haue all things so ordered, as he reasonablie could wish or demand. Héerevpon king K. Williams request for the restitution of Northumber­land. The answer of king Hen­rie. William went into England, and so came to Lon­don, and after he had doone his homage for Cumber­land and Huntington, he required the restitution of Northumberland. But king Henrie made answer as then, that forsomuch as the same was annexed to the crowne, he might not without the assent of all the estates of his realme make restitution thereof. Notwithstanding, in the next parlement, he pro­mised to cause the matter to be proponed: and if it came to passe that his demand were found to stand with reason, he would doo therein according to con­science, when time expedient should serue thereto.

About the same season, king Henrie passed ouer into Normandie with an armie, and caused king King Henrie saileth into Normandie. King William with manie nobles of Scotland went with king Henrie ouer into France. William, with manie other nobles of Scotland, to go with him in that iournie. For K. William would not disobeie his commandement at that present, in hope to atteine in quiet and peaceable manner his sute touching the restitution of Northumberland (as the Scotish writers doo affirme) but in the end, after he had continued a long time with king Henrie, and perceiued no comfort to recouer his lands, he got li­cence with much adoo to returne home: and so com­ming backe into England, passed through the realme [Page 188] with his nobles into Scotland, where he applied his whole indenour to vnderstand the state of the com­mon-wealth of his subiects, and speciallie he tooke or­der in most diligent wise, to punish eruelties doone by theeues and robbers, which vndoubtedlie was one K. Williams sale of iustice. of the most profitable acts that he could deuise to ac­complish at that present, considering the state of his realme, as it then stood. For if the damages & skathes committed by théeues and robbers were equallie pondered with the hurts and hinderances which dai­lie 10 Scotland more indaina­ged by dome­sticall théeues than by fo­raine enimies. grow by open warre against anie forren nation, it may well appéere, that more harme ariseth, & more heinous cruelties are exercised against the poore and miserable commons and innocent people, by such as liue by rapine & spoiling at home, than by anie out­ward enimies, be they neuer so fierce and strong in the field. And therefore the prudent consideration of this prince was no lesse to be commended, in that he sought to represse the licentious outrage of such ar­rand théeues and priuie murtherers, than if he had 20 slaine manie thousands of forren enimies.

When he had once clensed the realme of those mis­gouerned Ambassadors sent to king Henrie. persons, he sent estsoones his ambassadors to king Henrie, requiring (as before) to haue Nor­thumberland restored vnto him, with notice giuen, that if he might not haue it with fauour, he would as­saie to recouer it by force. King Henrie perceiuing that he must either satisfie king Williams request, Sée more thereof in England. either else haue open warres with the Scots, by ad­uise of his nobles, restored to king William so much 30 of Northumberland as his grandfather K. Malcolme had in possession. King William accepted the offer, but so, as he protested that he receiued not that part in full recompense of the whole which was due vnto A portion of Northumber­land restored to the Scots. King William receiued a peece of Nor­thumberland with his right saued to the re­sidue. King Henrie repenting him sel [...]e of that which he had deliuered to the Scots seeketh new occasions of warre. Warres with England. him (so saie the Scotish writers) but so as his entier right might alwaies be saued as well to the residue as to that which was then restored. Within few yéeres after, king Henrie féeling what hinderance it was for him to forbeare the commodities of those lands, which were thus deliuered vp to the Scotish 40 kings vse, repented him of that bargaine: and there­fore to find some occasion to recouer the same again, he procured his subiects that dwelled vpon the bor­ders, to make forreies into the lands perteining to the Scots, so to prouoke them to battell.

Complaint of these iniuries being brought vnto the warden of the Scotish borders, by such Scots as had lost such goods as were taken awaie by the Eng­lishmen, he sent to demand restitution; but forsomuch as he could haue no towardlie answer, he got togi­ther 50 a great number of men, the which entering into the English ground, did much hurt on ech side where they came. At the same time was king Henrie in France, and therefore the Englishmen thought it sufficient to defend themselus as well as they might without attempting anie notable enterprise in re­uenge of the displeasures doone by the Scots. Har­uest was also at hand, and there vpon they ceassed on either part from further inuasions, till the winter season, which passed also without anie exploit atchi­ued, 60 woorthie to be remembred; sauing certeine small rodes made by the Scots into the English bor­ders, as they saw occasion to serue thereto.

But in the summer next following, king Willi­am raised a mightie armie, and came with the same King William inuadeth Cumberland. into Cumberland, the right wing of the which armie was led by Gilcrist, whose approoued valiancie often shewed in the time of king Malcolme, had aduanced him to marie with the kings sister. The left wing was assigued vnto the conduct of one Rowland the kings coosen, who was also lieutenant of the horsse­men. The middle ward or battell the king himselfe led. The Englishmen, to the intent they might haue time and leasure to assemble their power, sent vnto king William, offering vnto him, not onelie large The offers of the English­men. summes of monie, if he would returne backe with his armie without further inuasion, but also redresse of all maner of iniuries and wrongs, if anie such on their behalfe were to be prooued. But king William for answer héerevnto declared, that he had not be­gun The answer of king Wil­liam. the warre for anie desire he had to monie; nei­ther had he first giuen the occasion, as one that was euer willing to liue vpon his owne: so that if they could be contented to restore Northumberland being his rightfull heritage, he was not so desirous of bloud, but that he would gladlie ceasse from all fur­ther attempts.

The Englishmen hauing receiued this answer, to the end they might protract the time in sending still to and fro, till they might espie some occasion to woorke such feates as they had imagined, addressed foorth other ambassadors vnto king William, with diuerse faire offers and golden promises. In the meane time, to take the Scotishmen at some aduan­tage, they conueie their whole power in the night season néere vnto the place where the same Scotish­men laie in campe, & diuiding themselues into two The English men séeke by policie to van­quish the Scots. parts, the one was appointed to abide in the fields, till the sunne were vp, and then to shew themselues to the enimies, to traine them foorth to battell: the o­ther companie was laid closelie in a vallie not farre off, to take the aduantage as they saw their time. In the morning about the rising of the sunne, those that were appointed to procure the skirmish, approched so néere to the enimies campe, till they came euen with­in sight of them. The Scots amazed with the strang­nesse of the thing, for that they had not heard before of anie assemblie of the Englishmen, at the first were some what afraid: but anon incouraging one another, they boldlie issued forth vpon their enimies, who of purpose (at the first) made but weake resi­stance, and at length fled amaine, to the intent to The English men retire of purpose. cause the Scotishmen to breake their arraie of bat­tell in pursuing them, which they did so egerlie, that they left their king but slenderlie garded with a The kingle [...] but weakelie garded. small companie about him. Then the ambushment lieng in the vallie, brake foorth vpon him, according to the order before appointed, and in the meane time, the other that fled cast themselues about, and manlie abode their enimies, so earnestlie laieng it to their charge, that in fine they droue them backe, and con­streined them to flee in good earnest, which they them­selues had but onelie counterfeited to doo before.

King William perceiuing his people thus dis­comfited, The Scots constreined to flée. and himselfe inclosed on ech side amongst his enimies, after he had assaied to breake foorth on some side from amongst them, when he saw his inde­nour could by no meanes preuaile, and that the eni­mies King William yéeldeth him­selfe prisoner. made onelie at him, he yéelded himselfe. There was not much bloud spilled on either side at this bic­kering, for the one part in the beginning of the fraie (as ye haue heard) fleeing of set purpose to the place where their ambush laie, escaped without much hurt; and the other, scared by the breaking foorth of the am­bush, abode the brunt but a small while, returning immediatlie towards the king; and then perceiuing they could doo no good, they made the best shift they could ech man for himselfe, to escape the enimies hands. The king being thus taken of his enimies, King William conueied into Normandie. was conueied to king Henrie ouer into Norman­die, where he was as then remaining. The yéere that king William was thus taken, was after the birth of our Sauiour Christ 1174, and the ninth of king 1174. Williams reigne.

¶ Other writers report the maner of his taking, Discord of writers. not altogither agréeable with that which we haue héere aboue remembred, who declare how K. Willi­am, after he had wasted all Cumberland, came into [Page 189] Northumberland, not ceassing till he came to An­wike, where he staied for a time to haue had battell: but in the meane while the Englishmen laie close to­gither without noise or appearance, in such wise that no Scotishman could haue vnderstanding where they were. At length king William wearied with long tarieng thus at Anwike, and seeing no enimies to appéere, determined to woorke some exploit yet be­fore his returne, and there vpon sent foorth the most part of all his armie abroad into the countrie, to for­reie 10 the same, kéeping no great companie about him, till the returne of the other thus sent foorth. Wherevpon incontinentlie a great ambushment of Englishmen came vpon him with counterfeited Scotish ensignes, and were not once suspected for Englishmen, till the king was compassed in by them on ech side, and so finallie taken and led awaie yer a­nie Scotishman wist thereof, saue a few which were left (as is said) with him for the time. In déed Wil­helmus Wilhelmus Paruus. Paruus, a canon sometime in the abbeie of 20 Bridlington in Yorkeshire, in that his booke which he writes of the Norman kings of England, affirmes how there were not manie more than about three score horssemen with king William, while he was thus taken; and that the Englishmen were not past foure hundred horssemen, which tooke vpon them that enterprise; whose capteins (as he reciteth) were Capteins of the English­men. these: Robert de Stuteuill, Ranulfe de Glanuill, Bernard de Ballioll, and diuerse other.

The same author writeth, that after the taking of 30 the king, there rose a mutinie amongst the Scots: W. Paruus. for whereas the Irish Scots bare a naturall grudge against the English Scots, yet whilest the king was present amongst them, they durst not vtter their malicious intentions: but now that he was thus ta­ken from them, so manie of the English Scots as fell into the hands of the Irish, paid déerelie for the bargaine, being cruellie murthered and slaine: so that the residue were constreined to get them out of the waie into castels and towers, where they might 40 be receiued. But now it is to be considered, that bi­cause there was no great slaughter made at the ta­king of king William, the warres notwithstanding continued betwixt England and Scotland: for the two before specified chiefteins Gilcrist and Rowland stoutlie withstood the Englishmen, and beat them Gilcrist and Rowland re­sist the Eng­lishmen. backe as they enterprised to enter into Cumber­land. At length a peace was taken, during the time that king William remained in captiuitie; vnder these conditions, that Northumberland should conti­nue vnder the dominion of the Englishmen, and 50 Northumber­land vnder the Englishmen. Cumberland (with the earledome of Huntington) to remaine (as before) vnder the gouernance of the Scotishmen.

Immediatlie vpon the taking of king William thus at Anwike, his brother Dauid earle of Hun­tington, thorough licence of king Henrie came into Dauid earle of Huntington. Scotland, to haue the gouernement of the realme, till the king his brother might be redeemed. So soone therefore as he had once established the realme in 60 good quiet and iustice, he sent Richard the bishop of saint Andrewes, with diuerse other noble men, ouer into Normandie, to take order there with K. Hen­rie for the ransome of the king his brother, which was agréed in this manner. First, it was accorded, that king William should become and acknowledge The king of Scots dooth [...]altie to the king of Eng­land for Scot­land. Rog. Houed. Matth. West. himselfe to be the king of Englands liege man, a­gainst all men for the realme of Scotland and his o­ther lands; and for the same should doo fealtie to the said king of England, as to his liege souereigne lord, in like sort as other his liege people were accusto­med to doo. And further, he should also doo fealtie vnto the lord Henrie, the king of Englands sonne, (sa­uing alwaies the faith which he owght the king his father.) And in like manner it was couenanted and agréed, that all the prelats of Scotland, and their suc­cessors, The prelats of Scotland doo fealtie to the king of England. The earles and lords doo homage vnto him. should recognise their woonted subiection to the church of England, and doo fealtie to the king of England, so manie of them as he should appoint. And likewise the earle and barons of Scotland, and their heires for their part, should doo their homage and fealties vnto the said king of England, and to the lord. Henrie his sonne, so manie as therevnto should be required.

Moreouer, the king of Scots should paie for his King William ransomed. redemption one hundred thousand pounds sterling, the one halfe to be paid in hand: and for sure pai­ment of the other halfe, the earledomes of Cumber­land, Huntington, and Northumberland should be deliuered vnto king Henrie in pledge or mortgage, till the time that the same summe was paid. And for the more suertie of these couenants, and that the Scots should mooue no warre against the English­men, foure of the strongest castels within Scotland, Foure castels deliuered to the English­men in pledge. that is to saie, Berwike, Edenburgh, Koxburgh, & Striueling, were deliuered into the Englishmens hands. These things being thus ordered the eight day of December 1175. & the king restored home, there followed a new stirre in Scotland, for Gilbert 1175. Gilbert of Galloway re­belieth. of Galloway, a right cruell and most mischiefous person, purposing to conquer the crowne by force, made great slaughter of all them that withstood his desire. And because his brother reprooued his doo­ings, he put out his eies, and cut off his hands. A­gainst this Gilbert was Gilcrist sent with an ar­mie by the king. There was fought a sore battell betwixt them, for the most part of those that followed Gilberts commandement, were desperat fellowes, such commonlie as for murder and other heinous crimes by them committed were in danger of the lawes, and therefore vpon hope of pardon desired Gilbert of Galloway vanquished by Gilcrist. a change; but yet in the end, Gilcrist with multitude wan the field of them, and slue more in the chase than in the battell. Gilbert himselfe escaped and got ouer into the Ile of Man, and fled from thence into Ireland. Wilhelmus Paruus reporteth this matter Wilhelmus Paruus. somewhat otherwise, as thus: In the armie of king William (saith he) when he was taken neere vnto Anwike, were two brethren, Gilbert and Uared, that were lords of Galloway, hauing there with them a great retinue of their countriemen. These were the sonnes of Fergusius, sometime lord of that prouince; after whose deceasse the king of Scots that is superiour lord thereof, diuided the countrie be­twixt these two brethren. But Gilbert the eldest bro­ther found himselfe much griened to haue anie part of those lands (which were his fathers) giuen from him; yet doubting punishment at the kings hands, he durst not attempt anie thing against his brother, till it fortuned the king to be taken. And then deli­uered of the feare which had staied his mischiefous purpose, he taketh his brother at vnwares, and cru­ellie murdered him, after no common maner; but rather martyred him in beastlie wise, so to satisfie the instinct of his diuelish nature. And immediatlie after inuading the vpper countries, he exerciseth great slaughter of men on each hand. But his bro­ther had a sonne called Rowland, which proouing a valiant yoong gentleman, boldlie resisted his vncles rage, with the assistance and aid of his fathers friends. And thus was Scotland brought into trou­ble (as Wilhelmus Paruus recordeth) till by the fore­said Gilcrist the murderer was expelled, as before is expressed. In the yeare following tame Hugo car­dinall of saint Angelo as legat from the pope into Hugh cardi­nall of saint Angelo the popes legat. England, with authoritie to reforme the English churches, in such cases as were thought requisit; and after he had made an end there, to doo the like in [Page 190] Scotland. When he had therefore finished with Eng­land, he cited all the bishops of Scotland to appeare The bishops of Scotland summoned to a conuocation at Northamp ton. before him at a day prefixed at Northampton. They came according to his appointment, and being as­sembled there in consistorie, he went about in most earnest wise to persuade them to receiue the archbi­shop of Yorke for their metropolitane. But one Gil­bert a yoong man, howbeit sigularlie well learned, and for his holinesse of life much commended (as Hector Boetius writeth) being sent of purpose by king William vnto this conuocation, to foresée that 10 Gilbert a learned man defended the liberties of Scotland. nothing were concluded in the same, preiudiciall to the ancient liberties and franchises of the realme of Scotland, did argue so stifflie to the contrarie, that the cardinall left off the pursute of such maner of matter, and brake vp that councell without deter­mination of anie thing to the pupose in that behalfe.

This Gilbert that thus defended the cause and li­berties of the Scotish clergie, was afterwards made bishop of Cathnes, and finallie after his de­parture 20 Gilbert bishop of Cathnes. out of this transitorie life, registred for his supposed perfect holinesse of life among the number of saints. The chiefest eause that mooned the Sco­tish cleargie to withdraw their obedience from the primasie of Yorke, was the dissention and conti­nuall enimitie betwixt the two nations for superiori­tie in temporall causes. The same yeare that this councell was holden at Northampton, sundrie vn­keth woonders were séene in Albion. On Midsum­mer Woonders. day being the feast day of the natiuitie of saint 30 Iohn the Baptist, there fell such a storme of haile, that it killed manie shéepe and small cattell: people Haile. that were out of houses, and from vnder couert anie where abroad, were beaten to the earth with vio­lence of that storme. The sunne in September a­bout noonetide was darkened for the space of two The sun darkened. houres togither, without anie eclipse or cause na­turall by interposition of clouds. In Yorkeshire Thunder. was such terrible thunder with strange lightening, that manie abbeies and churches were consumed 40 with the fire.

About this season, the abbeie of Arbroth was built The founda­tion of the ab­beie of Ar­broth, or A­birbrothoke. in most magnificent wise, and indowed with lands and reuenues in such ample sort, that few houses within the bounds of Albion might compare there­with. The church was dedicated in the yeare of Grace 1178, by king William, in honor of Thomas 1178. Becket archbishop of Canturburie, with whome (as is said) he had great familiaritie in time of his yoong yeares. At the same time the abbeie of Hadington 50 The abbeie or nunrie of Ha­dington foun­ded. was founded by Adhama the mother of king Wil­liam, and shortlie after she had built it, she died. Not long after, king William sent as ambassadors Iohn bishop of saint Andrews, and Reignald abbat of Ar­broth Ambassadors to the pope. vnto pope Alexander the third, to present vnto him his obeisance, according as he thought stood with his duetie. The pope séeming to reioise there­at, A rose of gold. sent shortlie after vnto the king a rose of gold, filled with balme, and certeine new priuileges con­cerning the libertie of the church of Scotland. At 60 the same time Gilcrist, hauing his wife in suspicion Gilcrist mur­thereth his wife vpon su­spicion and adulterie. The kings indignation a­gainst Gil­crist. of adulterie, droue hir out of doores, and afterwards strangled hir in a village called Manis, not past a mile from Dundée. The king (for that she was his sister) tooke such indignation therewith, that he sei­zed vpon all his lands and goods, purposing to haue put him to death if he might haue got him into his hands: but when he saw he could not be found, he proclamed him traitor, and raced his castell (where­in Gilcrist pro­clamed trai­tor. he had dwelled) quite to the ground, in such wise that vnneth remaineth anie token at this day where it stood. This Gilcrist had a brother that hight Bre­dus, who before this mischance had got the lands of Bredus the brother of Gilcrist. Ogiluie: of whome the house of the Ogiluies tooke their beginning, that after came to great authori­tie The house of the Ogiluies in the court, though at this time (through Gil­crists offense) his whole familie was néere hand de­stroied. About this time also, the queene, king Wil­liam his wife, deceassed. A daughter which he had by hir, named Adhama, he gaue in mariage vnto the earle of Laon: but he himselfe after the deceasse of this his first wife maried Emengard, daughter to The earle of Laon. Richard vicount of Beaumount that was sonne to a daughter of king William the Conquerour. By Emengard. 1186. this mariage and aliance, the peace was newlie confirmed betwixt England and Scotland, in such wise, that neither part might receiue anie rebels to The peace confirmed with Eng­land. the other, by means whereof Gilcrist, that before was fled into England, was constreined to returne into Scotland, disguised in poore wéed, with two of his sonnes, and there passed foorth his life a long time The misera­ble state of Gilcrist. in great miserie amongest the woods and in out pla­ces, vnknowen to anie man what he was, by rea­son of his poore and simple habit. Somewhat before The castell of Edenburgh restored. the aboue remembred mariage, Henrie king of England at the motion of Hugh bishop of Durham rendered vp the castell of Edenburgh into K. Wil­liam his hands.

About this time the Souldane named Saladine prospered hugelie against the christians in the holie Saladine the Souldane. land, making such cruell slaughter of them, that to heare thereof, all christian hearts were mooued to pitifull commiseration and dolorous teares: in so much that Henrie king of England vowed to go thither with an armie to relieue the common neces­sitie King Henries purpose to go into the holie land against the Saracens hindered by rebellion of his sonne. of the christian publike weale, and had gone in deed, if he had not béene hindered by the conspira­cie of his sonne, whome latelie before he had caused to be crowned king, that went about to vsurpe the sole administration to himselfe now in his fathers life time. About the same time William went with an armie into Rosse, against Makulzen and Mak­bein, Makulzen and Mak­bein capteins of pirats. two capteins of the westerne Iles, which vsed vpon occasion to passe ouer into Rosse, Cathnes and Murrey land, spoiling and wasting those countries; & when they heard of anie power comming against them, they would streight returne to their ships, and repasse againe into the Iles. But at this time, the king had sent foorth a nauie to burne all those ves­sels, wherein the robbers had passed ouer and had left at anchor, by reason whereof when they were inclosed in on euerie side by the king, and taken pri­soners, Death on the whéele. they after had suffered death on the whéele, according to the maner of the ciuill law.

The king in his returne from this iournie, came Abirbrothoke is builded. by the abbeie of Abirbrothoke, to view the woorke of that house, how it went forwards, commanding them that were ouerséers and maisters of the works to spare for no costs, but to bring it vp to perfection, and that with most magnificence. After his depar­ture from thence, he tooke the way toward Bertha, Gilcrist del­uing clods. and by aduenture espied where Gilcrist was del­uing vp turfes, togither with his two sonnes. And though he knew not what they were, yet he mufed to sée two such goodlie yoong men, as by resemblance they appeared to be, to be thus occupied in such toi­ling and base labour. Incontinentlie herewith Gil­crist with his bald head came afore him, and falling downe on his knees at the kings féet, said: ‘If there Gilcrist asketh pardon of the king in vn­knowne ha­bit. be anie mercie in thée (most ruthfull prince) for them that are brought through their offenses into extreme miserie, hauing suffered condigne punishment for the same; I beséech thée for the loue that Christ had to all sinfull people, not sparing to shed his most preti­ous bloud for their redemption, to haue some pitie & compassion on me, & these my pooré & miserable sons, which with me haue suffered much griefe and penu­rie, not hauing deserued the same by anie crime by’ [Page 191] them committed.

At the last, when king William had inquired of Gilcrist decla­reth what he is. him what he was, and how it chanced he fell into such kind of miserie, the teares came so fast tricke­ling from his eies, that of a long time he was not a­ble to declare his owne name. At length being come to himselfe, he said: ‘I am Gilcrist (noble prince) the most sorrowfull creature on earth, which (alas) put my hands in thy bloud, and was therefore disheri­ted of all my lands, and banished with these my 10 two sonnes out of thy realme, wherevpon we remai­ned in England for a time, till through proclama­tion made against outlawes, I was constreined to come hither againe with my said sonnes, where we haue liued by roots all the summer season, and now in the winter are glad to get our liuing with trauell of hand thus in digging and deluing of clods. Ther­fore if anie ruth or pitie haue place in thy heart, or that thine indignation be qualified, haue mercie on our sorrowfull estate, and remit the offense, wherby 20 thou maiest not onelie purchase great honor and fame by example of pitie, being highlie renowmed for that vertue amongest all nations, but also win great merit afore God, for shewing thy selfe the fol­lower of Christ, the giuer of all mercie, grace, and peace.’

The king mooued by these woords, and remembring the good seruice which Gilcrist had imploid so often­times afore in defense of the realme; and againe pi­tieng his case, to consider from what degrée of ho­nor 30 The king ta­keth Gilcrist to his fauour, and restoreth vnto him his lands. he was fallen into the déepest bottome of ex­treme miserie, he tooke him wholie to his fauour, and not onelie forgaue him his former offenses, but also restored vnto him, and to his sonnes, all such lands as sometimes apperteined vnto them, except so much as the king had alreadie giuen vnto the abbeie of A­birbrothoke. Gilcrist euer after perseuered in due obedience to his prince. And forsomuch as his eldest sonne deceassed before him without heires, & that his yoonger sonne, by reason of some impediment which 40 he had, was vnméet for mariage, he gaue the most Gilcrists gift vnto the house of Abirbro­thoke. part of his lands after his owne deceasse vnto the said house of Abirbrothoke. His yoonger sonne also, no lesse well affectionated towards the same house, gaue the residue of his lands therevnto. The father and both his sonnes are buried before the altar of S. Katharine within the church of this abbeie, as the superscription of their toomes sheweth.

Though king William was earnestlie occupied in the aduancing forward of the building of Abir­brothoke, 50 yet did he not forget his dutie in the admi­nistration of his lawes; but diligentlie caused iustice to be executed, to the punishing of the wicked, and the rewarding of them that well deserued. He made also sundrie new laws for the restreining of théeues Laws deuised by king Wil­liam against théeues. and oppressors of the people, so rigorous, that they might be in feare to heare him named. Further­more, where as the church of Scotland was subiect to the church of Yorke, he obteined of pope Clement the third of that name, letters of exemption for his 60 clergie, whereby the church of Scotland (within the which were conteined the bishops sées of saint An­drews, Glasco, Dunkeld, Dublaine, Brighne, A­berden, Murrey, [...]osse, and Cathnesse) was declared exempt from all other forrein iurisdictions, except onelie from that of the see of Rome, so as it might not be lawfull from thenceforth for any that was not of the realme of Scotland, to pronounce sentence of interdiction or excommunication, or otherwise to deale in iudgement of ecclesiasticall causes, except such one as the apostolike sée of Rome should speci­allie appoint, and send thither with legantine power. The date of the said bull or letters of exemption thus obteined was at the popes palace of Laterane, the third Ides of March, and first yéere of the said pope Clements gouernment. Shortlie after, to wit in the yéere 1198, died Henrie king of England, after The death of Henrie king of England. whom succéeded his second sonne Richard: for Hen­rie his eldest sonne deceassed before his father.

King Richard, after his coronation, prepared him selfe to passe with an armie into the holie land, and K. Richard. therefore made peace with all his neighbors, that no trouble should follow to his realme by reason of his absence: and herevpon to keepe the Scots in friend­ship, rather by beneuolence than by feare, he rendred into their hands the castels of Roxburgh, Berwike, The castels of Roxburgh, Berw [...]ke, and Sterlin [...] ren­dred to king William. and Sterling: and moreouer that part of Northum­berland which his father had taken from king Wil­liam when he tooke him prisoner. He also deliuered the eariedomes of Huntington & Cumberland; but vnder condition, that all the castels and holds within them, should be in the kéeping of his capteins and souldiors, such as he should appoint. He released to king William also the residue of such summes of monie as were due for the foure castels laid to gage, ten thousand pounds onelie excepted, which he recei­ued in hand at that present towards the charges of his iournie. When king William had thus receiued Earle of Hun­tington. Scots with king Richard in the holie land. his lands and castels by surrender, he made his bro­ther Dauid earle of Huntington, who therevpon doo­ing his homage vnto king Richard, according to the old ordinance deuised by king Malcolme the first, went with him also in that voiage with fiue hun­dred Scotishmen, or rather fiue thousand (as the translator of Hector Boetius saith) if no fault be in the printer.

As the christian armie laie at siege before the ci­tie The siege of Acres. Oliuer a Sco­tishman. of Acres, otherwise called Acon, it chanced that one Oliuer a Scotishman borne, was within the towne reteined in seruice among the Saracens; for being conuict of felonie in his natiue countrie he was banished out of the same, and fled to the Sara­cens, remaining so long amongst them, that he had learned their toong verie perfectlie, so that as then few knew what countriman he was. It fortuned that this Oliuer had one of the gates in kéeping, on that side the towne where was but a single wall, without trenches, or anie other fortification. He hap­pened by some good aduenture to espie amongst the watch of those that were of the retinue of Dauid earle of Huntington, one of his owne kinsmen na­med Iohn Durward, with whom of long time before Iohn Dur­ward. he had béene most familiarlie acquainted; and incon­tinentlie he called to the same Durward, desiring vnder assurance to talke with him. After certeine communication, for that this Oliuer had not as yet vtterlie in his heart renounced the christian faith, he appointed with Durward to giue entrie at a cer­teine houre vnto earle Dauid, and to all the christi­an Earle Dauid entered the citie [...]con. armie, vpon condition that earle Dauid would sée him restored againe vnto his land and heritage in Scotland. The houre set, earle Dauid came with a great power of men to the gate before rehersed, where he was suffered to enter according to appoint­ment, and incontinentlie with great noise and cla­mour brake into the midst of the citie.

In the morning betimes, king Richard percei­uing the citie thus woone, entred the same, and short­ly after wan a tower, which the Saracens for a while manfullie defended. Thus was the citie of Acres woone from the Saracens, chieflie by means of the Scotishmen. But now touching their returne from this voiage (for sith in other places more large men­tion is made of such exploits as were atchiued there­in, I passe ouer to make anie longer discourse there­of in this place) ye shall vnderstand, that in that strei­nable tempest, in the which king Richards nauie was dispersed in his comming homewards (as in [Page 192] the historie of England is more at large expressed) the ship also that earle Dauid was in, chanced to be throwne on land on the coasts of Aegypt, where be­ing taken prisoner, and led into Alexandria, at length Earle Dauid taken prisoner He is re­deemed. he was redéemed by certeine merchants of Uenice, and first conucied vnto Constantinople, and after vnto Uenice, where he was bought out & redéemed by the English merchants, and in the end suffered to depart home. At his comming into Flanders, hée hi­red a vessell at Sluis, therwith to returne into Scot­land; 10 but being loosed a little off from the shore, such a He went to Scotland. vehement tempest suddenlie arose, that droue him, not without great danger of life, néere to the coasts of Norwaie and Shetland.

Here in the midst of this extreame ieopardie (as hath béene reported) after he had made a vow to Arriued at Dundee. build a church in the honor of the virgin Marie, if he might escape that danger of seas, he arriued at length in Taie water beside Dundée, not far from saint Nicholas chappell, without either rudder or 20 tackle. The place where he arriued before that time hight Alectum, but he as then changed the name, and called it Dundee, which signifieth as though ye The name of Dundée. should say, The gift of God. When his brother the king heard that he was returned, supposing long time before, that he had béene dead, he came spéedi­lie vnto Dundée to welcome him home, shewing himselfe most glad of his returne, insomuch that he caused publike processions to be celebrate through Procession was holden. the realme, to giue God thanks that had thus resto­red 30 his brother home into his countrie. Earle Da­uid, according as he had vowed, builded a church in the field commonlie called the wheat field, and dedi­cating A church bu [...]t. it in honor of the virgin Marie, made it a pa­rish church. At a parlement also holden after this at Dundée, licence was granted vnto him to build an abbie in what place it shuld please him within Scot­land, and to indow it with lands and rents as hée should thinke good. There were also manie priuile­ges Priuileges granted to the towne of Dundée. granted the same time vnto Dundée, which in­dure 40 to this day.

Earle Dauid not refusing the grant and beneuo­lence of the king his brother, builded an abbeie cal­led The abbeie of Lundoris. Lundoris, for moonks of the order of saint Be­net. One thing there is much to be woondered at, as a strange singularitie. For whereas that house standeth in a vallie, inclosed on each side with wood and water, by reason whereof there is great abun­dance of adders; yet dooth no man catch hurt by anie of them, insomuch that ye shall see yong children play 50 Adders with­out hurt. and run vp and downe amongst a great number of them, without anie skath or hurt following vnto them thereof. In this meane while, Richard king of England (who also in his returne out of the holie land was taken prisoner by the emperour of Al­maine) was deliuered for a great summe of monie, and so returned into his countrie. King William hearing of king Richards returne into England, to K. Richards returne into England. congratulate the same, tooke his brother earle Da­uid with him, and came vnto London, where, in to­ken 60 of ioy, that he had vnfeinedlie conceiued for his safe comming home, after all troubles and dangers which he had passed, he gaue vnto him two thousand markes sterling, for that he knew at what great The gift of king william to king Ri­chard. charges he had béene, aswell for furnishing of his voiage, as also for redéeming of his libertie.

By these friendlie points of humanitie shewed, there followed great amitie and loue betwixt these two kings. But king William fell sicke in Eng­land, and as it often happeneth, such as were vnquiet persons, desirous to be deliuered of all feare of lawes, were streight way put in an vntrue beliefe, that he was dead: and causing it to be bruted abrode, A brute raised that the king was dead. began to exercise all kind of misdemeanors by inua­ding the poore and simple people, with spoilings and slaughters in all parts. But after it was certeinlie Herald thane of Cathnes succourer of rebels. knowne, that the king was not onelie aliue, but al­so recouered of his infirmitie, and comming home­wards, those raskals and wicked rebels withdrew vnder the conduct of one Herald the thane of Cath­nes, and erle of Orkenie, vnto the vttermost bounds of Scotland. Howbeit the king pursued them in such diligent and earnest maner, that he apprehended the most part of them in Cathnes, and commanded iustice to be doone on them, in such wise, that mercie Iustice not destitute of mercie. was not yet wanting: for such as were thought to be after a sort giltlesse, were pardoned, and the other punished, euerie one according to the measure of his offenses.

But the principall leader of them, that is to say, the forenamed Herald, for that time escaped into the westerne Iles, but shortly after, returning to Cath­nes, he was taken and brought to the king, who cau­sed The thane of Cathnes taken. Seuere pu­nishment. his eies first to be put out, then gelded, and lastlie to be hanged on a paire of gallowes. Also all those of his linage that were men, were likewise gelded, that no succession should follow of so wicked a wéed. In the yeere next insuing was more dearth felt in Scotland, than euer was heard of before: for a Great dearth measure of barlie, in Scotish called a boll, was sold for fiue crownes; and yet in the yéere next following, accounting from the natiuitie of our Sauior 1199, was more plentifull abundance than euer had béene 1199 séene afore. The same yéere king Williams wife Er­mengard was deliuered of a yoong sonne named A­lexander. Alexander the prince of Scotland. The same yeere also died Richard king of England, & his brother Iohn succeeded in his place. About thrée yéeres after this, was the foresaid Alex­ander the kings sonne created prince of Scoltand. And the same yéere came a legat from the pope sent A legat sent from the pope. to K. William, presenting vnto him a sword, with a sheath & hilts of gold set full of rich pretious stones. He presented vnto him also a hat or bonet, made in maner of a diademe of purple hue, in token (as it A hat. should meane) that he was defender of the church. Defender of the church. Manie indulgences and priuileges were granted at the same time by the pope, for the libertie of the church of Scotland. It was ordeined also the same time, that saturdaie should be kept as holidaie from Saturday af­ter noone to be kept holie. noone forward, and great punishment appointed for them that transgressed this ordinance, in dooing a­nie bodilie worke from saturdaie at noone, vntill mondaie in the morning.

After this, king William returned againe into King william did homage to king Iohn of England. England to doo his homage vnto king Iohn, for the lands of Cumberland, Huntington, and Northum­berland. Immediatlie wherevpon king Iohn willed him to passe with him into France, to make warres against the Frenchmen. And bicause he refused so to doo, king Iohn made claime to all the foresaid lands as forfeited to the crowne of England, and caused a great bootie of goods to be fetched out of the same: so that open warres had immediatlie followed, if the English lords had not compelled K. Iohn to make restitution of all the goods so taken; bicause they thought it not expedient in anie wise to haue wars with the Scots at the same time, being alreadie in trouble with the Frenchmen. In the winter follow­ing, the frost was so vehement, & continued so long, that till mid March, no plough might be put into the ground. Ale was frozen in such wise within houses, Ale sold by weight. and cellers, that it was sold by weight. Such a great snow fell also therewith, that beasts died in manie places in great numbers. Moreouer, from the Twelfthtide till Februarie, there was euerie day Earthquakes verie terrible earthquakes.

After the end of winter, king Iohn hauing made an end of his warres with France, began to build [Page 193] a castell in Northumberland ouer against Berwike, vpon purpose to haue some quarell to fall out with the Scots. King William being aduertised thereof, sent his ambassadors vnto king Iohn, requiring him to desist from such attempts, and not to séeke a­nie occasion of new trouble: but forsomuch as he re­ceiued no towardlie answer againe from K. Iohn, he assembled a power, & comming to the castell which king Iohn had caused to be builded, he ouerthrew A castell ouer­throwne. the same, and raced it to the earth. King Iohn sore 10 offended herewith, raised a mightie armie, and came towards Scotland, but at his comming to the bor­ders, he found his aduersarie king William readie to receiue him by battell, if he had come forward; howbeit through mediation of prudent men, the matter was taken vp betwixt them, so that on ei­ther A peace esta­blished a [...] york betwixt the kings Iohn and William. side the armies were dissolued, & both the kings repairing to Yorke, established a peace there, with these conditions, that Margaret and Isabell daugh­ters to king William, after the tearme of 9 yéeres 20 then next insuing were once expired, should be cou­pled The couenāts of the peace. in mariage with Henrie and Richard the sons of king Iohn, vpon this paction and couenant, that if the one died, the other should succéed to the crowne. For the which it was couenanted, that king Willi­am should giue a right large dower. Also the castell which king Iohn had builded, and king William raced, it was agréed that it should remaine so defa­ced, and neuer after againe to be repared. For the sure performance of these articles thus betwixt the Scotish hosta­ges deliuered to king Iohn. two kings concluded, nine noble men of Scotland 30 were appointed to be deliuered as hostages vnto king Iohn. In that assemblie there at Yorke, King William also surrendered into the hands of king Iohn, the lands of Cumberland, Hunting­ton, and Northumberland; to the intent he should as­signe A surrender made to a vse. those lands againe vnto his sonne prince Alex­ander, and he to doo homage for the same, according to the maner and custome in that case prouided, for a knowledge and recognition that those lands were holden of the kings of England, as superior lords of 40 the same. During the abode of these two kings at Yorke, there was brought vnto them a child of sin­gular beautie, sonne and heire to a gentleman of great possessions in those parties, being sore vexed with diuerse and sundrie diseases; for one of his eies was consumed & lost through an issue which it had of corrupt and filthie humors, the one of his hands was dried vp; the one of his féet was so taken, that he had no vse thereof; and his toong likewise that he 50 could not speake. The physicians that saw him thus troubled with such contrarie infirmities, iudged him incurable. Neuerthelesse, king William making a crosse on him, restored him immediatlie to health. A child healed by K. William. By reason whereof, manie beleeued that this was doone by miracle, through the power of almightie God, that the vertue of so godlie a prince might bée notified to the world.

After his returne from Yorke into Scotland, he indowed the churches of Newbottell, Melros, Holie 60 Churches in­dowed by king William. rood house, Dunfirmling, and Aberden, with manie faire possessions, as the letters patents made therof by him beare manifest testimonie. He also erected one new bishops see called Argile, giuing therto suf­ficient The erection of the sée of Argile. lands towards the maintenance and susten­tation thereof. After this, comming vnto the towne of Bertha, he had not remained there manie daies, The towne of Bertha drow­ned by inun­ [...]ation. but there chanced such a floud, by reason of the rising and inundation of the two riuers, Taie & Almond, that through violence of the streme the towne wals were borne downe, and much people in the towne drowned, yer they could make anie shift to saue themselues, insomuch that though the king with his The king in danger of browning. wife, and the most part of his familie escaped out of that great danger and ieopardie, his yongest sonne yet named Iohn, with his nursse and twelue other women perished, and twentie other of his seruants Iohn ye kings son drowned. beside. Héere was heard such clamor, noise, & lamen­table cries, with bitter rorings and dreadfull shri­kings, as is vsed in time when anie towne is sud­denlie taken and surprised by the enimies: for as the cōmon prouerbe witnesseth; Fier & water haue no mercie: and yet of these two, water is more ter­rible and dangerous: for there is no force or wit of man able to resist the violence of inundations, where they suddenlie breake in.

King William, after that the towne of Bertha The towne of Perth builded was thus destroied and ouerflowed with water, be­gan the foundation of an other towne, which was af­ter called Perth, by a man of that name that owght the ground where the same towne was builded. Fur­thermore, to aduance the dignitie and augmentation of this towne, the king granted sundrie beneficiall Fréedome granted to the towne of Perth. priuileges and freedoms thereto, that it might the soo­ner rise in riches and wealth. The first foundation thereof was laid after the incarnation of our Saui­our 1210 yéeres, but the name was changed after­wards, and called saint Iohns towne, which name it beareth euen vnto this day. About the same time Saint Iohns towne. Gothred moo­ued a rebellion in Cathnes. there rose estsoones new trouble in Cathnes, for one Gothred the sonne of Makuilzen (of whose rebellion ye haue heard before) spoiled with often incursions and rodes the countrie of Rosse, and other bounds there abouts. His companie increased dailie more His companie increaseth. and more, by repaire of such number of rebels as came vnto him out of Lochquhaber, & the westerne Iles. King William, to represse these attempts, sent foorth the earles of Fife and Atholl, with the thane of The earles of Fife and A­tholl sent a­gainst him. The rebels o­uerthrowne. Gothred ta­ken and be­headed. Buchquhane, hauing six thousand in their companie, the which incountering with the enimies in set bat­tell, gaue them the ouerthrow, and taking Gothred their chiefe capteine prisoner, brought him vnto the king, who caused both him and diuerse other which were likewise taken prisoners, to lose their heads. Gothred himselfe was sore wounded, before he was taken; so that if his takers had not made the more spéed in the conueieng of him to the king, he had died of his hurts before execution had thus béene doone on him accordinglie as was appointed.

About this time arose the dissention and variance The dissenti­on betwixt the pope and king Iohn. The cause. betwixt Iohn king of England, and pope Innocent the third, for that the English cleargie refused to aid the said Iohn with such summes of monie as he de­manded of them. Shortlie after, William king of Scotland, worne with long age, departed out of this The death of king William. world at Striueling, in the 74 yéere of his age, and in the 49 yéere of his reigne, and after the incarnati­on of Christ 1214 yéeres. He was buried in Aber­brothoke, 1214. before the high altar within the quier. The yéere afore his death, two comets or blasing starres Two blazing starres. appéered in the moneth of March, verie terrible to be­hold; the one did shine before the rising of the sunne, and the other before the going downe thereof. The yéere next following, there was a cow in Northum­berland A monstrueus calte. that calued a verie monstruous calfe; for the head and necke resembled a verie calfe in déed, but the residue of the bodie was like vnto a colt. In the winter after, there were séene also two moones in the Two moones. firmament, the one being seuered from the other, and in shape naturallie horned, as ye see the moone in hir increasing or waning. King William in his life The abbeie of Balmernocht founded. time founded the abbeie of Balmernocht, but his wife quéene Ermengard indowed it with lands and possessions after his deceasse. In the 46 yéere of this king Williams reigne, two moonks of the Trinitie order were sent into Scotland by pope Innocent, to whome king William gaue his palace roiall in A­berden, to conuert the same into an abbeie for them [Page 194] to inhabit: and was in mind to haue giuen them manie other bountifull gifts, if he had liued anie lon­ger time.

AFter the deceasse of king William, his sonne Alexander the second of that name succeeded, Alexan­der. and was crowned at Scone with all due solemnitie; which being finished, he went vnto Abirbrothoke, Alexander the second is crowned at Scone. A time of mourning. where he remained 14 daies, in attending the fune­rall obsequies of his father, and commanded that no publike plaies nor great feasts should be vsed or kept 10 in all that yéere, to the intent the death of his father might be lamented through the whole realme. The king himselfe, and all his seruants also, were clothed in mourning weed, during the space of one whole yéere. The first parlement which he called, was hol­den at Edenburgh, in the which he confirmed all the A parlement at Edenburgh acts and ordinances deuised by his father: and fur­ther appointed that all such as had borne offices vn­der Confirmation of officers. him, should still inioy the same. Namelie he com­manded that William Wood bishop of Dunblaine 20 should still continue lord chancellor, and Alane of Galloway high constable, which is an office of most The office of the constable. honor & reputation next to the king, as he that hath power of life and death, if anie man draw bloud of an other by violence within two miles of the court.

When this parlement was ended, bicause the old queene his mother determined to remaine, during the residue of hir life, in the place where that holie woman queene Margaret sometime led hir life, he gaue vnto hir towards the maintenance of hir e­state, 30 the castels & townes of Forfair, with the lands The lands of Forfair giuen to the old quéene. A princelie appointment. and possessions to the same belonging. He also ap­pointed certeine sage and most graue personages, to be chosen foorth as iudges, which should be resident in euerie citie and good towne of his realme, for the hea­ring and due determining of all quarrels and mat­ters in controuersie betwixt partie and partie. In this meane time great dissention rose betwixt Iohn king of England, and his barons, by reason whereof Dissention be­twixt king Iohn and his nobles. great warres insued, as in the English historie dooth appéere. The barons made sute both to the French 40 king, & to the king of Scots for aid, so that at length Lewes the French kings sonne came ouer to sup­port them, whereof when king Alexander was aduer­tised, he likewise came with an armie through Eng­land King Alexan­der passeth to London. vnto London, causing his souldiers by the waie to absteine from dooing anie kind of damage to the people. By his comming things were partlie quie­ted for a time, and shortlie after that he had commu­ned with Lewes touching sundrie affaires pertei­ning 50 to both the realmes, they passed the seas with ten vessels ouer into France, leauing their powers behind them to assist the English lords.

The French king aduertised thereof, came downe to Bullongne, where finding his son and king Alex­ander, he renewed the ancient bond of amitie be­twixt France and Scotland, with the same Alexan­der, The league betwixt France and Scotland re­newed. according to the couenants of the old league, with this addition; that neither prince should receiue the enimies of the others realme, nor to marrie with 60 anie stranger, the one not making the other priuie thereto. These things being ratified, king Alexander The best ap­prooued wri­ters affirme that Lewes went not ouer into France, till after the death of king Iohn. Lewes and king Alexan­der accurssed. A councell at Rome. and Lewes returned into England: shortlie where­vpon, king Iohn died, more through anguish of mind and melancholie, than by force of anie other naturall disease. His son Henrie, the third of that name, suc­céeded him. And in the meane time had the pope ac­curssed both Lewes, and king Alexander, with all those that fauoured their cause against king Iohn, which cursse was pronounced in a generall councell, which was holden at Rome by pope Innocent, there being present foure hundred and twelue bishops, and eight hundred abbats. King Alexander after the de­ceasse of king Iohn, returning homewards with his armie, thought he might haue passed quietlie with­out King Alexan­der returneth into his coun­trie. anie annoiance by the waie, through meanes whereof he lost a certeine number of his men, being suddenlie inuaded by such Englishmen, as watched their time to take the Scots at some aduantage, in straieng abroad out of order: with which iniurie king Alexander was so mooued, that he spoiled and harri­ed all the countries by the which he passed, till he was entered within the confines of his owne dominion.

Shortlie after, Cardinall Gualo came into Eng­land furnished with the popes authoritie, to denounce Cardinall Gualo. the excommunication aboue remembred, against Lewes and Alexander, with all their fautors, where­vpon he accurssed not onelie the foresaid persons, but also interdicted all the places where they came, inso­much that in the end Lewes was constreined to buy an absolution with no small summes of monie, of that auaricious cardinall Gualo: and after vpon a­gréement also made with king Henrie, he returned into France. Not long after came K. Henrie with Lewes retur­neth into France. King Henrie inuadeth Scotland. an armie into Scotland, sore indamaging the coun­trie: but so soone as he was aduertised that king A­lexander had assembled all the power of his realme to giue him battell, he retired with all spéed into England. The king of England had in his armie at Ex codice an­tiquo S. Alba­ni, written by Mat. Paris (as I take it.) the same time 1200 men of armes, verie perfectlie appointed and furnished with armor and weapon as was requisit, and the king of Scots but onelie fiue hundred. But of footmen there were in the Scotish armie 60000 able personages well appointed, with axes, speares, and bowes, readie to die and liue with their prince, constantlie beléeuing, that to lose this present life héere in his defense, was an assured waie to be saued in an other world.

After that king Henrie was gone backe into England, king Alexander followed after him into King Alexan­der in Nor­thumberland. Northumberland, where he ouerthrew & beat downe manie castels and strengths, which the Englishmen held. Then marching through the countrie vnto Car­leill, Carleill woon by the Scots. he wan that citie, and garnished it with his peo­ple. After this, laieng siege vnto Norham castell, when he had continued at the same a certeine time, and perceiued how he lost but his trauell, he left it, and returned home with great honor and triumph for his other atchiued enterprises in that iournie. King Henrie being once aduertised that king Alexander had broken vp his campe, incontinentlie got eftsoons his people togither, and comming to Berwike, wan Berwike woon by king Henrie. both the towne and castell. After entring into Scot­land, he burned and spoiled the countrie alongst by the sea coasts, till he came as farre as Hadington, Hadington. putting all such to the swoord as were found in the waie; women, préests, and children onelie excepted. He assaied to haue woone the castell of Dunbar, but missing his purpose there, he returned into England.

In the meane time, the auaritious prelat Gualo, vpon trust to purchase some large portion of monie in Scotland, put the same vnder processe of interdi­cting, & namelie he accurssed king Alexander most Scotland in­terdicted. terriblie, for that he had inuaded England, and (as he alleged) spoiled churches as well as prophane pla­ces. These cursses so inflamed the hearts of the Scotishmen with hatred against the Englishmen, that the same was not like to haue ended without the vtter destruction and ruine of both their realms. Neuerthelesse at length, by the diligent trauell of the bishops of Yorke and Salisburie, which came Bishops of yorke and Salisburie. vnto king Alexander to treate an agreement, a fi­nall peace was concluded, vnder these conditions. First it was agréed, that king Alexander should A peace con­cluded. render the citie of Carleill into the Englishmens hands, and king Henrie the towne of Berwike vnto the Scots. The whole dominion of Cumber­land The condi­tions. to remaine vnto king Alexander, with the one [Page 195] halfe of Northumberland, to the Recrosse. And fur­ther, that king Alexander should be absolued of the censures of the church, which Gualo the cardinall had denounced against him.

Thus the two kings being accorded, the two fore­said bishops comming vnto Berwike, absolued king Alexander, and deliuered his realme of interdiction, by such authoritie as they had procured of the cardi­nall Gualo. But yet the same cardinall, not min­ding to depart with emptie hands, summoned all 10 the prelats of Scotland to appeare before him at The cleargie of Scotland summoned by cardinall Gualo to come to Anwike. Anwike, there to receiue their full absolution, to the intent by such means to trouble them, till they had disburssed to his vse some large portion of mo­nie. Sundrie of them which loued quietnesse more than contention, satisfied his mind; but others refu­sed vtterlie so to doo, taking great indignation that spirituall causes were thus dispatched for monie, Sale of spiri­tuall promo­tions. and ecclesiasticall preferments bought and sold, no otherwise than secular possessions and prophane dig­nities. 20 Incontinentlie therevpon Gualo cited them to Rome, supposing that rather than to take vpon The Scotish cleargie cited to Rome. them so long a iournie, they would haue compoun­ded with him at his pleasure. Notwithstanding they being nothing in doubt thereof, went vnto The com­plaint of the Scotish clear­gie to the pope Rome, and at their comming thither, made vnto the pope their complaint in most gréeuous maner, of the insufferable iniuries attempted in England and Scotland, by his most couetous legat the fore­said Gualo: by reason of which complaint, and of 30 The auarice of Cardinall Gualo. sundrie such letters & informations as dailie came out of England and Scotland, from other bishops & abbats, conteining right gréeuous accusations, con­cerning the insatiable auarice of Gualo, the pope re­uoked him home to Rome, to make answere in his presence vnto such matters as were laid to his charge.

At his returne thither, for so much as he was not able to discharge himselfe of such manifest crimes Cardinall Gualo con­demned in a summe of mo­nie. The Scotish bishops absol­ued. Dauid earle of Hunting­ton deceassed. wherewith he was burdened, the pope condemned 40 him in a great summe of monie, to be paid as a fine for his trespasse and transgressions. And those Sco­tish bishops, which were come for their absolution, were absolued by the pope, and suffered to depart in peace. In this meane time, Dauid earle of Hun­tington, brother to William late king of Scots, (of whome ye haue heard before how he went in the iournie made by the christian princes into the holie 1219. land) deceassed, and was buried within an abbeie in England. Henrie king of England, after he came 50 to yeares of perfect discretion, shewed himselfe to be In interview betwixt the kings of England and Scotland. more desirous of peace than of warres. Where­vpon at Yorke there was a meeting appointed be­twixt him and king Alexander, where mutuall ali­ance was accorded betwixt them on this wise. Iane the sister of king Henrie was promised to be giuen Mariages concluded. in mariage to king Alexander, and two sisters of king Alexanders were despoused vnto two great princes of the English nobilitie. These mariages were thus concluded in the yeare of our Lord, 1220. 60

In the yeare next following, came a legat into Scotland from pope Honorius, with buls to gather a summe of monie towards the furnishing foorth of Alegat sent from pope Honorius for a collection. an armie against the Turks or rather Saracens. This legat was a cardinall, and named Egidius, who hauing purchased no small quantitie of coine both of the cleargie and laitie of Scotland, spent the same in riot and outragious insolencie, making his excuse at his returne to Rome, how it was taken Alegats ex­cuse. from him by certeine Brigants and robbers. With­in short while after, was an other legat with sem­blable commission sent into Scotland from the fore­said pope. But king Alexander, being aduertised An other le­gat. of his comming, called a councell, in the which one of the bishops (as should séeme) tooke great indigna­tion, to sée how couetousnesse reigned in most shame­full wise amongest the Romish legats, and spake in maner as followeth.

‘Albeit sundrie considerations there are which An oration of a bishop. might stay me from vttering such things as be most preiudiciall to the common-wealth, yet (most noble prince) when I consider thine humanitie, faith, and constancie, giuen to nothing more than to the de­fense and weale of thy true liege people, I cannot but (for the zeale I beare to common libertie) de­clare Tyrannie in­tollerable. the truth. For sith all maner of tyrannie is intollerable, yea euen that which is exercised by kings or princes descended by lineall succession to their rightfull heritage: much more is that tyran­nie Men of base linage. to be detested, which is exercised by men of vile and base linage. Therefore, if the sundrie and ma­nifest wrongs doone to vs these manie yeares now passed, had come by the popes themselues, the same might somewhat more sufferablie haue béene borne: but sith naughtie & vile persons, of base birth and ob­scure linage, promoted to benefices and ecclesiasti­call dignities onelie for their wicked and horrible vi­ces, haue not onelie interdicted our realme, with­out lawfull commission; but haue also consumed in maintenance of their wanton and insolent vices, that monie which they gathered in our countrie by the popes authoritie, vnder colour of raising an ar­mie to go against the Turks and Infidels; I am of this opinion, that their curssed auarice ought to haue no further place amongest faithfull people, speciallie amongest vs, whose simplicitie and humblenesse they haue in contempt. In the yeares passed, ye com­plained The Scots sore offended against Gua­lo. of the iniuries doone by Gualo, when he had put your realme vnder the censure of interdicting, and the most part of your prelats vnder the cursse; because they would not answer him with monie, ac­cording to his couetous demands, wherewith he might mainteine his outragious lusts. Which Gualo also (as should appeare) by most certeine coniectures, was of such a diuelish nature, that though he were sent to treate a concord betwixt the Englishmen The practise of Gualo. and Scots; yet to satisfie his auaritious desire, he ministred such occasion of warre betwixt them, that both the realmes (had not the matter béene the soo­ner taken vp) were at a point to haue entered so far into malitious hatred the one against the other, that it was not like that anie peace would haue taken place, till the one or both had béene vtterlie destroi­ed. But since these heinous and terrible déeds are manifest inough; to what end should I here remem­ber them, sith the same cannot be doone without your great griefe and displeasure? Moreouer, after we were deliuered of this Gualo, shortlie after com­meth another, one shewing himselfe to come foorth of the same shop; for in conuersation of life he was to be iudged no whit better, but rather woorse: for after that he had got vp amongest vs of this realme large summes of monie, vnder pretense of redéeming the christian prisoners out of the Saracens hands, and waging of new armies against them; he wasted the same monie in riotous lust and insolencie, feining, when it was gone, that it was béereft him by Bri­gants. Therefore sith we haue had experience, and are alreadie sufficientlie taught by the dooings of the two fore-remembred legats, to our heauie griefs and no small damages; we may be woorthilie repu­ted vnwise and verie fooles in déed, if we now admit the third. For it is not to be thought, that this new legat shall vse the matter in anie better sort, than his fellowes haue doone before him. And verelie, if anie man shuld demand of me, what I thinke ought to be doone in this matter, I doo for my part protest, The bishops oration. that neither this legat, nor anie other in times to [Page 196] come, ought to be receiued within this realme, con­sidering how the same hath béene wasted & robbed by their continuall exactions. If there be anie amongst you that hath more monie than he knoweth which way well to spend, he may (in the name of God) be­stow it vpon the poore, rather than to the vse of such vicious legats, as order it in such sort, that all men haue cause to thinke whatsoeuer commeth into their hands, is but cast away and clearelie lost.’

These words of this bishop (whatsoeuer he was) 10 Legats can­not be recei­ued. were liked so well of all the councell, that the legat could not be receiued into the realme. After the breaking vp of this councell, the mariage was con­summat betwixt king Alexander and Ione, sister to Henrie king of England; also betwixt Hubert de Burgh high iustice of England, and Margaret sister to king Alexander, by reason of which mariages, the peace was confirmed with the Englishmen, and as it had beene sealed vp for a more full and certeine as­surance. Peace confir­med with the Englishmen. Gilespie Rosse are rebell. Shortlie after followed ciuill warres in 20 Scotland, by the motion of one Gilespie Rosse, who hauing liued most licentiouslie in riotous outrage, at length arreared open warre against the king, and first sleaing diuerse such of his companions as had kept him companie aforetime in his lewd misde­meanors, for that they refused now to sticke to him in this rebellious enterprise, he went with the resi­due that offered to take his part vnto the towne of Enuernes, which he tooke and burned, with diuerse other places being of the kings possessions, till at 30 Enuernes burned by Gi­lespie Rosse. Iohn Cu­min earle of Buchquhane. Gilespie Rosse behea­ded. length Iohn Cumin earle of Buchquhane com­ming against him with an armie deliuered to him by the king, pursued the said Gilespie in such earnest wise, that finallie he tooke him with two of his sons, and striking off all their thrée heads, sent the same to the king as a witnesse how he had sped.

This businesse being thus quieted, an other insued after this maner: The men of Cathnes sore offen­ded New trouble. with their bishop named Adam, for that vpon re­fusall to pay their tithes he had accurssed them, fell 40 vpon him within his owne house, and first scour­ging him with rods, at length set fire vpon him and Adam bishop of Cathnes slaine by the people of that countrie. burnt him within his owne kitchen. Which act be­ing reported to the king, as then soiourning at E­denburgh, he hasted foorth with all speed to punish the offendors, not ceassing till he had taken foure hun­dred of them, all the which number he caused to be Streight exe­cution. hanged; and for that he would haue no succession to come of such a wicked séed, he appointed all their sons to lose their stones. The place where they were so gel­ded, 50 The stonie hill. The earle of Cathnes lo­seth his lands is called euen to this day the stonie hill. The earle of Cathnes, for that he neither succoured the bishop in time of néed, nor yet sought to punish the offendors that did this cruell déed, was depriued of his earledome, and the lands belonging to the same. King Alexan­der commen­ded of the pope The pope highlie commended king Alexander for this punishment taken of them, that had so cruellie murthered their bishop.

After this, king Alexander comming vnto Aber­den, gaue manie large gifts and priuileges therevn­to, 60 The priuile­ges of Aber­den. although the same before this time inioied sun­drie notable commodities and endowments giuen and confirmed by other kings his predecessors. The buls which were granted by sundrie popes concer­ning the liberties of the churches in Scotland, were committed by the king to the custodie of one Gilbert The archde­con of Mur­rey. archdeacon of Murrey, who succéeded next after the foresaid Adam in the sée of Cathnesse. In the third yeare after, as king Alexander with his mother Er­mingard were sitting at their banket on the twelfe day in Christmas, otherwise called Yule, the earle of Cathnes, hauing good opportunitie thereto, pre­sented himselfe before the king, and besought him of grace and pardon for his passed offense. King Alexander taking rush & pitie of him, restored him The earle of Cathnes is pardoned and restored to his lands. (vpon his fine to be paied in maner as was agréed betwixt them) vnto all his former honors, lands and possessions. Neuerthelesse the offense that was par­doned by man, was afterward punished by the iust iudgement (as some thought) of almightie God: for The earle of Cathnes is murthered by his seruants. he was slaine as he lay in bed one night by his own meniall seruants, whome he had roughlie intreated, as the fame went. The house also wherein he was thus slaine, was likewise set on fire and burnt ouer him, that no man should haue suspiciion of his slaugh­ter, but that it might séeme as though it had come by some sudden aduenture.

About this time, or somewhat before, there came The first com­ming of blacke friers into Scotland. into Scotland (sent by saint Dominicke) certeine blacke friers, of which order the same Dominicke was the first author. These men that were first sent by him, liued according to his institution, more per­fectlie than such as followed: for as it often happe­neth, althings commonlie from a good beginning fall into woorse estate, so that the successors of those men declined from all good religion, into most insolent a­buses and misorders, and so continuing in vicious liuing the space of thrée hundred yeares, at length were perfectlie reformed into a better rule, by a frier named Iohn Adamson, that proceeded doctor in the Iohn Adam­son. profession of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of Aberden, at the same time that Hector Boetius the Scotish thronographer proceeded there in the same facultie. On the same maner, about the selfe same time, were sent into Scotland, as well as into all other parts The first comming of friers minor [...] of the christian world, friers minors, of saint Fran­cis his order. Manie of them also after his deceasse fell to dissolute liuing, kéeping no such streict rules, as both he prescribed, and also obserued.

But now to returne to the residue of the historie. The Scotish people inioied peace a long time after the appeasing of the trouble in Cathnes, till time that Alane lord of Galloway and constable of Scot­land The death of Alane lord of Galloway. departed out of this life; and for that he had di­uided his lands before his death amongest his three daughters, his bastard sonne gathered an armie of 10000 men, in hope to atteine the possession of His bastard sonne raiseth a commotion. Galloway by force of armes; but at length, after he had wrought much scath in the countrie by his vio­lent inuasion, he was slaine with fiue thousand of those that tooke his part, by the earle of March, and The earle of March. Walter Steward of Dunwald, which was sent against him with a power. The eldest daughter of the aboue mentioned Alane of Galloway, was gi­uen in mariage vnto Roger Quincie earle of Win­chester, Roger Quin­cie earle of winchester constable of Scotland. who after his father in lawes deceasse, was made constable of Scotland, which office continued in the hands of his succession, till king Robert the second his daies; in whose time this Roger of Quin­cies posteritie was disherited and extinguished, for certeine offenses committed against the kings maiestie, and then afterwards the office of the con­stable was giuen to the Haies of Arroll. The second The diuision of the lands of Galloway. daughter of the foresaid Alane was maried vnto Iohn Bal [...]ioll; & the third to the earle of Albemarle. Thus was the lordship of Galloway diuided into thrée, by reason whereof the inhabitants of that coun­trie, taking displeasure therewith, cleaued vnto the aboue mentioned bastard, till he was vanquished and slaine, as before ye haue heard. This trouble being appeased thus within the realme, K. Alexan­der was aduertised of great diuision rising betwixt king Henrie of England and his nobles, and there­fore to helpe towards an agréement betwixt them, K. Alexander goeth into England. he went to London with his wife quéene Iane, and Isabell his sister. Through his earnest diligence, all the debates and quarels were remooued, and the parties throughlie accorded. Which being doone, he [Page 197] maried Isabell his sister vnto the earle of Norfolke, Isabell the sister of king Alexander maried to the earle of Norfolke. Iane quéene of Scotland deccasseth. and in the meane time his wife quéene Iane deceas­sed, without leauing anie issue behind hir, which chance caused the king hir husband to returne with great griefe and lamentation into Scotland. In the yeare next following, which was after the incar­nation 1239, king Alexander (because he had no succession begot of his bodie) maried at Rocksburgh the daughter of Ingelram lord of Coucie, a virgine 1239, king Alexan­der marieth the daughter of the lord of Coucie. Iohn Cumin earle of An­gus departeth this life. of excellent beautie named Marie, on whome he got a sonne named Alexander, which succeeded after his 10 deceasse in the gouernement of the realme.

About the same time, Iohn Cumin earle of An­gus, being sent in ambassage to Lewes the French king, died by the way. Also at Hadington was hol­den a roiall tornament, where knights and esquiers aduanced themselues by valiant prowesse to win ho­nor: neuerthelesse the end of all that pleasure and pastime ended in sorow. For Patrike Cumin earle of Atholl was slaine within his lodging in the night, 20 Patrike earle o [...] Atholl murthered. and the house set on fire and burned ouer him, to the intent no suspicion should rise, but that it happened by some euill misfortune, and negligence of fire. But yet was Iohn Bissart, with Walter Bissart his Iohn Bissart suspected. vncle shrewdlie suspected for the matter, insomuch that though no euident proofe could be had against him, yet were they banished the realme, and lost all their goods by confiscation to the kings vse. After these things were thus passed, a conuocation was A conuoca­tion of the cleargie at saint Iohns towne. called of the cleargie at saint Iohns towne. In the 30 which were diuerse prouinciall ordinances and sta­tutes, made by consent of the king and nobles of the realme, which were obserued in the church of Scotland vnto these late daies. About the same time also, one Somerleid thane of Argile, the sonne of that Somerleid of whome ye haue heard before, Somerleid thane of Ar­gile rebelleth. following his fathers steps, rebelled against the king, sore indamaging by rodes & forages the parts bordering vpon the confines of his countrie of Ar­gile, till at length the earle of March brought him to the brinke of such extreme necessitie, that he was 40 Somerleids humble sub­mission. faine to yéeld himselfe, with a cord about his necke in token of submission; and being so brought before the king, obteined pardon of his heinous offense.

In the same season, Henrie king of England, prouoked by the setting on of such seditious per­sons remaining in his court, as trusted by wars to aduance their priuat gaine (during which time law and iustice haue no place) began to build a castell iust A castell be­gun to be buil­ded by king Henrie a­gainst Ber­wike. Matth. Paris disagréeth frō the Scotish writers tou­ching the oc­casion of this warre, as in the English chronicles ye may read. against Berwike, in the same place where the o­ther was begun afore by king Richard, which (as 50 before is shewed) was raced and throwen downe by king William, by the articles of agréement with couenant that it should neuer be builded vp againe. This attempt of the Englishmen had ministred sufficient occasion of warre, if the nobles of Eng­land (considering that the building vp of this castell was contrarie to their bond and promised faith) had not staied the woorke, and so therevpon that begin­ning of new trouble betwixt the English and Sco­tish 60 nations for that present ceassed.

In the yeare following came ambassadors forth Ambassadors foorth of France. of France into Scotland, declaring that K. Lewes was readie to passe forward on that iournie, which he had taken in hand to make into Iewrie, and there­fore desired aid of king Alexander, to support him in those warres against Gods enimies. With these ambassadors were sent ouer into France, certeine Scotishmen that went with Lewes king of France into Aegypt. chosen bands of men of warre vnder the leading of Patrike earle of March, Dauid Lindseie of Glen­neske, and Walter Steward of Dundonald, thrée capteins of great wisdome, and perfect experience in feats of chiualrie. The most part of all those Scotishmen, that thus went foorth in that iournie, perished in Aegypt either on the sword or by sicke­nesse, so that few or none of them returned home a­gaine. From henceforth, king Alexander liued not long: but falling into a sore and grieuous sickenesse The death of king Alexan­der the second. 38. Io. Ma. but that cannot be. within a certeine Ile called Carnere, not sar distant from the coast of Argile, deceassed in the same Ile shortlie after, in the 51 yeare of his age, the 35 of his reigne, and of our redemption 1249, his bodie (ac­cording as he had commanded in his life time) was buried in Melrosse.

AFter that Alexander the second was thus dead Alexan­der. and buried, his sonne Alexander the third of that name, not passing nine yéeres of age, was pro­clamed king. There was no small adoo on the daie Alexander the third crowned of his coronation amongest the nobles, for that by reason of the obseruation of starres, it was iudged An infortu­nate [...]y. to be an infortunate daie for him to receiue the dia­deme. And againe some held opinion, how he ought to be made knight first, before he were crowned; so that thus they were at strife togither, in such ear­nest maner, that it was doubted, least this conten­tion would haue bred some great inconuenience, had not the earle of Fife preuented the same, in cau­sing The earle of Fife preuen­teth the occa­sion of further troubles. vpon a sudden the crowne to be set vpon the kings head, being placed in the marble chaire, accor­ding to the custome, without regard to the friuolous allegations of them that spake to the contrarie. When the solemnitie was ended, there came before him an Hillandman (for so they call such as inhabit The saluta­tion of an Hil­land man. the mounteine countries of Scotland) who in a kind of méeter of the Irish language, saluted him as king, thus: Bennach dere Albin Alexander, mak Alax, mak William, mak Henrie, mak Dauid, and so foorth (reciting in maner of a genealogie or pede­grée, all the kings in order of whome he was descen­ded, till he came vp to Gathelus the first beginner of the Scotish name & nation.) The woords in Eng­lish are as followeth: ‘Haile king of Albine, Alexan­der the sonne of Dauid, the sonne of Alex, the sonne of William, the sonne of Henrie, the sonne of Da­uid, and so foorth as before.’ This Hilland Scot was highlie rewarded by the king for his labour, accor­ding as was thought requisite.

In the second yéere of his reigne, king Alexan­der (or rather such as had the gouernement of the realme vnder him) assembled togither all the pre­lates and barons of the realme at Dunfirmling, and there ordeined to take vp the bones of his grand­mother quéene Margaret, which being doone, he cau­sed The transla­tion of quéene Margarets bones. them to be put into a shrine of siluer, the 21 day of Iulie, and minding to place the same where it re­steth at this present, as it was borne foorth toward that place, when the bearers came against the se­pulchre of hir husband king Malcolme, they were not able to remooue the relikes anie further, till by the councell (as is said) of an aged man that was then & there present, they tooke vp the bones of the same Malcolme also, and bare them foorth with hirs to the place aforesaid, where they after rested in great veneration of the people. Such as were appointed gouernors (during the minoritie of king Alexan­der) doubting least the tender yéeres of their soue­reigne might imbolden the enimies of the relme to attempt some inuasion, sent ambassadors vnto Hen­rie They were a [...] fianced in the daies of king Alexander the faire, as in the English chro­nicle it may appeare. king of England, requiring that the peace might be ratified anew with him and his people, and fur­ther to make a motion of mariage to be had betwixt king Alexander and a daughter of king Henries.

Shortlie after, vpon this motion, both the kings met at Yorke with a great number of lords, as well spirituall as temporall of both the realmes, where king Alexander (according to the promise before that An interuiew of the kings of England and Scotland. time made) maried the ladie Margaret daughter to the forenamed king Henrie, on saint Stephans day [Page 198] in Christmasse, with all solemnitie and ioifull mirth 1250. that might be deuised. The charges whereof were borne partlie by king Henrie, & partlie by the arch­bishop, who in feasting those princes spent right libe­rallie. At length, king Alexander after he had sola­ced himselfe in the companie of his father in law king Henrie a certeine time, returned into Scot­land with his new maried wife. During the mino­ritie of K. Alexander, the realme of Scotland was gouerned in great prosperitie by the nobles: but 10 after his comming to ripe age, he was informed of certeine extortions doone by some of the péeres of his realme against the poore people, and therevpon determined to sée redresse therein. Amongst other there were accused of such trangression, the earles Complaint made of the Cumins. of Menteith, Atholl, and Buchquhane, with the lord of Strabogie, which were of one surname, that is to saie, of the Cumins. These being summoned to ap­peare before the iustices, with one Hugh Aberneth, and other of their complices, vpon their contempt so to doo, were proclamed traitors, and as the Scotish 20 The Cumins put to the horne. men tearme it, put to the horne.

The foresaid lords mooued with this displeasure, purposed to reuenge the same, and assembling their powers in secret wise, tooke the king at Kinrossie, and brought him vnto Striueling, where they kept The king ta­ken by the Cumins. him as captiue in ward a long time after. Through which aduenture much harme insued, by reason of misruled persons, that wrought manie oppressions a­gainst the people, in hope to escape the due punish­ment 30 for their mischiefous acts prouided, sith the king who should haue séene iustice ministred, was holden in captiuitie by his presumptuous aduersa­ries. But of this matter ye maie see more in the English chronicles, about the 39 yéere of Henrie the third. The house of the Cumins was in those daies of great power within the realme, both in multi­tude The great power of the Cumins. Thirtie and two knights of one sur­name. The height of great families the cause of­tentimnes of their fall. of ofspring, riches, lands, possessions, and main­rent. There were at the same time to the number of 32 knights of that surname within the realme, all men of faire possessions and reuenues. But as it of­ten 40 happeneth, that men of great possessions and do­minion are had in suspicion with the prince, whereby the same is for the more part the cause of their ruine and fall, speciallie when they presume too farre vpon their high power: so it chanced here. For within a short time after that the king was thus taken (as be­fore is shewed) the chiefe author of the whole conspi­racie, that is to saie, the lord Walter earle of Men­teith, who was highest in authoritie among all those 50 The earle of Menteith is poisoned. Cumins, was poisoned (as was thought) by his owne wife, through which mischance the residue of the Cumins were so exanimated, that obteining their pardon, for all offenses passed of the king, they The king set at libertie. did set him againe at libertie.

This woman did thus make awaie hir husband the erle of Menteith through instigation of an Eng­lishman called Iohn Russell, as by coniectures it was suspected; namelie, for that refusing to marrie Iohn Russell an English­man. with anie of the Scotish nobilitie, she tooke the said 60 Russell to husband, though in estate to be compared with hirs, he was iudged a match farre vnméet, and therevpon constreined to flie with him into Eng­land, she died there in great miserie. About this time pope Urbane the fourth of that name instituted the The feast of Corpus Chri sti instituted. The first com­ming of the Carmelite friers. feast of Corpus Christi, to be celebrated each yéere on the thursday after Trinitie sundaie. The Carme­lite friers came at this time into Scotland, and erec­ted a chappell of our ladie without the walles of saint Iohns towne, which the bishop of Donkeld appoin­ted them, therein to celebrate their seruice. It was also said, that in this season a moonke of Melrosse A part of the holie crosse found. was admonished in a dreame, where he should find a part of the holie crosse, not far from Peplis in Lou­thian, inclosed in a case ingrauen with the title of S. Nicholas. And not farre from the same was like­wise found a stone chest, right cunninglie wrought and ingrauen, wherein were found certeine bones wrapped in silke, but whose bones the same were it was not knowne. As soone as the case was opened, within the which the crosse was included, manie mi­racles were wrought (as it was then beléeued.) King Alexander for deuotion hereof, builded an abbeie in honor of the holie crosse, in the same place where that péece of the crosse was so found. In this abbeie after­wards An abbeie built. there were moonks inhabiting of the order of the Trinitie.

Not long after, the two kings of England and An interuiew Matth. Paris writeth that in the yeare 1256, both K. Alexander & his wife came into England to visit king Henrie, whom they found at woodstoke, as in the Eng lish chronicles further ap­peareth. Scotland met togither at Warke castell, accompa­nied with a great number of the nobles and gentle­men of both their realmes, for the redresse of cer­teine misorders committed betwixt the borderers. Such reformation also was here deuised, and re­compense made on either side, that both the realms continued afterwards in more perfect tranquillitie for a certeine space, than euer was séene in anie kings daies before that time. In this season was the church of Glasco finished in that perfection as it stands to be séene at this day, right sumptuouslie builded, for the most part at the charges of Willi­am bishop of that sée, who liued not long after the fi­nishing of the said worke. In the yéere following, which was the yéere after the birth of our Sauiour 1262. 1263, there fell a great dearth through both the realmes of England and Scotland, by reason of the A great derth wet haruest preceding, so that the corne and graine was quite marred and corrupted before it could be got beside the ground.

Acho king of Norwaie, being informed how the Acho king of Norwaie. Scots were thus oppressed with famine and other miseries, by report of them that made the same more than it was in deed, supposed to find time and occasion sit for his purpose, to subdue them wholie to his dominion. Herevpon, preparing an armie and a fléet of ships conuenient for such an enterprise, he landed with the same in the westerne Iles, on Lam­mas day otherwise called Petri ad Vincula. Those Iles continued vnder subiection of the Norwegi­ans The westerne Iles vnder subiection of the Danes & Norwegians. and Danes, from king Edgars time vnto the daies of this Acho. From thence the said Acho with a mightie power of his Danes and Norwegians came ouer into Aran and Bute, which are two Iles, and onelie at that time amongst all the residue were vnder the dominion of Scots. But Acho hauing quicklie subdued them at his pleasure, in hope of Acho landed in Albion. more prosperous successe, transported his whole ar­mie ouer into Albion, and landed with the same on the next coasts, where after he had besieged the ca­stell of Aire a certeine time, hée tooke the same, and The castell of Aire besieged and woone. began to waste and spoile all the countrie therea­bouts.

King Alexander being sore astonied with these King Alexan­ders purpose to inféeble his enimies force. newes, for that he was yoong, and not able (as it was doubted) to resist the force of his enimies, imboldened vpon such frequent victories as they had atchiued, thought best to prolong the time by colour of some treatie for a peace, that waie to diminish the enimies force, by long soiorning in campe without triall of anie battell. Héerevpon were ambassadors sent vnto Ambassadors sent to Acho. Acho, of the which one amongst them appointed ther­to, being well languaged and wise, at their first com­ming before him spake in this manner.

‘Were it not that our king & nobles of the realme The oration of one of the ambassadors. (by an ancient custome obserued euen from the be­ginning) doo vse first to séeke redresse of all iniuries receiued, before they offer to be reuenged with the swoord; ye should not now behold orators sent vnto you to talke of concord, but a mightie armie in ordi­nance [Page 199] of battell comming towards you to giue the onset. We are of that opinion, that we neuer get so much gaines by victorie of the enimies, no though they haue robbed and spoiled our confines, but that Peace to be preferred be­ [...]ore warres. we account it much better to haue peace, if we may haue restitution of wrongs doone to vs, by some ma­ner of honest meanes. For what greater follie may be, than to séeke for that by fier and swoord, which may be purchased with faire and quiet woords? Neuerthe­lesse, when our iust desires and reasonable motions 10 are refused of the enimies, when we find them not willing to haue peace (for the obteining whereof all warres ought to be taken in hand) but rather that Wherefore warres ought to be mooued. their onelie séeking is to haue warres, not respecting the quarrell: we are readie to rise wholie togither in reuenge of such contempts with all possible speed and violence against our aduersaries. We are sent there­fore from our king and souereigne, to inquire what The cause of their message. occasion you haue thus to inuade his realme and sub­iects, in violating that peace and league, which hath 20 béene obserued and kept betwixt vs and your nati­on, the space of this hundred yéeres, and not onelie to take from him his two Iles of Bute and Aran, but also to inuade the maine land of his dominions, with such crueltie, as neither consideration of age or person séemeth to be had; but that women, children, and feeble old persons haue passed by the swoord, as well as those that haue stood at resistance with wea­pon in hand against you. What heinous offense haue the Scotishmen at anie time committed either a­gainst 30 you or anie other (whose reuengers ye may séeme to be) that they should deserue to haue such cru­eltie shewed against them? What furious ire hath mooued you to burne the churches of God and his Burning of [...]hurches. saints, with the murther of his people that flee into the same for safegard of their liues? But if you dread not God that gouerneth all things (by his diuine pro­uidence) which heere in this world we sée; if ye dread not the saints nor vengeance to come on you by the punishment of the righteous God: ye ought yet to 40 dread the two most puissant kings of Albion, alied togither in bond of amitie and mariage, which shall come against you with such puissance, that ye shall not be able to resist the same. Therefore sith ye may depart with honor, we on the behalfe of him from whome we are sent, doo admonish you, that better it is for you to redresse such iniuries as ye haue alreadie doone, and therewith to repaire home, than to aduen­ture to be brought vnto such desperate ends, that when ye shall be constreined to séeke for mercie, the 50 same in no wise will be granted vnto you.’¶ These woords were spoken by the ambassadors, vpon pur­pose to put some terror into the hart of this hardie king Acho.

Neuertheles he was abashed so little therwith, that he answered them in this manner. Your beliefe is King Achos answer. ‘(I perceiue) ye ambassadors, to abash vs with your fierce and awfull words, supposing vs so weake har­ted, that we should leaue off our enterprise through your menacing threats: but ye are farre deceiued 60 suerlie if your imagination be such. And where ye ex­aggerate our iniuries doone to you in taking from you certeine Iles, we perceiue you are not méet nor indifferent persons to be chosen for iudges in that cause, neither doo we mind to learne of you, what we ought to estéeme right or wrong in such behalfe. If ye desire further to know and vnderstand the cause why we haue inuaded Aran and Bute, we saie and af­firme, that not onelie those two Iles perteine to vs and our people by good title and ancient right of inhe­ritance, but also all the other Iles of Scotland, as we are able by firme euidences sufficiently to proue. And therfore are we now come to take presentlie so The cause of Achos com­ming into Scotland. much in value out of Scotland, as ye haue taken in issues and profits out of those Iles in times past from vs. Shew then to your king, that we feare neither his menacing woords, nor yet anie other violence that he can shew against vs. Notwithstanding, if he be more desirous of peace than of battell, and lus­teth to auoid the spoiling and burning of his townes, and slaughter of his people; or if he desired not to sée the vtter extermination of his realme afore his eies, command him to send vnto vs foorthwith ten thou­sand marks sterling for the fruits of our lands taken His demand. vp and receiued by him and his elders in times past, and further that he make a cleare resignation of all claime or title that he may séeme to pretend vnto the said Iles, in such sort that the same may passe vn­der our dominion in perpetuitie without anie con­tradiction.’

When king Alexander had heard what the answer of his enimie was, he was therewith sore mooued, & perceiuing no waie to eschue the battell, but that he should be constreined to trie fortunes chance, he assembled togither an armie of fortie thousand men, King Alexan­der assembleth his power. that though he were not able to match his enimies in prowesse, he might yet passe them in number. He diuided his host into thrée battels. In the right wing The ordering of the Scotish host. Alexander Steward lea­der of the right wing. Patrike Dunbar cap­teine of the left wing. The king in the middle ward. was Alexander Steward, a very valiant knight, ne­phue to that Alexander which indowed the abbeie of Paslie. He had with him all the men that came foorth of Argile, Leueno [...], Atholl, and Galloway. In the left wing was Patrike Dunbar, hauing with him the men of Louthian, Fife, Mers, Berwike, and Stri­ueling shire. In the middle ward was the king him­selfe, with all the remnant people of the other parts of Scotland, to succour the wings when danger ap­péered. These battels were ordered in such arraie, that euerie band had a capteine assigned to them of their owne language, to exhort them to manhood, thereby to win praise and honor.

At his entring into the confines of Conningham, where he came first within sight of his enimies, he called his people togither, and exhorted them to doo King Alexan­der exhorteth his people to doo vali antlie. their dutifull indeuors like hardie and valiant men, against those enimies that inuaded their countrie without anie iust cause or title of warre, and to put their trust in almightie God, desiring him to grant victorie vnto that part, which had most right and iu­stest cause of battell. He further shewed how neces­sarie it was for them to behaue themselues valiant­lie, and how much it stood them in hand to fight with manlie courages, in defense of their wiues, children, liberties, and lands, hauing no hope of suertie of life Hope of suer­tie in what point it rested. but in the valiant vsing of their able hands, so that their whole safegard rested in this point, either to vanquish their enimies with manhood, or else to liue The necessi [...] of the cause. in seruile bondage as their slaues and miserable thrals, and to suffer their wiues and daughters to be abused at their lust and pleasure. He willed them therefore to consider, that not onelie he, but all Scot­land should sée them fight that day, noting both their manhood & cowardise. But sith their cause was iust, and mooued onlie in defense of their natiue countrie and ancient liberties, he trusted they would shew the more hardinesse and courage, namelie against them Séekers of bloud & spoile. that sought onelie bloud and spoile. These with other the like woords king Alexander vttered with bold spirit, to incourage his people. And on the other part Achos exhor­tation to his people. king Acho likewise thought it expedient to vse some exhortation vnto his armie, that they should not be afraid of the great number and huge multitude of the Scots.

The chiefest point to incourage them to doo vali­antlie, Hope of spoile incourageth men of warre. he supposed was the hope of spoile, and there­fore he put them in remembrance, how by victorie not onelie all such riches as the Scots had brought thither with them (which could not be small) but also [Page 200] all the whole substance and treasure of the realme to be at their commandement, yea and the realme it selfe, if they minded to inioy it: so that this was the day which they had so much desired, wherein suffici­ent opportunitie was offered to shew what reward should follow to ech man for his good and valiant ser­uice. But for that high enterprises and famous ex­ploits might neuer be atchiued without extreme ieo­pardie, High enter­prises atchi­ued with ex­treme perill. it behooued them to atteine to these so great commodities by persing thorough, and ouerthrow­ing by dint of swoord the arraied battels of their eni­mies, 10 which how easie a matter it should be for them to bring to passe, such as well considered the circum­stances, might soone coniecture. For through dearth and famine which so long hath reigned amongst the Scotish people, their bodies and forces (saith he) are so woonderfullie inféebled, that they appeere to repre­sent rather shadowes than full personages of men able to make resistance.

Againe, in consideration how necessarie it was for euerie man to fight without fainting, sith they 20 were inuironed on ech part without meane to es­cape, he desired them, that if it so fell out, that they should chance to be ouercome (which as he trusted should not come to passe) that in such misaduenture they would yet sell their liues déerelie, and not to die vnreuenged. Thus hauing opened vnto them what prosperous hap followed by victorie, and what danger by the ouerthrow, he thought to haue sufficientlie in­structed them to put all feare aside, and to doo what lay in their vttermost forces to vanquish the enimies. 30 The kings on either side, hauing thus exhorted their The ordering of the battels. people to doo their indeuors, they arraie their battels. Acho disposed all his best souldiers and whole force of his armie in the middle ward, for that he had knowledge how the Scotish king was placed in the middle battell of his people: wherefore he supposed, that if he might ouerthrow and vanquish that part where the king stood, he should easilie then put the re­sidue to flight. His wings (bicause he had not num­ber 40 sufficient to furnish them fullie) were arraied The battels ioine. more weakelie in slender and thin ranks: but yet at the first incounter there was a terrible fight betwixt them, especiallie where the two kings fought: for they preassed still with great violence on that part where they saw anie danger, not ceassing to exhort & incourage their men to stand to the bargaine with manlie stomachs, so that on either side these two The valiancie of the kings. kings plaied the parts of verie valiant capteins.

Acho with a band of verie hardie souldiers assaied sundrie times to perse and disorder the battell where 50 king Alexander fought: notwithstanding he had so great number of people there with him, that he stuf­fed The great number of Scotishmen. euen the ranks with fresh men where he saw it néedfull. Also betwixt the wings, there was no lesse crueltie shewed on either side in the beginning of the battell, till at length the Norwegians, perceiuing themselues ouerpressed with multitude, and compas­sed in on euerie side, did somewhat begin to shrinke, and first those in the left wing, constreined to breake 60 The left wing of the Norwe­gians are put to flight. their order, fell to running awaie. Alexander Ste­ward therfore, that had the leading of the right wing of the Scots, hauing pursued the enimies a certeine space, and slaine Achos nephue, a man of high repu­tation Achos nephue is slaine. and authoritie amongst the Norwegians, cau­sed the retreat to be sounded, and gathering his men againe into araie, brought them against the enimies of the middle ward, where was hard hold betwixt the two kings, the battell continuing with great slaugh­ter on both parts, and vncerteine a long while to whe­ther part the victorie would incline: but the Norwe­gians being now assailed on the backs by a new The maine battell of the Norwegians fléeth. power of their enimies, at length they began to flee amaine.

In the meane time, the left wing of the Scots, whereof one Patrike had the leading, was in great The left wing of the Scots, in danger. danger, by reason the capteine himselfe was sore wounded, and thereby all the companies in the same wing sore discomforted: but after they once beheld how the middle ward of their enimies was put to flight, they recouered new courages, and with great force caused their aduersaries, with whom they were matched, to giue backe also: and so were the Danes and Norwegians chased by the Scots, with verie The Danes and Norwe­gians chased by the Scots. cruell slaughter through all Cunningham, not ceas­sing from the pursute of the enimies, till night made an end of that daies woorke. King Acho with a few o­ther escaped out of danger, and comming to the cas­tell of Aire, which (as ye haue heard) he had woone be­fore, he was there informed of an other losse which he had susteined: for his fléet conteining the number of an hundred and fiftie ships, were so beaten with an outragious tempest, that there were not past foure of all that number saued, the residue being drowned The losse of Achos ships by tempest. and broken against the rocks and cliffes. The mari­ners also, being constreined to come on land for safe­gard of their liues, were slaine by the people of the The losse of the mariners. countrie, so that few of them or none at all escaped.

Acho being thus abashed with these two infortu­nate mischances, aswell for the losse and discomfi­ture Acho fléeth in­to Orkneie. of his armie by land, as for the perishing of his nauie on the seas, got him vnto those foure ships that were saued, and sailed with them about the coast, till he arriued in Orkneie. In this battell, which was fought at Largis on the third day of August, in the yeere 1263, there were slaine of Danes and Norwe­gians 24 thousand, and of Scots about fiue thou­sand. 1263. Thus saith Hector Boetius. But Fourdon sée­meth Iohn Fourdon. not to agrée altogither héerewith, who writing of this inuasion made by the Norwegians into Scotland, saith, that they were but twentie thousand men of warre in all, imbarked in foure score ships, which comming to the new castell of Aran, besieged as well the said castell of Aran, as the castell of Bute, and tooke them both, spoiling also the churches alongst the sea coast, and after arriuing at Largis in Cunningham, on the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie, lost the most part of their vessels, which were drowned togither with thousands of men in the same. The residue that got to land, incountring with the Scots led by Alexander Steward of Dondo­nald, were discomfited, put to flight, chased & drow­ned in the sea, into the which they were driuen. Amon­gest other that were slaine, a nephue of king Acho was one, a yoong gentleman of great valiancie, and sore lamented of his vncle. Acho had much adoo to es­cape himselfe, he was so egerlie pursued of his eni­mies.

Thus haue I thought good to shew the diuersitie of writers in this behalfe, that it may appéere how things are sometimes amplified by Boetius, to ad­uance the glorie of his countriemen, further per­haps than by the simple veritie of those that did write before him, may in some points be well auer­red. But now to procéed. King Acho at his comming into Orkneie, sent into Norwaie and Denmarke for a new armie, prouiding ships & all other things Acho prepa­reth to make a new inuasion into Scot­land, but dieth before his pro­uision was readie. necessarie, to haue made a new inuasion into Scot­land against the next spring: but for that he himselfe departed out of this life in the beginning of the yéere next following, all that purueiance and great prepa­ration was dashed, and came to none effect. The same day that Acho deceassed, that is to saie, the 21 day of Ianuarie, Alexander prince of Scotland, the Alexander prince of Scotland, as eldest sonne to the king is borne. eldest son of king Alexander, whome he begot on his wife quéene Margaret, the sister of Henrie king of England, was borne, to the great reioising of the people. For the people conceiued double ioy & glad­nesse [Page 201] héereof, bicause that both a new prince was borne, and that enimie dead which sought the destruc­tion of the whole realme. After the deceasse of king Acho, his sonne Magnus succéeded him, a verie faith­full prince, and one that had the feare of God before his eies.

In the second yeere of his reigne, be sent his am­bassadors (of whome the chiefe was the chancellor of Ambassadors sent from Magnus K. of Norwaie to king Alexan­der. Norwaie) vnto king Alexander, whome they found at saint Iohns towne, and there signified vnto him, 10 that king Magnus their maister would willinglie giue ouer all his title, right, and claime vnto Aran and Bute, so that the residue of the Iles might re­maine in quiet possession of him and his successors in time comming. Héerevnto was answer made by king Alexander, that the Iles by right of old inheri­tance perteined vnto him and his progenitors kings of Scotland, and therefore he might not make anie agréement with the Danes or Norwegians, till he had recouered the full possession of the same Iles. 20 The ambassadors being dispatched and sent awaie In time of the trouble be­twixt the sons of Malcolme Cammore and their vncle Donald Bane Magnus K. of Norwaie the son of O­l [...] subdued these Iles. Richard South [...]ell. with this answer, incontinentlie Alexander Ste­ward of Pasteie, and Iohn Cumin were sent with an armie ouer into Man, which Ile they then recoue­red (though not without bloud) foorth of the hands of the Danes and Norwegians, who had kept the same in possession now for the space of 167 yéeres passed, but not without so [...]e alteration and trouble, as may appeere by the annales of Richard Southwell, a wri­ter (as should seeme) well instructed in matters as 30 well touching Scotland, and the north parts, as also concerning the state of the out Iles. And therefore that the same may the better appéere to the readers, I haue thought it not impertinent to set downe what I haue read in the same Southwell, touching the kings, or rather viceroies of Man, and those Iles which for a season (as should séeme in déed) were sub­stituted by the kings of Norwaie, though it may al­so appéere, that sometime there was a certeine succes­sion in them, as from the father to the sonne, & from 40 the brother to the brother, &c: in manner as if it had beene by waie of inheritance.

In the daies of king Iohn therefore (as saith the foresaid Southwell) one Gothred reigned as king in Man. And in the yeere 1228, one Reginald being [...]thred king of Man. Reginald. 1228. Olaue, or O­lauus. king of those Iles, was murthered by wicked per­sons, & then his brother Olaue reigned in his place. In the yéere 1230, the king of Norwaie appointed one Husbac, the sonne of Osmund (surnamed Ha­con) to gouerne the said Iles called Sodorenses, 50 1230. Husbac. Insulae Sodo­ [...]enses. Olauus and Godredus. Bute. Husbac slaine. that is to say, the Ile of Man, & the other Iles there abouts the coasts of Scotland; the which Husbac, to­gither with two other capteins Olaue and Godred, surnamed Don, came by sea, and arriued at Bute, where they wan the castell: but Husbac was slaine with a stone that was throwne downe vpon him. And then after this, the foresaid Olaue and Godred came vnto the Ile of Man, where they diuided the kingdome of the Iles betwixt them, so as Olaue Olauus and Godredus di­uide the king­dome of the Iles betwixt them. had Man alotted to him for his part, and Godred the 60 other Iles. But after that Godred was also slaine, Olaue gouerned both in Man, and in all the other Iles (those excepted which the sonnes of Somerleid held in possession.) In the yéere 1237, in the moneth of Maie, Alane king of Man, the sonne of Godred, 1237. Alane. & brother to Reginald, departed this life, after whose deceasse his sonne Harold succéeded him, and reig­ned Harold. 12 yéeres, being but 14 yeeres of age when he began his reigne.

In the yeere 1247, Haco king of Norwaie sent for Harold king of Man to come vnto his coronati­on, 1247. Harold passeth into Norway. who comming thither, was honorablie receiued, and obteined king Hacos daughter in mariage: but as he returned from thence, in the yéere 1249, Is drowned in his returne. togither with his wife, they perished in the seas by a 1249. Reginald. He began to reigne the sixt of Maie. yuarus. Harold. tempest on the coasts of Ireland. Then succéeded his brother Reginald, who reigned but 27 daies, for he was slaine the first of Iune the same yéere, by the ser­uants of a knight called Yuarus. Then Harold the sonne of Godred Don gouerned Man one yéere, be­ing remooued by the king of Norwaie: & after him Magnus the sonne of Olaue began his reigne ouer Magnus. Man & the other Iles, by consent of the Manskemen themselues. But in the yeere 1254, one Yuarus was 1254. yuarus. ordeined king, or rather viceroy of those Iles, & go­uerned the same, till the foresaid Magnus king of Norwaie resigned his title to all the said Iles vnto king Alexander (as ye haue heard) who placed his lieutenants there, of whome the first was called Go­dred Lieutenant of bailife of the Ile of Man vnder the Scots. mac Mares, the second Alane. And after him Maurice Okarsaire succéeded; and then followed one that was the kings chaplaine.

For the time of the resignation made, I follow Hector Boetius, by reason of some contrarietie which appeareth in Southwell in the account of the yeares assigned to the reignes of those Iland kings, if you confer the same with the time of the foresaid resig­nation. But now to the matter. The lieutenant ap­pointed to haue the rule of those Iles, now that they were thus come into the hands of the Scots, was bound by his office to be readie with thirteene ships, and fiue hundred mariners to come to the aid of the Scots, at all times when he should thereto be requi­red. After this, were the earles of Atholl, Carrike, and March, Alexander Steward, with the thanes of Argile, and Lennos, sent with a puissant armie The westerne Iles recoue­red out of the hands of the Norwegians vnto the other of the westerne Iles, the which those that were greatest, they brought with much a doo vnder the obeisance of the crowne of Scotland, the residue submitted themselues.

Magnus king of Norwaie informed hereof, sent The chancel­lor of Nor­waie ambassa­dor to King Alexander. e [...]tsoones his chancellor in ambassage vnto king A­lexander, to trie if he might by treatie recouer a­gaine those Iles: and if he might not bring that to passe, yet to compound with him for a yeerelie tri­bute. The first motion of the chancellor would in no wise be heard, therefore surceassing to spend anie longer time about it, they fell in communication touching the second, which tooke effect at length in The release of Magnus king of Nor­waie to the Scotish Iles. this wise. King Magnus by his letters vnder his great seale, renounced and gaue ouer his right or claime that he had or might haue, both for him and his successors to all the Iles of Scotland. And king Alexander for this resignation was agreed to paie the said king of Norway, foure thousand marks sterling, togither with a pension or tribute of an hundred marks by yeare. And for the more confir­mation A pear [...]lie pension. of loue and amitie betwixt the two kings and their people, Margaret the daughter of king Alexander, being not past one yeares of age, was Margaret K. Alexanders daughter. promised in mariage vnto Hauigo, the sonne of king Magnus, the same mariage to be consummat when she came to yeares mariable. Further, in place where the greatest slaughter of Danes and Norwegians had béene made, it was couenanted that an hospitall should be erected & founded there, for the sustentation of poore folks.

About this season, there were great warres in England betwixt king Henrie and his barons, of Warre in England. whome the chiefe was Simon Mountfort earle of Leicester, and diuerse other. K. Henrie being not well able to withstand his aduersaries attempts, re­quested King Henrie required aid of the Scots. K. Alexander to send him some aid of Scots to subdue the rebels of his realme, that had arrea­red warres against him. Herevpon shortlie after, was Alexander Cumin, with fiue thousand chosen Alexander Cumin sent into Eng­land. men, sent by king Alexander into England, who right valiantlie bare themselues in that war which [Page 202] king Henrie held against his barons, whereof in the English chronicle ye may read more at large. In these daies (as the translator of Hector Boetius hath written) that notable and most famous outlaw Ro­bin Robin Hood and little Iohn his companion. Hood liued, with his fellow little Iohn, of whome are manie fables and merie iests deuised and soong amongst the vulgar people. But Iohn Maior wri­teth that they liued (as he dooth gesse) in the daies of king Richard the first king of England, 1198.

In the yeare next and immediatlie following, 10 after that Henrie king of England had subdued his domesticall enimies, there came a legat from pope Clement the fourth, requiring him to haue a collec­tion of monie in Scotland towards the charges of A legat from pope Clement leuieng an armie against the Saracens. But this legat was not receiued into the realme, but com­manded to shew his message vpon the borders. He The legats demand. demanded therfore of euerie parish-church in Scot­land foure marks sterling, and of euerie abbeie foure score marks. And to the end he might the sooner pur­chase 20 fauor to the furtherance of his purpose, he de­uised by the way certeine statutes and ordinances right profitable to be vsed in the realme of Scotland, as he iudged. But king Alexander for answer here­vnto The answer of king Alex­ander to the legats mes­sage. alledged, that the Scots minded not to receiue anie statutes or decrées, other than such as were or­deined by the pope, or some generall councell: for by a generall rule; The more precepts, the more offen­dors are alwaies found. And as touching the request The more pre­cepts the more offendors. made for the collection of so great summes of mo­nie, 30 it was not thought necessarie, that so much coine should go foorth of the realme: neuerthelesse if it were thought expedient, he would be contented to send foorth at his owne proper costs and charges, a number of armed men to go with the christian ar­mie against the Turks: but for monie otherwise foorth, the realme would not depart with anie, least it should be wastfullie spent, or taken by the way of théeues, as it had béene aforetime.

Henrie king of England praised much the wise­dome 40 King Alex­anders wise­dome praised by king Hen­rie. of king Alexander for this his answer, as he declared shortlie after by his sonne prince Edward, who came to visit his sister the queene, and his bro­ther in law king Alexander at Roxsburgh, where they met him; for ye must vnderstand that K. Hen­rie had also learned by experience to be wise in that behalfe, as well as others. King Alexander yet af­ter A thousand marks sent to the pope. this sent vnto the pope a thousand marks in sil­uer: and vnto Lewes the French king, that requi­red his aid in that iournie which he made into Affrike 50 against the Saracens there, a thousand souldiers, Scotish cap­teins sent in­to Affrike. vnder the leading of the earles of Carrike & Atholl, Iohn Steward brother of Alexander Steward, A­lexander Cumin, Robert Keth, George Durward, Iohn Quincie, & William Gordon. All these going ouer with K. Lewes into Affrike, died there, either vpon the enimies sword, or by the intemperat heat of that countrie (whereto they had not béene accu­stomed) in the yeare after the incarnation 1270. The 1270. Thomas earle of Car­rike. earle of Carrike, whose name was Thomas, peri­shing 60 thus amongst the residue in Affrike, left no inheritor behind him to inioy his lands, sauing a daughter named Martha, being then about fiftéene yeares of age. This yoong ladie, chancing to ride on Martha daughter to the earle of Carrike. hunting in the woods for pastime and solace, as the vse is, fortuned by aduenture to méet with a noble yoong man one Robert Bruse the sonne and heire to Robert Bruse the lord of Anandale in Scotland, and Robert Bruse. Cleueland in England, begot of Isabell the second daughter of Dauid earle of Huntington. The la­die immediatlie became so inamored of this yoong Robert Bruse maried to Martha daughter to the earle of Carrike. gentleman, that she led him with hir home vnto Carrike, where (without making hir friends priuie to the matter) she maried him in all hast, least anie man should be about to hinder hir determined pur­pose. Of this mariage was borne that Robert Bruse which afterwards (through want of heires of the linage of king Alexander) atteined the crowne of Scotland. As soone as Alexander was aduerti­sed King Alexan­der displeased with the fore­said Martha. hereof, he tooke such indignation that she should bestow hir selfe so lightlie vpon one whom she neuer saw before, that he seized hir castell of Turneberie into his hands, with all hir other lands and posses­sions, as it were by escheat, for that she had maried without his consent. Notwithstanding, within short while after he tooke pitie on hir case, and for an easie composition of monie which she paied for hir mari­age, restored to hir againe all hir lands and liuings, suffering hir to inioy hir husband without anie more trouble or vexation. In the third yeare after, the Robert Bruse that was after king of Scot­land is borne. 1274. said ladie was deliuered of the afore-remembred Robert Bruse that was after king of Scotland. And the same yeare, which was the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour 1274, Dauid the second son of king Alexander deceassed; and the third yeare af­ter, the brethren of Edward king of England came into Scotland to visit the quéene their sister, & their King Alexan­der with his wife the quéene came to London. brother in law the K. & after did attend them in their iournie to London, whither they went to be present at the coronation of the foresaid Edward, as then returned foorth of Affrike after the deceasse of his fa­ther king Henrie, to take vpon him the gouerne­ment of the kingdome descended vnto him by right of inheritance. He was crowned the same yeare on the day of the assumption of our ladie in August, with great solemnitie and triumph.

At the same time there was a Norman in king Edwards court, of such passing strength of bodie, A Norman of passing strength. Ferquhard a Scotishman ouerthrew the said Norman. that he ouerthrew all men with whome he wrestled, till at length one Ferquhard a Scotishman borne, of the countrie of Rosse, descended of noble paren­tage, vanquished him to his great praise & aduance­ment in honor: for king Alexander in guerdon of so woorthie a déed there doone in the presence of so hono­rable an assemblie, gaue vnto him the earledome of Rosse for euermore. Of this Ferquhard succéeded fiue earles all of his surname, but the sixt earle was named William Rosse, otherwise Leslie, in whose The earle­dome of Rosse giuen to wil­liam Rosse alias Leslie. sonne the seuenth earle failed the dignitie of that house for fault of succession. At the same time prince Alexander king Alexanders sonne did homage vnto king Edward for the earledome of Huntington, as the Scotish writers doo testifie. Shortlie after that king Alexander was returned foorth of England at The death o [...] quéene Mar­garet. that time into Scotland, his wife quéene Margaret deceassed, and was buried in Dunfirmling. She bare by him two sonnes, Alexander and Dauid, and one daughter named Margaret, the which (according to the assurance before made) was maried about three yeares after hir mothers deceasse, vnto Hani­go, The mariage of Margaret king Alexan­ders daugh­ter. or rather Aquine king of Norwaie, and deceas­sed in the second yeare after the solemnization of the mariage, leauing behind hir a daughter named also Margaret.

But before this hap fell so out, euen immediatlie after the death of quéene Margaret the mother, hir The death of Dauid sonne to king Alex­ander. The mariage of Alexander prince of Scotland. yoonger sonne Dauid deceassed: by reason whereof, king Alexander being carefull of his succession, pro­cured a mariage for his elder sonne prince Alexan­der, with the earle of Flanders his daughter, the which being brought into Scotland, was maried vn­to the said prince in Iedwoorth, on the sunday after the feast of saint Martine in winter, in the yeare of our Lord 1279. The feast of this mariage was 1279. holden with great triumph and solemnitie continu­allie for the space of fiftéene daies togither. ¶ This yeare a number of the Scotish nobilitie, which had attended the ladie Margaret into Norwaie, were

[Page 203] [...]

[Page 204] Francis Thins addition, to this marke.) This Alexander made manie healthfull and good lawes, whereof most by the negligence of men, and longnesse of time are worne away; so that things so profitablie by him deuised, séeme rather by report to haue béene ordeined, than that they are by cu­stome The lawes of Alexander the third. practised. He diuided the kingdome into foure parts, through which he made his progresse almost euerie yéere, remaining about thrée moneths in e­uerie place, there to sit in iudgement, and to heare the complaints of the poore, at what time the meanest 10 person might haue frée accesse vnto him. As often as he went into anie prouince to giue sentence of law, he commanded the gouernor of that place to re­ceiue him with a chosen companie; and when he de­parted thence, to bring him to the borders of his iu­risdiction, where he was honorablie receiued of the next gouernors. The which trauelling about his realme he vsed, to the end that he might know all his nobilitie, and that he might also be knowne of all others. During which time of his progresse, no 20 great traine or multitude of courtiers did follow him; bicause he would not charge his people in recei­uing of them; and for that cause also abated and re­streined the troope of horssemen which followed the nobilitie, and brought them into a certeine & meane number, bicause he supposed that the multitude of horsses (whereof in warre there was no vse) were néedlesse deuourers of meat. Further, he forbad his people to trauell by sea for gaine or merchandize, when he considered that through the vnskilfulnes of 30 failing, the rashnesse that men vsed in committing themselues to the seas, and the rapine of pirats, ma­nie men were lost, and their goods spoiled: whereby the merchants were driuen to extreame pouertie. Which precept when it had continued almost a whole yéere, and by manie mens spéeches was reprehen­ded as dangerous and hurtfull to the weale publike, at the length there arriued such plentie of strange merchandize in Scotland, that the abundance and cheapenesse thereof did excéed the memorie of anie 40 former age. But yet to take order with and for the benefit of the merchants, he forbad his people to buie anie thing brought in by strangers, but such as were merchants of his land, and that all the other people should buie of them such things as they néeded.)

King Alexander the third, being in such miserable Scotland without a K. and gouernor. wise deceassed, as before is specified, the realme re­mained in great discomfort, by reson he had neither left anie issue behind him to succéed in the gouerne­ment 50 thereof, neither taken order in his life time by testament, or otherwise, for anie other to supplie the roome of a gouernor, so that hereof insued such infi­nit Mischiefes insuing for lacke of a king. misorders, by the presumption of wicked and vn­gratious persons, the which vpon hope to escape vn­punished (bicause iustice was like to want due pro­cesse) ceassed not to attempt manie vnlawfull acts, to the grieuous oppression of the people: which mis­ruled demeanors and disordered enterprises of those outragious persons, when such as had anie zeale to 60 the wealth of their countrie vnderstood dailie to mul­tiplie and increase, they thought it apperteined to their duties to prouide some remedie in due time, and there vpon called a councell togither, wherein after sundrie consultations had, and manie matters debated touching the rule of the realme, it was fi­nallie Six gouer­nors chosen to haue the rule of Scotland. agréed, that six gouernors should be elected and chosen, of the which thrée should haue the administra­tion and rule of the north parts, and these were Wil­liam Fraser bishop of saint Andrews, Duncane earle of Fife, & Iohn Cumin earle of Buchquane. The other thrée were appointed to the gouernance of the south countries, that is to say, Robert bishop of Glascow, sir Iohn Cumin (a man of high estima­tion for his wisdome and experience as well in mat­ters concerning peace as warre) and Iames high steward of Scotland.

But in the meane time Edward king of Eng­land, surnamed Longshanks, cast in his mind, how he might make some conquest of Scotland, now the same was thus destitute of an head to gouerne it. And for that he well vnderstood that the daughter of How can this be true, when K. Edward had a wife at that time? but ver [...]e the Scotish wri­ters shew themselues o­uercome with too much ma­lice in most things which they write in the defamatiō of K. Edward. Norwaie (of whom before ye haue heard) was right inheritor to the crowne of Scotland, though she were but verie yoong in yéeres, & not able for mari­age: yet to compasse his purpose that waies foorth, he sent his ambassadors vnto the lords of Scotland, requiring to haue hir to wife, and the realme with­all, as due vnto hir by good title and right of inheri­tance. The lords, after long deliberation herein had, consented to his desire, vnder these conditions, that the realme should remaine in all freedoms and liber­ties, without anie kind of seruile subiection, in the same maner and state as it was vsed in the daies of king Alexander last deceassed, and other his noble progenitors: and if it chanced, that no issue came of this mariage to succéed them, then shuld the crowne returne by remainder ouer to the next heirs of king Alexander, without anie claime or pretext of title to be made by king Edward, or anie of his successors in time to come.

Immediatlie herewith, two noble knights, sir Iohn Scot of Albawore, and sir Iames Wemis, were sent into Norwaie to fetch the bride ouer into Scotland: but before their comming thither, shee was deceassed, & so they returned backe into Scot­land againe without effect of their errand. And thus The daughter of Norwaie deceassed. by means of hir death, all amitie betwixt English­men and Scots ceassed. Then began to insue great trouble and businesse in Scotland, by reason of the The conten­tion betwixt the kinsmen of K. Alexander for the crown. Sée more of this matter in the English histories. contention which sprang betwixt the kinsmen of king Alexander, for the title and claime which they se­uerallie made and pretended to the crowne. There were thrée chieflie that séemed by néerenesse of bloud to haue most right, and therefore made most earnest sute in their claime: Iohn Balioll, Robert Bruse, and Iohn Hastings. This Robert Bruse was sonne to the son of that Robert Bruse, which maried Isa­bell The ancestors of Robertle Bruse. the yoongest daughter to Dauid earle of Hun­tington, on whom he got a son named also Robert, that maried the inheritor of Carrike, as we haue shewed before, whose sonne this Robert Bruse was, The line of the Balioll with his title to the crowne. that now claimed the crowne. Iohn Balioll came of Margaret, eldest daughter to the foresaid Dauid earle of Huntington: for Alane lord of Galloway, which maried the said Margaret, begot on hir two daughters, of the which the eldest named Deruogill, was giuen in mariage vnto sir Iohn Balioll, father vnto this Iohn Balioll, that thus made claime to the crowne: alledging that forsomuch that he was come of the eldest daughter of earle Dauid, the bro­ther of king William, he ought by reason to be re­puted as next heire to the same king William, sith none other person aliue approched so néere vnto him in bloud.

Fr. Thin.Here I thinke it conuenient before any more be spoken of this historie, to interlace somewhat (be­sides that which is alredie spoken, being here in part repeated (of the descent of this Deruogill, the daugh­ter of Alane lord of Galloway, beginning the same somewhat higher, in this sort. In the reigne of Wil­liam K. of Scots, which began in the yere of Christ 1160, as saith Lesleus, lib. 6. pag. 226, Fergusius Buchanan. gouernor of Galloway left two sons, Gilbert, and Ethred, who after the death of their father, fell at va­riance Wil. Paruus nameth him Utred. for the lands of Galloway, to be diuided be­twixt them in equall portions. This brall comming to the eares of king William, he was desirous to [Page 205] quench those flames of vnkindnesse betwéene the said brethren, and for that cause with indifferencie (as he supposed) he ment to pacifie and satisfie each part, by diuiding the inheritance equallie betwéene them. But Gilbert highlie taking this partition in grudge (bicause he was eldest, & that the whole inhe­ritance belonged to him) did with like hatred pursue both the king and his brother, the one as enuious a­gainst him, and the other as an vnequall iudge, in gi­uing his right from him. Wherfore when king Wil­liam 10 was taken prisoner of the Englishmen, this Gilbert being of bold spirit (and now by the kings mishap out of all danger, being deliuered from the Of this mat­ter though not so [...] is somewhat in­treated before, pag. 275. The crueltie of one brother [...]o another. feare of anie law) began to vtter his conceiued ha­tred till this time couertlie concealed. For vpon the sudden, he tooke his brother prisoner, put out his eies, cut out his toong, and not contented with a simple death (to be giuen vnto him at one instant) did most miserablie a long time togither put him to paine, by dismembring th [...] seuerall parts of his bodie, before 20 he should die. After which wretched fact against his owne brother, he ioined himselfe to the English na­tion, and taking preies on the borders, he did vnna­turallie and traitorouslie (as it were an vtter eni­mie to his [...]untrie) [...]age against his owne citizens, with all kind of murther and slaughter of battell. In which he did such harme, and so great oppression, as if he had not bene resisted by his nephue Rowland (ga­thering a strong power to him of such common peo­ple as remained stedfast in dutifull obedience to the 30 imprisoned king) he had vtterlie spoiled all the coun­tries adioining to England, or else would wholie haue brought them into his subiection. For this Rowland a lustie yoong gentleman, bold of spirit, in­dued with noble strength of mind and bodie, did not onelie beat downe the force of his vncle, but did ma­nie times (and that sometimes most happilie) fight with the English, when they spoiled his natiue soile, or that he made anie inuasion into their borders.

At length when king William was deliuered of restreint, and returned into Scotland, this Gilbert 40 (notwithstanding all his former euils) by the media­tion of his friends, found fauor in the king, and was pardoned of all his offenses, but yet so as he promi­sed to make recompense of all such damages as he had committed; for the sure performance whereof, he found sufficient pledges to the king. But Gilbert shortlie after departing this life, they which had ser­ued vnder him, giuen by continuall vse vnto theft and blood, did yéeld themselues to the fauourable pro­tection of the king of England, either for inconstan­cie 50 of mind, or feare of punishment, being touched with remorse of conscience for the euill which they had before committed. These men thus shadowed vn­der the wings of England, did againe take armes a­gainst their countrie, vnder the conduct of Gilpa­trike, Henrie Kennedie, and Samuell, who before Gilpatrike & other spoile Scotland. had béene authors and executors to Gilbert, of all such euils as were by him performed. Against whom was Rowland sent with an armie, who in a set bat­tell slue the capteine, and a multitude of both kinds 60 of the common people. They which escaped the con­flict, did flie to the refuge of one Gilcombe, capteine Gilco [...]be spoile [...]h his countrie. of such persons as liued vpon spoile and pilfering, who by continuance of followers, & increase of peo­ple, were now growne to some number, & did wan­der ouer all Louthian, robbing & spoiling in eue [...]e place where they set foot: and not so content, did from thence passe into Galloway, where this [...]ilcombe tooke in hand the defense of Gilberts cause (now vt­terlie Maketh him­selfe lord of Gallowaie. forsaken of all men) vnder colour whereof, he not onelie challenged the inheritance belonging to Gilbert, but also behaued himselfe as chiefe lord of all Galloway. At length incountering with this Rowland in the kalends of October (the third mo­neth after the companie of this Gilbert was be­fore dispersed) this Gilcombe was valiantlie slaine, with the greatest number of his followers, by the Gilcombe slaine. said Rowland, on whose part there was verie few missing.

The king of England highlie [...]ffended therwith (bicause the yere before they had sworne themselues to serue faithfullie vnder him against their owne bloud) came in haste with a maine armie to Carleill to séeke reuenge thereof. Which when William king of Scots vnderstood, he laboured by all the meanes he could, to appease the king of Englands displea­sure, and to reconcile this Rowland vnto him. In the end the king of Scots wrought so with the Eng­lish, that Rowland was admitted to come to Car­leill to the presence of the king of England; the which Rowland re­stored to the fauour of the king of Eng­land. Rowland did accordinglie. At what time before the king of England, refelling the slanderous accusati­ons of his aduersaries (and further declaring that he had doone nothing either rashlie, or vniustlie against his and the common wealths enimie) he was hono­rablie by the English king suffered to depart from Carleill. These things thus doone, & king William returned into Scotland, he called to remembrance the continuall constancie and good seruice, which E­thred the father of Rowland had manie times doone to him and to the realme; there withall not forget­ting the woorthie exploits which this Rowland had of late performed for the common wealth: for which considerations he woorthilie recompensed the said Rowland, in bestowing on him the whole countrie of Galloway. And further (although he did not me­rit Rowland made lord of Gallowaie. the same by reason of his fathers euils) yet the king mildlie considering, that the sonne was not to beare the offense of the father (but hoping by this vn­deserued liberalitie, to bind him faithfullie to serue him) did giue the lands of Carrike vnto the sonne of Carr [...]e giuen to the sonne of Gilbert. the said Gilbert. All which William Paruus reporteth to haue happened in the yéere of Christ 1183.

Rowland being thus made lord of Galloway, Rowland con­stable of Scot land. maried the sister of William Mooruill constable of Scotland, who dieng without issue, obteined the same o [...]fice by inheritance in right of his wife, from whome did issue Alane lord of Galloway, and con­stable Alane lord of Galloway, & constable of Scotland. of Scotland, by inheritance from his mother, a valiant gentleman, and such a person as for his no­table seruice (imploied in Ireland on the behalfe of Iohn king of England) was rewarded by the said king with honorable and rich reuenues: for which by the permission of William king of Scotland, he pro­fessed himselfe the liege man of Iohn king of Eng­land, and sware fealtie vnto him. This Alane (as is before said) maried Margaret the elder daughter of Dauid earle of Huntington, of whome he raised thrée daughters, whereof the eldest being Dornagill, was maried to Balioll, the second to Bruse: in right of which Dornagill, the sonne of this Balioll challenged the crowne of Scotland, as descended from the el­der sister.) On the other side Robert Bruse, albeit he The title of Robert Bruse was descended of the yoongest daughter to earle Da­uid, yet was he come of the first issue male, for his fa­ther was first borne, and therefore if king William had deceas [...]ed without issue, the crowne had descen­ded to him: for which consideration he mainteined that he ought now to be preferred. Hastings also for Hastings. his part, bicause he was come of the yoongest daugh­ter of king Dauid, maried to his father Henrie Ha­stings, wanted not allegations to propone, why he ought to be admitted. Beside these, there were other also, that made claime to the crowne of Scotland, and had matter sufficient to mainteine their sute. This controuersie being brought before the gouer­nors, was at sundrie times argued with much con­tention, [Page 206] not without the assistance of the nobles fa­uoring the parties, as occasion of friendship or kin­red mooued them, namelie Balioll and Bruse had no small number that leaned vnto their parts, by rea­son whereof, the gouernors were in doubt to procéed to anic definite sentence in the matter, least if they The doubt of the gouernors declared one of them king, an other would attempt to vsurpe the crowne by force.

Héere vpon they iudged it best to referre the deci­sion of all this whole matter to some mightie king, 10 which was of puissance able to constreine the parties repugnant to obeie his sentence. Heerevnto was none thought so méet as Edward king of England, and therfore they chose him. [Of whose faith and loue Fr. Thin. Buchanan. towards them, they did not anie whit mistrust, bi­cause Alexander the last king of Scots had found the father of this Edward, both a louing father in law to himselfe, and vpright tutor to his realme. Wherevnto also they ioined this cause of hope in king Edward, for that the said Edward had of late before tried the 20 fauor of the Scots towards him, by a singular testi­monie, in that they so easilie consented to ioine the heire of Scotland with the son of the said Edward.] Wherevpon king Edward tooke this charge vpon him, as competent iudge, & promised by a certein day to come vnto Berwike, willing that their councell might be assembled there against that time. At his comming thither, at the day assigned, and hauing heard what could be said on ech part, and throughlie The title doubtfull. considering at length their allegations, he perceiued 30 the same doubtfull, and required a longer time to dis­cusse the truth by good aduise of counsell: and there­fore required to haue twelue Scotishmen, the best learned and most skilfull lawiers of all the realme to be associat with twelue Englishmen, which he pro­mised to choose foorth of the most perfect and wisest clerks that might be found within all his domini­ons, to the intent that by their ripe and aduised deba­ting of the matter, the truth might appeere, according to the which he minded to giue sentence, without fa­uor 40 either of one part or other. [Before which he tooke Fr. Thin. Buchanan. The nobles sweare to stand to the or­der of king Edward. a solemne oth of the ambassadors of Scotland, and such nobles as were there to stand to his definitiue sentence, further therevpon requiring a writing to be made, sealed with the seales of the same nobles.] After when all such matters and proofes as were pro­poned by the parties, alledged by them for furthe­rance of their titles were put in writing, as matter of record, he returned backe againe into England.

¶ Héere the Scotish writers report, that king Ed­ward 50 This report of the Scotish writers smel­leth altogither of malice con­ceiued against him, for that he scourged them so [...]ore for their vntruths. vsed himselfe nothing vprightlie in this mat­ter, but accordinglie (as it often happeneth) had the eies of his conscience blinded, vpon hope to gaine somewhat by this credit thus to him committed. But how vniustlie he is s [...]andered in this behalfe, I leaue to the indifferent readers to consider, by conferring that which the Scots doo write thereof, with that which is to be found in our English historie. But to procéed as we find it in the Scotish writers. King Edward to be satisfied in knowledge of the truth, 60 sent into France for men learned and of great ex­perience in the lawes, that he might haue their opi­nions in the demands of the parties for their doubt­full rights. But (saith Hector Boetius) he first com­manded them in no wise to agree vpon anie resolute point, but rather to varie in opinions, that when the plée should séeme doubtfull by reason of their con­trarietie in deciding thereof, he might the better vn­der that colour, giue iudgement with which partie he thought most expedient to serue his purpose.

Howbeit the most part of the lawiers iudged with Respect of persons in de­ciding contro­uersies is not to be conside­red. Robert Bruse, both for the woorthines of his person, and also for that he was come of the first issue male. But some there were that gaue sentence with Iohn Balioll, for that he was descended of the eldest sister. King Edward supposing this to be the time most conuenient for his purposed inteution to conquer the realme of Scotland, returned to Berwike, where he had appointed the 24 learned men before specified, to be present, that finall sentence might be giuen, ac­cording as he had before promised. When he was come thus vnto Berwike, and the foresaid 24 lear­ned K. Edward co [...]th to▪ Ber [...]ike. lawiers assembled as assistants with him, and the parties appéering before him in a chamber proui­ded for the purpose, he caused the doores to be suerlie The purpose of king Ed­ward, as the Scots doo vntrue re­port. kept, and the entries stronglie warded, that no man might come in or out, but by his appoi [...]ment and [...] cence. His purpose was to make him king, that would be sworne to hold the crowne of Scotland of him, as superior lord thereof. And bicause he knew that Robert Bruse was a man of singular manhood and wisedome, he thought best to assaie him first, [...] if he found him not conformable to his purpose, then he minded to trie what the Balioll [...] doo.

When Robert Bruse had throughlie hear [...] king The answer of Robert Bruse. Edwards motion, he answered that he [...] the li­bertie of his countrie, more than his priuate pro [...] ­ment, and therefore minded not to deliuer h [...] coun­trie (which euen to that day had béene [...]ée) into the bondage and seruitude of the Englishmen. King Edward perceiuing his stoutnesse of stomach, brake off with him, and fell in talke with the Balioll, who had such blind desire to atteine the crowne, that he passed not whether he inioied the same in libertie o [...] seruitude, so he might haue it. Héerevpon when this Balioll had giuen his faith by assured oth vnto king The Balioll promiseth to doo homage to king Edward Edward, that he would doo homage vnto him for the realme of Scotland, and acknowledge to hold the same of him as superior lord, king Edward gaue sentence with him, to haue most right to the crowne and realme of Scotland, now thus in controuersie.

It is said, that the earle of Glocester, a man of great prudence and authoritie in England (séeing The saieng of the earle of Glocester (as the Scots write, but not like to be true.) King Ed­ward was no man so to be dealt with. the Balioll thus made king, and Robert Bruse with­out reason put backe) spake in this sort to king Ed­ward: Oh king, remember what is doone by thée this day, sparing to giue righteous sentence in this mat­ter; for though the same be now couered and hid, it shall be reuealed, when the great iudge that searcheth consciences, and the secrets of euerie mans mind, shall cause thée to answer for it at the dreadfull day of that vniuersall iudgement: thou hast now giuen sentence on a king, but then shall iudgement be gi­uen on thée. Shortlie after, Iohn Balioll went in great arraie vnto Scone, where he was crowned Iohn Balioll crowned king of Scotland. king of Scotland on saint Andrewes day, in the yeere from the incarnation 1292. In the yeere next 1292. insuing, on saint Stephans day in Christmasse, he came to Newcastell vpon Tine, and there did ho­mage Iohn Balioll dooth homage to king Ed­ward. So say the Scotish wri­ters, but how trulie, read more héereof in England. vnto king Edward for the realme of Scot­land, contrarie to the mind and consent of all his no­bles, for that by this meanes, he séemed to submit his realme (which had remained in freedome vnto those daies) into the seruitude of the Englishmen: but small felicitie succéeded therof.Fr. Thin. Buchana. li. 8. And héere it appee­reth by Buchanan, that the nobilitie of Scotland, which held with Balioll, did also their homage: for be­ing farre from home, they durst not contend against the power of two kings. Whereof some taking it gréenous [...]ie in their hart, dissembled with the present [...]me, and couered their anger vnder the cinders of a faire countenance, which yet in the end burst out, notwithstanding this painted shew. For the declara­tion and proofe whereof, there was shortlie after occa­sion offered to Makduffe, by the death of the earle of Fife, being (in the time when there was no king) made one of the sir gouernors of the realme: for this earle was not onelie killed by these of [...] [Page 207] (which familie did then greatlie flourish in riches and authoritie within Scotland) but the brother also of she said earle was called into law by the Abirnethi­ans, for whome the king in assemblie of the states did giue sentence against the other. This Mak [...]e after the land whereof the contention grew was so adiud­ged, supposing therein the king to be more vniust a­gainst him than was cause, and that the king was not so seuere a reuenger of his brothers death, as he hoped that he would be; forsooke the Balioll, and ap­pealed 10 to the king of England, before whom he com­mensed his sute against Balioll. The deciding where­of was appointed to be holden at London, where was an assemblie or parlement of the nobilitie, after the English manner, amongst whome this Balioll had his place also.

The parlement begun and Balioll there summo­ned Iohn Balioll king of Scots an­swered a [...]uts cōmensed a­gainst him in the parlement of England as an inferior person should. or cited, would haue answered by his proctor or attornie: but this (not being allowed) Balioll was compelled to rise out of his seat, and to defend his 20 cause himselfe in an inferior place. Which contume­lie when he durst not at anie time redresse, secretlie he still bare in mind, vntill fit oportunitie might an­swer the reuenge thereof. But when he would, and then could not deliuer himselfe of such disgrace; he returned home with a mind of deadlie anger, rol­ling mounteins of choler therein, who still bending himselfe on euerie side to satisfie his anger, dwelled on this point; how he might reconcile the hearts of his subiects: and offend the state of the English. Whilest Balioll with this meditation was feeding 30 his hot stomach, a fit means was now offered to performe his desire, by reason of the wars newlie growen betweene England and France, as after shall appeare. For vpon this occasion of wars, king Edward of England commanded this Balioll by tenure of his land, & tenure of his homage, to come with all the power he could prepare to aid him in his warres against the king of France.)

King Iohn Bali [...]l incontinentlie herewith be­came 40 repentant, in that he had indangered himselfe Iohn Balioll repenteth him thus by dooing his homage; and therevpon sent his ambassadors to king Edward, as then soiourning at London, to renounce his act touching the same homage, alledging that for somuch as it was doone without the aduise of the thrée estates of Scotland, it was of no strength in it selfe, and not méete to be obserued being doone by force; for which cause he would renounce his friendship and aliance, aswell Fr. Thin. for manie other iniuries doone vnto him and his; as for that he would séeke to restore his countrie to his 50 former libertie. Which message when none of the better sort durst take in hand to execute, a certeine moonke (or as other haue the abbat of Alberbrethie) caried these letters into England, vpon the receit whereof, king Edward answered the ambassadors Ambassadors into England (whom he tawnted with innumerable contumelies) that since we perceiue (saith he) your king will not come vnto vs; we intend shortlie to come vnto him, wherewith the ambassadors departed. Butus (saith 60 Buchanan) could scarselie returne home in safetie: being at his returne into Scotland rather had in contempt of his owne people, than anie iot reueren­ced for such an ambassage.

After this, king Edward the better to accomplish his purpose against the Scots, found means to con­clude The league renewed be­twixt France and Scot­land. a peace with the king of France, and for the more confirmation of the same peace, the French kings daughter was giuen in mariage vnto king Edward his sonne. Nuerthelesse (as saith the Sco­tish chronicle) he purposed (when he had wrought his will once against the Scots) to inuade France as flercelie as before, notwithstanding anie bond of amitie or mariage by him contracted. After this, he procured the friendship of Robert Bruse, and vpon promise (as it is to be thought) to make him king, the same Robert deliuered into king Edward his hands all such castels as he held in Scotland. Iohn Balioll the Scotish king, vnderstanding that king Edward minded to make a conquest vpon him, sent Ex chron. A­bindon, as I take it. William bishop of saint Andrews, and Matthew bishop of Dunkeld, with sir Iohn Sowlis, and sir Ingram Umfraiuile into France, to renew the an­cient league betwixt him and Philip the fourth, as then king of France; which accordinglie was doone: and for the more corroboration thereof, the eldest daughter of Charles earle of Uallois and Aniou, brother to king Philip, was promised in mari­age vnto Edward Balioll, the sonne of king Iohn, which Edward should inioy lands' of yearelie tents & reuenues to the summe of fiftéene hundred pounds sterling, in places not of the demesnes belonging to the crowne, as Ballieuille, Dampiere, Harecourt, and Horneie, which his father held in France with Lanarke, Ki [...]on, Maldeseie, Cuningham, and the castell of Dundee, with the appurtenances in Scot­land: and hereto was annexed a prouiso, that if those seigniories and places exceeded the value of fiftéene hundred pounds of yearelie reuenues, then should the surplusage remaine to the K. of Scotland: but if the same amounted not to that summe, then should the said king make them good, and supplie the same with other rents in Scotland, or otherwise, as should be thought méet. And further, the said summe of fiftéene hundred pounds in yearlie rent was assigned as it were the dower of the said ladie, to inioy to hir selfe during hir life after hir husbands deceasse, if hir hap were to suruiue him.

In consideration whereof, king Philip couenan­ted to content and pay vnto king Iohn in name of Hector Boe­tius. Abindon. the mariage monie, the summe of 40000 crownes, or (as other write) 25000 pounds Turnois. The char­ter conteining the articles, couenants, and agrée­ments of this mariage and league aboue mentio­ned, beareth date at Paris, the 23 day of October, in the yeare of our Lord 1295. And the letters pro­curatorie made by king Iohn to the said bishop of 1295. saint Andrewes, & the other his associats, bare date at Striueling, the third nones of Iulie the same yeare. Shortlie herevpon, king Iohn was aduer­tised The gentle­men of Fife and Louthian sent to Ber­wike to de­fend it against the English­men. that king Edward purposed to come and be­fiege Berwike; wherefore by aduise of his nobles he sent the most part of all the lords and gentlemen of Fife and Louthian vnto Berwike, to defend the towne against the enimie, if he came to besiege it. The Englishmen came not onelie with a mightie power by land, but also with a great nauie by sea to­wards the said towne of Berwike. Of whose com­ming English ships taken at Ber­wike. the Scots being aduertised, came foorth a­gainst those that approched by sea, tooke 17 of their ships, and chased awaie the residue.

King Edward rather prouoked than feared with this misaduenture, came with a farre greater puis­sance than before, to renew the siege: but when he Berwike be­sieged. perceiued his purpose tooke not so spéedie effect as he hoped it should haue doone, he deuised how to take this towne by some slightfull policie. Héerevpon he feined as though he would haue broken vp his siege, The policie of king Edward to win Ber­wike. and so raising his campe, withdrew a little from the towne, and then hauing prouided banners and en­signes, resembling altogither such as diuerse noble men in Scotland vsed, he suddenlie returned toward the towne, euerie one of his souldiers wearing a acrosse of saint Andrewes aboue on their harnesse, after the manner of the Scotishmen. There were al­so sent before vnto the towne, certeine Scots that serued the king of England, which gaue knowledge to the capteins within the towne, that their lord king [Page 208] Iohn was comming with [...] to their s [...] ­cors. The Scots that were within the towne, belee­uing it had béene most true, [...] the [...] came foorth against [...] ( [...] the [...] supposed) to The Scots deceiued and intrapped. haue receiued him with all ioy [...].

But when they [...] Englishmen, they perceiued both by their language and habit what they were: but this was not before the Englishmen were hard at the gate [...], so that then the Scotishmen would haue fled [...]aoke to haue got into the towne a­gaine, 10 the Englishmen pursued them so fast at the The crueltie of the Eng­lishmen. héeles, that they entered the gates with them, and so tooke the towne with great slaughter as well of the souldiers and men of warre, as also of women, chil­dren Berwike is woon [...]. and aged persons, without all r [...]th or compassi­on, so that they left not one creature aliue of the Scotish bloud within all that towne. Thus was The 29 of March being good friday. 1295. H. B. The abun­dance of bloud [...]led. S [...]reames augmented with bloud. Berwike woone the 30 day of March, in the yéere 1296. Such abundance of bloud was spilled tho­rough all parts of the towne (as the Scotish chroni­cles 20 testifie) that where at the [...]allingtide the water was not able to driue about the [...], some of the same mils yet, were now at a low water set on gate, by reason the streames were so hugelie augmented with bloud. There were slaine aboue seuen thousand persons that day, with the greatest part of all the no­bles and gentlemen of Fife and Louthian.

King Iohn hearing of this slaughter of his people at Berwike, in great desire to be auenged, gathered The Scots discomfited at Dunbar. his power, and sent the same foorth against king Ed­ward, 30 with whome they met not farre from Dunbar, and there incountring with him in battell, the Sco­tish host was discomfited, the most part of the Scots being either slaine or taken. The earles of March and Menteth, with 70 knights, fled to the castell of Dun­bar, but they were besieged so streictlie by the Eng­lish power, inuiro [...]ng the castell on ech side, that in the end they were constreined for lacke of vittels to The castell of Dunbar ren­dered to king Edward. yéeld themselues to king Edward, on condition to haue their liues saued, which couenant was not ob­serued; 40 as the Scotish writers affirme: for king Edward hauing got them into his hands, caused them foorthwith to be put to death. It was reported that Robert Bruse vpon secret conference had with Robert Bruse occasion of the ouerthrow of Scots at Dunbar. king Edward before this battell at Dunbar, sollici­ted all his friends in the Scotish armie, to flée vpon the first ioining, which the residue perceiuing, were so discomforted, that incontinentlie they threw awaie both armor and weapon, and so were vanquished without resistance. 50

Truth it is, that after this victorie, Robert Bruse Robert Bruse submitteth himselfe to K. Edward. submitted himselfe vnto king Edward, requiring him to performe his promise touching the right which he had to the crowne of Scotland: howbeit he recei­ued no answer to his liking touching that request: for K. Edward had no lesse desire to inioy the king­dome of Scotland, than Bruse, as the Scotish wri­ters affirme. Therefore to cast off Robert Bruse concerning his demand, he answered thus, as is said; Beléeuest thou that we haue nothing else a doo 60 The answer of king Ed­ward to Ro­bert Bruse. but to conquere realmes, and to deliuer them ouer againe vnto thee? Robert Bruse hereby perceiuing the subtile meaning of K. Edward, returned right sorrowfull vnto his lands in England, hauing great indignation in his mind, that he had obeied king Edwards requests: but yet considered with him­selfe that he must suffer for the time, till occasion serued to reuenge the iniuries receiued, which he minded to doo, and that in most cruell maner, as af­terwards it will appeare. King Edward after he The castels o [...] Eden­burgh and Striueling woone. King Iohn priuen into the castell of For [...]arre. had thus woone the castell of Dunbar, got likewise both the castels of Edenburgh and Striueling, and pursued king Iohn, till he had constreined him to take for his refuge the castell of Forfaire. Herewith Iohn Cu [...] [...]ord of Strab [...]gie came to king Ed­ward, and was swo [...]ne his [...]ge man.

Sh [...]e after, by a politi [...] practise of the same Iohn C [...]n, king Iohn with his sonne Edward came to M [...]rus, where perceiuing himselfe vn­wiselie to be fallen into the hands of king Edward, through fea [...] of death which he doubted by reason of Iohn [...] king of Scot­land resigneth all his right to king Ed­ward. the men [...]g words of king Edward, he suffered himselfe to be spoiled of all his kinglie abiliments, and with a white wand in his hand (as the maner is) presented himselfe before king Edward, resigning there vnto him all his right and title which he had to the crowne of Scotland, vtterlie renouncing the same both for him and his heires for euer. Hereof was a charter made in most sufficient wise, confir­med A charter. with the hand and seale of king Iohn, and other the nobles of Scotland substantiallie as might be deuised, bearing date the fourth yeare of his reigne. After this, king Edward assembled all the Homage of the barous of Scotland to king Edward lords and barons of Scotland at Berwike, where he caused them to be sworne his liege men, and to doo homage vnto him as to their souereigne lord and supreme gouernor. Which William Dowglasse (a Fr. Thin. man of noble birth and famous for his déeds) refu­sed to doo, and for his obstinacie was cast into prison, where after a few yeares he ended his life. And for The holds of Scotland de­liuered into king Edward his hands. the more suertie of their allegiance, he constreined them to surrender into his hands all the strengths & holds of the realme, both as well those that stood on the sea coasts, as also such other as were situat in the inner parts of the countrie.

These things doone, and order taken in each be­halfe as was thought requisit for the quiet kéeping of the countrie, he sent king Iohn and his sonne Iohn Bali­oll kept as prisoner in England. Edward Balioll vnto London, where they were kept in strong ward; till at length he suffered the said king Iohn to returne into Scotland: but lea­uing still his sonne in pledge behind him, least he should attempt anie new rebellion after his depar­ture; which after was deliuered at the request of the pope. King Iohn vpon his returne into Scotland, He returneth into Scot­land. perceiuing that he was in the hatred both of his lords and commons, he withdrew againe of his owne accord into England, forsaking wholie the He renoun­ceth the admi­nistration of Scotland. administration of the Scotish dominion, and final­lie went ouer into Normandie to his ancient inhe­ritance and lands there, where at length falling blind, and wasting away by long age, he departed out of this world in the castell Galliard, leauing He returneth into France, and deceasseth in castell Gal­liard. those lands which he possessed on that side the sea, vn­to his sonne Edward Balioll, who being released out of captiuitie, was come ouer to his father be­fore his deceasse.

In the meane time, king Edward hauing well in King Ed­ward his purpose to in­uade France. remembrance the warres which he had intended to make against France, had be not bin staied through the businesse of Scotland, purposed now to pursue the same with all diligence; & therefore garnishing all the strengths & forts in Scotland to withstand the Scots, if they attempted anie rebellion against him in his absence, he appointed Hugh Cressing­ham regent there, whilest he should be occupied in Hugh Cres­singham re­gent of Scot­land. France, which Cressingham before was treasuror. Then hauing prouided a great nauie of ships, he passed ouer into France, trusting that the Scots would not s [...]ur, sith they had of late susteined so ma­nie ouerthrows and sore losses one after an other by the last wars: but tyrannie is of such a nature, that by no kind of prouision it may anie long time be suerlie defended. For those people that be oppressed King Ed­ward [...]e­ned by the Scotish wri­ters of tyran­nie. by anie tyrannicall seruitude, will not faile to séeke to deliuer themselues from the yoke of that impor­table burden when soeuer opportunitie of time and occasion serueth. Therefore the lords of Scotland [Page 209] hauing knowledge that king Edward was passed The Scotish [...] a [...]semble at Striue­ling. ouer the seas, they got them all togither straight­waies, and assembled in councell at Striueling, where by generall agréement, twelue noble men were chosen to be gouernors of Scotland, euerie Twelue go u [...]rnors [...] in Scot­land. one in their limits appointed, that they might the better prouide to resist the enimie. Amongest these gouernors, Iohn Cumin earle of Buchquhan was principall, a man of great wisedome and singular knowlege in all affaires, as well of peace as of war. 10 This earle of Buchquhan raised a mightie armie, Iohn Cumin. and with the same entered into Northumberland, where he wasted with fier and sword all that coun­trie. After this, he laid siege to Carleill, but he wan nothing there, the towne was so well defended. In William Wal­las [...] beginneth to war fa­mous. that season also, the fame of William Wallase be­gan to spring, a yoong gentleman of so huge stature and notable strength of bodie, with such skill and knowledge in warlike enterprises, and hereto of such hardinesse of stomach in attempting all maner 20 of dangerous exploits, that his match was not anie where lightlie to be found. He was sonne to one Sir Andrew Walias [...] knight father to William Wallase. sir Andrew Wallase of Cragie, knight, and from his youth bare euer an inward hatred against the English nation. Sundrie notable feats also he wrought against the Englishmen in defense of the Scots, and was of such incredible force at his com­ming to perfect age, that of himselfe alone, without all helpe, he would not feare to set vpon thrée or foure Englishmen at once, and vanquish them. 30

When the fame therefore of his woorthie acts was notified thorough the realme, manie were put in good hope, that by his means the realme should be deliuered from the seruitude of the Englishmen within short time after. And herevpon a great num­ber of the Scotish nation as well of the n [...]bilitie as other, were readie to assist him in all his enterprises. By reason whereof he might not easilie be intrapped nor taken of the Englishmen, that went about to haue got him into their hands. At length, when oc­casion 40 serued to vse the helpe of such a notable chief­teine, he was chosen by generall consent of the Sco­tishmen as gouernour vnder Iohn Ballioll, to deli­uer his countrie from bondage of the English na­tion. At the same time manie abbeies & spirituall be­nefices [...]bbeies of Scotland in Englishmens han [...]s. in Scotland were in Englishmens hands. Neuerthelesse, this William Wallase by commis­sion had of William Fraser bishop of saint An­dr [...]ws, auoided and put them foorth of all parts of Scotland, leauing neither temporall nor spiri­tuall 50 person of their bloud within that realme. For shortlie after, by publike authoritie, he receiued the armie that Iohn Cumin earle of Buchquhan had led before, and constreined those Scots that fauored king Edward, to obeie his commandements, in renouncing all such faith and promise as they had giuen or made vnto him.

This doone, he passed foorth with great puissance Castels woon by William Wallase. against the Englishmen, that held sundrie castels 60 within Scotland, and with great hardinesse & man­hood he wan the castels of Forfair, Dundée, Brechen and Mountros, sleaing all such souldiers as he found within them. Wallase now ioifull of this his prospe­rous successe, and hearing that certeine of the chie­fest capteins and officers of those Englishmen that Dunoter woon by William Wallase. kept the castell of Dunoter, were gone foorth to con­sult with other Englishmen of the forts next to them adioining, came sudenlie to the said castell, & tooke it, not leauing a man aliue of all those whome he found as then within it. Then after he had furnished that hold with his owne soldiers in most defensible wise, be went to Aberden. The towne he found in maner void of all the inhabitants, but the castell was so [...]onglie garnished with men and munition, that considering it might not be woone without great murder, he raised from thence, and returned into Angus. King Edward as then being in France, hearing of these exploits atchiued by this Wallase Hugh Cres­singham sent into Scotland his aduersarie, sent diuerse noble capteins vnto his lieutenant Hugh Cressingham, with an armie into Scotland to redresse the matter.

Wallase in the meane time had laid siege vnto the castell of Couper, but now being aduertised of the comming of this armie against him, he raised his siege, & went to Striueling to defend the bridge there, that Hugh Cressingham with his armie shuld not passe the same, according as the report went his intent was to doo. Heere incountring with the enimies, the third Ides of September, he obteined a Hugh Cres­singham slaine at Striueling and his armie discomfited by William Wal­lase. The castell of Couper ren­dred to Wal­lase. verie woorthie victorie, for he slue not onelie the fore­said Cressingham with a great part of his armie be­ing passed the riuer, but also forced the residue to flee, in such sort, that a great number of them were drow­ned, and few escaped awaie with life. Thus hauing gotten the vpper hand of his enimies héere at Stri­ueling, he returned againe to the siege of Couper, which shortlie after vpon his returne thither, was rendred vnto him by those that were within in gar­rison. There were manie of the Scotish nobilitie the same time, that sent vnto him, offering to leaue the king of Englands part, and to aid him with monie and vittels, if he would onelie receiue them into fa­uour, wherevnto he granted. By which meanes, sun­drie other castels were yéelded vnto him, the which af­ter he had garnished with men, munition, and vit­tels (according as was thought requisit) he brake vp his campe, and went with sundrie of his most faith­full friends vnto the castell of Striueling.

Afterwards perceiuing that through scarsitie of corne, great dearth arose on each side within the Dearth in Scotland. The policie of Wallase to relieue the peoples lacke in time of dearth. realme of Scotland, he deuised which way he might best relieue the peoples necessitie and lacke in that behalfe, and herevpon he determined to passe with a mightie armie into England, and to soiourne there the most part of the winter, in susteining the whole number of his men of warre on such prouision as they might find within the bounds of their enimies Disobedien [...] punished. countrie. He commanded therefore that all the Scots, appointed to go with him in that iournie, should be readie at a certeine day and place prefired. But diuers of the northerne Scots (as they of Aber­den and other) for that they disobeied his comman­dements set foorth by letters and proclamations, were hanged as rebels and traitors to their coun­trie. By whose example, other being put in feare, his Wallase inua­deth Nor­thumberland. commandements were the better obeied, so that ha­uing got togither an huge host of men, he entered with the same into Northumberland [...]asting and spoiling the countrie euen vnto New [...]astell. Thus putting the enimies in great feare and terror of his awfull name, he brought his armie backe againe in­to Scotland, loden with spoile and glorie of their prosperous atchiued iournie. They entred into Eng­land Fr. Thin. (as Io. Maior writeth) about the feast of All saints, and remained there till Candlemas after, li­uing still vpon the spoile of the Englishmens goods.

Edward king of England, being informed of the K Edwards message vnto Wallase. great slaughter of his people, and what damage the Scots had doone in Northumberland, returned in great displeasure out of France into England, and sent his ambassadors vnto Wallase, sore menacing him, for that he had inuaded his realme in such cru­ell wise in his absence, which he durst (as he sent him word) full little haue doone, if he had béene at home The answer of wallase to K. Edwards message as the Scots doo write. himselfe. Wallase herevnto answered, that he had taken the aduantage for the atchiuing of his inter­prise, touching the inuasion of England, in like sort as king Edward had doone for the conquest of Scot­land, [Page 210] at such time as he was chosen by the nobles of the realme as indifferent iudge in decision of the right and lawfull title of the parties that stroue and were at contention for the crowne. And further, to the end it might appeare vnto king Edward, that he inuaded England in defense of his owne natiue countrie, and that he was fullie bent to imploie his whole indeuor to deliuer the same from all maner of subiection to any forreine power, and to reuenge the iniuries doone to them by the Englishmen in 10 times past; he willed the English ambassadors to de­clare from him vnto king Edward, that he purpo­sed to hold his Easter in England (if God afforded him life) and that in despite of king Edward, and all such as would beare armor against him.

And vndoubtedlie according to his promise he Wallase en­tred England with an armie of 30000 men. kept his day: for assembling togither an armie of 30000 men, he entred into England at the time be­fore appointed, where king Edward was readie with an armie vpon Stanesmoore, double in num­ber 20 to the Scots, to giue them battell: but when the time came that both parties were readie to haue ioi­ned, the Englishmen withdrew, hauing no lust (as should seeme) to fight with the Scots at that time) who perceiuing them to giue backe, incontinentlie would haue rushed foorth of their rankes to haue pursued in chase after them: but Wallase (doubting least the Englishmen had ment some policie, and saieng (as writeth Io. Ma. lib. 4. cap. 14.) that it was honor inough for him that he had inforced so mightie 30 a prince in his owne countrie to forsake the field) caused the Scots to kéepe togither in order of bat­tell, and so preseruing them from the deceitfull ma­lice of their enimies, brought them backe into Scot­land with liues and honors saued, besides the infinit spoiles and booties which they got in this iornie.

But as in the beginning all men were glad to support Wallase in all exploits and enterprises which he tooke in hand, so afterward when his fame began to wax great, to the derogation of other mens re­nowmes, 40 such as were farre his superiors in birth and linage, that fauor which manie bare him at the first, was now turned into enule, hauing no small indignation, that a man of so base parentage should so surmount them in all honor and dignitie. Those that enuied him most, were of the Cumins bloud, Wallase is enuied. and Robert Bruse. King Edward being aduertised of this enuious grudge, and new sedition amongst the nobles of Scotland, had secret conference by his agents with the chiefest amongst those that thus en­uied 50 the high glorie of Wallase, and vpon trust of such practise as was concluded by reson of the same K. Edward inuadeth Scotland. conference, he came with a mightie armie into Scotland, and at Falkirke met with this Wallase, who mistrusting no guile, had raised a power to re­sist him: but now being come in sight of the Eng­lishmen, Wallase rai­seth a power to resist him. there rose a right odious contention be­twixt the head capteins, who should haue the leading of the vantgard, which is reputed a most high honor Strife for the leading of the vantgard. among the Scotishmen. And among other, Iohn 60 Steward, and Iohn Cumin, thought scorne, that Wallase a man of so low beginning, should be pre­ferred before them in that honour: but on the other part, Wallase considering that the charge of the whole was giuen vnto him by agréement and con­sent of the thrée estates, thought it no reason that he should giue place to anie of them, though vnto his face, as saith Iohn Maior, the lord Steward had be­fore vpbraided him with his pride, comparing him to an owle, which from his originall had begged a feather of euerie bird, and being now inriched with abundance of feathers, did aduance himselfe aboue all other birds.

In the meane time came the Englishmen vpon them right fiercelie, before the Scotish chiefteins (hauing their brests filled with more malice one a­gainst another, than with desire to defend their coun­trie against their enimies) could bring their men in­to anie perfect araie. Herewith at the comming to the point of ioining, the Cumins with their retinues fled out of the field, and left the residue of the Scots The Cumins fled. in all the danger. Robert Bruse seruing that day a­mong the Englishmen, fetched a compasse about an hill, and came on the backs of the Scots, so that they were in maner compassed in, and beaten downe on each side: yet Wallase left nothing vndoone that might perteine to the dutie of a valiant capteine. But at length, all his indeuors notwithstanding, the Scots (ouerset with multitude of enimies, as the Scotish writers affirme) were slaine in such huge numbers, that he was constreined to draw out of the field, which such small remnants as were left a­liue. The Englishmen pursued fiercelie after him, & The Scots discomfited at Falkirke. namelie one valiant capteine named Frere Brian Iaie, a templer, whome Wallase perceiuing to be within his danger, stepped foorth vnto him, and slue Frere Brian Iaie slaine by the hands of William Wallase. him there in sight (as it is said) of all the English ar­mie. Which valiant act of Wallase caused the Eng­lishmen somewhat to staie, for doubt of further pe­rill by their vnwise pursute likelie to befall them. In this infortunate battell, were slaine on the Nobles of Scotland slaine at the battell of Falkirke. Scotish side, Iohn Steward of Bute, with his Brandans (for so they name them that are taken vp to serue in the warres foorth of the Stewards lands) Makduffe earle of Fife, with sir Iohn Gra­ham, whose death was much lamented by Wallase, as one whome he highlie estéemed for his great ex­perience in warlke knowledge. Manie other noble and valiant men died in this conflict, whose names would be too long to rehearse. This battell was stri­ken Marie Mag­dalens day prosperous for the English­men to fight a­gainst Scots. on Marie Magdalens daie, in the yéere of our Lord 1298, and therefore the Englishmen haue hol­den it euer since an happie day for to fight against the Scots.

Fr. Thin. Iohn Maior lib. 4. cap. 14. Buchan. lib. 8. Lesleus epis. Ross. li. 6. p. 235. Conference betwéene Wal lase & Bruse. When William Wallase was passed the riuer Carran, where he might defend himselfe, and gather his dispersed people, Bruse desired to speake vnto him, which Wallase did not denie. Wherevpon each of them (drawing alone by themselues without any arbitrers to the bankes of the riuer, in such place as it was narowest, and they might without anie com­panie best heare one another; Bruse began to say as followeth. ‘I doo much muse, thou most valiant of all men, what came into thy mind to be caried away by the vncerteine fauor of the common people, and to stand against the mightiest king of our age, suppor­ted with the greatest forces of the Scots: and dailie to offer thy selfe to euerie danger, and that for no re­ward assured to thée for all thy labors. For if thou shouldest ouercome king Edward, the Scots will neuer aduance thée to the kingdome, and if thou be ouercome, there resteth no refuge for thée, but onelie the mercie of thine enimie. And doost thou not sée the Cumins, and mée, and the most of the nobilitie, to follow the English faction? Neither doost thou con­sider the malice of the princes conceiued against thée? Looke vnto thy selfe, and thou hast but a few of the nobles thy partakers, and a small number of the commons (which are more vncerteine than the wind) to follow thée, whose fortune is now almost o­uerthrowne.’ All these words Iohn Maior suppo­seth that Robert Bruse did speake, to serch the mind of Wallase, whether he ment to aspire to the crowne or no: being in deed rather contented that Wallase had left the field, than otherwise to reduce him to the part of king Edward.

To whome Wallase answered in this sort. ‘The end of all my trauell was not to atteine the king­dome; [Page 211] for my birth and fortune neither did or could deserue it, and my mind did neuer desire it: but the negligent slouth of thée (to whome the right of that diademe doth apperteine, and who doth greedilie hunt therafter) made my citizens (perceiuing themselues destitute of faithfull gouernors) to follow me, and caused me (when I saw them in that miserie, rather butcherlie torne, than in honest seruitude to be op­pressed) to séeke for libertie. Which suerlie I had ob­teined for them and you, if the nobilitie had not so e­uillie 10 striued against me, refrained themselues for comming into the field, and had but sent their hinds (which till their land) foorth to the battell, at which time I had scarse 10000 men, & those of cōmon sort. Trulie if the princes had not béene impediment thereto, I could haue brought foorth to fight a hun­dred thousand bold and chéerefull souldiers. But now in truth I perceiue the hatred of the nobles against me this day. Wherefore if thou pretend to possesse the kingdome, I giue thée faithfull warning, especiallie 20 to beware of the Cumins: who if they had more re­garded the glorie of their countrie, than of secret ma­lice to others, would not so wickedlie haue forsaken the field, what hate soeuer they had conceiued against me. If they haue giuen their faith to the king of England, they are not bound to kéepe it: in a wic­ked promise no oth is to be performed. I am now wearie of my life, and rather desire to die, than to liue in this sort, to see the miserie of my beloued coun­trie. Wherefore imbrace you this thraldome (which is 30 so much estéemed of you) to whome filthie seruitude with ease séemeth more pleasant, than honest libertie with danger: for I had rather choose willing death with fréedome (in which I meane to spend my bloud) than to doo as you haue doone, because the loue of my countrie shall not depart from my hart, before the life of my bodie depart from his office.’ Which being said, Bruse burst foorth in teares, considering the no­bilitie of the mind of Wallase, although perhaps he nothing misliked the misfortune of the man, as doub­ting 40 the end of all his pretense to be, to atteine to the crowne. This being thus doone, they both depart to their companies. By which conference (saith Leslee bishop of Rosse) this good was wrought to Scot­land (to recompense the ouerthrow of Falkirke) that Wallase partlie by the bitternesse of his woords, and partlie for the loue of his countrie, did now draw Bruse from the English, to take part with the Scots.)

But notwithstanding all these valiant spéeches of 50 Wallase, when he considered the infortunat discom­fiture 1298. by him so treacherouslie receiued, he came to Perth, and there vttering by complaint the iniuri­ous enuie of the nobles against him, he renounced and discharged himselfe of all the authoritie which had Wallase re­ [...]nceth his [...]ice. béene committed to his hands, touching the gouer­nance of the realme, and went into France, as saith Lesleus. But Iohannes Maior saith, that he neuer came there, although he will not flatlie denie it. The same time, Philip king of France, the fourth of that 60 Philip king [...] France. name, and surnamed le Bea [...], hauing great ruth in his hart for the miserable calamities thus chanced to his ancient confederat friends the Scots, and that chieflie for the quarrell of France, sent his ambassa­dors vnto Edward king of England, who had latelie before maried his daughter, requiring that there might be some peace or abstinence of warre granted. At his request therefore a truce was taken betwixt the Scots and Englishmen, to indure from the feast [...] truce. of All saints, till the feast of Pentecost next follow­ing.

The Scots in the meane time sore oppressed by rea­son of long warres, sent ambassadors to pope Boni­face, Scotish am­bassadors sent to pope Boni­face. in presenting a verie gréeuous complaint vnto him, for the great affliction doone to them by king Edward, who was fullie bent by iniurious meanes (as they alledged) to conquer their realme, and there­fore they besought him to constreine king Edward by vertue of his prerogatiue, which he pretended to haue ouer the realme of England, to stand to his or­der in deciding the right concerning the liberties of Scotland, which might no other waies be determi­ned, but by intollerable damage falling to the people through blind desire and couetous ambition of the nobles, contending for the crowne. The pope (as is said) after he had by good and deliberat aduise heard The opinion of the pope. the matter, gaue sentence with the Scots, that they had iust cause of warres in defense of the liberties of their countrie, against K. Edward and his fautors. ¶ But for this matter, looke in the English chroni­cles, where it shall well appéere, that the pope by these letters of king Edward, was fullie satisfied of his superioritie ouer Scotland.

The Scots somewhat recomforted héerewith, shortlie héerevpon chose Iohn Cumin to their gouer­nor, Iohn Cumin the yoonger elected gouer­nor of Scot­land. An armie of Englishmen sent into Scotland. in purpose to trie with the Englishmen for their liberties. Whereof king Edward being aduertised, sent foorthwith an armie into Scotland, which passed through the countrie to saint Iohns towne, with great damage of those that were adiudged rebels to king Edwards empire. All the countrie in manner vnto Forthrie, at this season was subiect to the Eng­lishmen, sauing such few of the inhabitants, as liued within the woods, hauing more regard to the ancient liberties of their countrie, than to anie desire of pre­seruing their goods or liues. Iohn Cumin therefore, desirous to redresse this heauie miserie and lamenta­ble case of his countrie, admitted Simon Fraser fellow with him in the administration of the warres against the Englishmen, and therewith gathering an armie of eight thousand hardie men of warre, set­teth in hand to reuenge the iniurious dooings of the enimies, chasing out of the realme all such officers King Ed­wards offi­cers chased out of Scot­land. with their seruants, as king Edward had placed in anie roomes within the bounds of Scotland; and such as resisted, he pursued in most cruell wise, not spa­ring to put them vnto the swoord in all places, where he might find them.

King Edward sore kindled in displeasure with these attempts of such desperat persons, raised an Scotland a­gaine inuaded armie of thirtie thousand men, and sent the same in­to Scotland, vnder the leading of a verie stout and valiant capteine, named Radulph or Rafe Confraie. Radulph Cō ­fraie. I remember not that anie of the Eng­lish nobilitie [...]are this sur­name in those daies, where­fore I thinke it was the lord Iohn Segraue. Iohn Cumin and Simon Fraser. This Radulph at his comming into Scotland, tooke small regard to the ordering of his field, but diuided his armie into thrée parts, euerie part conteining ten thousand men, and appointed them to passe foorth to forraie the countrie, and to meet altogither at Ro­ [...]in, in such sort and time as he prescribed. Iohn Cu­min and Simon Fraser being aduertised héereof, gathered their powers togither, to the number of seuen or eight thousand men, and determined to trie the chance of battell with one part of the English ar­mie first, trusting that if they happened to haue the vpper hand of one of the thrée parts, the other two would be the more easie to deale with. The Scotish capteins resolued thus vpon that point, exhorted their people to remember how they were to fight in defense of their wiues, their children, their goods, and liberties of their countrie, against such as sought to bring them into [...]hraldome and vile seruitude.

With which woords the Scots were so imboldened, that minding either to die or to win the victorie, they gaue the onset so fiercelie on their enimies, that the first battell of the Englishmen was quicklie ouer­throwen The first bat­tell of the Englishmen ouerthrowne. and vanquished. But scarselie had they ga­thered the spoile, when an other part of the English­men came vpon them with more fiercenesse than the [Page 212] other before: neuerthelesse, the Scots incouraged with their fresh woone victorie, got themselues spée­dilie The second battell ouer­come. into arraie, & receiued their enimies with such incredible manhood, that they had quickly got the vp­per hand of these also. But scarse had they made an end with this second battell, when the third part was at hand readie to charge them, being now sore infee­bled, what thorough wearinesse and wounds recei­ued in the two former incounters, besides the want of such of their numbers as were slaine: yet by ex­hortation 10 of their capteins, and the valiant presence of the officers of bands beside, they rushed foorth on their enimies with such earnest forwardnesse to re­ceiue them, that after a verie sharpe bickering, they put the whole number of them to flight. Few of the Englishmen had escaped the Scotishmens hands, had they not béene so wearied with continuall fight, that they were not able to follow anie great waie in the chase.

This victorie fell to the Scots in manner as is be­fore 20 rehearsed, vpon saint Matthewes day, in the The third battell of the Englishmen vanquished at Roslin. yéere after the birth of our Sauiour 1302. The glo­rie of this victorie was great, considering that thir­tie thousand Englishmen well furnished, & through­lie appointed for warre, should be thus in one day 1302. vanquished with an handfull of Scotishmen. For as The matter is amplfied by the Scots to the vtter­most. their histories make mention, they passed not eight thousand at the most: and therefore all men supposed that it came to passe by the singular fauour and grace of almightie God. But yet the Scots did not long 30 inioy the benefits of so notable a victorie. For king Edward hearing of this discomfiture of his people The great preparation of king Edward to inuade the Scots. at Roslin, gathered a mightie armie of English­men, Gascoigns, Irishmen, and such Scots as tooke his part, and hauing all his furniture and puruei­ance readie both by sea and land, he set forward with the same to inuade the Scots on ech side. The Scots perceiuing they were not of puissance able to resist his inuasion, withdrew to their strengths: by means The Scots withdraw to their holds. The English armie passeth through Scot land from the south parts to the north. whereof the English armie passed through all Scot­land, 40 euen from the south parts to the north, & found few or none to make resistance, except Wallase, and such as followed his opinion, which were fled to the mounteins and woods, to eschue the malice of the Englishmen.

It is said, that king Edward required by a mes­senger sent vnto this Wallase, that if he would come in and be sworne his liege man and true subiect, he K. Edward sendeth vnto Wallase. should haue at his hands great lordships and posses­sions within England, to mainteine his port as 50 was requisit to a man of verie honorable estate. But Wallase refused these offers, saieng that he Wallase refu­seth the offers of K. Edward preferred libertie with small reuenues in Scotland, before anie possession of lands in England, were the same neuer so great; considering he might not inioy them, but vnder the yoke of bondage. The ca­stell of Sterling at the same time was in the kée­ping of one sir William Uthred knight, who would not render it to king Edward by anie summons or other meanes, till after three moneths siege he 60 was constreined to giue it ouer vnder these conditi­ons; The castell of Sterling ren­dred. That all persons being within the castell, should depart by safe conduct with bagge and baggage at their pleasure. Neuerthelesse king Edward caused the said sir William Uthred to be conueied to Lon­don, This Uthred the Scotish bookes name Olifes. where he remained as prisoner manie yeeres af­ter.

Sundrie other castels were taken by force the same time by king Edward, and all such as resisted, being found within anie of them, slaine without mercie or ransome. Amongest other, the castell of Urquhard in Murrey land was taken by force, and The castell of Urquhard ta­ken by force. not one left aliue that was found in the same (one gentlewoman onelie excepted) who being great with child, was in that respect preserued. She was the wife of Alexander Boyis, lord of that house, though by reason she was got into poore apparell, the Eng­lishmen tooke hir but for some other woman of mea­ner estate. She therefore with hir life saued, being suffered to depart, got hir ouer into Ireland, where the was deliuered of a son, that was named at the font-stone Alexander, who when Scotland was reco­uered out of the Englishmens hands, came to king Robert le Bruse, requiring him to be restored vnto his fathers heritage, being as then in the occupation of other possessors. King Robert doubtfull what to doo héerein, for he thought it neither conuenient that a prince should take lands or possessions from noble men, which had béene giuen to them in reward of their manhood, shewed in defense of the realme; nei­ther iudged he it reason to kéepe him from his right­full inheritance that had lost his father, his friends, and all his whole substance in the like cause and qua­rell by iniurie of the common enimies.

Wherefore to qualifie the matter, he deuised this meane: he gaue vnto this Alexander Boyis certeine other lands in Mar, nothing lesse in value (conside­ring the largenesse and fertilitie) than the other of Urquhard were: and willed him to content himselfe with those, in recompense of such as belonged to his father: to the intent that all parties might be satisfi­ed, and no man should séeme to haue wrong in being depriued of his rightfull possessions. This Alexander Boyis had afterwards his name changed, and was called Forbesse, for that he slue a beare in those par­ties, by great and singular manhood. And so the sur­name The begin­ning of the name of the Forbesses. of the Forbesses had beginning, as descended from him. Scotland being subdued by the mightie puissance of king Edward, he went about to abolish all the old statutes and ancient constitutions of the realme, trusting by that meanes, that Scots liuing togither with Englishmen, vnder one vniforme ma­ner of lawes, they should finallie sort themselues to be of one mind and opinion, as well touching the su­preme gouernement of their publike weale, as also in all other things, touching the friendlie societie of life.

He burnt all the chronicles of the Scotish nati­on, Chronicles and other bookes burnt. with all manner of bookes, as well those contei­ning diuine seruice, as anie other treatises of pro­fane matters, to the end that the memorie of the Scots should perish: and thereto appointed gree­uous punishments for them that should disobeie his commandements héerein, in kéeping anie of the said bookes vndefaced. And he ordeined also, that the Scots should occupie church bookes after the vse of Sarum, and none other. Moreouer, he compelled all such Scotishmen as were of anie singular know­ledge in learning or literature, to be resident in Ox­ford, Scotishmen learned, com­manded to be resident in Oxford. doubting least the Scotish nobilitie increasing in politike prudence by their instructions, should seeke to throw off the yoke of bondage. Thus king Edward going about (as the Scotish writers doo re­port) to extinguish the name of Scots, togither with their rule and empire, passed through the most part of all the bounds of Scotland. And vpon verie hate which he had to the Scotish antiquities, at his com­ming to Camelon, he commanded the round temple standing ouer against the same, to be thrown downe, which was builded (as before is shewed) in the honor The temple of Claudius was at Col­chester, and not in Scot­land, whatsoe­uer Hector Boetius or o­ther dreame thereof. Arthurs hoif. of Claudius the emperor, and the goddesse Uictoria. But for that his commandement was not immedi­atlie put in execution, he changed his purpose, and appointed onelie that the monuments of Claudius, with the superscription of his name, should be taken awaie; and in place thereof, the armes of king Ar­thur, with his name to be set vp; commanding the place to be called Arthurs hoif (as ye would say) Ar­thurs court.

[Page 213] [...] king Edward at his returning into Engl [...]d; tooke the [...]e of marble with him, and The marble chaire is con­ [...]d into England, and [...]ed in West [...]ster. The nobilitie o [...] Scotland sworne to it. Edward. [...] it to be conueied up to London, did place it at Westminster▪ where it remaineth yet vnto this day▪ F [...]e, before his departure out of Scot­land, [...]e a [...]ointed all [...] Scotis [...] lords to assemble at S [...]ne, [...] he [...] to take a new oth, that from [...] take him for their soue­reigne lord, and [...]o [...] is him in all things as loiall 10 subiects. All the nobilitie of Scotland was sworne to him that day (W [...]e onelie excepted) who es­chu [...] more than the companie of a serpent, to haue [...]allase es­chu [...]th to a­gr [...] with the Engl [...]men. a [...] th [...]g to doo with the Englishmen▪ touching a­nie agr [...]ment to be made with them, agréeable to the [...] [...]sires. Moreouer▪ to kéepe the Scots from re­bellion, king Edward ordeined Odoma [...]e do Ua­lence Odomare or [...]er de Ua­lence g [...]uer­nour of Scot­land vnder king Edward to be gouernour there, as his generall lieute­nant ouer the whole real [...] of Scotland in his ab­sence▪ And hauing th [...]s set all things ungood and qui­et 20 order (as he supposed) he returned into England with great ioy and triumph.

In the meane time, Iohn [...]umin surnamed the red, and Robert Bruse hauing conference togither, complained the one to the other of the miserable ser­uitude Conference betw [...]t Cumin and B [...]e. wherein the realme of Scotland as then stood by the opp [...]ion of king Edward. And at length vp­on offers made betwixt them, it was agréed, that if by anie meanes they might deliuer the realme out of the Englishmens hands, the one of them should be 30 king▪ that is to say, the Bruse, and the other, that is to say, the Cumin, should inioy all the Bruses lands and possessions, with man [...] other preferments of ho­nors and dignities, as next vnto him in all authori­tie touching the gouernement of the realme. There were indentures made betweene them, subscribed with their names, and sealed with their seales inter­changeablie, Indentures of agréement betwixt Cu­min & Bruse, touching the conspiracie. for the full ratifieng of couenants agre­ed in this confederacie betwixt them. Shortlie after, vpon deliuerie of those writings, Bruse went into 40 England, for he might not remaine long in Scot­land, for doubt of suspicion which king Edward had in him, because of the title which he had to the crowne of Scotland (as before is specified) so that (as was thought) king Edward would haue put both him and his brethren vnto death long before, if he might haue once got them all into his hands.

Iohn Cumin (after that he and Bruse were thus agreed vpon articles, and departed the one from the other) began to doubt, least this conspiracie deuised 50 betwixt them, would not sort to anie luckie conclu­sion Iohn Cumin dooth doubt. for his purpose, either for that he feared the great puissance of king Edward, either else for that his au­thoritie and power (as he mistrusted) would not be great, if the Bruse once atteined the crowne: and héerevpon he sent one of his seruants to king Ed­ward, with his counterpane of the indenture, con­teining Cumin disclo­set [...] the con­spire [...]. the couenants of the conspiracie▪ signed and sealed with Bruses owne hand and seale. The mes­senger deliuered this writing in secret wise to king 60 Edward, declaring vnto him the whole matter, as it was passed and concluded betwixt the Bruse and his maister, according to instructions giuen him in that behalfe. But king Edward at the first gaue light cre­dit either to the writings or woords of the Cumin, supposing that the same proceeded onelie through en­uie, which he bare towards the Bruse, euer dreading lest he should beare no rule in Scotland, if the Bruse once atteined anie authoritie within the same. Yet at length, king Edward pondering with himselfe the whole circumstance, and being in some doubt of the matter, he shewed the counterpane of the indenture vnto Bruse himselfe, questioning with him, if he Robert Bruse is examined. knew his owne hand? Bruse stoutlie denied that he was priuie to anie such deuise or writing, and there­fore He de [...]eth his writing. desired of king Edward to haue the sa [...] [...] one night, to peruse and scan ouer at leasure, & [...] if he were not able to prooue that it was forged, and maliciouslie deuised vpon an enuious purpose, to put him in danger of life, he would fo [...]fait all [...] lands and liuings that he held either within the realme of England, or else where. King Edward, because he coniectured at the first how this accusation of Cu­ [...] was nothing like to be true, granted his re­quest, wherein manie iudged he did vnwiselie: but such was the ordinance of almightie God, that Bruse should escape that danger, to accomplish that [...]vnto he was appointed. The earle of Glocester immediatlie after that Robert Bruse was departed from the kings [...]sence, sent vnto him twelue ster­ling pence, wi [...] two sharpe [...]s, whereby he con­iectured his meaning to be, that the best sh [...]t for him was to auoid out of the waie in most spéedie wise, wherevpon he causing a smith to shoo thrée horsses for him, contrarilie with the calkins forward, that it should not be perceiued which waie he had taken by the tract of the horsses, for that the ground at that time (being in the winter season) was couered with snow: he departed out of London about [...]idnight, Robert Bruse dooth flee. accompanied onelie with two trustie seruants.

It chanced also, that there fell on the same night more snow aloft vpon the other snow that was fallen before, by reason whereof it could not easilie be iud­ged in the morning which way he was gone, though king Edward vpon knowledge had that he was fled, sent out a great manie of horssmen after, to haue brought him againe, if they might anie where haue found him. But Bruse hasted foorth with such He commeth to Louchma­ben. speed in his iournie, that the seuenth day of his de­parture from London, he came to Louchmaben in Annandale, and there found Dauid, or (as some books haue) Edward his brother, with Robert Fleming, Robert Fle­ming. a woorthie yoong gentleman, vnto whome (they mu­sing what he meant by his sudden comming) he de­clared into what perill of life he had fallen by means of Cumin, and how narowlie he had escaped out of king Edwards hands. His brother hearing the matter, consented to go with him, and to be parta­ker of all haps that might fortune to fall out in his flight; and by the way they chanced to light vpon one of Cumins seruants, that was going with let­ters A seruant of Cumins ta­ken with let­ters on him. vnto king Edward from his maister the said Cumin, signifieng by the same, that if Bruse were not the sooner put to death, there would insue short­lie such trouble and ruffling in Scotland against K. Edward, that it would be much adoo to appease it.

These letters being found about Cumins seruant, through means of yoong Fleming, the Bruse after he had apposed the bearer throughlie in each behalfe, and learned of him that his maister the said Cumin was in the friers at Dunfrise, he first slue this fel­low that was thus sent with the letters, & after in all hast possible came to Dunfrise, by the guiding of the same Fleming, where in the quier of the friers Cumin was at the friers in Dunfrise. church there he found Cumin. And reasoning the matter there with him, for that he had vsed him so euill, and withall shewing him the indenture which king Edward had deliuered to him, as before is mentioned, in the end (after some multiplieng of words togither) Robert Bruse plucked foorth his sword, and stroke the fore said Cumin a sore blow in the bellie, and therevpon fléeing out of the church, met with two of his dearest friends, Iames Lind­seie, and Roger Kirkpatrike, who beholding his countenance altered, and comming foorth of the church in such hast, demanded of him what was the matter: I trow (said he) that Cumin is slaine. Why (said they againe) hast thou attempted so high [Page 214] an enterprise, and left it doubtfull? And immedi­atlie herewith they went to the place where Cumin lay wounded (as before is mentioned) and asked of him whether he thought he had anie deaths wound, or hoped to recouer if he might haue a good surgian. And for that he answered how he trusted to doo well inough if he might haue a good surgian in time; they gaue him thrée or foure other wounds so grieuous Cumin is slaine. and deadlie, that foorthwith vpon the same he yéel­ded vp the ghost. This chanced in the yeare of our 10 Lord 1305, the fourth Ides of Februarie. About 1305. the same time was William Wallase taken at Glaskow by the means of sir Iohn Menteth and o­thers, in whome he had euer put a most speciall trust; but they being corrupted with the offers of large re­wards Wallase is ta­ken. promised by king Edward to such as could helpe to take him, wrought such fetches that he was Wallase is brought to London. apprehended at length by Odomare de Ualence earle of Penbroke, who with a great power of men brought him to London, where he was put to death, 20 He is put to death. and his quarters sent into Scotland, and set vp in sundrie great townes there for a spectacle, as it were to giue example to other. This was the end of that puissant champion William Wallase, praised a­mongst the Scotishmen aboue all other in that age, for so much as he would neuer yeeld or consent to ac­knowledge anie superioritie in the Englishmen o­uer his countrie, no not when all other had submit­ted themselues to king Edward as his liege sub­iects and most obedient vassals. It is said, that when he was yoong and went to schoole, he learned by heart 30 two verses of his schoolemaister, which euer after he bare in mind, and vsuallie would rehearse them, (when a toy tooke him in the head) as followeth.

Dico tibi verum, libertas optima rerum,
Nunquam seruili, sub nexu viuito fili.
My sonne I say, freedome is best,
Then neuer yeeld to thrals arrest.

Iohn Fourdon. Iohn Maior.Of this William Wallase one Henrie, who was blind from his birth, in the time of my natiuitie [...]. Thin. (saith Iohn Maior) composed a whole booke in vul­gar 40 verse, in which he mitred all those things vul­garlie spoken of this Wallase. But I doo not in all points saith the same [...]thor, giue credit to the wri­tings of such as he was, who onelie get their food and clothing (whereof this man was most woorthie) by reciting of histories before the nobilitie of Scot­land.

BUt now touching Bruse; after he had slaine Cu­min (as before is mentioned) he purchased an 50 absolution from Rome for that act: and to the end he Absolution from Rome. might then through authoritie obteine some aid to resist the puissance of his aduersarie king Edward, he went by support of friends vnto Scone, & there Robert Bruse is crowned king of Scotland, the first of that name. caused himselfe to be crowned king, on the 27 day of March, though he had no great number that tooke his part in the beginning, as shortlie after well ap­peared. For when he should assemble an armie a­gainst a power of Englishmen that were sent a­gainst him by king Edward, immediatlie vpon 60 knowledge had of his attempts, he was not able to get togither anie sufficient number to resist his ad­uersaries, though with those few which came vnto him, he thought to trie the chance of battell, and so incountring with Odomare de Ualence lieutenant Iohn Maior. King Robert is discomfited at Meffen. of the English armie at Meffen the 19 day of Iune 1306, he was there put to flight; and though the slaughter was not great, yet for that it was iudged to be an euill signe to haue such infortunat lucke v­pon his entering into the estate, the peoples fauor shranke greatlie from him.

Odomare de Ualence after he had obteined this victorie against king Robert, banished the wiues of all those that supported the same Robert, by means whereof, manie ladies and gentlewomen were con­streined to flée into woods, and other desert places, to eschew the crueltie of their aduersaries. King King Robert ests [...]nes dis­comfited in Atholl. Robert also after this ouerthrow, fled into Atholl, and from thence to Streill, where the third Ides of August at a place called Dalreie, he fought againe with the Cumins and other such Scots & English­men as were assembled in those parties readie to pursue him, and had the like lucke here that had chan­ced to him before at Meffen; for he was put to flight after the same maner, though he lost here but few of his men, neither in the fight nor chase. This place Dalreie is as much to say, as the kings field: Bu­chan lib. 8, which is also called Dawkie by I. Maior. Fr. Thin. lib. 4. cap. 19, who supposeth that Bruse had so hard a beginning for a punishment of the death of Cu­min, slaine in the church by him and his friends. Wherevpon finding fortune thus contrarie vnto The misera­ble state of K. Robert in the beginning of his reigne. him in these two seuerall battels, he was left so de­solat and vnprouided of all friendship, that he was constreined for his refuge to withdraw into the woods and mounteins, with a few other in his com­panie, and there liued on herbs and roots oftentimes for want of other food.

Whilest he remained in this estate of aduerse for­tune, there were two that shewed themselues right The earle of Leuenox and Gilbert Haie faithfull ser­uitors to king Robert. trustie and faithfull seruants vnto him aboue all the rest, the earle of Leuenox, and Gilbert Haie: for though either inforced by persecution of enimies, or constreined through some other necessitie, they de­parted sometimes from his presence; yet did they e­uer acknowledge him for their souereigne lord and onelie king, readie at all seasons to serue and obey him in each behalfe. The most part of all other his friends yea and seruants, in that present miserie, did clearelie forsake him; so that sometimes he was left with onelie one or two in his companie, & glad to kéepe himselfe secret in desert places, where no person lightlie vsed to resort. His wife & quéene fled to saint Dutho, and chanced to be taken by William Cumin earle of Rosse, who deliuered hir to king King Ro­berts wife ta­ken. Edward, by whose commandement she was com­mitted to safe kéeping at London, where she remai­ned till after the battell of Bannocksborne. His brother Nigell was also taken, and so afterwards were his two other brethren, Thomas and Alexan­der, with manie other nobles and gentlemen of Nigell Tho­mas and A­lexander bre­thren to king Robert are taken and put to death. Scotland, of whome some were executed at Car­leill, and some at Berwike. Nigell was taken at the castell of Kildrome whither he fled, and came to Berwike. Thomas and Alexander were taken at Locreis, and carried to Carleill, and so behedded. Io. Maior. lib. 4. cap. 19. Finallie the most part of all such as had aided him before, and were now shroonke from him, were within one yeare after, ei­ther slaine or kept as prisoners in England.

Yet though he was thus left desolat of all aid and succor, hauing his brethren and other of his friends murthered and slaine to his vtter discomfort and ru­ine (as was to be supposed) he neuerthelesse liued e­uer King Ro­berts good hope in time of extreme ad­uersitie. in hope of some better fortune, whereby in time to come he might recouer the realme out of the eni­mies hands, and restore the ancient libertie thereof to the former estate. As for the paines which he tooke in liuing barelie for the most part by water & roots, & lodging offtimes on the bare earth, without house or other harborough, he was so accustomed thereto by haunting the warres in his youth, that the same gréeued him little or nothing at all. But to conclude, His inuin [...] ­ble hart and vndaunte [...] stomach. such was his valiancie and most excellent fortitude of mind and courage, that no iniurious mischance of froward aduersitie could abash his inuincible heart and manlike stomach. At length, after he had wandered from place to place in sundrie parts of [Page 215] Scotland, the better to auoid the sleights of them that laie in wait to apprehend him, he got ouer in­to one of the Iles, where comming vnto one of his King Ro­bert gotteth [...]er into the Iles. speciall friends, a man of high nobilitie and welbe­loued of the people in those parts, he was most har­tilie welcome, and gladlie of him receiued, to his great ease and comfort.

Here when he had remained a certaine space, hee King Robert purchaseth aid in the Iles. got support of men, armor and weapons, by meanes whereof taking new courage, he passed ouer vnto 10 Carrike, & winning the castell there that belonged to his fathers inheritance, he slue all the English­men, [...]winneth the castell of [...]rrike. which he found within it, and bestowed all the spoile of monie and goods gotten there amongst his souldiers and men of warre. His friends that laie hid in couert and secret corners, hearing of these his dooings, began from each side to resort unto him, by whose assistance shortlie after he wan the castell of His power increaseth. Inuernesse, and slue all them that were within it Inuernesse castell taken. in garrison. With the like felicitie he got the most 20 part of all the castels in the north, racing & burning vp the same till he came to Glenneske, where being King Robert co [...]th to Glenn [...]. aduer [...]ised that Iohn Cumin with sundrie English­men and Scots were gathered against him, [...]cause he was vpon a strong ground, he determined there to abide them: but they being thereof informed, and woondering at his manlie courage, durst not ap­proch to giue him battell, but sent ambassadors vn­to him to haue tr [...] for a time, vnder colour of some communication for a peace, till they might in­crease 30 their power more strongly against him: which being doone, they pursued him more fiercelie than before. Neuerthelesse K. Robert receiued them at all times in such warlike order, that they might neuer take him at anie aduantage, but were still driuen backe with slaughter and losse, though the same was of no great importance to make account of, but such like as happeneth oftentimes in skirmishes & light incounters, where the battels come not to ioine pu­issance against puissance. The fame whereof yet pro­cured 40 him the fauour of sundrie great barons in Scotland.

F [...]. Thin. Simon Fra­ [...]r [...]nd wai­ [...]r Logan executed. About this time, Simon Fraser, and Walter Logan (most valiant knights, and greatlie fauou­ring their countrie) were taken (by such as followed the faction of Cumin) deliuered to the English, sent to London, and there executed. Almost about which time, Iames Dowglasse ioined himselfe to the part of king Robert. This Iames being the sonne of William Dowglasse, was a yoong gentleman very 50 actiue and forward in all chiefe exercises and arts. Who when he gaue himselfe to studie at Paris (hea­ring that his father was by the king of England cast in prison, in which he shortlie after died, as is be­fore noted) returned home to dispose the rest of his life after the aduise of his friends. But being with­out liuing, & all his other friends by misfortune dis­persed: he committed himselfe to the seruice of W. Lambert bishop of saint Andrews, of whome hée was gentlie receiued into his familie, and well in­terteined: 60 vntill king Edward comming to Ster­ling (after that he had almost pacified all the rest of Scotland) to besiege Striueling: at what time Lam­bert going to Sterling to salute the king, caried Dowglasse to attend vpon him, to the end to prefer him to his liuing and inheritance. Wherevpon the bishop finding the king at conueniene leisure, b [...] ­sought him to be fauourable to this Dowglasse; to restore him vnto his fathers patrimonie: and that (receiuing the yoong man into his fealtie and de­fense) it would please him to imploie him in his faith­full and warlike seruice: adding further such com­mendations in the behalfe of Iames, as for that time he thought most conuenient. But the king vn­derstanding his name and [...]inred, spake bitterlie of the disobedience and stubbernesse of his father Wil­liam Dowglasse; further answering, that he would neither vse the same Iames, nor his trauell in anie thing, neither that he could (if so he would) restore him to his patrimonie, bicause he had with the same gratified other that well deserued it. For which cause being by the king so repelled, he remained still in the bishops seruice, vntill Bruse came into Merne, at what time (least he might loose the oppor­tunitie to offend king Edward, whome he secretlie in heart disdeined) this Dowglasse departed from Lambert his maister, taking with him all the bi­shops gold, and certeine of his best horsses, with the which, hauing in his companie diuerse other hardie yoong gentlemen, priuie to his dooings, he fled with all spéed vnto king Robert, offering him his seruice, and to spend his life in his quarell and defense.) The bishop was priuie to his cousins going awaie, yea A crastie dis­sembling prelate. and counselled him therevnto, though he would by no means it should outwardlie so appeare, for doubt least if things had not come to passe as he wished, he might haue run in danger for his cloked dissimula­tion. The Dowglasse was ioifullie receiued of king Robert, in whose seruice he faithfullie continued both in peace and warre to his liues end.

Though the surname and familie of the Dow­glasses The rising of the Dowglas­ses to honor. was in some estimation of nobilitie before those daies, yet the rising thereof to honor chanced through this Iames Dowglasse: for by meanes of his aduancement, other of the same linage tooke oc­casion by their singular manhood and noble prowes shewed at sundrie times in defense of the realme, to grow to such height in authoritie & stimation, that their mightie puissance in ma [...], lands, & great possessions, at length was (through suspicion concei­ued by the kings that succéeded) the cause in part of their ruinous decay. Edward king of England hea­ring of the dooings of his aduersarie king Robert, doubled (if some redresse were not found in time) lest the Scots reioising in the prosperous successe of his said aduersarie, would reuolt wholie from the English obeisance: and herevpon purposing with all spéed to subdue the whole realme of Scotland from end to end, he came (with a far greater armie than euer he had raised before) to the borders; but before his entring into Scotland, he fell sicke of a right sore and grieuous maladie, whereof he died The death of king Edward Longshanks. shortlie after at Burgh vpon sands, as in the Eng­lish historie more plainlie dooth appeare, though Buchanan say he died at Lancaster.

The Scotish writers make mention, that a litle The crucitie of king Ed­ward as is noted by the Scotish wri­ters. before he departed out of this world, there were brought vnto him 55 yoong striplings, which were ta­ken in the castell of Kildrummie, after it was woone by the Englishmen, and being asked what should be doone with them, he commanded they should be han­ged incontinentlie, without respect to their yoong yéeres, or consideration of their innocencies that might haue mooued him to pitie. After his deceasse, his sonne Edward of Carnaruan succéeded in the Edward of Carnaruan, sonne to Ed­ward Long­shanks. gouernement of England, who following his fa­thers enterprise, called a councell at Dunfreis, sum­moning the lords of Scotland to appeare at the same, and caused a great number of them at their comming thither to doo their homage vnto him, as to their superior lord and gouernor: but yet diuers [...]omege to king Edward of Carnaruan disobeied his commandements, and would not come at his summoning, vpon trust of some change of fortune by the death of his father, for that the son was much giuen (as was reported) to incline his eare to lewd counsell, not without the great griefe of his people, and namelie of the lords and chiefe no­bles of his realme.

[Page 216] Shortlie after this, the said Edward of Carnar­uan returned into England, and in the meane time Iohn Cumin erle of Buchquhane gathered a migh­tie armie, both of Scots and Englishmen to resist a­gainst king Robert, that he might thereby declare his faithfull affection toward the new English king. He trusted onelie with multitude of people to cause his enimies to giue place: but king Robert though he was holden with a sore sicknesse at that time, yet he assembled a power, and caused himselfe in a horse­litter 10 to be caried foorth with the same against his enimies, who abiding him at a streight, supposed it had bin an easie matter for them to be put to flight: but it chanced quite contrarie to their expectation, for in the end the Cumin with his whole armie was discomfited, and a great number of king Roberts aduersaries slaine or taken. This victorie was got­ten at a village called Enuerrour, ten miles distant Iohn Cumin discomfited by king Robert at Enuerrour 1308. from Aberden, on the Ascension daie, wherewith king Robert was so much refreshed in contentation 20 of mind, that he was suddenlie thervpon restored to his former health, hauing at that time also taken the [...]r. Thin. castell of Aberden, which he vtterlie destroied, and caused to be leuelled with the ground, to the end his enimies might haue no more refuge thereby.

In the same yere Donald of the Iles came with a Donald of the Iles discom­fited by Ed­ward Bruse. great armie of Englishmen and Scots against K. Robert, and was on the feast day of the apostles Peter and Paule discomfited by Edward Bruse the kings brother, at the water of Deir. At this battell 30 was a right valiant knight named Rowland, slaine of the English part, with a great number of other a­bout him, and Donald himselfe was taken prisoner. Thus king Robert through fauour of prosperous for­tune, Argile sub­dued by king Robert. This was in 1309, as Iohn Ma. saith. obteining the victorie in sundrie conflicts, came with an armie into Argile, and not onelie subdued the countrie to his obeisance, but also tooke Alexan­der lord of Argile out of a strong castell in that countrie, and banished him with all his friends into England, where shortlie after he deceassed. In the 40 yéere next following, king Edward came with an armie into Scotland, where ioining with an other armie of Scots that were assembled readie to aid him, he passed through the countrie vnto [...]anfrew, [...]. Edward commeth [...]nto Scotland. Anno 1310 as should seeme by [...]o. Maior. and at length without atchiuing anie notable enter­prise woorthie the mentioning, he returned againe into England.

In the same yeere, through continuall warres, there rose such dearth & scarsitie of things in Scot­land, that neither corne nor other vittels could be had 50 A sore dearth. for monie: for the ground in manner generallie through the countrie laie vntilled, and beasts with all kind of cattell were driuen awaie, as booties ta­ken by the enimies. By reason wherof the famine so increased on each side, that the people were constrei­ned to eat horsses, and other lothsome flesh & meats, thereby to susteine their liues. In the yéere following which was after the incarnation 1311, king Robert 1311. chased the Englishmen out of all parts of Scotland, Ca [...]s reco­uered by king Robert. winning manie castels out of their hands, diuerse of 60 the which he raced and consumed with fire. After this entring at sundrie times into England with his King Robert inuadeth England. fierce armie, he brought from thence innumerable booties of cattell and other riches, afflicting the Eng­lishmen with like slaughter and calamities, as the Scots had suffered in the yéeres before, by the out­ragious force and puissance of king Edward. On 1312. Io. Ma. the eight day of Ianuarie next insuing, King Ro­bert The towne of Perth reco­uered, other­wise called S. Iohns towne. wan by fine force the strong towne of Perth, sleaing and hanging all the people both English and Scotish, which were found in the same. He threw al­so the walles of that towne to the ground, and filled the ditch with the rampire. The same yere the castels of Dunfreis, Aire, Lanarke, with manie other Castels [...]oon. strengths and castels were rendered vnto him, and cast to the ground.

The castell of Rokesburgh was taken by sir Rokesburgh woone on Shrouetues­day. Iames Dowglasse on Feastings euen, in the yéere 1313, when they of the garison were ouercome with immoderate surfetting by meats and drinks exces­siuelie taken, according as on that day the accusto­med 1313. vse is. In that yéere also Thomas Randall, af­terwards The castell of Edenburgh woone. created earle of Murrey, wan the castell of Edenburgh. In which yéere also, Bruse wan the Ile of Man; Iohn Maior lib. 5. cap. 1. And the same yéere Edward Bruse besieged the castell of Striue­ling: Striueling ca stell besieged. but the strength of the house was such, what by nature of the high crag whereon it stood, and what by fortification of mans hand beside, all his trauell and inforcement diligentlie imploied to win it, pro­ued vaine for the time. Within this castell as cap­teine thereof, was a right valiant knight named sir Philip Mowbray, a Scotish man borne, but taking Sir Philip. Mowbray. part with the English men, who feared nothing the siege, for he had sufficient store of men, vittels, mu­nition, and all maner of purueiance sufficient to de­fend the hold for a long season: so that finallie Ed­ward Bruse, perceiuing no meanes whereby to ar­chiue the enterprise, which he had rashlie taken in hand, was abashed thereof: for by force he saw well inough it could not be brought to passe, and by large offers made to the capteine, if he would render the place, and become seruant to the king his brother, he could not once mooue him to giue anie eare thereto, insomuch as at length he sought to trie him another way foorth, which in the end tooke better effect than was likelie it would haue doone, considering the lacke of circumspection vsed in the bargaine ma­king: as thus.

After long siege, and (as before is said) no good doone, there was a motion made betwixt him and the capteine within for a truce, which was accorded on this wise: that if the fortresse were not succoured within twelue moneths next insuing, it should then be rendered vnto king Robert, and in the meane time no force should be vsed against it. This com­position was vnwiselie made, as most men iudged: An vnwise composition. for euerie man of anie wisedome might easilie con­iecture, that king Edward hauing so long day to make his prouision, would come in support of them within the castell, and that so stronglie, as would be hard for the Scots to resist him. King Robert him­selfe King Robert offended with his brother. also was sore offended with his brother for his follie shewed in this behalfe: but yet hée would not go about to breake the couenant accorded, for doubt to lose his brother, whose aid hée might not well want.

In the meane time king Edward sent foorth mes­sengers K. Edward taketh vp souldiers. with letters, not onelie vnto all his subiects, but also vnto all his confederats and alies, to haue men of warre taken vp and reteined to serue him in his warres against the Scots, which he intended to folow to the [...]tter destruction of the whole nation. There came therefore in hope of spoile, not onlie such as were appointed by commissioners of the musters, but also a great number of other that offered them­selues of their owne accord to go in that iournie, namelie such as had little to liue vpon at home, and trusted to amend the matter by some good fortune in the warres abroad. The countries out of the which it is reported by the Scotish writers, that such aid came to the English, were these; Holand, Zeland, Out of what countries K. Edward had aid of men. Brabant, Flanders, Picardie, Bolognois, Gas­coigne, Normandie, Guian, and Burdelois. For all these at that time were either subiect to the king of England, or else in confederate league with him. There were also manie Scots that were English by deuotion, and aided king Edward at this time.

[Page 217] But the number of naturall Englishmen excée­ded anie one nation beside, insomuch that the whole armie what of one and other, conteined (as the fame went) one hundred and fiftie thousand footmen, and almost as manie horssemen, beside cariage-men, coistrels, women, and lackies, but the fame herein belike (as often happeneth) did farre excéed the truth. For it is not to be thought (as Iohn Maior himselfe Fame often­times excée­deth the truth. writeth) that he should get such a number togither, not for that England it selfe is not able to set foorth 10 such a power: for as the same Maior saith, as manie men as are to be found in England of lawfull age, so manie able personages may be found there to passe for able souldiers. But either kings are not of abilitie to find so great a multitude with vittels and sufficient prouision, or else they will not streine them selues thereto. Neuerthelesse, the whole number by all likelihood was great, for many as well strangers as Englishmen, brought their wiues, their children, and whole houshold-meinie with them, in hope after 20 the countrie were once subdued, to haue dwelling places appointed them in the same, there to inhabit: for so had king Edward promised them. By reason k. Edwards promise. whereof the disorder was such, that no warlike disci­pline might be obserued amongst them; for men, wo­men, and children, were all mixt togither, with such clamor and noise, through the huge number of peo­ple, and diuersitie of languages, that it was a thing right strange to behold a campe so confusedlie or­dered. 30

King Edward himselfe most proud and inso­lent of such incredible number, tooke no héed at all to the gouerning of them, supposing victorie to be al­readie in his hands; insomuch that at his comming to the borders, he tooke aduise with his councell to what kind of torment and death he might put king Robert, for he had no doubt of catching him at all. He also brought with him a religious man somwhat learned belike, of the order of the Carmelites, to de­scribe the whole maner of his conquest and victorie k. Edward thinketh him­selfe sure of victorie. ouer the Scots: so sure he thought himselfe that all 40 things would come to passe as he could wish or de­uise. This Carmelite, as may appeare in Iohn Bales booke, intituled A summarie of the writers of great Britaine, was named Robert Baston, and had the Robert Ba­ston a Car­melite. gouernance of an house in Scarburgh, of the Car­melites order, he being (as before is said) of that cote himselfe.

On the contrarie part, king Robert ordered all his dooings by good & prudent aduise, and with 30000 50 Iohn Ma. hath in his booke 35 thousand. King Robert his comming toward the battell. men, right hardie and throughlie exercised in wars, came foorth against his enimies, shewing no token of feare in the world, but boldlie pitched downe his tents in good order and warlike araie, vpon a plaine a little aboue Bannocksborne. Whether he did this for the great confidence he had in the hardinesse of his people, or for that he would shew how little hee doubted the puissance of his enimies, least they shuld haue him in contempt, it is vncerteine. Indéed there were diuerse expert warriours amongest the 60 The opinion of expert war­riors of king Edwards. Englishmen, that said (when they heard how the Scots were thus assembled to fight) that the victorie would not be had, except it were dearelie bought: the wisedome and manhood of king Robert was knowne so well amongst them, that they were assu­red he would not ieopard himselfe in such a case, but that he knew he had such fellowes about him, as would sticke to their tackle.

Moreouer the Scots by appointment of their king, to the furtherance of his hardie enterprise, had [...]renches made by Scots to o­uerthrow the Englishmen. cast déepe pits and ditches in the place where it was iudged the battels should ioine, and pitched sharpe stakes within the same, and after couered them ouer flightlie with gréene turfes or sods, in such wise that a few footmen might passe ouer well inough; but if a­nie great number should come preassing togither, or that anie horssemen came therevpon, the sods would shrinke and fall to the bottome of the trenches, with extreme perill of the men and horsses, that were sure to fall vpon the stakes set there for that purpose; or else to be so inclosed, that they should not be able to get out of those pitfals. By the place where king Ro­bert was thus incamped, there runneth a great brooke or water called Bannocksborne, so named of Bannocks­borne. oten-cakes called bannocks, which were vsed to bée made commonlie at the mils standing on the banks of the said water. It falleth into the Forth right fa­mous afterwards by reason of this battell fought néere to the same.

When both the armies were approched within a mile togither, king Edward sent eight hundred horsmen by a secret waie, vnto the castell of Striue­ling, to giue notice to sir Philip Mowbraie the cap­teine, that he was come with his armie to succour him. K. Robert being aduertised of their gate, & be­holding them which way they tooke, he sent Thomas The fight of Th. Randall with 500 Sco tishmen in his companie a­gainst 800 Englishmen. Randall with fiue hundred Scotish horsmen to saue the countrie from spoile, who with singular manhood incountering with those Englishmen in sight of both the armies, there insued a cruell fight betwixt them for so small a number, continuing a long space with vncerteine victorie. In the meane time sir Iames Dowglasse, dreading that his speciall friend the said Thomas Randall should be ouerset with multitude of the Englishmen, came to K. Robert, and falling on his knéees before him, required li­cence to go foorth to the support of them that were thus fighting with their enimies: which bicause the king would not grant at the first, he rushed foorth of the campe without licence, hauing in his companie a small band of men, but yet chosen out for the pur­pose, that if it were but by shewing himselfe, hée might put the enimies in some feare.

Notwithstanding, when he was come néere to the place where they fought, and saw how the Scots had got the victorie with great murther of the English­men, he staied and went no further; least he should by his comming séeme to beréeue them the glorie of the victorie, which had woone it with so great prowesse & singular valiancie. All those in the Scotish campe were relieued, in good hope of greater successe to fol­low in the whole enterprise by so happie a beginning. The Englishmen passed litle thereof, but yet for that The English men deter­mine to giue battell. King Robert prepareth to receiue the e­nimies by b [...] ­tell. the Scots should not waxe proud, and take ouer­much courage thereby, they determined to giue them battell the next morow. King Robert with great di­ligence caused his people to prepare themselues rea­die to receiue the enimies, though he was nothing a­ble to match them in number, deuising which waie he might traine them into the ditches before prepa­red. He commanded through the armie that euerie man should on the next morow receiue the sacra­ment of the Lords bodie, through the which they might haue the better hope of victorie against the vniust inuaders of their realme and countrie.

On the other side, the Englishmen trusted that all things would prosper with them, euen as they could best deuise: for by one small daies labour they hoped to be lords of all Scotland, and to dispose of the lands and goods of their enimies, as should séeme to them good, and most for their owne auaile. But king Robert all the night before the battell tooke litle rest, hauing great care in his mind for the suertie of his armie, one while reuoluing in his consideration this chance, and an other while that; yea and some­times he fell to deuout contemplation, making his praier to God and saint Phillane, whose arme as it Saint Phil­lane. was set and inclosed in a siluer case, he supposed had [Page 218] béene the same time within his tent, trusting the bet­ter fortune to follow by presence thereof. In the meane time, as he was thus making his praiers, the case suddenlie opened, and clapped to againe. The kings chapleine being present, astonied therewith, went to the altar where the case stood, and finding the A subtill chap leine. arme within it, he cried to the king & other that were present, how there was a great miracle wrought, confessing that he brought the emptie case to the field, and left the arme at home, least that relike should 10 haue beene lost in the field, if anie thing chanced to the armie otherwise than well.

The king verie ioifull of this miracle, passed the remnant of the night in praier and thankesgiuing. A matter de­uised betwixt the king and his chapleine, as is to be thought. On the morow he caused all his folks to heare diuine seruice, and to receiue the sacrament, as ouer night he had appointed. The abbat of Inchchaffraie did ce­lebrate before the king that day, and ministred vnto him and other of the nobles, the communion, other priests being appointed to minister the same vnto the 20 residue of the armie. After this, when seruice was The exhorta­tion of king Robert to his people. ended, the king called the people to his standard, and first declared vnto them from point to point, how ne­cessarie it was for them to shew their woonted man­hood, considering that such an huge multitude of peo­ple was brought thither against them by king Ed­ward, not of one nation or dominion, but of sundrie languages and parties, as well subiects as alies to the Englishmen, with full purpose vtterlie to extin­guish the Scotish name and memorie, and to plant 30 themselues in their seates and roomes, as in possessi­ons vtterlie voided of all the ancient and former in­habitants. To increase the fierce stomachs of the Scotishmen against the enimies, he recounted vnto them what he heard by credible report touching the menacing woords and insolent brags of the same e­nimies, able to mooue verie quiet minds vnto full in­dignation. Againe, to auoid feare out of their harts, which they might conceiue by reason of the multitude of their aduersaries, he rehearsed what a number of 40 rascals were amongest them, without anie skill of warrelike affaires, not taken vp by choise and electi­on in appointed musters, but resorting without diffe­rence togither, in hope of spoile and booties, hauing not else wherevpon to liue at home in their coun­tries.

Moreouer, if nothing else might raise their harts in hope of victorie, their iust cause sith they came in defense of their countrie against iniurious inuaders, was matter sufficient to aduance their manlie sto­machs, 50 in trust of Gods aid in that quarell, hauing partlie assured them thereof, by notable miracles shewed in the night last passed. Hereto he added, that the greater multitude there was of the enimies, the more spoile and riches was to be got, if they atteined the victorie. Finallie, the more to stirre their harts to doo valiantlie, he required them of one thing, which he trusted (their manhood being such) they would not thinke hard for them to atchiue, and this was, that e­uerie of them would but dispatch one of the enimies, 60 which if they performed, he promised them assured victorie. As for ten thousand, he knew to be amongst them of such approoued souldiers, and old men of war, as he durst safelie vndertake for them that they would slea two of the enimies a péece, at the least. Such manner of persuasions king Robert vsed to incourage his people.

Fr. Thin. But Iohannes Maior, lib. 5. cap. 2. putteth spéech much different from this, in the mouth of Bruse, fur­ther saieng, that when this oration was ended, that the king came downe the hill, on which he stood, when he vttered these woords, and bareheaded imbraced all the nobilitie in his armes, and after turning him­selfe to the whole armie, he reached to euerie man his hand, in signe of amitie: but I suppose he was ouer­wearied before he had shaken 35000 men by the hands.) On the other part, king Edward caused the The exhorta­tion of king Edward. coronels of ech nation within his campe, to exhort their retinues to remember, that if they fought vali­antlie for one houre or two, they should purchase in­finit riches with the whole realme of Scotland, in reward of their labour: for he desired nothing for himselfe, but the superioritie. Againe, he willed they should haue in remembrance what irrecouerable shame would follow (sith they had departed out of their countries in hope of gaine) to returne home with emptie hands, and void of victorie, not without some reproch and note of cowardise.

Fr. Thn. Iohannes Ma­ior maketh K. Edward to speake (by his pen) what he list himself. Besides which (as séemeth by Iohannes Maior) king Edward clothed in his kinglie robes, is said to haue vsed these spéeches to the armie. ‘If I did not be­hold the open victorie, I would this day (most vali­ant men) make an other beginning of speech vnto you. We are in preparation & number of souldiors farre beyond these miserable Scots. Besides which, we haue abundance of brasse péeces, catapultes, bowes, and other such engins of warre, which on the Io. Maior for­got that guns were not yet inuented. contrarie part the Scots doo want. They are onelie couered with leather pilches made of bucks skins, and with clokes like vnto the wild mounteine peo­ple, for which cause our archers, before the strength of the maine battell shall ioine, will soone subdue them. Maruell not that they haue before time subdued some of my subiects, because they did it by their accu­stomed deceits, and not by strength of battell. And though by chance they haue ouercome (in fight) some weake companie of equall number vnto them, yet are they not able to resist vs; being farre more ex­cellent in number, preparation, and order of battell. The Scot hath a weake nation fighting on his owne charge, not hauing anie chosen souldier. God hath in this field inclosed that fox Bruse (nourished by my good father) to the end that he might receiue woorthie punishment for his wickednesse. His three brethren were consumed by my father: wherefore it now re­maineth that we apprehend (aliue) these other two wicked and wauering men, to lead them to London, there to receiue their due punishment. You had great reuenues (noble princes) giuen to you by my father, in that kingdome. Wherefore now shew your selues valiant persons, that you may againe recouer the same, at this day possessed by the vniust and vn­rightfull owners.’ Besides which, I will further by K. Edward a good mathe­matician by Maiors hyper­bolicall spée­ches. line geometricallie measure foorth all the land of Scotland, to be diuided vnto those that deserue the same, according to the merits of the men. Thus much Maior.)

But yet when they should march forward in ar­raie of battell towards the Scots, they might scarse be seuered from their wiues and children, which they Incombra [...] in an armie. had there in campe with them: neuerthelesse, at length by the sharpe calling vpon of their capteins, they were brought into order of battell, not without much adoo, by reason of the vnrulie multitude. The ar­chers The order of the English battels. were placed in wings, mingled amongest the horssemen on the sides of the wards and battels, which stood inclosed in the middest of the same wings. King Robert appointing all his battels on foot, diui­ded The appoin­ting of the Scotish bat­tels. The first bat­tell. the same into thrée parts: the fore ward he com­mitted to Thomas Randulfe, & Iames Dowglasse, capteins of verie approoued valiancie, vnder whome went seuen thousand of the borderers, and thrée thou­sand of the Irish Scots, otherwise called Katerans or Redshanks. These no lesse fierce and forward, than the other practised and skilfull. The second ward The second. was gouerned by Edward the kings brother, where­in were ten thousand men: but for that he was sus­pected of too much rashnesse, there was ioined with [Page 219] him certeine ancient gentlemen of great sobrietie and circumspection, to qualifie his hastie and hot na­ture. The third battell, in the which were (as Iohn The third. Maior recordeth) fiftéene thousand fighting men, the king himselfe led, shewing a verie chéerefull counte­nance amongest them, so farre foorth, that euerie one that beheld him, conceiued in his mind an assured hope of victorie to succeed.

The abbat of Inchchaffraie aforesaid (who as be­fore is mentioned, did celebrate that morning afore 10 The abbat of Inchchaffraie bea [...]ng a crosse. [...]. Thin. the king) came foorth before the battels, with the cru­cifir in his hands, bearing it aloff like a standard [ad­monishing them valiantlie to take in hand the de­fense of their countrie, and the libertie of their poste­ritie: for (saith he) you must not euerie man fight as it were for his owne priuat defense, his owne house Lesleus epise. Ross. li. 7. pag. 144. saith, it was M [...]uri­nus the abbat a man of sin­gular p [...]etie and puritie of life, such ver­tue they can find in their cleargie. and children, but euerie man for all men, and all men for euerie man must fight for the libertie, life, patri­monie, children, and wiues of all the realme: for such and so great is the dignitie of our countrie, as they 20 which deface or spoile it, are to be punished with per­petuall fier, and they which doo preserue it, are to be recompensed with an eternall crowne of glorie. And héerewithall this abbat instructed them of manie things touching the loue of their countrie, which na­ture hath so planted in all men, that for the preserua­tion and libertie therof, none should refuse anie dan­ger, no not the losse of life, yea though (if it were pos­sible) that it might be manie times lost therefore. Which doone, he feared not to admonish them to wor­ship 30 the image of Christ, which he shewed them on the crosse.] Incontinentlie whervpon, the Scotish armie fell on knées before it, deuoutlie commending them­selues to almightie God.

The English armie beholding the Scots fall on knées, thought verelie they had yéelded without stroke striken. But when they saw them risé a­gaine, and to come forward, they began to be some­what doubtfull. And herevpon rushing togither, at The first ioi­ning. the first ioining a great number of people on either 40 side were beaten downe & slaine. The archers which were arraied on the vtter skirts of the English wings, sore annoied the Scots, till finallie Edward Bruse came on their backs with a thousand speares, and brake them assunder, in such wise that they did but little more hurt that day. Albeit incontinent­lie herewith a battell of horssemen to the number of Thirtie thou­sand English horssemen o­uerthrowen in trenches. thirtie thousand, came rushing togither all at once in shocke, to haue borne downe and ouerridden the Scots; but being so in their full race galloping with 50 most violence towards them, they tumbled into the foues and pits before mentioned, in such wise one vpon another, that the most part of them was slaine, without all recouerie. Neuerthelesse the Scots in maner oppressed through the huge multitude of the enimies, were néere at the point to haue beene van­quished. [During which conflict saith Buch. this Fr. Thin. happened (which though it be a small thing to put in writing, yet was such as oftentimes it chanceth in Nothing o­mitted for the glorie of their nation, since valure is com­mendable in all men, but most in a king E [...]virtus in hoste laudatur. battell, and as brought no small benefit to the per­fection 60 of their businesse) that king Robert (who continuallic rode before the battell appointed to his gouernement) holding a mace of warre in his hand (and kéeping the first order in the arraie) was espied of an Englishman that knew him verie well: and forthwith rode full against Bruse with his speare. But the king beating the stroke aside, came to his English aduersarie, ouerthrew him by the force of King Robert killeth an Englishman. his horsse, in the end killed him with his mace & so left him dead. Wherevpon, the common people be­holding the valure of their king and capteine, did with great force by the instigation of their fierce and fierie minds (and not by the kings persuasion) fall vpon their enimies in such sort, that they séemed to haue had the victorie of the aduerse battell of their enimies: had it not béene for the English archers, which were placed in the wings of the battell; whom Bruse (sending out certeine light horssemen) did soone represse: whereby the Scots incouraged, made their partie good, rather by hidden policie, than prepared force. For a stratage [...] by the Sctos de­uised, and an error by the English therof conceiued, did far more hur [...] to the enimie, than the power as­sembled in the field. For that deuise in the end was the cause that the English lost the victorie, being in this sort.]

The Scots which were appointed to attend thé carriage, as carfers, wainemen, lackies, and the women, beholding in what danger their maisters, friends, & countriemen stood, put on shirts, su [...]ocks, and other [...]e linnen alost vpon their vsuall gar­ments, and herewith binding towels and napkins to their speares, and to other such staues as they got in their hands, placed themselues as well as they could in arraie of battell, and so making a great muster and shew anew, came downe the hill sid [...] in the face of their enimies, with such a terrible noise and hideous clamor, that the Englishmen fighting as then with most furie against the Scots with vn­certeine victorie, and beholding this new reenfo [...] comming downe the hill vpon their faces, supposing The English mens hearts begin to faint. verelie it had béene some new armie, their hearts began to faint, the more in deed, for that they sa [...] themselues vneth able to susteine the violent in­ [...]ter of the Scots then present. And herevpon The English men put to fight. they began to [...] their backs, and fell to running away as people clearelie vanquished: on whome the [...]ts followed with insatiable [...]re, and [...]ue them down on all sides where they might ouer [...]ake them. Sir Iames Dowglas with foure hundred chosen horssemen, was commanded by king Robert to pursue the king of England with all spéed, to trie if he might ouertake him.

Dowglas (according to his charge) followed him in chase to Dunbar, & casting betwixt that and the borders, laie in wait to haue taken him, if he had returned by land; but he being receiued into the ca­stell of Dunbar by Patrike Dunbar erle of March, King Ed­ward escapeth with fiftéene earles in his companie, was by the same earle of March conueied into certeine vessels, lieng there at anchor, with the which he passed alongst by the shore into England, to shew an example of the vnstable state of princes: for though this Ed­ward The vnstab [...] state of world­lie puiss [...]. was that day in the morning right proud of the great puissance and number of people which he had about him, not vnlike sometime to the great armie of king [...]erres, yet he was constreined before the euening of the same day, to saue his life in a poore fishers boat. In this battell were slaine [...] thousand Englishmen (as the Scotish writers af­firme) amongst whome was the earle of [...], with two hundred knights. On the Scotish The number of Scots slaine. part were slaine about foure thousand, and amongst other two valiant knights, sir William Wepo [...], and sir Walter Rosse. The spoile was so great of gold, siluer, and other iewels gotten in the field, that the whole number of the Scotish armie was made rich thereby: and besides this, they got little lesse mo­nie and riches by ransoming of prisoners taken at this battell, than of spoile gotten in the fight, campe, and field. But the death of sir Giles Argentine, that died amongst other in this mortall battell, was Sir Giles Argentine slaine. so displeasant to king Robert, for the familiaritie which he had sometimes with him in England, that he reio [...]ed little of all the gaine got by so famous a victorie. He caused his bodie to be buried right bo­norablie in saint Patriks church, beside Edenburgh. The quéene king Roberts wife, who had béene kept [Page 220] in captiuitie the space of 8 yeares, was in England The quéene king Roberts wife restored to hir husband now deliuered by exchange for one of the nobles of England, which was taken at this battell. The [...]ith clothes of silke, veluet, and gold, which were found in the English campe, were distributed to the ab­beies and monasteries of the realme, to make there­of vestments, cones, and frontals for altars. The Carmelite frier, of whome ye heard before, brought thither by king Edward to describe the victorie of the Englishmen, was taken prisoner amongst o­ther, 10 and commanded by king Robert to write con­trarilie the victorie of the Scots, according as he had séene: who therevpon gathered his rustie wits togi­ther, & made certeine rude verses beginning thus.

Uerses made by Robert Baston the Carmelite.
De planctu [...]udo motrum cum carmine nudo,
Risum retrudo c [...] tali themate [...]udo.
With barren verse this time I make,
Bewailing whilest such theame I take.

There be some that haue iudged, how this victorie was atteined by the singular fauor of almightie 20 God, by reason of miracles which they [...] [...]arse to happen at the same time. The night befor [...] [...] [...]ay of the battell, there came to the abbeie of [...] [...] ­burie two m [...]n i [...]complet armour, desir [...] [...] lodge there all night [...] the abbat kéeping a [...] [...] [...]f great hospitalitie, receiued [...] right gla [...] [...] [...]nd Miracles if ye list to be­léeue them. making them good [...]heare, demanded wh [...] [...]ey were, and whither they were going▪ who ans [...]ed that they were the seruants of God, and go [...] to helpe the Scots at Banno [...]. On the mo [...] the chamberlaine found the [...] [...]ted before [...] 30 of the gates were opened. & the [...] faire made, an [...] not stirred otherwise than as they left them ouer night. The same day that the battell was foughten, a knight clad in faire bright ar [...]ur, declared to the people at Aberden, how the Scots had gotten a famous victorie against the Englishmen, and was séene shortlie after to passe ouer Pictland Firth on horssebacke. It was supposed by the people that this was saint Magnus, sometime prince of Orke [...]ie, 40 and for that cause king Robert endowed the church of Orkenie with fiue poundes sterling of the cu­stomes of Aberden, to furnish the same church, with bread, wiue, and wax.

Manie noble men for their approoued manhood shewed in this conflict, were highlie rewarded at the hands of king Robert. One Robert Fleming, Robert Fle­ming rewar­ [...]ed for his faithfull ser­uice. by whose means he reuenged the treason wrought a­gainst him by Iohn Cumin, with slaughter of the same Iohn, had the lands of Cumnernald giuen 50 him, which were of the inheritance belonging to the said Cumin. It is reported by writers, that two knights of Bra [...]ant that serued amongest the Eng­lishmen, chanced to heare manie reprochfull words spoken in the English campe against king Robert, who being somewhat mooued therewith, and misli­king such dismeasured talke, wished in words that the victorie might chance vnto him. For the which with K. Edward informed thereof, caused them by a trumpet to be conueied vnto the Scotish campe, 60 with commandement to aid king Robert to the vt­ [...]ost of their powers, purposing to punish them according to his mind, if he atteined the victorie, as he had no doubt but he should. Herevpon, before A proclama­tion. the ioining of the battels, he caused proclamation to be made, that whosoeuer brought their heads vnto him, sho [...]ld haue an hundred marks in reward.

King Robert hearing in what danger they had run for his sake, rewarded them with great riches of the spoile got in the field, with the which they re­turning The Scotish house in An­tuerpe buil­ded. into Brabant, built a goodlie house in An­tuerpe, naming the same Scotland, and causing the Scotish armes, and the picture of Bruse to be set vp in the same, appointed it for a lodging to re­ceiue them of the Scotish nation that should resort vnto that towne, as may appeare euen vnto this day. And this was doone for a memoriall, to shew what loue and hartie beneuolence these two knights bare towards king Robert and his people, for the great liberalitie receiued at his hands. This glori­ous victorie chanced to the Scots on the day of the natiuitie of saint Iohn Baptist, in the yeare 1314. 1314.

Fr. Thin. About this time for the varietie of fortune (in so small a course of yeares) happened a thing not vn­woorthie the reporting. For Iohn Mentith, which Buchanan. before betraied his déere friend Wallase to the Eng­lish, being therefore (as of right he ought) extreme­lie hated of the Scots, was (in recompense thereof beside manie other rewards) benefited with the gar­dianship of the castle of Dunbriton: which fort (after Iohn Men­tith made cap­teine of Dun­briton castle. all the other castles before said were recouered to the Scots) was almost the onlie thing (except some few others) that remained in the hands of the English: and because this fort was by nature inexpugnable, king Robert dealt with the capteine (by such as were friends and of kinred vnto him) to betraie the castle into his hands, promising great recompense therefore. Wherevnto this Mentith by no means would agrée, vnles K. Robert would giue to him the earledome of Lennox for his reward. Wherevpon the king being greatlie in doubt what to say therein, (though in déed he vehementlie longed for the said castle) because he did not thinke the obteining there­of to be of such good vnto him, as that he would therefore offend or loose the earle of Lennox; who had in all his calamities béene the most certeine, and al­most the onelie friend of the king: which doubt, when the earle vnderstood; he foorthwith came vnto him, willing him in no wise to refuse the condition; wher­vpon the bargaine was concluded betwéene Iohn Mentith and the king, and that in such sort, as it was most solemnelie confirmed.

Now, when the king should come to receiue this castle (according to compositions) as he was in the wood Colchon, a mile distant from the same, a cer­teine Englishmen inclosed in [...] cellar to kill king Robert after his en­terance into Dunbrito [...] castle. carpentar called Rowland came thither secret­lie vnto him, & desired licence that he might speake to the king, for he would discouer a great matter touching a treason that was deuised and prepared a­gainst him, by the capteine of Dunbriton. Which pardon obteined, he opened vnto Bruse, that be­low in the wine-cellar of the castle, were a number of English inclosed, which at dinner should either take or kill the king (being then safe) after that he had obteined the castle. Wherevpon the king no­thing abashed, but kéeping on his former determi­nation, & being (according to appointment) receiued by the said Iohn Mentith in the castle of Dunbri­ton: after that he had searched all other places, and was courteouslie inuited to sit downe to dinner; answered that he would not eate, vntill he had loo­ked into the cellar below. Wherevnto for excuse, and to defer the time, the capteine answered that the smith was absent and caried the key away with him. But the king not waiting for the comming of the smith, did incontinentlie breake open the cellar doore, whereby all the deceit appeared. After which, the armed men were brought foorth before the king, who being seuerallie examined, confessed the whole matter; and further, that there was a ship readie in the hauen to haue caried the K. prisoner into Eng­land, if they had taken him aliue. Wherevpon the rest being punished, Iohn Mentith was onelie cast into prison, & reserued from further paine: because the king would not offend his friends & kinred in so dangerous a time as that was. For this Mentith had manie beautifull daughters maried to men of great power & riches. After which imprisonment of [Page 221] this Mentith was by mediation of such as greatlie fauored him, restored to the fauor of Bruse, vnder whome he did after serue most faithfullie.

Immediatlie after, king Robert called a parle­ment at Aire, where, by consent of the thrée states he 1314. The crowne of Scotland in [...]ed. Margerie the daughter of of king Ro­bert by his first wife. was confirmed king, and the crowne intailed to the heires male of his bodie lawfullie begotten, and for want of such heires, to remaine vnto his brother Edward Bruse, and to the heires male of his bodie; and if he chanced to die without such heires, then 10 should the crowne descend to Margerie the daugh­ter of king Robert, and to the heires generall of hir bodie by lawfull succession. In which parlement it was further decréed, that if the king were in his mi­noritie, he should then be gouerned by Thomas Randolph, and if anie misfortune chanced vnto the said Randolph, that then the gouernement of the kings person and kingdome should be committed to Iames Dowglasse.

This Margerie was gotten by king Robert on 20 the earle of Mar his sister, his first wife, and was maried by the aduise of his nobles vnto Walter great Steward of Scotland. Also king Robert, for The second mariage of king Robert. that his first wife aforesaid was deceassed, maried shortlie after Elizabeth the daughter of the earle of Ulster, on whome he got a sonne named Dauid, and The issue of king Robert by his second wife. two daughters, the one named Margaret, and the other Mauld. The first was maried to the earle of Sutherland, and bare him a sonne named Iohn: the second departed this world in hir infancie. Af­ter the mariage solemnized betwixt his daughter 30 Margerie, and the foresaid Walter Steward, king Robert went through all the bounds of his realme, and did not onelie confirme the ancient liberties and priuileges of the burrowes and townes in all Liberties by king Robert. places where he came, but also augmented the same, and granted vnto diuerse, aswell townes as baro­nies, sundrie new prerogatiues and franchises, as may appeare by his charters made vnto them of the same, speciallie to the townes of Perth, Dundée, 40 and Aberden.

In the yeare following, which was in the yeare 1315, the princes of Ireland oppressed (as they tooke it) with long and insufferable tyrannie of the Eng­lishmen, 1315. and trusting by support of Scots to reco­uer their libertie, now after so notable an ouerthrow of the whole English puissance, sent ambassadors The lords of Ireland re­quire aid of king Robert. vnto king Robert, requiring that it might please him to send his brother Edward Bruse, to receiue the crowne and gouernement of their countrie of 50 Ireland. This request being granted, Edward pre­pared to take that iournie in hand, and so with a small power of Scotishmen transporting ouer into Ireland, and ioining with an armie of such as were readie to assist him there, he tooke the towne of Ul­ster, Ulster. and slue a great number of Englishmen which were found in the same. Then afterwards, by the Edward Bruse pro­clamed king of Ireland. generall consent of all the estates of Ireland, Ed­ward Bruse was proclamed king of that realme, and certeine of the Irish nobilitie sent ambassadors vn­to 60 the pope, to sue for a ratification of their act and procéedings, for the suertie and weale of their coun­trie, sith they were not able longer to susteine the gréeuous yoke of the English thraldome. These ambassadors, through their earnest diligence, got such fauor in their sute, that the pope sundrie times charged the Englishmen to auoid out of Ireland: The English men passe little on the popes commande­ments. howbeit, they séemed to passe little of his comman­dements in that behalfe, for they dailie sought how to make themselues strong in that part, least they should lose the possession of that countrie, which their enimies were about to get foorth of their hands.

King Robert being informed how through the reenforcement of the English armie, being dailie re­freshed with new succors, his brother was like to run in danger to be cast away, he left sir Iames Dowglasse gouernor in Scotland, with a compe­tent Sée more hereof in Ire­land. number of men to defend the borders, and he himselfe with a great power of other souldiers and men of war went ouer into Ireland, to support his King Robert passeth [...] into Ireland. brother: but suffering great distresse at his first comming thither, for want of vittels & other proui­sions, he lost almost the one halfe of his folks through verie famine & hunger, & the residue were constrei­ned to eate horsses and other such lothsome meats, therewith to susteine their languishing liues. At length being approched within a daies iournie of his brother, in purpose to haue supported him with those Edward Bruse is slaine in Ire­land. people which he had left, his brother not abiding his comming, fought vnwiselie with the Englishmen at a place called Dundach, and receiuing the ouer­throw, was slaine himselfe with a great number of other. It is vncerteine whether he had anie know­ledge Sée more of this matter in Ireland. of the comming of his brother king Robert, or that through desire of fame he feared least if he staied till his brother came, a great part of the praise (if they got the victorie) should remaine to him: and therefore he made such hast to fight. But howsoe­uer it was, thus he was slaine on the fourtéenth of October, in the yeare 1317.

Edward king of England, hearing that king Robert was passed ouer into Ireland, thought the time to serue well for his purpose, estsoones to in­uade Scotland: and herevpon comming with a great power to the borders, he purposed to haue doone some great feat. But sir Iames Dowglas the gouernor, hauing likewise gathered an armie, gaue him battell, and put both him & his people to flight. In this battell were slaine thrée notable capteins on the English side: as sir Edmund Lilaw a Gas­coigne capteine of Berwike, with sir Iames Ne­uill, and the third sir Iames Dowglasse slue with his owne hands. King Edward perceiuing it was not like that he should doo anie good at that time a­gainst the Scots by land, thought it best to assaile them by sea, which way foorth the Englishmen com­monlie were euer too good for the Scots. He rigged K. Edward sendeth a na­uie into Scot land. therefore a fléet of ships, and sent the same into the Forth, which burned the countrie on each side, and tooke manie rich booties from the inhabitants néere to the shore.

Duncane earle of Fife, hearing of these cruel­ties doone by the Englishmen, came foorth with fiue hundred hardie souldiers, to defend the countrie from such inuasions: but when he perceiued that the enimies were of greater number than he was able well to incounter, hauing but an handfull of men in comparison to them, he gaue somewhat backe, and in the meane time met with William Sin­clare bishop of Dunkeld, hauing about thrée score armed men in his companie, who blaming the earle for his faintnesse of courage, caused him to set for­ward againe towards the enimies, & finding them busie in spoiling & harrieng the countrie, they gaue Englishmen discomfited. an onset vpon them so fiercelie, that there was slaine at the first incounter to the number of fiue hundred of the Englishmen, and the residue chased to their botes lieng at Dunbrissell, which they entred in such haste, that one of the botes being pestered with ouer great number, sanke with them before they could William Sin­clare called K. Roberts bishop. get to their ships. K. Robert euer after customablie called this Wil. Sinclare his owne bishop, for the noble prowes which he shewed in this enterprise.

In the same yeere Robert Steward the sonne of Robert Ste­ward borne. Walter Steward and Margerie Bruse was borne, which Robert after the death of K. Dauid le Bruse was preferred to the crowne. After this, Thomas 1318. Randall earle of Murrey, the second day of Aprill [Page 222] recouered the towne of Berwike out of the Eng­lish Berwike re­couered. mens hands, which they had held for the space of twentie yeeres before. It was taken now by prac­tise, through meanes of one Spaldein an English­man, who for his labour had certeine lands giuen him in Angus, which his posteritie inioieth to these daies.

Fr. Thin. Scala chron. Trulie it were a woonderfull processe to declare what mischiefes came through hunger and other mis­fortunes, by the space of 11 yeeres in Northumber­land; 10 for the Scots became so proud after they had gotten Berwike, that they nothing estéemed the English nation. But (amongst other things by the Scots attempted) much about this time, Adam de Gardonne came with 160 men, to driue awaie the cattell pasturing by Norham, which the people of the towne perceiuing, ran foorth and incountered with the Scots, who had gotten the victorie of them, had not Thomas Grey capteine of the castell, séeing them in some ieopardie, issued foorth with 60 of his 20 souldiers, & slaine most part of the Scots, and their horsses. The which Grey had beene twise before besie­ged in the castell of Norham, once almost by the space of a whole yéere, and another time by the terme of seuen moneths, in which he behaued himselfe like a woorthie gentleman, in that his enimies got none aduantage of him, although that during the siege, they had erected manie fortresses before the castell, to annoie such as were within: of which forts they made one at Upsitlington, and one in the church of 30 Norham, the castell whereof had beene twise tein­ted and indanger of losse, had not the lord Persie and Neuill (being great succourers of the marches) rescued the same. For at one time the vtter ward of Norham castell was taken in the time of this Grey on saint Katharins eeuen, which the Scots kept not but thrée daies, and their purpose in winning the same did vtterlie faile them.)

After that the earle of Murrey had recouered Berwike, he and the lord Iames Dowglasse in the 40 Ri. Southwell. moneth of Maie inuaded England with a puissant The Scots enter further into England thā they were accustomed, euen vnto Wetherbie (as Fourd, saith.) armie, passing further into the countrie than the Scots had béene accustomed to doo before time, bur­ning as they went forward the townes of Northal­lerton and Burrowbridge; and comming to Rippon, they spoiled the towne of all the goods found therein; but compounding with them that kept the church a­gainst them for a thousand marks, they forbare to burne anie of the buildings. After they had faried here thrée daies, they departed thence, and went to 50 Knaresburgh, which towne they burnt, and beating the woods (into the which the people were with­drawne with their goods and cattell) they got a great bootie, and returning homewards by Scipton in Crauen, they first spoiled the towne, and after burnt it, and so marching thorough the countrie, came backe into Scotland with their spoiles and priso­ners without anie resistance. [This castell of Kna­resburgh was taken by Iohn Lilleborne, which after Fr. Thin. rendered himselfe to the king vpon certeine condi­tions. 60]

In the yeere following, king Edward came and 1319. Berwike be­sieged. laid siege vnto Berwike but the towne was so well defended, that he was constreined with small honor to returne home, and leaue it as he found it. For in the meane time, while king Edward lay at the siege Ri. Southwell. before Berwike, Thomas Randall earle of Mur­rey, and the lord Iames Dowglasse assembled their forces togither; but perceiuing themselues too weake to remooue the siege by force, they passed by, and en­tring into England, wasted and spoiled all before them. kéeping on their way vnto Burrowbridge: whereof when the citizens of Yorke were aduertised; William Mel­ton archbishop of yorke. with their capteins William Melton their archbi­shop, and the bishop of Elie, not making them of th [...] countrie once priuie to their purpose, but hauing in their companie a great number of priests and men of religion, they gaue battell to the Scots one day in the after noone, not farre from the towne of Mit­ton The battell of Mitton vpon Swale. vpon Swale, twelue miles distant from Yorke northwards.

But forsomuch as the most part of the English­men were not expert in the feates of warre, and came not in anie orderlie arraie of battell, they were eastlie vanquished & put to flight by the Scots, The English men discom­fited. who were readie to receiue them in good order, close togither in one entier squadrone, and after their ac­customed maner, at their first ioining they gaue a great showt, wherewith the Englishmen out of hand began to giue backe: which when the Scots perceiued, they got them to their horsses, and follo­wed the chase most egerlie, beating downe and siea­ing the Englishmen, neither sparing religious per­son nor other, so that their died to the number of foure thousand Englishmen that day, and amongst The maior of yorke slaine. the rest was the maior of Yorke one. In the water of Swale (as was said) there were drowned to the number of a thousand. To be short, if night had not come the sooner vpon, it was thought scarse there should anie of the English part haue escaped.

When king Edward lieng as yet at the siege of Berwike, vnderstood what mischiefe the Scots did within his realme, he raised his siege, in purpose to haue incountered with his enimies: but the Scots aduertised of his purpose, returned with all their pri­soners and spoile by Stanemoore, and so through Gilsland, and the west marches, withdrew home into their countrie. About the feast of All saints, when the inhabitants of the north parts had got in their haruest, so that their barnes were now stuffed with corne, of the which prouision they were to liue all the yéere after, the Scots vnder the conduct of the said two capteins, the earle of Murrey, and the lord The Scot [...] inuade Eng­land. Dowglasse, entered into England, and burnt the countrie of Gilsland, taking away both such people as they tooke prisoners, and also all the cattell which they might meet with, and so kept vpon their iournie till they came to Burgh vnder Stanemoore, destroi­eng Burgh vnder Stanemoore. all afore them, & then returning through West­merland, practised the like mischiefe there, in bur­ning vp houses and corne in all places where they came, as they had doone before in Gilsland. And fi­nallie passing through Cumberland with the like ha­uocke, at length they drew home into their owne countrie, with no small number of prisoners, and plentie of great riches which they had got in that iournie. [And the souldiers going backe againe to­ward Fr. Thin. Scala chro [...]. Scotland, fought with the commons of New­castell at the bridge end, for certeine displeasures doone vnto them, in which conflict sir Iohn Perith knight was slaine, and manie other squires belong­ing to the constable and marshall. About which time also, king Edward (lieng at Lieth to go vnto Eden­burgh) was constreined to returne for lacke of vit­tels.]

About the same time died Margerie Bruse king Margerie Bruse deceas­seth. Roberts daughter. Shortlie after also was a truce taken betwixt the two realmes of England & Scot­land for a certeine time. Then king Robert hauing no trouble, neither within his realme nor without, caused a parlement to be holden at Perth, where hée A parlement at Perth. required the lords to shew their deeds and charters whereby they held their lands. The lords after long The euidence and charters whereby the lords of Scot land held their lands, aduisement taken herein, at length pulled out their swoords all at once, declaring that they had none o­ther euidence nor charter to shew for the tenure of their lands. King Robert was somewhat amazed at this sight, and tooke no small indignation therewith, [Page 223] but yet he dissembled for the time, and commended them for their noble hearts and valiant stomachs: neuerthelesse, he purposed to be reuenged of their proud presumptions, when more opportunitie of time serued thereto. Sundrie of the nobles perceiuing that the king bare an inward grudge towards them Conspiracie of the lords a­gainst king Robert. for this matter, deuised amongst themselues how to deliuer him into king Edwards hands, so to auoid all danger that might follow of his displeasure con­ceiued thus against them. For the accomplishment 10 of this their treasonable practise, they made a bond in writing, confirmed with their hands and seales betwixt them, & minded to send the same into Eng­land vnto king Edward. But king Robert hauing some inkeling of this their purpose, caused diligent watch to be laid by the way for such as should passe into England from them with the said bond, inso­much that in the end a palmer or pilgrime was ap­prehended which had the bond, and other writings in­closed [...] palmer ta­ken with wri­tings on him. within his pilgrims staffe. 20

King Robert vnderstanding by these writings all the manner of the treason, and what they were that had consented to the same, hastilie sent for the whole number of them, as though there had beene some matter in hand wherein he wished to haue their aduise. They were no sooner come, but streightwaies calling them before him, he questioned with them whether they knew their owne hands and seales, and immediatlie therewith shewed the writings, which were found in the palmers staffe: and because they 30 could not denie their owne act, they were committed The lords that had con­spired, are committed to ward. to ward within sundrie castels, till he had taken fur­ther aduise in the matter. Incontinentlie after, he went to Berwike, and there arrested the capteine of the towne, named sir William Soulis, and caused him to be conueied to Perth (committing the said William Soulis (as saith Io. Maior) with the coun­tesse of Straherne, to perpetuall prison) where short­lie after he called an assemblie of all the estates of the realme. This was called the blacke parlement, 40 The blacke parlement. 1320. kept in the yéere after the incarnation of our Sa­uiour 1320. In this parlement, at the beginning thereof, was Dauid Abernethie, the sisters sonne of king Robert, accused as partie to the treason afore­said, though being laboured vnto by the rest of the conspirators to ioine with them therein, he refused so to doo, but yet for that he did not vtter the thing, but concealed it with them, he was condemned & lost his Dauid Aber­nethie loseth his head. head, the people sore lamenting his mishap, for the great valiancie which was knowne to be in him, ha­uing 50 serued honorablie manie yeeres before against the Saracens, and other miscreants in the parties of beyond the seas, where he was called the flower of chiualrie.

In déed the king himselfe would gladlie haue sa­ued his life, but for that he minded to doo iustice on the residue, and finding no man to make sute for him, he permitted the execution to procéed against him. On the morrow after, he caused all the residue of the Among other were these, Gilbert de Malet, Iohn Cogi knights and Richard [...]ron a nota­ble warriour. Iohn Maior. traitors to be brought foorth to iudgement, and sen­tence 60 being giuen against them, he commanded without delaie that they should be executed. Then came diuerse and sundrie persons in most humble wise to make sute for pardon to the king for their friends and kinsmen: but he made them plaine an­swer, that there was none to be found that would make intercession for the sauing of his kinsmans life the day before, when he was led to execution, that had offended nothing so grieuouslie, in comparison of them for whome they now made sute; and therfore he had them be contented, for they should assuredlie haue according to that which they had deserued. And therewith were the officers commanded to make Execution without respit hast with the execution, which was doone incontinent­lie without anie further repsit.

There were some that were accused to be parta­kers in this treason, but yet for that no euident proofes could be produced against them, they were dis­missed, as Walter Maxwell, with Walter Berclaie shiriffe of Aberdene, Patrike Graim, Hameline Neidrinton, and Eustace Rathre, knights; besides eight others. But yet the countesse of Straherne & William de Soults were condemned to perpetuall prison. The earle of Buchquhanes lands, who suffe­red at that present, were diuided into two parts, the one being giuen to William Haie that was made constable of the realme in place of Iohn Quincie, who likewise suffered at the same time; and the other part was giuen vnto William Reth, togither with the office of the stewardship of the realme. About the same time the king of England by complaint made to the pope, purchased that a legat was sent from the A legat sent from Rome to the Scots. sée apostolike into Scotland, to admonish king Ro­bert to ceasse from further disquieting the realme of England, by such cruell inuasions, as were surmised that he wrongfullie exercised against the same realme. But answer was made héerevnto by the king, and other the nobles of the realme of Scotland, The answer made to the legat. that all the world might well vnderstand that the whole occasion of all the trouble which had chanced betwixt the two realmes of England and Scotland, did onelie procéed of the couetous desire in the Eng­lishmen, séeking to conquer that realme without a­nie iust claime or title: and therefore they thought it reason first to suppresse the loftie stomachs of the Englishmen; and then if there were anie thing woor­thie to be reformed on their behalfes, they would be contented to stand vnto the order of the popes autho­ritie therein. Thus was the legat dispatched home, without other effect of his errand [sauing (as saith Buchanan) he curssed and interdicted the Scots and Fr. Thi [...]. Scotland.]

Shortlie after, king Robert entered with an armie King Robert with an armie in Scotland. into England, and wasted the countrie before him, till he came to the recrosse, which standeth vpon Stanemoore. Howbeit it should séeme by that which Richard Southwell writeth héereof, that king Robert Ri. Southwell. 1321. was not present himselfe in person in this iournie, but that he appointed the earle of Murrey to be his lieutenant, who with an armie, after the feast of the Epiphanie entered into England, and comming to The bishop­rike of Dur­ham burnt by the Scots. Darington, staied there for a season, whilest the lord Iames Dowglasse, and the lord Steward of Scot­land went abroad to harrie and spoile the countrie on ech side, the one of them passing foorth towards Har­tilpoole and Cliueland, and the other towards Rich­mond. The inhabitants of Richmondshire, hauing Richmond­shire redéemed from spoile with a summe of monie. no capteine amongest them to defend their countrie from that grieuous inuasion of the enimie, gaue a great summe of monie in like manner, as at other times they had doone, to haue their countrie spared from fier and spoile.

The Scots taried at this time about 15 daies within England, and in the end returned without battell. For when the knights of the north countries repared vnto the duke of Lancaster then lieng at The duke of Lancasters disloialtie. Pomfret, and offered to go into the field with him a­gainst the Scots, he would not once stirre his foot, by reason of the discord that was depending betwixt him and king Edward: but howsoeuer the matter went, king Edward sore grieued in his mind with such inuasion made by his enimies the Scots, he gaue order to leauie an armie of an hundred thou­sand men, what on horssebacke and on foot (as the re­port went) appointing them to be readie to enter in­to Scotland at Lammas next: whereof king Ro­bert King Robert inuadeth England. being aduertised, ment to preuent him, and ther­vpon in the octaues of the Natiuitie of saint Iohn [Page 224] Baptist, he entered into England with an armie néere to Carleill, and burnt a manor place that some­time belonged to him at Rosse, and Allerdale, and spoiled the monasterie of Holme, notwithstanding The abbeie of Holme burnt. his fathers corps was there interred.

From thence he marched forward, destroieng and spoiling the countrie of Copland, and so kéeping vp­on his iournie, passed Doden sands, towards the ab­beie of Fourneis: but the abbat méeting him on the Fourneis ab­beie. waie, redéemed his lands from spoile, and brought 10 king Robert to his house, and made to him great chéere: but yet the Scots could not hold their hands from burning and spoiling diuerse places; and mar­ching forward vnto Cartmele beyond Leuin sands, Leuin sands. burnt and spoiled all the countrie about, except a pri­orie of blacke canons which stood there. Passing from thence they came to Lancaster, which towne they al­so The towne of Lancaster burnt. burnt, saue onelie the priorie of blacke moonks, and a house of preaching friers. Héere came to them the earle of Murrey, and the lord Iames Dowglasse 20 with an other armie, wherevpon marching further southwards, they came to Preston in Anderneis, Preston in Anderneis burnt. and burnt that towne also, the house of friers mi­nors onelie excepted.

And thus being foure score miles within Eng­land from their owne borders, they returned home­wards with all their prisoners, cattell, and other boe­ties which they had got in that iournie, comming to Carleill on the éeue of saint Margaret, and lodging about that towne the space of fiue daies, they wasted 30 and destroied the corne, & all other things that came within their reach. Which doone, on saint Iames e­uen they entred into Scotland againe, hauing béene within England at this time thrée weekes and thrée daies. Immediatlie heerevpon, to wit, about the K. Edward raiseth an ar­mie. feast of Lammas, king Edward with his armie came to Newcastell, and desirous to be reuenged of such iniuries doone to his subiects, entered into Scot­land, and passing foorth till he came to Edenburgh, He entered Scotland. through want of vittels and other necessarie prouisi­on, 40 he was constreined to returne home within the space of 15 daies. For king Robert aduertised of his comming, had caused all the corne and cattell in the countrie to be conueied out of the waie into cer­teine forts, wherevnto the Englishmen might not come to get it into their hands, & so to relieue them­selues therewith. But in their returning homeward, somewhat to reuenge their displeasures, they spoiled and burnt the abbeies of Melrose, and Driburgh, with diuerse other religious houses and places, not 50 The abbeies of Mewrose or Melrose & Driburgh burned. King Robert inuadeth the north parts of England, ap­proching al­most to Yorke. sparing anie kind of crueltie against all those of the inhabitants that fell into their hands.

In reuenge heereof, king Robert shortlie after en­tred with a puissant armie into England, spoiling & wasting the countrie, till he came almost to Yorke. At length, hearing that king Edward was com­ming towards him with an armie, he chose a plot of ground betwixt the abbeie of Biland and saint Sa­uiour, there to abide battell; which king Edward re­fused not to giue, though in the end he was put to 60 K. Edward is put to flight. flight with his whole power, and chased with great slaughter both of Englishmen and Normans, which were there in his aid. Diuerse also of the nobilitie were taken prisoners, as Iohn de Britaine earle of The earle of Richmond is taken. 1323. Richmond, and Henrie Sowlie, with others. This battell was fought in the yéere of our Sauiour 1323, 15 daies after the feast of saint Michaell the archan­gell. King Edward lieng the same time at the abbeie Ri. Southwell. Riuale abbeie. of Riuale, aduertised of this ouerthrow, fled and got him into Yorke, leauing his plate and much other stuffe behind him for want of cariage in that his sud­den departure, which the Scots comming thither found, and tooke awaie with them. And from thence they passed foorth into Yorkeswold, spoiling and wa­sting Yorkeswold wasted by Scots. the countriemen vnto Beuerleie, which towne for a summe of monie they were contented to spare, and so then they returned homewards, entering a­gaine into Scotland on All soules day, which is the second of Nouember, after they had remained with­in England at that time the space of a moneth and foure daies.

Shortlie after, king Robert sent an ambassador to the French king [to pacifie him offended with them Fr. Thin. Buchanan. for the English] and to renew the ancient bond of a­mitie betwixt the two realmes of Scotland and The bond of amitie betwixt Scotland and France re­newed with new articles France, which was accomplished with this new con­dition added to the former articles, that if it chanced that succession failed touching the inheritance of the crowne of either realme, so that a doubt should rise, who ought by right to inioy the same, the claime and title thereof should be tried and decided by the nobles of both the realmes; and further, that they should not onelie remooue and exclude all such as went about wrongfullie to vsurpe the crowne, but also to defend and mainteine the true inheritor to the vttermost of their powers. In confirmation of this couenant, both the kings receiued the sacrament. And for further ratifieng of it, they made a prouiso, that whereas (then) they had the popes consent héereto, neither he, A prouiso. nor anie of his successors héereafter should dispense with them for the breaking of that bond; and if they did, euerie such dispensation should be reputed void and of none effect.

In this yéere 1323 (as Richard Southwell repor­teth) Ri. Southwell. about the Ascension day, came commissioners from the two kings of England and Scotland, vnto Newcastell, there to treate of some agréement of peace. For the king of England came Amerie de Ualence earle of Penbroke, the lord Hugh Spen­ser the yoonger, and foure other persons sufficientlie authorised. And for the king of Scots came the bi­shop of saint Andrewes, Thomas Randall earle of Murrey, and foure other persons likewise of good calling. After much talke, in the end they agréed vp­on a truce to indure for 13 yéeres, which was procla­med in both realmes about the feast of saint Barna­bie next insuing. About this time also, or not long be­fore, Hamton an Englishman, of whome the Hamiltons are descended. an Englishman descended of noble linage, cal­led Hamton, chanced for speaking certeine woords in commendation of king Robert, to fall at variance with one of king Edwards priuie chamber, named Iohn Spenser; insomuch that fighting togither a­bout the same woords, Hamtons hap was to slea this Spenser, & therevpon knowing there was no waie but death, if he should hap to be caught, he fled with all spéed into Scotland, where he was receiued of the king in most friendlie wise, and had giuen to him for the maintenance of his estate like a gentleman, the lands of Cadzow [which (as saith Buchanan) he called by the name of Hamilton.] Fr. Thin.

The posteritie of this Hamton remaineth in Scot­land vnto this day, increased so in kinred and honor, by reason it was in processe of time mingled with the kings bloud, that few linages in that realme are of like estimation. They are now called Ha­miltons, The Hamil­tons mingled with the kings bloud. Fr. Thin. somewhat changed from the name of their first beginner. [Donald earle of Marre, was made by king Edward the second gardian or capteine of the castell of Bristow in England, the which he kept 1325. Scala chron. vntill the comming of quéene Isabell against hir husband Edward the second, at what time he deliue­red the same into the hands of the said queene, and re­turned into Scotland.]

In the meane time, Edward king of England be­ing ruled altogither by two of the Spensers, as Hugh the father and Hugh the sonne, ran so farre in­to the hatred of his people, as well the nobles as commons, that in the end he was deposed of all K. Edward deposed. [Page 225] kinglie authoritie, committed to prison, and in fine secretlie murthered, as in the English historie more plainelie appéereth.

His sonne Edward the third was placed in his His son Ed­ward the third crowned. 1326. Ri. Southwell. The castell of Norham. roome, and crowned the 26 day of Ianuarie, in the yéere 1326. In the night of the same day in which he receiued the crowne, the Scots ment to haue stolne the castell of Norham by scaling, and they went so cunninglie about their purpose, that they were to the number of 16 of them got aloft on the wals: but the 10 capteine of this castle Robert Maners being war­ned aforehand of their comming by one of his soul­diers that was a Scotishman borne, suddenlie assai­led them, fiue nine or ten of them, and tooke fiue pri­soners aliue, but sore wounded, so as this misfortune falling to them in the beginning of king Edward the third his reigne, might haue beene a for warning of their losses to follow in the daies of his gouerne­ment.

Whilest these things were a dooing in England, 20 king Robert though he might séeme to haue title iust inough to the crowne of Scotland, which he had pos­sessed now not onlie by rightfull conquest, but also by lawfull interest of inheritance for a certeine num­ber of yéeres, by consent of all the estates of the realme; yet to the end to put awaie all doubts, and to conclude the succession of the Balioll from all claime, which heereafter they might pretend to the crowne of Scotland, he sent sir Iames Dowglasse into France vnto the lord Iohn Balioll, to require 30 Iames Dow­glasse sent into France to the Balioll. him to transpose and resigne all the challenge of right and interest which he might séeme to haue to the crowne of Scotland, as well for himselfe as his heires & successors for euer, to king Robert le Bruse, and his heires. In consideration of which resignati­on, he offered faire lands and rents to him to be ap­pointed foorth in Scotland.

The Balioll being now sore worne with age, and thereto blind of bodilie sight, lightlie consented vn­to this motion, considering (as he said) he tooke it to 40 be the ordinance of almightie God, that king Robert should inioy the gouernement of the Scotish king­dome, as most woorthie and able thereto, hauing de­liuered the same, and defended it most valiantlie from the hands of most cruell enimies. He called therefore his friends and kinsmen togither, in the presence of whome he wholie resigned vnto king Ro­bert The resigna­tion of the Balioll to king Robert. and his heires, all the right and title which he or anie other for him either had, or héereafter might haue to the crowne of Scotland, concerning anie in­terest 50 or claime which might be auouched for anie cause or consideration, from the beginning of the world vnto that present day. After the returne of sir Iames Dowglasse foorth of France, with so good ex­pedition and dispatch of that businesse wherabout he was sent, king Robert verie ioifull thereof, assem­bled a parlement of the nobles and other estates of A parlement at Cambus­kenneth. In act for the succession of the crowne. the realme at Cambuskenneth, where he procured a new act to be established touching the succession of the crowne, which was, that if his sonne Dauid de­ceassed 60 without heires of his bodie lawfullie begot­ten, that then Robert Steward begotten on Marge­rie Bruse his daughter, should succéed in possession of the crowne. All the lords at the same time were sworne to mainteine this ordinance.

In the meane while, king Edward the third sent vnto king Robert for peace, but for somuch as it was perceiued to be but a coloured pretense, no conclusi­on thereof insued, but preparation made on either part for wars. King Robert shortlie after fell sicke, by reason whereof, being not able to ride abroad, nor to trauell himselfe, he committed the administration The rule of things com­mitted to Thomas of all things touching the common-wealth, and other the affaires of the realme vnto Thomas Randall, earle of Murrey, and to the lord Iames Dowglasse, Randall and to Iames Dowglasse. two capteins, for their high prowesse and noble vali­ancie in those daies greatlie renowmed. These two hardie chiesteins assembling an armie of twentie They inuade Northumber­land. Fr. Thin. Buchanan. thousand men, or (as some writers haue) 25 thou­sand, entered with the same into Northumberland, wasting & spoiling the countrie on ech side. [And in­countring with an assemblie of the English at Dar­lington, there slue manie of them, and put the rest to 1327. flight.] Against whome came king Edward with an armie of an hundred thousand men: of the which King Ed­ward the third commeth with an armie against them. number there were (as Froissard saith) eight thou­sand horssemen, and 24 thousand archers. At their comming into Northumberland, they might well perceiue by the smoke of the fiers, which the Scots made in burning of villages, houses, and townes, where the enimies were: but yet because they taried not long in a place, but passed on without soiorning here or there, the Englishmen might not come néere to fight with them.

King Edward therefore was counselled to draw towards Scotland, that lieng betwixt them and home, he might haue them at some aduantage as they should returne, which was thought should be shortlie, as well for lacke of vittels, as also to de­fend their owne borders, when they heard once that the English armie drew that waies foorth. But comming to the riuer of Tine, through abundance of raine (latelie fallen) the streame was so risen, that neither horsse nor man might passe, so that the armie was constreined to incampe there for the space of thrée daies, in great scarsitie of vittels, till they were faine to send vnto Newcastell (which was distant from thence 26 miles) and to Carleill (which was about 22. miles thence) for prouision, which was sent them from those places in great plentie. In the meane time were thus certeine light horsse­men sent abroad into the countrie, to vnderstand where the Scots were, and to view their dooings. [Upon proclamation before made by the king (that Fr. Thin. who so could bring him word where the Scots were harbored, should haue a hundred pounds of yéerelie reuenues in recompense for the same; Thomas Rokesbeie after diligent search, brought word to the king thereof:] for those which were sent, finding The Scots are incamped on a hill. where the Scots were incamped, vpon the top of a mounteine, not past sixe miles from the English campe, returned backe to king Edward, and decla­red what they had séene and learned of the enimies dooings.

King Edward right ioifull of the news, causeth his armie to be diuided into thrée battels, and foorth­with marcheth on towards the place where his eni­mies laie. And comming about noone daies within sight of the Scots, he perceiued at length that the place which they kept was so strong, what with the heigth of the ground, & thereto defended on the one side with the course of a riuer, that by no means they might be assailed without great and manifest danger. The Englishmen in the end thought it best to choose foorth a place to incampe in for that The English men sent to the Scots. night, and so dooing, sent an herald at armes vnto the Scots, requiring them to come downe vnto some euen ground where battell might be giuen; but the Scots refused so to doo, alledging that sith the Englishmen were three to one in number, it was no The answer of the Scots. reason to will them to forsake their ground of ad­uantage which they had taken and chosen foorth for their owne defense.

Thus were they incamped néere togither either in sight of other for the space of thrée nights, euerie day shewing themselues in order of battell, without breaking their arraie, except certeine of the horsse­men, which on either part now and then came foorth [Page 226] and fell in skirmish, so that sometimes a man might haue seene good emptieng of saddles betwixt them. On the fourth day in the morning, when the Eng­lishmen beheld the hill where the Scots had lien the night before, they perceiued how they were gone, The Scots dislodge. and therevpon sending foorth light horssemen to trie out which way they had taken, word was brought how they were but remoued to an other hill a little off, heng fast by the same riuer, and there lay in­camped more stronglie than before. Incoutinentlie 10 The English armie raised. herevpon, king Edward raiseth his campe, and re­moueth to an other hill lieng ouer against that hill where the Scots with their power were now lodged. At length, after that both the armies had lien thus a good space the one ouer against the other, Iames Dowglasse tooke aduise with himselfe to exploit a right hardie enterprise.

He chose foorth two hundred of perfect good horsse­men, mounted vpon verie swift and readie gel­dings, with the which in the night season he passed 20 stilie by the English watch, that he was not once An enterprise exploited by sir Iames Dowglasse. descried by anie of them, till he was entered into their campe, where, by the noise of the moouing of the horsse féet, some chanced to awake that lay asléepe. But yet yer the alarme were raised to anie purpose, the Scots thus led by Dowglas hadpersed through, euen vnto the kings tent, and cut two cords of the same in sunder, so that the king was in no small danger to haue beene slaine, had not the Scots withdrawen the sooner for doubt of being inclosed 30 with their enimies as now raised on each side to come to his succors, but Dowglasse yet returned in safetie with his number backe againe to the Scotish campe, hauing slaine (as some books report) thrée hundred Englishmen at this brunt. The English­men warned hereby, tooke better heed after to their watch.

These armies lay thus one against an other for the space of eightéene daies, till at length the Scots The Scots secretlie re­turne home to their countrie. priuilie in the night conueied themselues away, and 40 returned home in most spéedie wise, supposing they had doone sufficientlie inough for that time. It chan­ced that in the euening, before the Scots went thus their waies, there was a Scot taken by the English watch, who being brought before the king, confes­sed that there was commandement giuen through the Scotish campe, that euerie man should be readie with his armor and weapon to follow the standard of Dowglasse at a certeine houre the same night, but whither they intended to go, it was vnknowne, 50 saue onelie amongest the capteins. Herevpon the English doubting least the Scots minded to giue them a camisado that night, placed themselues in order of battell, and so stood till the next morning readie to haue receiued them, if they had come. The Scots also made great fires within their campe, that they might sée about them. In the breake of the day, there were two Scotish trumpeters taken by the English scouts, the which being brought before the king, declared that the Scotish armie was bro­ken 60 vp and returned, and further shewed how they were appointed thus to declare vnto him, hauing suffered themselues to be taken for the same intent. As soone as the Englishmen were aduertised that the Scots were thus departed, they hasted to the place where they had lien incamped, in hope to haue found some riches, which for hast they had left be­hind them: but at their comming thither, they found nothing, but 20000 paires of hieland shooes, which are made of the gréene hides of beasts vntanned. Also they found thrée hundred hides of sauage beasts set vpon stakes in stead of caldrons, therein to seeth their meat. Moreouer, they had left behind them fiue hundred dead carcasses of beasts & shéepe, which for that they could not driue them away, they killed, to the end the Englishmen should haue no gaine by them. There were like wise found fiue Eng­lishmen with their legs broken, & bound naked vn­to trées, which were quicklie loosed and committed to the cure of surgians. The enimies being thus de­parted, king Edward by aduise of his councell brake vp his campe, and returned to London, supposing King Ed­ward brea­keth vp his campe. it but lost labour to trauell his people anie further at that time.

In this yeare died Walter Steward, father to Robert Steward, that was after king of Scot­land. And in this yeare following or rather the same 1326, as Io. Maior saith, but that can­not be, if she died the same yeare that the Scots were besieged in Stan [...] parke. Norham ca­stell woone. Alnewike besieged. Ambassadors sent from K. Edward for a peace. A peace con­cluded with England in the yeare 1328, after the account of them that be­gin the yeare at Christ­masse. Iane, or ra­ther Ione, the sister of king Edward, ma­ried to Dauid Bruse prince of Scotland. yeare, Q. Elizabeth mother to Dauid Bruse the prince deceassed, and was buried in Dunfirmling [...] the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour 1328. In the same yeare, king Robert wan the castell of Nor­ham, and shortlie after besieged the castell of Aln­wike, where were slaine William de Mountalte knight, Iohn Clapauen, and Malisius de Dunbar, with diuerse other of the Scotish nobilitie. In the end of the same yeare, there were ambassadors sent from king Edward into Scotland for the conclusion of a peace, which was accorded in this wise: that K. Edward should renounce all his right & claime which he had or might haue to the crowne of Scot­land, in declaring it frée as it was in time of king Alexander the third, vnder these conditions, that Northumberland should be admitted for the mar­ches of Scotland on the east part, and Cumberland on the west. For the which renuntiation thus to be made, and for the damages doone to England by the Scots, it was couenanted that king Robert should pay to king Edward thirtie thousand marks ster­ling. And for the more suertie and ratification of this finall agréement and peace betwixt the two na­tions, it was concluded that Iane the sister of king Edward should be coupled in mariage with Dauid Bruse the prince of Scotland.

All which articles were put in writing, wherevn­to all the seals of the great lords within both the realms were set in most substantiall wise. The so­lemnization of the mariage before remembred was kept at Berwike within a while after, on the eigh­téenth day of Iulie, in the presence of a great num­ber of the nobilitie, both of England and Scotland. King Robert liued not past twelue moneths after The death of king Robert. this mariage, departing out of this life at Cardros the seuenth day of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 1329. In the latter end of his daies, he was grée­uouslie vexed with a leprosie, which thus finallie 1329. made an end of him, in the twentie fourth yeare of his reigne, being one of the most valiant princes knowen in anie part of the whole world in those his daies, hauing felt in his time the force of either for­tune. King Robert tasted both prosperous and aduerse fortune. for in the beginning of his reigne, such storms of aduersitie surrounded him on each side, that if his constant manhood had not béene the greater, it might haue brought him in despaire of all recoue­rie: for beside sundrie discomfitures, which he recei­ued at the hands of the enimies, with losse of all his brethren (his brother Edward onlie excepted) the most part of all the lords of Scotland were against him, and aided his aduersaries to the vttermost of his power: yet he nothing discouraged herewith, ceassed not to imploy all industrious means to de­liuer his countrie from the yoke of seruile bondage (which he beléeued would succéed by the gouernment of the English kings) till at length (as it were in despite of all former chances) he atteined the effect of his whole indeuors, so much the more to his praise, as he had found the hinderance and difficultie great in bringing the same fullie to passe.

His fame therefore did spread hugelie, not onelie [Page 227] amongst his owne people, but also amongst stran­gers, The fame of king Robert. insomuch that his due praise was not wan­ting, no not euen amongst and in the midst of his verie enimies. For (as it is said) on a time it chan­ced that king Edward the third, sitting at a banket amongst his nobles, fell in talke with them of war­like His praise a­mongst the [...]mies. enterprises, and of such notable capteins as had excelled in knowledge in that behalfe. At length af­ter much reasoning to and fro, he proponed this A question proponed to [...]n English berald by king Edward the [...]rd. question to the king of heralds, that as then stood by, 10 commanding him to declare which were the thrée most worthie & valiant capteins that he had knowne in all his daies. The herald aduising with himselfe of this matter, staied a space, in which meane while all the companie were quiet, longing to heare his an­swere therein, both for that they knew his skill was such as was able best to giue sentence in such a mat­ter; and againe, for that manie of them thought hée would haue numbred some of those that were there present amongst those three. But the herald did not 20 onelie know all the noble men within the realme of England, but also all such strangers as had in anie wise ercelled in Martiall prowesse, hauing all their acts and valiant dooings in fresh memorie, and there­vpon boldlie vttered his mind as followeth.

‘The first, most woorthie and valiant chiefteine (said he) that hath liued in these our daies, was Henrie The heralds answer to the question. the emperour: for he subdued thrée kings and thrée realmes, and mainteined his imperiall estate and prosperous felicitie to his liues end. The second, was 30 sir Giles of Argentine, who in thrée sundrie battels against the Saracens got the victorie, & slue two of their principall capteins with his owne hands. The third (if vnder your graces correction I may praisethe enimie) I must iudge to be Robert Bruse king of Scotland:’ whom the herald had no sooner named, The herald is scorned. but all those that were present, with scornfull laugh­ter began to ieast at the heralds presumption, for that he durst so malapertlie in the kings presence honor the enimie with so high praise. At length, at 40 the heralds request, the king commanded them to be still. The herald then began againe thus: ‘I beséech your highnesse (said he) if I haue ought offended, to The heralds [...]xcuss. take my woords in good part: for I haue beene euer of this opinion, that the truth should in euerie case be vttered, receiued, and allowed in your presence; namelie, where your highnesse commandeth anie man to declare the same. This one thing therefore I shall desire you to consider, that if a man must The heralds opinion. néeds be vanquished, it is lesse dishonor to be van­quished 50 of him that is knowne for a right valiant personage, than of him that is but a coward. More­ouer, to shew plainelie vnto your grace, how much I estéeme the valiancie of king Robert (whome I perceiue some here may not abide to haue numbred with the two former most valiant capteins) if truth might appeare, I durst be bold to preferre him with good cause before them both: for the valiant acts at­chiued by Henrie the emperour may be ascribed rather to the wisedome of his councellors, than to 60 his owne valiantnesse and prudence: but contrari­lie, The opinion of the herald concerning king Roberts valiancie. king Robert being confined out of his countrie, and destitute of friends and all conuenient aid, re­couered the realme of Scotland, by his singular manhood, out of the hands of your noble father, and established it with such tranquillitie, that he appea­red more terrible to his enimies of England, than euer they had béene afore to his subiects of Scot­land.’ ¶ These or the like words vttered by the he­rald, were well allowed of the king, and stopped the mouths of them that tooke the matter so strange­lie at the first.

But now to returne to the purpose. King Robert a little before the time of his death, called togither into the chamber where he laie, the chiefest péeres of his realme, and there in presence of them all, com­mitted vnto them the gouernment of his sonne Da­uid, a child as then not past seuen yéeres of age. He also aduised them of sundrie things touching the rule of the realme after his decease, which he perceiued was at hand. And first he counselled them, that in no wise they should at anie time make an absolute lord The aduise giuen by king Robert vnto his nobles be­fore his de­ceasse. ouer the Iles, bicause the people of the same are of nature vnstedfast, and soone seduced and brought to mooue rebellion against the king, into the which be­ing once fallen, they are not easilie reduced to their due obedience againe, by reason their countries are of such strength, that they cannot be approched but by sea, as inuironed with the same. Secondarilie, he ad­uised them neuer to appoint anie set battell with the Englishmen, nor to ieopard the realme vpon the chance of one field: but rather to resist and keepe them off from indamaging their countrie, by often skirmishing, & cutting them off at streicts & places of aduantage, to the intent that if the Scots be dis­comfited, they may haue some power yet reserued to make new resistance. Thirdlie, he forbad them in a­nie wise to make any long peace with England; for naturallie men wax dull and slouthfull by long rest and quietnes, so that after long peace, through lacke of vse and exercise of armes, men are not able to susteine anie great paines or trauell.

Morouer, he alledged, how the Englishmen would continue in peace no longer than there wanted o­portunitie and conuenient occasion for them to at­tempt the warres: and therefore he iudged it best, that the Scots should neuer conclude anie perpetu­all peace with them, nor take anie truce longer than for thrée or foure yéeres at the most. He willed them further, to consider one thing, that when their appea­red least occasion of warres with England, then they ought to be most circumspect, least peraduen­ture their enimies should come at vnwares, and find them vnprouided for timelie resistance. Herevnto he desired them, that after his deceasse, they would His desire to haue his heart borne to the holy sepulchre choose some one of the most worthie capteins within the whole realme, to beare his heart vnto Ierusa­lem, and there to sée it buried within the temple, be­fore the holie sepulchre of our Lord. For if he had not beene for a long space hindered by vrgent busi­nesse of warres at home, and lastlie preuented by death, he had vowed to haue passed with an armie into the holie land, in defense of the christian faith, a­gainst the Turkes and Saracens.

Herevpon when he was dead, the lords by one as­sent, The cause why the Dowglasses beare the bloudie heart. appointed sir Iames Dowglasse to take this enterprise in hand, who willinglie obeied their order, as he that had euer during the life of king Robert, serued most faithfullie the bodie wherein the same heart was inclosed, & for this cause the Dowglasses beare the bloudie heart in their armes. Fr. Thin. The com­mendations of which king Robert, Buchanan setteth foorth (to comprehend manie things in few words) to be: that he was euerie way a most woorthie person, and that there were few to be found (from the for­mer heroicall daies) equall vnto him in all kinds of vertue. For as he was in battell most valiant, so There is no bodie but hath his shadow, no rese but hath his pricke. was he in peace most temperate & iust. And though his vndiuided good successe and perpetuall course of victories (after that fortune was once satisfied or ra­ther weried with his misfortunes) were verie great, yet he séemeth to Buchanan to be farre more woon­derfull in his aduerse fortune: whose valure of mind was such, that it could not be broken (no not so much as weakened) by so manie euils as happened vnto him at one time: whose singular constancie appea­red by the captiuitie of his wife, and the death of his valiant brethren. And besides that, his friends were [Page 228] at one time vexed with all kind of calamities, and they which escaped death, were banished with the losse of their sustance: he himselfe was not onelie spoiled of all his patrimonie, but of the kingdome also, by the mightiest king of that age Edward the first, king of England, a man most readie in counsell, and of dispatch of his affaires as well in warre as peace. Yea, so farre was this Bruse oppressed at one time with all these kinds of euils, that he was driuen into extreame pouertie. In all which misfortunes he ne­uer 10 doubted of the recouerie of the kingdome, nei­ther did or said anie thing vnbeseeming the noble Hyperbolicall commenda­tions. mind of a king, for he offered no violent hands to himselfe, as did the late Cato and Marcus Brutus, neither with Marius did he pursue his enimies with continuall hatred. For when he had recouered his former estate, he so liued with them that most occa­sioned his labour and trouble, that he rather remem­bred himselfe to be a king ouer them, and not an eni­mie vnto them. To conclude, he did not so forsake 20 himselfe towards his end (when a grieuous disease added troubles to age) but that he confirmed and established the present estate of the kingdome, and prouided for the quiet of posteritie, whereby his sub­iects did not so much lament his death, as that they were depriued of so iust a king and godlie father.)

Sir Iames Dowglasse then chosen as most wor­thie to passe with king Roberts heart vnto the ho­lie land, closed the same in a case of gold, imbalmed with sweet spices, & right pretious ointments. And 30 herewith hauing in his companie a number of no­bles, and gentlemen, amongst whom sir William Sinclare and sir Robert Logan were chiefe, he pas­sed foorth till he came to the citie of Ierusalem, where he buried the heart aforesaid, with all reuerence and solemnitie that he might deuise. This doone, he resor­ted with such number as he had brought thither with The valian­cie of Iames Dowglasse shewd against the Turkes. him, vnto such other christian princes as at the same time were gathered with great puissance, from sun­drie parts of christendome to war with the Turks, 40 and there in companie with them, he did so noble ser­uice against the common enimies of our religion, that by his often victories he wan great honor to the christian name. At length, hauing accomplished his charge in those parties, with no lesse fame and glo­rie than princelie magnificence, he tooke the seas to haue returned home into Scotland: but by force of Iames Dow­glas commeth on land in Spaine. contrarie winds he was driuen on the coast of Spaine, landing there vpon the borders of Grana­do, where at the same time he found the king of A­ragon, 50 readie to make warres against the Sara­cens that inhabited in those parties.

The Dowglasse, to make his manhood and pro­wesse the more knowne in all parts where he came, offered the king of Aragon to serue vnder him in those warres against the infidels, and so fought at sundrie times in his support against the enimies, with prosperous successe, till at length hauing too much confidence in fortunes fauour (which hath brought so manie noble men to their deaths) hée 60 waxed negligent, and tooke small regard of dangers that might insue, so that in the end, he was inclosed by an ambush laid for him by the enimies, and there Iames Dow­glas slaine by the Saracens in Spaine. slaine amongst them, with all such as he had about him. This was the end of that noble Dowglasse, one of the most valiant knights that liued in his daies. He had gotten the victorie 57 sundrie times in fight against the Englishmen, and 13 times a­gainst How often Iames Dow­glasse had got the victorie. the Turkes, at it is written at length (saith Bellenden) in Scotichronicon. He might haue beene right necessarie for the defense of Scotland, if his chance had béene to haue returned home in safetie. He ended his life in maner (as is before mentioned) on the 26 day of August, in the yere of Grace 1330. 1330.

BUt now to procéed in order with the historie, yee Dauid. shall note, that after the decease of king Robert, his sonne Dauid, a child scarse seuen yéeres of age, was proclamed king, and afterwards crowned at Scone, the 23 day of Nouember, in the yéere of our Lord 1331. During the time of his minoritie, earle 1331. Earle Tho­mas Randall gouernor of Scotland. Thomas Randall was ordeined gouernor of the realme, who for the space of foure yéeres in the latter end of K. Roberts reigne, had the whole administra­tion of things committed to his charge by the same king, for that by reason of sicknesse he was not able to attend the same himselfe. This earle Thomas then being elected gouernor by the generall consent of all the nobles of the realme, considered with himselfe, how necessarie it was for the people to continue in peace, till they had somewhat recouered their hinde­rance & losses chanced to them by the former wars. He addressed therefore certeine ambassadors imme­diatlie after the death of king Robert, vnto the king Ambassadors sent into England. of England, to require a new confirmation of the peace betwixt both the realmes for a season. These ambassadours found the king of England easie i­nough to be intreated for the grant of their sute, so that a generall truce was taken for the space of thrée A truce for thrée yeeres. yéeres.

In that meane time, earle Thomas applied his whole studie for the maintenance of iustice and equi­tie through the whole realme, not omitting yet to ap­point order, that men should be prouided of armor and weapon for defense of the countrie, if neces­sitie so required. [Wherefore when he was going to Fr. Thin. Buchanan. Uictone (a towne in Galloway) woord was brought to him, that there was a strong assemblie of théeues in that countrie, besetting the high waies, and spoi­ling the passengers: whervpon sending foorth a com­panie of his followers, he apprehended and hanged them all, not fauouring anie vnder pretext of deuo­tion or religion. For one of them latelie come from Rome (and safe as he supposed by the charter of the popes pardon) was also apprehended and executed by appointment of this Randall, saieng, that the par­don of the fault belonged to the pope, but the punish­ment thereof belonged to the king.]

Moreouer, for the better proofe of exercising iu­stice amongst them that coueted to liue by truth, and to haue more readie occasion to punish others that ment the contrarie, he commanded the saddles and bridles, with all other such instruments and stuffe A meane to haue iustice executed. as perteined to husbandrie, should be left abroad both day and night without the doores: and if it chan­ced that anie of them were stollen or taken awaie, the shiriffe of the shire should either cause the same to be restored againe, or else to paie for it on his owne pursse. Finallie, such punishment was exercised Punishment of théeues. against théeues in all places, that both theft and pil­fering were quite suppressed, and the realme brought to more tranquillitie than euer it was in anie kings daies before. Manie insolent and misruled persons were tamed by his seuere chastisement and iustice. Also that vertue might bée cherished within the A laudable ordinance a­gainst vaga­rant persons. realme, he commanded that no vagabund nor idle person should be receiued into anie towne or place, except they had some craft or science wherewith to get their liuings. By this meanes he purged the realme of Scotland of manie idle & slouthfull roges and vagabunds.

It is said, that during the time whilest such streict punishment was exercised against offendors, by the ministers of the lawes thereto by him authorised and assigned: it fortuned that a carle of the countrie, bi­cause he durst not steale other mens goods, stole his owne plow irons, that he might haue the value of them recompensed to him by the shiriffe: neuerthe­lesse, such earnest diligence was vsed in the search [Page 229] and triall, who had the plow irons, that finallie the truth came to light, wherevpon for his craftie false­hood the partie giltie was hanged, as he had well de­serued. Upright iu­stice. The gouernor himselfe, for that he saw how hard it was to reduce them that had beene brought vp in slouthfull loitering, vnto honest exercise, held euer about him a gard of warlike persons, that hée might the more easilie oppresse all stubborne often­dors, which would not submit themselues to his com­mandements. Those that appeared before him, vpon 10 summons giuen, had fauourable iustice, tempe­red Iustice tem­pered with mercie. with much mercie ministred vnto them.

Others that refused to obeie, were pursued with his gard, and hanged euer as they were taken: as it happened on a time at Haddington, where threescore euill and naughtie disposed persons being gathered togither, robbed and spoiled the people on each side: Stubborne rebels sharpe­lie punished. and for that they regarded not, but rather misused a purseuant, whom he sent vnto them, they were all ta­ken incontinentlie by his foresaid gard, which follo­wed 20 the said purseuant at the heeles, and without re­spit hanged them vp on gibbets to giue example to others. Thorough such rigorous iustice, no rebel­lion was heard of within the realme of Scotland K Edward enuieth the felicitie of the Scots. manie yeres after, so that such tranquillitie folowed, that not onelie theeues and loitering lubbers were daunted, but the realme also aduanced in wealth and riches, to the great terror of all the foes and enimies thereof. King Edward aduertised of this great fe­licitie chanced to the Scots by this meanes, began to enuie the same, and imagined with himselfe, that 30 if earle Thomas, the author of the same felicitie were dispatched out of the way, it should not onelie impeach the procéeding of so great wealth to the Scots, but also make for the suertie of the realme of England: for the singular manhood and high pro­wesse of this earle was by him and other his nobles sore suspected.

He thought good therefore to attempt the thing by sleight, which might not be doone by force, that after­wards K. Edwards purpose to de­stroie earle Thomas (as the Scots doo write.) But this is a kind of practise a­mongst men to forge slan­derous re­ports to bring princes in contempt. the realme of Scotland might be the more 40 inféebled, and as it were made open to receiue dis­pleasure at his hands. For king Dauid was yoong, and manie of his nobles bare small good will ei­ther towards him, or his house, for the slaughter of their fathers and friends in the blacke parlement. Herevpon he deuised, which way he might best de­stroie earle Thomas, the onlie confounder of all his imagined hope, as to atchiue anie luckie enterprise against the Scots. At length he deuised to dispatch 50 him by poison: and after he had long debated by whome he might worke that feat: finallie he found none so fit for his purpose, as a moonke of the order and facultie of those, that wandering from place to place, can with dissembling visage say that thing with mouth, which they neuer thought in heart: for oftentimes men of that order, put no difference be­twixt shame and honestie, cloking their execrable wickednesse vnder the feined shadow of their hypo­criticall cowles. 60

This moonke, fullie instructed in that wherabout he was sent, came into Scotland, and feming him­selfe I moonke sent into Scotlād to poison the gouernor. The fittest in­strument to bring such a thing to passe. to be a physician, got credit within a while a­mongst the people, to be a man of most excellent knowledge, for he had a companion with him, that being made priuie to the matter, set foorth his cun­ning and practise to the vttermost, declaring what notable and most desperat cures he had taken in hand, and made the patients perfectlie whole of the same, where all other had quite giuen them ouer: namelie he bruted it abroad, that for healing of the stone and grauell, his like was not to be found in all chastendome, as euidentlie had appeared by cures which he had shewed vpon sundrie noble men, both in England and France. This he spake, for that it was knowne, how the lord gouernor was sore vexed with that disease, hoping by this meanes to haue him in cure, that he might thereby the more easilie worke his diuelish enterprise.

And euen according to his desire it came to passe: for being taken for such a man as he was named to be, he was sent for to the gouernour, and comming before him, he handeled the matter so with woords, that the gouernour was contented he should take him in hand, which he did with such wicked intention, that persuading him to keepe such diet as he prescri­bed, and héerewith to take such sirrups & other things as he would giue him, at length he most traitorou­slie poisoned him in deed. The venem was of such mixture, as would not slea him out of hand, but by little and little waste his entrails, that the moonke The gouernor is poisoned. might haue leasure to escape home into England, yer it were perceiued what he had doone. He there­fore after he had ministred his wicked poison, found meanes to conueie himselfe out of the waie, and re­turned most spéedilie into England, informing king The moonke fléeth. Edward how he had delt. The gouernor féeling him­selfe tormented dailie woorse and woorse in his sto­mach and wombe, and hearing that the moonke was gone, and minded not to returne to him againe, he began to doubt the matter, and shortlie after learned by physicians that he was poisoned, and that the ve­nem had taken such hold within his bowels, that it was not possible to remooue it.

In the meane time was king Edward come with K. Edward his purpose to inuade Scot­land. an armie to the borders, purposing to inuade Scot­land, for that he thought how the gouernour was ei­ther dead, or at the verie point of death, and therefore he was in hope, that comming in time of the trouble vpon his death into Scotland, he should find occasion to atchiue some enterprise, highlie to his aduantage. But the gouernour aduertised heereof, raised a pow­er, and though he were not able either to ride or go, The gouer­nour in an horsselitter is caried foorth to incounter the English­men. An herald sent to the go­uernour. yet he caused himselfe to be caried foorth in an horsse­litter. King Edward hearing that the gouernour was comming towards him with an armie, & that himselfe in person quite contrarie to his expectation, he sent an herald vnto him for meane of communi­cation of some peace, as was outwardlie pretended, though nothing else was ment but that he should es­pie how all things in the Scotish campestood. The gouernour hearing of this heralds comming, arrai­ed himselfe in his best apparell, that it might appéere he was rather recouered of his infirmitie, than o­therwise weake and féeble thorough his disease, and then causing the herald to be brought before him, where he was set in a chaire, to heare what his mes­sage was, which consisting in certeine demands not greatlie agreeable to reason, the gouernour with bold countenance answered, that he trusted within short time to make it knowne, what right the English­men had to mooue such vnreasonable requests, and The gouer­nours answer to the herald. thus dispatching the herald, he gaue him all such gor­geous and rich apparell as he ware at the same time when he thus talked with him.

King Edward at the returne of the herald, not perceiuing otherwise by his report, but that the go­uernor was in health, he returned immediatlie with his armie into England, and licencing euerie man to depart to his home, laid hands on the moonke, and The moonke is burnt. as one that had dissembled with his prince (for so he tooke it) caused him to be burnt for his vntruth. Thus was the wretch righteouslie recompensed, as he had most iustlie deserued. In the meane time, the gouer­nour returning homewards, through force of the ve­nem still increasing, deceassed at Muscleburgh, and was buried at Dunfirmling, in the yéere of our re­demption Fr. Thin. Buchanan. 1331. 1331. [He left behind him two sonnes, [Page 230] Thomas and Iohn, woorthie such a father, they being persons of great valure, and friends to their natiue countrie.]

After his deceasse, by common consent of the three estates of the realme in councell assembled, Patrike Two gouer­nours chosen to rule Scot­land. earle of March, and Dauid earle of Mar were chosen gouernors, the first (that is to say, the earle of March) had the charge of that part of the realme which lieth on the south side of the Forth, and the other (that is to say, the earle of Mar) was appointed to gouerne 10 all that on the north side. Shortlie after rose great trouble in Scotland by meanes of Edward Balioll, the son of Iohn Balioll before remembred, as thus: It chanced there was one Twinam Lorison, a Twinam Lo­rison. gentleman borne, but spotted with vile conditions, as adulterie, and diuerse other, for the which being put vnder censures of the church by the officiall of Glas­cow: he tooke at length the same officiall as he was going towards the towne of Aire, and held him in captiuitie, till he had paied two hundred pounds for 20 his deliuerance. But this iniurie remained not long vnpunished: for sir Iames Dowglasse, before his passage to the holie land, would not suffer him to rest, till he had constreined him to flée into England for his more safegard.

At his comming into England, he met with Da­uid Cumin earle of Atholl, and manie other Sco­tishmen, Scotish lords banished into England. which were banished in times past by king Robert, for that they assisted the king of England a­gainst him. These persons being driuen out of the 30 realme, and consederat altogither in one band, re­mained in England long time after, euer trusting to sée some occasion offered, whereby they might one day returne againe into their owne natiue coun­trie. And now, hearing that earle Thomas Kandall the gouernour was deceassed, this Twinam Lori­son Twinam Lo­rison sent vn­to Edward Balioll. in name of them all was sent ouer into France to persuade Edward Balioll to attempt the recoue­rie of the crowne and realme of Scotland, as the rightfull heritage of his father, and descended vnto 40 him as lawfull and rightfull heire. Though the Bali­oll had no regard to make anie claime at all to the crowne of Scotland before this time, yet through the pithie persuasions of the earnest messenger, decla­ring how easie a matter it were for him to atchiue, considering the aid which he should haue in England, both at the kings hands, and also by the Scotishmen which remained there in exile, by whose meanes he might assure himselfe of support inough within Scot­land it selfe, after he was once entered: finallie he 50 concluded to passe ouer into England, to proue what purchase he might make there.

At his comming thither, he made sute to the king, to aid him in his righteous quarell towards the at­teining Edward Ba­lioll commeth into England of the crowne of Scotland, which if he might bring to passe with prosperous successe, he promised to hold the same of him and his successors as superi­or lords The promise of the Balioll to K. Edward K. Edward d [...]oth agrée to aid the Bali­oll. The English writers speak but of two thousand, or 2500. at the most. Ri. Southwell. thereof. King Edward gladlie vpon that condition, condescended to his request, notwithstan­ding the aliance contracted with king Dauid, by the 60 mariage of him with his sister. Heerewith he appoin­ted foorth six thousand men well apparelled and arai­ed for the warre, to passe by sea with the Balioll, and other the confederats into Scotland, trusting that vpon their arriuall there, they should find no small number of friends to assist them. For beside the Ba­lioll, there was the lord Henrie Beaumount a Frenchman, who had maried the earle of Buthquha­nes daughter and heire: also the earles of Atholl & Angus [the lords Persie and Wake, Richard Tal­bot, Fr. Thin. Henrie Ferres, Iohn Mowbraie] & other Sco­tish lords such as were banished Scotland, when K. Robert le Bruse recouered it out of the English­mens hands. These were appointed to go with the Balioll to assist him in that enterprise: and likewise the lord Stafford, and diuerse other English cap­teins, wherevpon when all their prouision was once readie, with the number appointed them by king Ed­ward, Edward Ba­lioll landeth in Scotland. and a few others, they got them a shipboord, and sailing foorth by the coast till they entered into the Forth, at length they came on land néere the towne of Kingorne, and shortlie after, incountring with A­lexander Seiton, they slue him, and put his folkes to Alexander Seiton is [...]aine. The caries of Mar and March ga­ther their people. flight.

Balioll verie ioifull of this happie successe, came with his people to Perth, otherwise called S. Iohns towne, whereof the earles of Mar and March being aduertised, they raised two mightie armies, and ha­sted toward the enimies, not as though they should haue to doo with men of warre, but to chastise a num­ber of théeues and robbers that were come out of England. Yet at length they concluded to ioine both togither in Stratherne, that they might iointlie set vpon their enimies both at once. The Balioll séeing the matter brought so farfoorth, that no feare of death nor starting-hole by flight might auaile him, boldlie came forward, and pitched downe his tents at Du­plin Edward Ba­lioll at Du­plin. néere to the water of Erne, trusting that if his armie would stand to it, and fight with manlike con­stancie, he should weild his enimies well inough, notwithstanding their huge number. The same night came the earle of Mar with his power, and incamped with the same within sight of the English armie, but the earle of March lodged about fiue miles from thence, at Othirardour.

The Scots that were with the earle of Mar, ha­uing knowledge of the small number of their eni­mies, made no accounts of them, so that they neither The negli­gence of the Scots. tooke héed to their watch, nor to anie other order for defense of themselues, but fell to singing, dansing, re­uelling, and drinking, in most dissolute manner. The Balioll taking occasion héereof, determined to as­saile them the same night in their campe; and there­vpon causing his people to make them readie to ac­complish that enterprise, in the dead of the night he issued foorth of his campe, and comming vnto the water of Erne, passeth the same by the foord, where one Andrew Murrey of Tullibard had pight a stake of set purpose, in midst of the streame, to shew them the waie. Thus hauing got all his armie ouer the wa­ter, without anie noise or din, so secretlie as might be deuised, he entered the campe of his enimies, and brake through till he came to the tent of the earle of Mar, the Scots generall, before he was once descri­ed. Héere at the first was the earle himselfe slaine, The earle of Mar is slaine in his bed. lieng fast asléepe in his bed, & after with huge noise they set vpon the whole campe, murdering the Scots as then buried in sléepe without all defense. And therevpon followed so cruell slaughter, that nothing Sée more héereof in England. was heard but grunting and groning of people, as they lay on heapes readie to die, weltering togither in their owne bloud. And if it had not béene that Ed­ward Balioll had caused ech of his men to wrap a white cloth about his arme, no man might haue knowne (by reason of the darknesse of the night) his friend from his fo.

The Englishmen were so earnestlie be [...]t to the slaughter of Scots, that they might not be filled with the bloud and murder of them, so that they sa­ued The great slaughter of Scots. Sixteene thousand saith Ric. South­well. The earle of Mar was not slaine in the night as be­fore ye haue heard, but [...] in the [...] fol­lowing as such South­well. stble [...] slaine at Duplin. none whome they might ouertake. There were slaine of nobles and gentlemen, to the number of three thousand, beside innumerable of the commons. Acerteine number of the Scots that escaped out of the place, closed themselues togither, and in purpose to be reuenged on the Englishmen for the death of their fellowes, returned vpon them againe, and were slaine themselues euerie mothers sonne. The chiefest nobles that were slaine at this battell, were [Page 231] these, the earle of Mar generall of the armie, Ro­bert Bruse earle of Carrike, Alexander Fraseir knight, William Haie constable of Scotland, with all his linage so wholie, that had not his wife as then being great bellied, beéne afterwards deliuered of a sonne, all his surname had beene vtterlie extingui­shed. [Wherevpon saith Buchan. Thomas Randolph, Robert Bruse, William Seintclere bishop of Dun­keld, [...]. Thin. and Doncan Makduffe despairing of good suc­cesse, sware fealtie to Balioll.] There were slaine 10 also Robert Keith marshall of the realmé, with ma­nie of his surname, Dauid Lindseie of [...], Alexander [...]eiton, George Dunbar, Robert S [...]a­thaquhen, Thomas Hal [...]on, and Iohn Skrim­geour knights, with manie other ouerlong to re­hearse. The earle of [...] taken. The earle of [...] & a few other were taken. This battell was fought on the thirtéenth day of August, in the yeare 1332. After that Edward Ba­lioll 1332. H. B. had atchiued this victorie thus at Duplin, he went straightwaies vnto Perth (otherwise called 20 saint Iohns towne) and giuing assalt thereto, quicke­lie Perth [...]ne [...] Balioll entered it by force, without anie great resistance. The earle of March that lodged (as is said) the same night that the battell was sought, not past fiue miles off, hearing what had chanced both in the battell and towne, came with his people arraied in good and per­fect order vnto Perth aforesaid, to besiege the Eng­lishmen with Edward Balioll and other as then within it. But hauing lien there a cérteine space Perth besie­ged by the erle of March and filled the ditches in the meane time to such ad­uantage, 30 that it was thought if he had giuen the as­salt, he must needs haue entered, he suddenlie rai­sed from thence, and departed, to the vnspeakeable damage (as was thought) of the whole Scotish na­tion. He raiseth his siege. The siege being thus raised, there came dailie great numbers of nobles and commons to the Ba­lioll, offering him their aid and seruice as his loiall subiects, towards the atteining of his right to the crowne.

HErevpon, perceiuing his power sufficientlie in­creased, 40 and receiuing the othes of the earle of Fife, and William de Seintclere bishop of Dun­keld, he went accompanied with them and a great number of other, vnto Scone, where he was crow­ned Edward Balioll crowned king of Scotland, not the 24 of September, but the fourth of October, as Ri. Southwell saith. the 24 day of September, in the yeare last be­fore remembred, and receiued there the same time the homages and fealties of a great companie of no­bles & gentlemen, at that solemne feast there assem­bled. King Dauid being not past nine yeares of age, to auoid all dangers in that troublesome time, as 50 destitute of succors, by aduise of his councell, was conueied ouer into France with quéene Iane his King Dauid is conueied ouer into France. wife, sister to Edward king of England, and was most friendlie receiued by Philip king of France the sixt of that name, so that they remained there with him for the space of nine yeares. And in the meane time diuers noble men that yet remained at Ri. Southwell. the deuotion of king Dauid, vnderstanding that K. Edward le Balioll soiourned within the towne of Perth, otherwise called saint Iohns towne, which 60 standeth almost in the middle part of the realme, and was at that present not closed with anie wall, or rampire, they raised their powers, and besieged him within the same towne, he hauing as then no Saint Iohns towne besie­ged. great companie about him.

Whereof when they of Galloway had aduertise­ment, because the king was their speciall lord and chiefe gouernor, they assembled togither vnder the conduct of the lord Eustace de Makeswell, and inua­ded the lands of those Scotishmen that had thus be­sieged their lord king Edward Balioll, and by that means constreined the aduersaries to leuie their siege. Wherevpon earle Patrike and the new earle of Murrey, with the lord Andrew de Murrey, and the lord Archembald Dowglasse, with an armie as­sembled Galloway in­uaded. in all spéed, entered into Galloway, dooing all the mischiefe they could deuise, with fire & sword, taking & bringing away from thence a great num­ber of cattell and other goods; but they slue no great number of people, for they found them not at home, being withdrawen out of the way for feare of this terrible inuasion. Thus did the Scots in that part of the realme spoile & harrie each others countries.

In the meane time, king Edward le Balioll for­tified the towne of Perth, appointing the earle of Saint Iohns towne forti­fied. Fife to the kéeping thereof, whilest he with an ar­mie passed into the countrie; but before he returned, his aduersaries (that is to say) the sonnes of them that had béene slaine at the battell of Duplin, Ro­bert Keith, Alexander Lindseie, Iames and Simon Fraseir wan S. Iohns towne in the third moneth, after they had laid siege thereto, as Hector Boetius Saint Iohns towne woone. saith. But whither that is to be intended after the first besieging thereof, or now after their last co [...]ing thither, I can not affirme; but as the same Boetius writeth, now when the towne was woone, the earle of Fife, and Andrew Murrey of Tullibard, were taken, with other of their complices. The earle with his wife and children were sent to the castell of Kil­drummie, there to remaine vnder safe keeping; but Andrew Murrey for his treason afore committed, was beheadded. The towne being thus woone, was deliuered to the kéeping of Iohn Lindseie. But Buchan. out of an other author supposeth that it was not committed to the custodie of anie; but that the walls were pulled downe to the ground. The gai­ning of this towne put the Scots in hope of more prosperitie to succéed.

And therevpon Iohn Randoll the earle of Mur­rey, sonne to earle Thomas late of famous memo­rie, and Archembald Dowglasse lord of Galloway, the brother of Iames Dowglasse latelie slaine (as before is mentioned) in Spaine with Simon Fra­seir and others, gathered a great armie, and came with the same [and William Dowglasse lord of Lid­desdale Fr. Thin. to Maufet] against the Balioll, who being ad­uertised thereof, met them in Annandale, where in­countring togither, after cruell fight & great slaugh­ter The battell discomfited and put to flight in An­nandale. on both parts, at length Baliols part was put to the woorst, so that he himselfe was glad to flee, ha­uing got an horsse without a bridle, and rested not till he came to Roxburgh, or rather to Carleill, as Richard Southwell saith. In this battell were slaine sir Henrie Balioll, a man of great valiancie, sir Iohn Mowbraie, Walter Cumin, and Richard Kirkbie; but Alexander Bruse earle of Carrike, and the lord of Galloway were taken prisoners, and sa­ued by the helpe of the earle of Murrey, for that they had submitted themselues to the Balioll but latelie before. Shortlie after the atchiuing of this victorie, Andrew Murrey cho­sen fellow go­uernor with the earle of March. Andrew Murrey a man of great puissance and pos­sessions was chosen to be gouernor, as colleage and associat with the earle of March. These two gouer­nors, hearing that the king of England was min­ded to inuade Scotland with a maine armie, sent sir Alexander Seiton with manie other gentlemen vnto Berwike for defense of that towne and castell; [Alexander (as saith Buchan.) being capteine of the Fr. Thin. towne, and Patrike Dunbar capteine of the castle Andrew Murrey the new gouer­nor is taken prisoner. and borders aioining.] Shortlie after, the new go­uernor Andrew Murrey was taken prisoner at Roxburgh, by reason that hauing put his enimies to flight in a skirmish which he made with them at the bridge without the castell, he pursued ouer rash­lie in the chase, and was inclosed amongst them, and so taken yet he might be rescued. [At which time also Fr. Thin. William Dowglasse lord of Liddesdale was sent to Annandale, to defend the west marches.] There [Page 232] was also taken beside the gouernor, a notable pirat Ri. Southwell. Crab, a pirat taken. named Crab, who before that time had doone ma­nie displeasures to the Englishmen both by sea and land: and now because his countriemen would not ransome him, but to his further griefe had slaine his sonne within Berwike, he became the king of Englands man, and did the Scots more damage afterwards, than euer he had doone to the English­men before. The gouernor at lengh was ransomed for a great summe of gold. 10

About the same time William Dowglasse of Lid­desdale named for his singular manhood, The flower William Dowglasse of Liddesdale taken priso­ner. of chiualrie, fought with the Englishmen in Annan­dale, where himselfe was taken, and his people dis­comfited. Both these noble men thus taken priso­ners, were deteined in captiuitie more than [...] twelue moneths space, & then ransomed for a great summe of gold. This William Dowglasse was sonne to sir Iames Dowglasse, of whom so often mention is made heretofore. The realme of Scot­land 20 being thus diuided in two parts, the one assi­sting the Balioll, and the other continuing in their allegiance sworne and promised to king Dauid: Edward king of England iudged the time to serue Edward king of England purposeth to subdue the Scots. well for his purpose to make conquest on the Scots, and herevpon gathering a mightie armie both of Englishmen and strangers, as well such as were subiects to him as other, whome he reteined out of Normandie, Aniou, and Flanders, he came with the same to subdue (as he outwardlie pretended) 30 onelie such Scots as would not yéeld themselues to the Balioll. The Scots perceiuing themselues thus The earle of Murrey is sent into France. ouerset with enimies on each side, sent Iohn Ran­doll earle of Murrey int [...] France vnto king Dauid, that by his means they might purchase some aid of the French king to defend the realme from the force of the enimies. In the meane time the king of Eng­land besieged Berwike both by sea and land, not­withstanding such as were within it defended the Berwike is besieged. towne so manfullie that he got but small gaines by 40 assaults; by reason whereof the siege continued for the space of foure moneths: during which time ma­nie issues and skirmishes were made betwixt the Scots and Englishmen, whereat manie proper feats of armes were at [...]hiued with variable fortune. Buchanan.

William Seiton bastard sonne to the capteine of the towne was taken prisoner, and his bastard bro­ther, as he assailed the English ships one night ouer­fiercelie, was drowned by mischance in the sea. At length, when they within the towne began to want 50 Sir Alexan­der Seiton capteine of Berwike. vittels, the capteine sir Alexander Seiton sent vn­to king Edward, promising that if he would grant a truce for the space of 6 daies, if no succour came in the meane time to resist his siege, the towne should be deliuered into his hands at the end of that terme; and for the assurance thereof, he was contented that his eldest sonne and heire Thomas Seiton should remaine with the said king in hostage. Whilest things passed thus at Berwike, the nobles of Scot­land Archembald Dowglasse chosen gouer­nor in place of Andrew Murrey. by common consent chose Archembald Dow­glasse 60 to be gouernor in place of Andrew Murrey. This Archembald Dowglasse raising a mightie ar­mie of Scotishmen entered with the same into the borders of England, so to withdraw king Edward from the siege of Berwike to defend his owne lands from burning and spoiling. But king Edward ad­uertised hereof, deuised an other shift; for immedi­atlie sending a messenger to sir Alexander Seiton capteine of the towne, he certified him plainelie, that vnlesse he rendered the towne forthwith into his hands, both his sonnes which he had with him, the one as hostage, and the other as prisoner, should be without further delay hanged on a gibbet there in sight afore his owne face.

Sir Alexander Seiton hereto answered, that as yet the terme of the truce was not expired, & there­fore desired the king either to obserue the couenants, or else to deliuer the pledges, that he might be at his aduantage: but king Edward (as saith the Scotish chronicle) immediatlie caused a paire of gallows to be raised before the towne, and both the sonnes of sir Alexander to be led thither, to suffer on the same without further respit. Sir Alexander Seiton be­holding that pitifull sight, and weieng with himselfe, that he might saue the liues of those innocent crea­tures, if he would, was brought into great perplexi­tie of mind: the naturall affection and compassion which he bare towards his sonnes mouing him to haue rendered the towne on the one side, and the du­tie Sir Alexan. Seiton in doubt what to doo. with faith promised to his king and countrie re­straining him from all such resolution on the other. But in the end, the tender regard he had to saue the liues of his sonnes, had ouercome him, and caused him to haue rendered the towne into his enimies hand, had not his wife and mother to his said sonnes, The man [...] stomach of A­lexander Sei­tons wife. exhorted him most earnestlie to the contrarie, alle­ging that such reproch and dishonor should redound vnto them, and their posteritie, if through their fault the towne were traitorouslie deliuered into the eni­mies hand, that from thenceforth they should be in­famed for euer: and as for the death of their sonnes, it was not to be counted a losse, for by this kind of death, they should win immortall name, & leaue to their parents the high honor and renowme of faith­full & loiall subiects. Againe they were yoong inough to beget and bring foorth new children, where they should be neuer able to recouer honor once lost; if by deliuering the towne into the enimies hands, they should séeme to betraie their countrie, & falsifie their faith to their naturall prince and souereigne.

With such & manie other the like words, this noble & woorthie ladie persuaded hir husband to refraine his inward griefe, and brought him with right sor­rowfull and heauie chéere vnto his chamber, that through commiseration had of his sonnes, he should commit nothing either against his honor or weale of Sir Alexan­der Seitons sonnes execu­ted. Fr. Thin. the towne. In the meane time, his two sonnes were put to death, ending their liues (saith Hector Boe­tius) with most honor, for the righteous quarell of their countrie: [at what time K. Edward remoued his campe to Halidon hill.] Archembald Dowglasse the gouernor, being at that present entered into Northumberland with his armie, hearing that king Edward had thus cruellie put to death those two yoong gentlemen, came the third day after with all his power, and pitched downe his tents not far from Archembald Dowglas purposeth to giue battell. K. Edwards armie, fullie resolued to giue him bat­tell, as well to reuenge the displeasure for the death of the said gentlemen, as to deliuer the towne of Berwike from further danger of the enimies force.

Yet were there sundrie prudent councellors in the Scotish armie, that for diuers respects aduised him in no wise to fight with the enimies at that pre­sent, considering the huge number of practised soul­diers which they had amongest them, and the want of skilfull warriours on his side, hauing few with him saue yoongmen, and such as lacked experience in the wars, for that they had béene but little trained therein. Notwithstanding, he himselfe was of con­trarie opinion, iudging that the good willes and de­sire which his people had to fight with the English­men, should supplie their lacke of skill: and there­vpon determining to trie the chance of battell with them, commanded his armie to refresh themselues with meat, drinke, and sléepe for that night, and to prouide themselues readie for battell on the next morning. In the breake of the day he arraied his people in order of battell. The vauntgard was gi­uen [Page 233] to Hugh, lord Rosse, hauing with him Kenneth The appoin­ting of the Scotish bat­ [...]s. earle of Southerland, Simon and Iohn Fraseir, and Iohn Murrey lieutenant to the earle of Mur­rey, who as then was sore tormented with a grie­uous maladie or sicknesse. The second battell was committed to the gouernance of Alexander Lind­seie, with whome were ioined Alexander Gordon, Reinold Graham, and Robert Kenneth. In the third battell was the gouernor himselfe, accompanied with Iames, Iohn, and Alane Stewards, the sons 10 of Walter great Steward of Scotland.

On the other part, the Englishmen were no­thing flow to come forward to incounter the Scots, The policie of the English men. but at the first to take the vantage of the ground, they gaue somewhat backe, withdrawing to the side of an hill, which they hauing once got, boldlie tur­ned themselues to the Scots that pursued them ouer rashlie, in hope that the victorie had béene alreadie theirs: but being here fiercelie receiued by the Eng­lishmen, and beaten downe in heaps on each side, 20 though they inforced themselues with all their might to be reuenged both for old and new iniuries which they had receiued, and so slue no small number of The Scotish [...] put to [...]ight. the enimies; yet in the end was the Scotish armie put to flight, and more slaughter made in the chase, than was afore in the battell: for one wing of the Englishmen making forwards to get before the Scots, so stopped their passage, that they were slaine The great slaughter of Scots. miserablie on each side, as they had beene inclosed within a toile or deere-stall. There were but few in 30 number that were taken prisoners, those on the next day were beheaded by commandement of king Ed­ward, except a small number which were kept se­cret by some of the Englishmen for profit of their ransome. There were slaine on that day of the bat­tell, The nu [...]ber of Scots slaine at Hal­lidon hill. to the number of fourtéene thousand men, a­mongest whome were these as principall: Archem­bald Dowglas the gouernour, Iohn Steward, Iames Steward, and Alane Steward, the sonnes of Walter Steward; the earle of Rosse, the earle 40 of Southerland, Alexander Bruse earle of Carrike, Andrew, Iames, and Simon Fraseir. This bat­tell was fought on Magdalen day, in the yeare of Grace. 1333.

¶ That this number and therewith manie mo doo 1333. H. B. Buchanan. abound by one yeare, Wil. Harison dooth gather to­gither by the Ferias. feries, because Adam Meremouth saith, that Magdalen day fell on the monday this yeare, and that the morrow after being tuesday, Berwike was surrendered. But for so much as the 50 same Meremouth maie be perhaps deceiued, or mis­taken herein: I haue here thought good (as in other places) to note in the margent the yeare, according to the account of Hector Boetius, speciallie in this place, the rather because he agréeth with Richard Southwell, Robert Auesburie, and other of our Eng­lish writers, concerning this yeare in which this bat­tell was fought: but where the same Boetius saith, that it was fought on Magdalen day, R. Southwell, Robert Auesburie, Thomas Wals. and diuers other 60 affirme, that it was fought the nintéenth of Iulie being saint Margarets euen. But now to procéed. The place where this battell was striken, is called Hallidon hill.

Immediatlie vpon this ouerthrow of the Scotish power, Alexander Seiton and Patrike Dunbar capteins of Berwike, despairing of all support, yéelded the towne to king Edward, with condition to haue their liues and goods saued, and to become The towne of Berwike yéelded to K. Edward on S. Marga­rets day, as Ri. Southwell. saith. subiects to king Edward. Herevpon, when they had receiued their oths, Patrike Dunbar was com­manded by king Edward, to build vp againe the castell of Dunbar vpon his owne costs and charges, for that he had throwen it downe, when he saw he was not able to defend it against the English power comming toward him. K. Edward accomplishing his desire, returned backe into England, leauing behind him with the Balioll, manie great lords of Richard Tal­bot. England (amongst whome for chiefe was Richard Talbot) that vsing the aduise and counsell of them he might rule the realme of Scotland as should be thought expedient. Edward Balioll herevpon went thorough all the bounds of Scotland, placing garri­sons All the for­tresses of Scotland [...] Ba [...]ols hands, fiue onelie except­ted. of Englishmen in most part of all the strengths and castels of the realme, for he had them all at his commandement, fiue of them onelie excepted, which were kept by such Scotishmen, as would not re­nounce their allegiance promised to king Dauid. For Dunbreton was kept by Malcolme Fleming of Enmirnald, Lochleuin by Alane of Uepont, the castell of Kildrummie by Christine Bruse, and U [...]qubart by Robert Lauder, the pile of Loudopin, a strong thing of so small a compasse, was in the kéeping of one Iohn Thomson [who were sup­ported Fr. Thin. with monie by Philip the French king] These capteins would by no means neither yéeld them­selues nor their fortresses to Edward Balioll, but defend them to the vttermost for the behoofe of their souereigne lord and maister king Dauid.

In the meane time, Philip king of France la­boured The popes ambassadors not regarded. to the pope, that he might by his authoritie cause the Englishmen to surceasse from further vexing the Scots, by their cruell inuasions made into their countrie: but when the popes ambassa­dors came about this matter into England, they were so little regarded, that they could not get li­cence to declare that message, and so were they glad to returne without dooing anie thing in the matter whereabout they were sent. Shortlie after was a parlement called at Perth, where Edward Balioll A parlement at Perth. was confirmed king of Scotland, a great number of the nobles promising thereby solemne oths, ne­uer to remooue anie rebellion against him in times to come. In the meane time rose great altercation betwixt Henrie Beaumont, and Alexander Mow­bray Strife betw [...] Mowbray & Beaumont. Fr. Thin. for certeine lands in Buchquhane [which Ed­ward the first had giuen Iohn Mowbray, brother of this Alexander.] Henrie Beaumont claimed those lands by the right of his wife, that was daughter to the said Alexander, but the Mowbray claimed them as heire to his brother.

After long contention, Mowbray had the lands adiudged to him by sentence of the Balioll, by rea­son whereof, Dauid Cumin earle of Atholl, and Ri­chard Talbot, fauouring the cause of Henrie Beau­mont, began to practise such conspiracies against the Balioll, that to auoid further danger, he was glad to repeale the former sentence by him giuen on the behalfe of Alexander Mowbray, and by new sen­tence adiudged the lands vnto Henrie Beaumont, for that (as was alledged) he had maried the inheri­tor thereof, which sentence he was constreined to change (saith Buchanan) by this means. 1334. Fr. Thin. Iohn Maior Balioll (fa­uouring Alexander) and hauing adiudged the mat­ter on his side, so offended the minds of the aduersa­ries, that they fear [...] not openly to complaine of the iniurie. But when they perceiued that they nothing profited therein by their speeches, they all departed from the court to their owne possessions of which fac­tion Talbot, whilest he goeth into England, was ta­ken and carried to Dunbreton: Beaumont doth strengthen Dungard a strong castell of Buchquhan, and not onelie maketh the land whereof the conten­tion was, but also [...] whole countrie adioining, to be subiect to his gou [...]nement. Cumin (returning to the part of Dauid Bruse) goeth into Atholl (whereof he was earle) and fe [...]sing the places of strength thereabouts, a [...]eth himselfe to withstand all force, [Page 234] if anie be prepared against him. Balioll fearing the conspiracie of these great men, changeth his iudge­ment, and awardeth the lands (wherof the contention grew) to Beaumont, and reconciled Cumin vn­to him, by the gift of many rich possessions, that then belonged to Robert Steward, which shortlie after was king of Scotland.

Thus through puissance of the parties, the truth in deciding the controuersie, might not onlie not haue place, but Balioll was also driuen to that extremitie, 10 that he must haue one of them (with his faction) to be his enimies. For now Alexander, stroken with this iniurie (to haue the iudgement giuen before for him thus to be reuoked) forsaking the Balioll, ioined him selfe with Andrew Murrey gouernor of Scotland (for Dauid Bruse) hauing a little before ransomed himselfe, with a great masse of monie out of the Englishmens hands. These things (although doone at seuerall times) we haue ioined togither, least by often repeating of them in other places, the course of the historie might be broken: for (vpon this) An­drew 20 Murrey besieged Beaumont in the castell of 1334. Scala chron. Dongard, the inheritance of his wife, where he sur­rendered the same, vpon condition that he might fréelie repaire into England: at what time also Ri­chard Talbot (being beyond the mounteins, in the inheritance of his wife the daughter of Iohn Cu­min of Scotland (for now manie English nobles possessed great reuenues in Scotland by mariages) hearing of these newes, that Balioll was forsaken Scala chron. Iohn Maior. by the earle of Atholl and Beaumont, would haue 30 gone into England, but was taken in Lownes. ¶ This yeere the earle of March holding on the part of the king of England, came to him to Newcastell Scala. chron. vpon Tine, who returning homeward, was grie­uouslie wounded of the people of Northumberland, for couetousnes, to haue robbed him of such monie as K. Edward had liberallie bestowed vpon him.)

Not long after this, Edward Balioll came to Rainfrew, and there receiuing the people into his o­beisance, 40 The castels of Rothsaie and Dunnone de­liuered to the Balioll. Fr. Thin. had the keies of the castell of Rothsaie and Dunnone, brought vnto him by sir Alane Lile shiriffe of Bute [at what time the king gaue to him the kéeping of the castell of Rothsaie, hauing before made him shiriffe.] Thus did the Balioll increase in puissance, by such confluence of people as dailie submitted themselues vnto him, & he inriched them liberallie with lands and goods still as they came to him, thereby to win there good wils. He sought by all meanes possible to haue gotten Robert Ste­ward Robert Ste­ward. into his hands, as the person whome he knew 50 to haue most right, next vnto king Dauid to the crowne of Scotland: but through the diligent fore­sight of his friends, this Robert Steward being a­bout the age of fiftéene yéeres, was conueied [with Fr. Thin. bote and horsse, by the helpe of William Hariot and Iohn Gilbert] to the castell of Dunbreton, where he was ioifullie receiued by Malcolme Fleming the capteine.

The Balioll being sore offended, that such ca­stels 60 as were kept by his enimies▪ were so great an impediment to his interprises, by succouring and re­lieuing his aduersaries to make warres against him, he got togither an armie, and the next yéere▪ laid siege to the castell of Lochleuin: but perceiuing that this castell might not be woone without long siege, he appointed sir Iohn Striueling to continue the siege with a great power of men, vntill the castell were Lochleuin besieged. yeelded. There were left also with him, Michaell Ha­riot, Dauid We [...]s, and Richard Maleuill, with diuerse other. These capteins aduising the place and site of the castell, lodged themselues within▪ the churchyard of saint Serfe, beside Kinrosse, making bastiles and other defenses within the same, for their more safegard. Within the castell were two valiant Alane Uepōt and Iames Lambie cap­teins of Loch­leu [...]. capteins to defend it, the one named Alane Uepont and Iames Lambie, citizens of saint Andrews.

The enimies assaied all the meanes that might be deuised to haue woone this castell, but all was in vaine. At length, they deuised a subtill sleight, where­by to compasse their intent, on this wise. They went about to dam vp the mouth of the riuer where it issu­eth A deuise to drowne the castell. out of the Loch, with earth, trées, & stones, that the water being so kept in, might rise to such an height, that it should ouerflow the castell, and so drowne all the people within it. And to cause the Loch to swell more speedilie, they turned the course of diuerse riuers and brookes in the countrie there­abouts, and brought them into the same Loch. It chanced at the same time, that sir Iohn Striueling capteine of the siege, with a great part of the armie, went vnto Dunfirmling for deuotion sake, to visit the shrine of saint Margaret, sometime quéene of Scotland. Whereof Alane Uepont then capteine of the castell, hauing vnderstanding, about mid­night prepared three botes, and taking certeine soul­diers with him, rowed foorth to the head of the dam or water, and there, with such engins as he had de­uised for the purpose, assaied to boare through and make a hole in the banke or rampire that kept vp the water, which when they had brought to passe, they re­turned quickelie againe to the castell.

The water hauing once gotten an issue, within a while ware the hole so large, that entering with more violence, it finallie brake downe the banke, and rushed foorth with such an huge streame, that it bare downe all afore it, drowning vp the bastils and The bastiles and tents of them that lay at siege drowned. tents of them that lay at siege there, and caried the same with men and all downe into the déepe sea, they were so suddenlie taken, yer they could make anie shift to escape. Alane Uepont, when the water was fallen to the old marke, issued foorth of the ca­stell, & setting vpon those that had escaped the dan­ger of the water, slue part of them, and put the rem­nant to flight. Iohn Striueling hearing the mis­chiefe that had happened to his folks, returned to the siege, and made a vow neuer to depart from thence, till he had taken the castell, and slaine all them with­in it. But yet, after he had laine there a long time, and saw it was not possible to win that fortresse, he was constreined to raise his siege, and to go his waies, after he had lost thereat no small number of his people. This siege of Lochleuin chanced in the Lent season, in the yéere 1335. 1335.

In the yéere following, king Edward prepared an armie both by sea and land, to enter into Scot­land. He sent by sea 70 ships well and sufficientlie K. Edward inuadeth Scotland both by sea and land. decked for the warres, to enter by the Forth: but by a sore tempest manie of those vessels perished be­twixt I [...]chketh and the Northland. He himselfe ha­uing the Balioll in his companie, with fiftie thou­sand men, came by land vnto Glascow, and percei­uing there was little for him to doo, for that no rebel­lion greatlie anie where appeared, he returned backe againe into England with the Balioll, and left Da­uid Cumin earle of Atholl gouernor in his roome, to subdue the residue of the rebels, and to win those strengths, which as yet were defended against him. Dauid Cumin left thus to be gouernor in Scotland, Dauid Cu­min earle of Atholl gouer­nor of the Ba­lioll in Scot­land. tooke vpon him the rule in name both of the king of England, and also of the Balioll, and seized into his hands all those lands in Murrey and Buchquhane, which perteined to Robert Steward, confiscating all the goods of such the inhabitants, as would not be sworne vnto him. [Who notwithstanding that hee Fr. Thin. Buchanan. was of such great authoritie in Scotland, of credit with both kings, Edward of England, & Edward of Scotland, and of excéeding great possessions of [Page 235] his owne, would yet neuer vsurpe anie superioritie to him himselfe in stile, but passed all the grants and writings in the name of Edward king of England, and of Balioll king of Scots. At what time none would publikelie professe him a subiect to Dauid Bruse, but boies, who in their plaies & games would alwaies call their king, Dauid Bruse.]

Incontinentlie héerevpon, Robert Steward as­sembled his friends by the helpe of Dungall Camp­bell of Lochquhow, and suddenlie tooke the castell of 10 Dunnone, sleaing all the Englishmen and other, The castell of Dunnone ta­ken. Fr. Thin. which were found therein. [Which Campbell (as saith Iohn Maior) came with 400 men, and by the testi­monie of Buch. was a man of great power in Ar­gile.] The commons of Bute and Arrane, glad of this prosperous beginning, assembled togither to the number of foure hundred persons, and set forward, that they might come to support Robert Steward in The shiriffe of Bute slaine. such his late begun enterprises: and being incounte­red by the waie by Alane Lile shiriffe of Bute, they 20 laid so lustilie about them, that they slue the shiriffe, [with Iohn Gilbert capteine of the castle of Bute] Fr. Thin. there in the field, & discomfited all his people [which they did after this manner. These people of Bute, Fr. Thin. Buchanan. Iohn Maior. (called the seruants of Bawdanus) séeing such sturs to be made by Alane Lile, ran to a heape of stones not farre from them, and with great force pelting the shiriffe, they in the end killed him with stones, and put the rest to flight.] Diuerse of them taken priso­ners, were brought awaie, and presented vnto Ro­bert 30 Steward, who in recompense of this seruice, granted sundrie priuileges vnto the inhabitants of Bute and Arrane: as among other things, to be frée from paieng tribute for their corne and graine. Such A releasement of tribute. felicities succéeding one another, caused manie of the Scots to ioine themselues with Robert Stew­ard, in hope to recouer the realme out of the English mens hands. Amongst other, Thomas Bruse earle of Carrike, and William Canther [whome Iohn Ma­ior calleth Carucher, & Buchanan. Carruder of An­nandale] Fr. Thin. with a number of the commons came vn­to 40 him.

About the same time, the ea [...]le of Murrey retur­ned foorth of France, and landed at Donbriton, where The earle of Murrey re­turneth foorth of France. he was most ioifullie receiued by the said Robert Steward. Shortlie after the said Steward, and the said earle, hauing with them a great power of their friends and alies [as Godfrie Rosse, and others] Fr. Thin. Countries re­duced to the obeisance of king Dauid. Fr. Thin. came into Clibe [...]ale, Ranfrew, Kile, Cunningham and Aire, which togither with Ros and Murrey, they 50 reduced to the obeisance of king Dauid. [At which time (as saith Buchanan) did Ranfraie come to his old lords the Stewards.] The earle of Murrey also, to reuenge the ini [...] doone by the earle of Atholl, went vnto Aberden, and there learning where he so­iorned, made thither with all spéed: but the earle of Atholl vnderstanding how all the countrie tooke part with his aduersaries, fled into the mounteins; The earle of Atholl fléeth into the moun­teins. where he susteined his life with hearbs and roots for a time, and durst not come foorth to shew his head. At 60 length, when he saw no waie to escape, he came foorth and in most humble wise submitted himselfe to the lords that defended the part of king Dauid. They He submitteth himselfe. receiuing him vpon his submission, sware him to be true vnto king Dauid, and exhorting him to be as di­ligent in reconciling the people vnto king Dauid, as he had béene afore to subdue them to the obedience of the Balioll, they suffered him to depart.

About the same time, sir William Dowglasse of Sir William Dowglasse, and Andrew Murrey ran­somed. Liddesdale, and Andrew Murrey, were ransomed home out of England, for a great summe of monie, after they had béene kept there by the space of thrée yéeres in captiuitie. At their comming to Eden­burgh, they found the lords assembled in councell, at the which Iohn Randolph earle of Murrey, and Ro­bert The earle of Murrey and Robert Ste­ward elected gouer [...]. Steward, with generall voices were elected go­uernours. Manie Scotishmen at this time reuolted from the king of England, submitting themselues to king Dauid, as Alexander Ramsay, a verie skill­full warrior, Laurence Preston, Iohn Herring, and Iohn Haliburton knights, with diuerse other.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. After this, Iohn Randolph, and Robert Ste­ward, were sent into the north parts with a strong armie, gathered of such as were wearied by the Eng­lish gouernement, whereat Dauid Cumin (being feared with the sudden assemblie) fled for his safetie, whome they egerlie pursued, and taking him (being then beset in a narrow streict, and oppressed with pe­nurie of all things) they compelled him to yéeld (without anie more circumstances) to their faction, who then swearing fealtie to Dauid Bruse, was per­mitted to depart vpon his promise: wherevnto they gaue such faith, that they left him deputie for them. At what time he did not faintlie dissemble the fauou­ring & defending of the part of Bruse. In the meane time, Randolph returned into Louthian, and ioined himselfe with his old friend William Dowglasse latelie returned out of England, & now with great slaughters of his enimies egerlie reuenged the long lothsomnesse of his imprissonment: to whome also to make their partie the stronger, came Andrew Murrey, which was taken at Bokesborowe. Where­fore these gouernours sufficientlie garded with the nobilitie, appointed a parlement at Perth, in the ka­lends Hector Boet. saith it was holden at Darsée. of Aprill. Whither when the nobles came, there could not be anie thing performed, by reason of the secret hartburning harbored in the bosoms of Wil­liam Dowglasse; and Dauid Cumin earle of Atholl: the cause whereof was pretended to be, in that Dow­glasse did [...] vnto Cumin, that it was by his meanes, that he was no sooner deliuered out of pri­son from the English: amongst which nobilitie, Ste­ward fauored. Cumin, and almost all the other tooke part with Dowglasse. With dissention amongst the nobilitie, was occasioned [...] which they had of the Cumins comming to that place with so great a traine: for he brought thither such number of his friends and followers, that he was a terror to all the rest of the assemblie, to the increase of which suspici­on, they further ioined a conc [...] they had of Cumins great and changeable wit, his aspiring mind, and certeine rumors spred abroad of the comming of the English; with whome no man did doubt, but that the earle of Atholl would ioine for his defense.)

Edward king of England vnderstanding the re­bellion Ye may read more of this matter in the historie of England. A nauie sent into Scot­land. Shipwracke. of the Scots, determined to assaile them both by sea and land: and so prouiding a nauie of an hun­dred and foure score ships, sent the same well vittel­led and manned to saile into the Forth, the which be­ing there [...]ed, burnt and spoiled the townes on both sides that riuer, but returning backe into Eng­land, they lost manie of their vessels by a tempest. King Edward himselfe, togither with Edward the K. Edward inuadeth the Scots by land. Balioll entered by land, with an armie of fiftie thou­sand men, leading the same to the towne of Perth, otherwise called saint Iohns towne, and there lod­ged in campe, abiding for the comming of the earle of Atholl, who as then being solicited thereto by the king of Englands agents, was readie to turne a­gaine incontinentlie to his side [who after accor­dinglie, Fr. Thin. Scala chron. with Godfrie of Rosse, & Alexander Mow­braie, with other, came to the king of England.]

The same time, whilest the king of England lay thus at Perth, the earle of Namure (whom the Sco­tish writers wronglie name the duke of Gelderland) Not the duke of Gelderland but the earle of Namure, named Guy. came into England with an armie, and purposing to passe thorough Scotland vnto the place where king Edward lay in campe? to come to his aid, was dis­com [...]ted [Page 236] on the Burrowe moore, beside Edenburgh, by the power of the gouernours, and others, which were there assembled against him. There died manie on both parts in the fight (as Iohn Fourdon writeth) Iohn Fourdon. for the strangers fought verie valiantlie: insomuch that if William Dowglasse, with diuerse other, had not come downe from Pictland hils to the aid of the William Dowglasse com­meth to the succour of the Scots. Seats, whilest they were thus fighting, the strangers that day had woone the victorie. But now discoura­ged with the sudden comming of this fresh aid to 10 their aduersaries, they began to giue place, and drew towards Edenburgh: neuerthelesse kéeping them­selues in order of battell, they fought still: and at length comming to Edenburgh, they were driuen vp thorough the friers street, and so by an other street, called saint Marie Wind, where one sir Dauid de A­nand, a verie valiant knight chanced to be wounded Dauid de A­nand a Sco­tish knight. by one of the enimies, by reason whereof he was so kindled in wrathfull desire to be reuenged, that with an are which he had in his hand, he gaue his aduer­sarie 20 (that had hurt him) such a blow on the shoulder, that he claue him downe togither with his horsse, that the are staied not till it light vpon the verie hard Hyperbole. pauement, so as the print of that violent stroke re­mained to be séene a long time after in one of the stones of the same pauement.

The strangers still retiring, and manfullie defen­ding themselues, at length got to the hill where E­denburgh castle standeth, and there slue their horsses, making as it were arampier of their carcasses, so to 30 defend themselues from the force of their enimies: but being inuironed by the Scots on ech side all that night, and hauing neither meate nor drinke where­with to susteine their languishing bodies, the which beside hunger and thirst, were sore tormented with cold also, and want of conuenient lodging, they yéel­ded themselues the next day, with condition to haue their liues saued. When the spoile of the field (where they first ioined) was gathered; amongst the dead bo­dies there was found a woman of an huge stature, 40 A woman of manlike force and stature. who in the beginning of the battell stept foorth before hir companie, and incountering in singular fight with an esquire of Scotland, named Richard Shaw▪ she ouerthrew him, and afterwards beating downe hir enimies on ech side, long it was yer she might be ouerthrowne, which chanced not before she was inui­roned [...]bout on ech side with hir enimies.

The earle of Na [...]re hauing yéelded himselfe into the hands of the gouernours, was verie courte­ouslie vsed, the earle of Murrey not onelie rende­ring 50 vnto him all his goods, but also granting him li­cence to depart: and for his more suertie, he went himselfe in person with him to the borders, to sée him safe deliuered out of all dangers. But by an ambush that lay in wait for the earle of Murrey, he was ta­ken The earle of Murrey is taken prisoner prisoner, and brought to king Edward▪ Dauid Cumin earle of Atholl, hearing that the earle of Murrey one of the gouernours was thus taken, sup­posing king Edwards part to be much aduanced thereby, came streightwaies vnto Perth, and gaue 60 his faith e [...]soones vnto Edward Balioll, and was a­gaine The earle of Ath [...] reuol­ting to the Balioll is eft­soones establi­shed gouernor. The king of England re­turneth home taking the Balioll with him. established by him gouernour of the realme of Scotland, as he was before. The king of England, hauing in the meane time gotten the towne of Perth, returned into England, and tooke the Balioll with him, for doubt least when he had recouered the whole gouernement of the realme, he should shrinke awaie from him. The earle of Atholl hauing now regained his former authoritie, began to exercise great crueltie against all those that were enimies to the Balioll.

The nobles of the contrarie faction (as Patrike Dunbar earle of March, Andrew Murrey, & Wil­liam Dowglasse, with other) tooke great despite ther­at, and raising an armie to restreine his insolent doo­ings, came towards him, whereof he being aduerti­sed (as then lieng at siege before the castle of Kil­drummie) rose and met them in the fields within the forrest of Kilblaine, where he gaue them a sore bat­tell, and had gone awaie with the victorie, had not Iohn Crag capteine of Kildrummie sallied foorth of the castle with three hundred fresh men, and com­ming to the succour of his friends, renewed the bat­tell in such earnest wise, that the aduersaries thereby were discomfited, earle Dauid their chiefteine being The earle of Atholl is slaine. slaine in the field, with Walter Bride, Robert Cu­min, and a great number of other, both gentlemen and commons. Sir Thomas Cumin was taken prisoner, & beheaded the next day, being Newyéeres day. For the battell before mentioned was fought the last day of December (as Fourdon noteth.) Who Fourdon. further saith, that the earle of Atholl had with him thrée thousand men against his aduersaries, which were not past eleuen hundred.

Fr. Thin. Iohn Maior li. 5. cap. 14. This Dauid earle of Atholl was verie incon­stant & gréedie of gouernment, who if he had brought all the Scots to haue taken king Edwards part, would out of doubt, haue afterward contended with king Edward, and inuaded the kingdome of Scot­land by violence; he did most grieuouslie oppresse the giltlesse and poore people, and wickedlie ordered all things after his own fansie, without reason.) Cumin earle of Atholl was slaine on this wise: Andrew Murrey was chosen gouernour in place of the earle Andrew Murrey cho­sen gouernor. of Murrey, taken (as before is said) by the English­men. This Andrew Murrey in the beginning of his new office, laid siege to the castle of Couper, with a mightie power of men, but hearing that the Cu­mins made foule woorke in the north parts of the The Cumins put to flight. realme, against such as fauoured not the English part, he left that siege, and went against them, with whome incountering in battell, he ouerthrew their armie, and put them all to flight.

At this bickering were slaine two of the Cumins, Robert and William, Thomas Caldar, and diuerse other valiant men, though enimies for the time vnto the gouernour. This victorie reduced all the north parts of Scotland vnto the obeisance of king Da­uid. The north parts of Scot land reduced to the obei­sance of king Dauid. The castle of Dungard woone. Few Englishmen after the same abode within the north bounds of Scotland, except those that were within the castle of Dungard in Buchquhane. At length this castle was woone, & all that kept it slaine, except Henrie Beaumont the capteine, who being sworne neuer to returne againe into Scotland, was licenced by the gouernour to depart into Eng­land without anie interruption. After this, the gouer­nour came to the castle of Lochindoris, and laid siege The castle of Lochindoris besieged. to it, where within was the countesse of Atholl, the wife of the late slaine earle Dauid. This woman ha­uing knowledge aforehand, that hir house should be besieged had sent vnto the king of England and to Edward Balioll for succours.

The king of England now doubting least all the strengths in Scotland, kept [...] such as were his friends, would be lost without recouerie, if the same were not the sooner rescued, he raised an armie of for­tie The king of England com meth to raise the siege of Lochindoris. thousand men, and entering therewith into Scot­land, came to the castle of Lochindoris aforsaid. The Scots that lay there at siege, vpon knowledge had of his comming towards them, brake vp, and depar­ted from thence. Héerevpon, when he had refreshed the hold with new men, munition, and vittels, he tooke the countesse foorth with him, and passed with The towne of Aberden bur­ned by the Englishmen. Fr. Thin. Scala ch [...]on. bloudie swoord thorough Murrey, euen to Elghine, and returning by Mar, burnt the towne of Aberden. Then he went to Striueling, where he stronglie re­pared the castle: from whence he tooke his iournie to Botheuill, and there also in winter he made the ca­stle [Page 237] stronger, in which he placed a valiant garrison: to this fort the lord Berkeleie conueied vittels from Edenburgh, and in one night discomfited William Dowglasse that lay in wait to intercept him. After which, king Edward did shortlie lose all the said ca­stels, which he had before with so great care fortifi­ed.] His nauie being on the sea at the same time, en­tered into the Forth, and spoiling (as other had doone afore time) the church of saint Colme, felt reuenge thereof shortlie after: for that ship (as they tell the 10 tale) wherein saint Colmes goods (for so they call them) were laden, soonke to the bottome of the sea, without force of anie tempest, or other apparant occa­sion.

The king of England at his comming to Perth, foorth of the north parts of Scotland, and finding the The towne of Perth newlie fortified. towne vnfortified, caused the same to be newlie fen­sed with wals and bulworks, at the charges and one­lie expenses of these six abbeies, Aberbrathoke, Cou­per, Lundoris, Balmerinoch, Dunfirmling, & saint 20 Andrewes. Henrie Beaumont also, who contrarie to his oth before taken, was now returned with king Edward into Scotland, was made capteine of saint Andrewes. Also Henrie Ferrar was made capteine of the castle of Lucres, William Mont­acute of Striueling, William Felton of Rockes­burgh, and the kéeping of the towne of Perth was committed vnto one Thomas Uthred. Whilest king Edward ordered things in Scotland after this ma­ner, his brother (surnamed by the Scotish writers 30 Eltham) came vnto him at Perth, who in the west parts of Scotland had exercised much crueltie, as well against the enimies of the Englishmen, as a­gainst those that were fauourers and friends vnto them, insomuch that passing through Galloway, Ca­rike, Kile, and Cunningham, he put all to the fier His crueltie. and swoord that came in his waies. He burned the church of saint Bute, and a thousand persons within it, which were fled thither for safegard of their liues. At his comming to Perth, he found the king his bro­ther 40 within the church there, who being sore offended with him for his misordered dooings, verie sharpelie reprooued him for the same: and forsomuch as he an­swered him somewhat frowardlie, he plucked foorth his swoord, and there thrust him through the bodie, e­uen before the altar of saint Iohn, wishing that all K. Edward slaieth his brother El­tham. such might perish on the same wise, as put no diffe­rence betwixt friend and fo, place hallowed and vn­hallowed; as being no reason, that the church should be anie more refuge for him, than he had made it for 50 other.

It may be, that king Edward slue some other man in this sort, as the Scots héere doo write: but for the earle of Cornewall that was brother to king Ed­ward, and surnamed Iohn of Eltham, because he was borne at Eltham, it is nothing true that he was so made awaie, for he died of a naturall infirmitie, as He died of a naturall infir­mitie, as by the English writers it ap­péereth. K. Edward returneth into England. by our English writers it manifestlie appéereth. But now to procéed with the historie, as we find it writ­ten. Such things accomplished in Scotland (as be­fore 60 ye haue heard) king Edward returned into England, & left the Balioll behind him with a great power of men at Perth. About the same time, Hen­rie Beaumont slue all such Scots as he might lay hands on, that had beene at the batteil of Kilbleine, where his coosine Dauid Cumin was slaine. Moreo­uer now, after that king Edward was returned in­to England, Andrew Murrey came foorth of the Andrew Murrey com­meth foorth of the moun­teins. He winneth the castle of kincleuin. mounteins, into the which he was before withdraw­en to eschue the furie of the Englishmen, and by the assistance of sundrie of the nobles of Scotland, he wan the castle of Kincleuin, and rased it to the earth. Shortlie after he came into Mernes, and there tooke the castle of Kilnesse, and likewise rased the same. Then passing forward, he burned Dunnoter.

On the other part, the Englishmen made no lesse spoile and destruction on ech side where they came, so that the Mernes, Angus, Stermond, and Gowrie through spoile, murther, & other disgraces, chancing The calami­tie chancing to sundrie countries of Scotland thorough con­tinuall wars. The victorie of Andrew Murrey got­ten at Pan­more. Henrie Mountfort slaine. by continuall warre, were left in manner waste and desolat. At length, this Andrew Murrey assembling a great power, with support of them of Murrey, Mar, and Buchquhan, fought with his enimies at Panmore in Angus, where he obteined the victorie with huge slaughter of Englishmen, and other his aduersaries. In this battell was slaine Henrie Mountfort, who latelie before had béene sent by king Edward into Scotland to support the Balioll, beside foure thousand others, the most part gentlemen: so that this ouerthrow was verie displeasant to the king of England, hauing his side sore weakened thereby. After the gaine of this victorie, Andrew Murrey passed thorough Fife & Angus, ouerthrow­ing the castle of Lucres, with all the other strengths The castle of Lucres ouer­throwne. of Fife, the castle of Couper onelie excepted.

Fr. Thin. Scala chron. Andrew Murrife gardian of the Scots (and sir Dauid Bruse) did much harme in the countrie of Carleill, from whence he went to besiege the castle of Edenburgh (as yet in the hands of the English) whose intent cōming to the knowledge of the mar­chers of England, they hastned to repaire to raise the same siege of Edenburgh, and to rescue their coun­triemen within the towne. By meanes whereof, the Scots remooued and came to Clerkington, and the English came to Krethtowne not farre distant; be­twéene whome there was a great fight, and manie slaine on both sides. But the victorie inclining (with­out anie great conquest) to neither partie, both ar­mies parted: for the English went ouer Tweed, and the Scots feining that they would go into England, lodged themselues at Galuschell. So that king Ed­ward hearing of such prosperous successe chancing to his aduersaries, sent incontinentlie two capteins Two armies sent into Scotland. with two armies into Scotland, to the support of the Balioll.

William Tailbois a man of notable prowes, ha­uing the conduct of the one of these armies, was in­countred William Tal­bot, or rather Tailbois is taken prisōer. by William Keith, and after the discom­fiture of his people, being taken prisoner, was kept in captiuitie till he paid two thousand marks for his ransome. The other was led by Richard Mountfort with whome Laurence Preston and Robert Gordon Richard Mountfort or Montacute is slaine. The castell of Dunbar is besieged by the earles of Sa­lisburie and Arundell. Fr. Thin. met, and giuing him battell, slue the same Richard with the most part of all his companie. About the same time sir William Montacute earle of Sa­lisburie, togither with the earle of Arundell came into Scotland with a great power of men, and be­sieged the castell of Dunbar, lieng at the same for the space of 22 wéeks. [At which battell also was king Edward, the earle of Glocester, the lords Per­sie and Neuill, being in the yeare 1337, as saith Scala chron.] Within the said castell was the coun­tesse 1337. Blacke Ag nes of Dun­bar. hir selfe, surnamed blacke Agnes of Dunbar, who shewed such manlie defense, that no gaine was to be got anie waies forth at hir hands, so that in the end they were constreined to raise their siege, and to depart without spéed of their purpose. It is said, that this countesse vsed manie pleasant words in testing and tawnting at the enimies dooings, thereby the more to incourage hir souldiers.

One day it chanced that the Englishmen had de­uised an engine called a sow, vnder the pentise or An engine called a sow. couert wherof they might approch safelie to the wals: she beholding this engine, merilie said, that vnlesse the Englishmen kept their sow the better, she would make hir to cast hir pigs: and so she after de­stroied it. In the yeare next after this siege, there was such a dearth through all the bounds of Scot­land, A great dearth and al­sol a death in Scotland. [Page 238] with such mortalitie of people, as a greater had not lightlie béene séene nor heard of. The cause of which mortalitie procéeded (as was thought) for that the ground lay vntilled and not occupied, by reason of the continuall warres before passed. [The mar­chers of England (that were left behind the lords Fr. Thin. Scala chron. that went into Scotland) were discomfited at Pref­fen: where Robert Maners was taken, with manie other prisoners, beside a multitude that were slaine, by reason of certeine displeasant words amongest 10 them, which caused that they brake order, diuided themselues, and fought in an inconuenient place.] All the souldiers that kept the castell of Couper, for The castell of Couper left void. lacke of vittels left the house void, and comming to the sea side, hired a ship to haue passed into England, but through negligence of the maister mariner, they fell vpon a sand-bed, and so were cast away. About The castell of Louthian in the hands of the English­men. the same time the most part of all the strengths and fortresses in Louthian were kept by Englishmen.

The towne of Edenburgh was stuffed with a 20 great number of souldiers, both Englishmen and Scots. Amongest whome there was a Scot of a right stout stomach named Robert Pendergest; he, for that it was perceiued he loued but little the Eng­glish nation, was euill intreated and vsed amongst them, in so much that on a day, hauing his head bro­ken by the marshall named Thomas Knatoun, he ceassed not to séeke some meane to be reuenged, till he brought his purpose to passe, so that shortlie after he slue the said marshall, and afterward to auoid the 30 danger of death due for that fact, he got away, and came to William Dowglas, whome he persuaded with all diligence to passe vnto Edenburgh, where he might find his enimies at some great aduantage, by reason of the slothfull negligence as then growne amongest them. William Dowglas following this aduertisement, came secretlie on a night vnto the foresaid towne, and slue foure hundred English­men snorting in sléepe and dronkennesse, before they were able to make anie resistance. 40

Not long after, Andrew Murrey the gouernor of Scotland deceassed, to the great damage of the The death of Andrew Murrey the gouernor. 1338. common-wealth, and was buried in Rosmarkie, in the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour 1338. It came well to passe for Scotland, that about the same time the king of England entering into wars against France, was constreined to ceasse his pur­sute of the conquest which he minded to make in Scotland, the which must néeds haue come to full ef­fect, if he had followed his former purpose and in­tent. 50 But to procéed, after the deceasse of Andrew Murrey the gouernor, Robert Steward tooke all the charge on him for the gouernment of the realme, till king Dauid returned home out of France, and began to rule all things himselfe. Tiuidall also was recouered out of the Englishmens hands, with di­uers Tiuidall re­couered out of the English mens hands by william Dowglas. other places, about this time, by the high prowes and manlie valiancie of William Dowglas and o­ther Scotish capteins; and therefore in the reward of the good seruice shewed by the same William in 60 conquest of that countrie, he inioied the same after­ward as his rightfull inheritance. [Henrie earle of Lancaster and Derbie, hearing of the valure of Fr. Thin. these two woorthie capteins, William Dowglas, Fr. Maior. lib. 5. cap. 5. and Alexander Ramseie, carnestlie desired to sée them, and to trie their strengths in iusting. Where­vpon, there was a day appointed therefore at Ber­wike by all the said parties, where they met with their complices prouided accordinglie. At what time a certeine Englishman asked Peter Grame, if he would not refuse to iust with him, to whome he an­swered, that he accepted the chalenge, but willed him first to dine well, because he should that night sup in paradise. Which fell-out accordinglie, for in run­ning togither the Englishman was slain.] The king of England mooued with high displeasure at these dooings, sent a right valiant knight named sir Tho­mas Sir Thomas Berkleie. Berkleie with a great power of men into Scotland. Against whome came William Dow­glas, and Robert Steward the gouernor, and gaue The battell of Blacke­borne. him battell at Blackeborne, where the Scots were discomfited and so beaten downe, that few of them escaped, which were not either slaine or taken. Not­withstanding the two capteins saued themselues by flight.

Not long after, William Dowlas fought with his enimies at the Cragings, where hauing not past fortie men in his companie, he discomfited sir Iohn Striueling, who had with him néere hand fiue hun­dred Sir Iohn Striueling discomfited. Englishmen and Scots, that tooke his part in the king of Englands quarell. In the yeare fol­lowing, the same William Dowglas wan the ca­stell of Hermitage, & slue all them that were found The castell of Hermitage woone. within it. In the yeare next after, he fought fiue times in one day with sir Laurence Abernethie, principall capteine vnder the Balioll, and being put to the woorse at foure of those times, at the fift he vanquished his enimies, and tooke prisoner their capteine the said sir Laurence, who was sent to the Sir Larence Abernethie taken priso­ner. castell of Dunbreton, there to remaine in safe kée­ping for a time. For these and such woorthie enter­prises hardlie atchiued, this Will. Dowglas was much commended, and within a few daies after the taking of the said sir Laurence Abernethie, he was Sir William Dowglas sent into France. sent by the gouernor the said Robert Steward into France, as ambassador to king Dauid, for the dis­patch of certeine weightie matters touching the state of the realme.

In the meane time, Robert Steward the gouer­nor 1339. The towne of Perth be­sieged. raised a mightie armie, and came with the same vnto the towne of Perth, planting a strong siege round about it; for diuiding his host into foure parts, he lodged them with their capteins in foure seuerall places. The first consisting for the most part There was also in that armie beside other noble men William Keith of Gal­leston. of westerne Scots, he gouerned himselfe; the se­cond he committed to Patrike Dunbar earle of March, the third to William earle of Rosse, and the fourth, to Maurice of Mowbray lord of Clidesdale. These lay thus at siege of this towne for the space of ten wéekes. And though sundrie times they gaue alarmes and assaults to it, yet was it so stoutlie de­fended by Englishmen and other within, that the Scots for a long time lost more than they wan. At length when they were in maner past all hope to get William Dowglas re­turneth out of France. the towne, & readie to haue departed from it, Wil­liam Dowglas arriued in the Taie, bringing with him out of France in fiue ships, both men of war, and also munition of armour, artillerie, and wea­pons, which serued the Scotishmen in that season greatlie to purpose.

Amongest other, there were two knights of the Iohn Fourdon. familie of Castelgaliard, and two esquiers, Giles de la Hois, and Iohn de Breise; also a noble pirat, named Hugh Handpile, who had the charge ouer the foresaid fiue ships. [While Edward the third was at the siege of Turneie, the earls of March and Sou­therland Fr. Thn. made a rode into Scotland, and were dis­comfited 1340. Scala chron. by Thomas Greie the elder, Robert Ma­ners, & Iohn Copeland, with the garrison of Roks­borow, then in the hands of the English, but after woone by the Scots, on Easter day, at the verie houre of the resurrection; the gouernement where­of séemed to be fatall, because all the capteins of this towne died of euill deaths, amongst whome was Alexander Ramseie the capteine hereof that died with hunger, being put in prison for verie enuie that William Dowglas bare vnto him.] About the same time, one William Bullocke had taken eftsoones [Page 239] the castell of Couper to the king of Englands vse, but by persuasion of this William Dowglas, he rendered it vp againe, and departed with bag and baggage. Those Scots that had serued vnder him likewise, were content to forsake the king of Eng­lands wages, and to serue William Dowglas, who led them foorthwith to the siege of Perth, the which towne shortlie after his comming was ren­dered The towne of Perth rende­red to the go­uernor. 1341. Iohn Fourdon. into the gouernors hands, by Thomas Uthred the capteine, in the third moneth after it was first 10 besieged, & in the yeare after our redemption 1341.

Among other exploits attempted at this siege af­ter the comming of the lord William Dowglas, the Frenchman Hugh Handpile, taking vpon him on a day to approch the towne with his ships, and to giue an assault thereto, he lost the chiefest vessell he had, although afterwards when the towne was now rendered, the lord William Dowglas caused the same ship to be to him againe restored, and with great thanks and liberall rewards giuen as well to 20 him as to the other of the Frenchmen, he sent them backe into France, greatlie to their pleasure and contentation; although in their returne, as they pas­sed out of Drumlie Firth, they escaped verie hardlie from the shore. [The winter after the siege of Tur­neie, king Edward went to Melrosse, but from Fr. Thin. thence riding through part of the forrest of Etrike, in a tempestuous time, he came backe againe to Melrosse, where Henrie earle of Lancaster iusted with William Dowglasse (by couenant) in the 30 kings sight. King Edward taking a truce, departed from Melrosse, halfe ouercome with melancholie a­gainst those that first mooued him to this iournie, not succéeding as they hoped and desired that it should haue doone.]

In the same yéere (as some doo write) or (accor­ding vnto other) in the yéere following, there was A sore dearth. such a miserable dearth, both through England and Scotland, that the people were driuen to eat the flesh of horsses, dogs, cats, and such like vnused kinds of 40 meats, to susteine their languishing liues withall, yea, insomuch that (as is said) there was a Scotish­man, an vplandish felow named Tristicloke, spared Children eaten. not to steale children, and to kill women, on whose flesh he fed, as if he had béene a woolfe. Perth being once deliuered (as before is said) to the gouernor, he The castell of Sriueling tendered. went with his armie to Striueling, and besieging the castell, had it rendered vnto him the eight day af­ter his comming thither, on these conditions, that Thomas Foulkie the capteine, with his wife and 50 Alias Rugbie. children might safelie passe into England, without fraud or guile of anie impeachment [of which castell (as saith Buchanan) Maurice the sonne of Andrew Fr. Thin. Murrey was made capteine.] Edward Balioll, by Edward Ba­lioll with­draweth into England. such good and prosperous successe, as did thus dailie fall vnto his enimies, to auoid further danger, after oft remoouing from place to place, at length he was constreined to flie into England, lest he should haue fallen into his aduersaries hands.

Not long after, the castell of Edenburgh was 60 woone by policie on this wise. William Dowglas The castell of Edenburgh woone. Fr. Thin. hauing acquaintance with one Walter Towers, [whom Buchanan called William Cur a merchant] caused him to prouide a ship, and to arriue there­with in the Forth, feining as though he were a merchant, and to offer wines to sell vnto the garison that kept Edenburgh castell. This Towers accor­ding to instructions thus giuen him, prouided him of A policie. all things necessarie for the purpose, & so comming into the Forth with his ship, came on land himselfe, and brought with him into Edenburgh two pun­chions of wine, which he offered to sell vnto the ste­ward of houshold to the capteine of the castell, who falling at a price with him, appointed that he should bring them earlie in the morning vp to the castell, that they might be receiued in. Towers hiring a cart ouer night, came with the punchions vp to the castell gate, earlie vpon the breake of the day in the next morning, and hauing the gates opened, entred with his cart, and being come within the gates with it, he plucked foorth a wedge or pin deuised of pur­pose, and immediatlie therewith the cart with the punchions fell downe, so stopping the entrie of the gates, that in no wise they might be shut or closed againe.

The Dowglasse hauing in his companie Willi­am Bullocke, Walter Fraseir, and Iohn Sand­lands, right valiant knights, with diuerse other har­die and bold personages, laie in couert not far from the castell, & hauing knowledge giuen him by sound of horne, or otherwise, when to come foorth, he hasted therevpon with all diligence vnto the gates, and fin­ding them thus open, first slue the porters, and after into the castell, within a while had dispatched all them within, and so became maisters of that fortres, within the which for capteine they left one William Dowglas, the bastard brother of the other William Dowglas, by whose conduct chieflie, both this enter­prise and diuers other were luckilie atchiued. Thus was the realme of Scotland clearelie recouered out of the enimies hands, the Englishmen, and all other that tooke part with the Balioll, constreined to auoid out of all the parts and bounds thereof. The castell of Edenburgh was thus recouered by the Scots in the yeere last before remembred, to wit, 1341. 1341. H. B. 1342. Io. Ma. King Dauid returneth into Scotland.

The same yéere, or in the next insuing, the second of Iune, king Dauid with his wife quéene Iane, and sundrie nobles both French and Scotish, came safe­lie through the seas, and arriued in Innerberuie, from whence with no small triumph they were con­ueied vnto Perth. About the same time, Alexander Alexander Ramsey ro­deth into England. Ramsey of Dalehouse, one of the most valiant cap­teins knowne in those daies, gathering a great power of men, entered into England, and hauing knowledge that the Englishmen were assembled, in This Ram­sey was so re­nowmed, that euerie noble man was glad to haue his sonne and kinsman to serue vnder him. purpose to giue him battell, laid an ambush for them, and training them within danger thereof, by such a fierce and new onset as he gaue vpon them, he put them out of order, and chased them most eger­lie, killing and slaieng a great number of them at his pleasure. Amongest the prisoners that were ta­ken, the earle of Salisburie (as the Scotish historie saieth) was one, and the capteine of Rokesburgh another.

Sir Alexander Ramsey, perceiuing that the most The castell of Rokesburgh woone by Alexander Ramsey. part of the garrison of Rokesburgh were either slaine, or taken in this last conflict, togither with their capteine, came hastilie thither, and giuing a right fierce assault thereto, by fine force tooke it. Wherefore king Dauid in recompense of his vali­ancie thus declared in his seruice, gaue vnto him the kéeping of this castell, togither with the shirifwike of Tiuidale. Whereat William Dowglasse tooke such displeasure, that seeking to be reuenged, he found Alexander Ramsey taken by William Dowglas, & imprisoned. Fr. Thin. meanes to apprehend this Alexander Ramsey with­in the church of Hawike, and put him in prison with­in the castell of Hermitage, where he remained in great miserie and lacke of food till he died. [About which time by the said kind of death (as saith Bucha­nan) was William Bullocke slaine, by Dauid Berkelie. The death of which two did draw Scot­land into manie factions, and filled it with seditions.]

King Dauid was sore mooued herewith, purpo­sing to sée such punishment doone vpon William Dowglasse for that rebellious attempt, as might serue for an example to all other how they went a­bout anie the like offense. Neuerthelesse, the Dow­glasse kept him out of the way amongst the moun­teins [Page 240] and other desert places, till finallie Robert Steward and other nobles purchased his pardon, so that at length he came into fauor againe, and had all his lands and liuings restored vnto him, as well in Tiuidale as elsewhere.

Soone after the earle of Salisburie was taken by The earle of Salisburie exchanged for the earle of Murrey. sir Alexander Ramsey (as is said) he was exchanged for the earle of Murrey, that had beene holden manie yéeres before as prisoner in England. But it should appeare by other writers, that the earle of Salisbu­rie 10 was not taken at that time in the borders of Froisard. Scotland (as before is supposed) but in the borders of France, where he was in the wars which king Ed­ward the same time made against the Frenchmen, & now was exchanged for the earle of Murrey. But howsoeuer it was, king Dauid after the realme of Scotland was once brought into a quiet estate from 1342. the former trouble of war, he called a parlement at the towne of Perth, where he rewarded verie libe­rallie A parlement at Perth. all such as had either done any notable seruice 20 themselus, or had lost any of their friends or parents in defense & recouerie of the relme out of his aduer­saries The bounte­ous liberalitie of K. Dauid. This Hugh was grand­father to Hec­tor Boetius. hands. Among other, Hugh Boece had in re­compense of his fathers slaughter at Duplin, the in­heritor & ladie of the baronie of Balbrid giuen him in mariage, which baronie is yet possessed by the heires of the said Hugh.

Shortlie after vpon the breaking vp of this par­lement, King Dauid inuadeth Nor thumberland. king Dauid raised a mightie armie, and en­tered with the same into Northumberland; but com­mitting 30 the whole charge to Iohn Randolph erle of Murrey as lieutenant generall, he wold not that a­nie of his owne banners should be spred and borne in all that voiage [although himselfe were there in per­son, seruing secretlie, and would not be knowne in Fr. Thin. this iournie.] The most part of all Northumberland was burnt and spoiled, for they remained there a moneth before they returned, conueieng awaie with them great riches, which they got abroad in all pla­ces where they came. Shortlie after, he came with a 40 new armie into England, causing his own standard King Dauid the second time inuadeth the English borders. to be caried afore him at that time, as he that tooke vpon him the whole gouernance of that enterprise himselfe. The Englishmen withdrawing all their goods into strengths, minded not to giue the Scots any set batell, but to take them euer at some aduan­tage, if they straied abroad any where vnwarilie to fetch in booties. Neither were they altogither dis­appointed of their hoped prey, for 5 Scotish knights, Fiue Scotish knights ta­ken prisoners whose names were Steward, Eglinton, Craggie, 50 Boid, and Fullarton, pursuing their enimies on a time ouer fiercelie, were taken prisoners, and after redéemed for great summes of monie. At length, king Dauid perceiuing that he wasted but time, re­turned into Scotland. But not long after he went againe into England, in which iournie his people King Dauid the third time inuadeth England. Foule wea­ther. were so beaten with vehement stormés of raine and haile, that they had much adoo to saue themselues from perishing through the vnmeasurable force of that so rigorous weather. 60

On the other side, the Englishmen that were gathered to resist against him, were in semblable maner néere hand destroied with the like rage of tempest. Herevpon king Dauid, to the end that his enterprise should not séeme altogither to want ef­fect, ouerthrew sundrie strong houses on the Eng­lish borders, and so returned home without other da­mage either doone or receiued. About the same time Calis be­sieged. did Edward king of England besiege the towne of Calis. The French king therfore deuising all waies possible whereby to saue that towne, and to cause his aduersarie to raise his siege, sent ambassadors into Ambassadors frō ye French king into Scotland. Scotland, to require king Dauid, that with an ar­mie he would enter into England, and doo what da­mage he might vnto the Englishmen, to trie if by that meanes king Edward could be constreined to leaue his siege, and to returne home for defense of his owne countrie and subiects. In the meane time Ambassadors from the king of England into Scotland also (as I find in the Scotish chronicles) king Ed­ward addressed his orators into Scotland, offering vnto king Dauid, vpon condition that peace might be had, to deliuer into his hands not onelie the towne of Berwike, but also Edward Balioll his The king of Englands offers. old aduersarie, for whose cause the warre had so long continued betwixt them.

These offers being proponed in councell, though some of the wiser sort gaue aduise that in no condi­tion The Scots readie to helpe the French, & hinder their neighbors the English. they ought to be refused; yet the king himselfe (for loue that he had to the French king with whome he had béene brought vp) and other of the nobles ha­uing yoong heads, vpon desire to be reuenged of the Englishmen by practise of warres (wherevnto they were inclined) wold néeds condescend to the French kings chargeable request, & refuse the king of Eng­lands beneficiall offers. Wherevpon an armie was An armie rai­sed to inuade England. leuied, and solemne proclamation made, that all such as were able and fit to beare armour, should méet the king at a certeine day and place, which was to them in the same proclamation assigned. The earle of Rosse therefore came with his people vnto Perth, and there made his musters before the king: but in the night following he slue the lord of the Iles, with The lord of the Iles slain by the earle of Rosse. seuen of his kinsmen as they were in their beds, and therevpon fled, and got him with all speed againe into Rosse [whereby the armie was greatlie dimi­nished, when the friends of both parts fearing ciuill Fr. Thin. warres amongst the families departed home.]

King Dauid, though he was sore displeased here­with, and desired most earnestlie to haue punished that heinous act; yet bicause he would not hinder his iournie, he let passe the punishment therof, till more conuenient opportunitie might serue thereto. [Not­withstanding Fr. Thin. that William Dowglasse of Lides­dale did earnestlie persuade him, at that time to leaue the iournie, and first to punish these turmoils at home, whereby all things might be quieted in his absence.] At his comming to the borders, and before he entered into England, he made manie knights, William Dowglasse created earle of Dow­glasse. to stirre them the rather to doo valiantlie; but first he created William Dowglasse an earle, which Wil­liam was sonne to Archembald Dowglasse, slaine before at Halidon hill. There was vndoubted­lie a mightie power of the Scots assembled at that Ri. Southwell. Two thou­sand men of armes, 20000 hoblers. present; insomuch as there was of earles, lords, knights, and gentlemen, to the number of two thou­sand men of armes; and of such armed men as they called hoblers, set foorth by the burrowes and good townes twentie thousand; beside the archers and o­ther footmen; so that they were at the least fortie thou­sand men in all, or (as some writers affirme) thrée score thousand.

King Dauid with that his puissant armie, the King Dauid inuadeth Eng land. sixt of October entered Northumberland, and com­ming to a fortresse not farre off from the borders cal­led Lidell, they laie round about that place for the space of thrée daies, without giuing thereto anie as­sault: The fort of Lidell. but the fourth day they assailed it right fierce­lie, and in the end entered by fine force, sleaing the more part of all those which they found within the house. The capteine sir Walter Selbie was taken aliue, but immediatlie by king Dauid his comman­dement, Sir Walter Selbie be hea­ded by the Scots. had his head striken off, and was not per­mitted to haue so much time as to make his confes­sion, which he instantlie desired to haue doone, but it would not be granted. From thence the armie re­mooued, and went vnto the abbie of Lauercost, which Lauercost. they spoiled; and that doone they departed, and passing by Naward castell, and the towne of Redpeth, kept [Page 241] on till they came vnto the priorie of Hexham, which they sacked; but the towne was saued from fire by commandement of king Dauid, who in this iournie appointed to preserue foure townes onelie from bur­ning; to wit, Hexham aforesaid, Corbridge, Da­rington, and Durham, to the end he might in them lay vp such store of vittels, as he should prouide a­broad in the countrie, wherewith to susteine his ar­mie during the time of his abiding in those parties.

From Hexham, where he laie thrée daies, he mar­ched 10 to Ebchester, wasting and spoiling the countrie King Dauid lodged in the manor of Beaurpaire. on each hand, and after turned towards the wood of Beaurepaire; and comming thither, lodged himselfe in the manour, and set his people abroad into the countrie to fetch in booties, & to burne vp the townes and houses in all places where they came. The spoile, waste, destruction, and slaughter which the Scots practised with fire and sword, was woonderfull to heare, and incredible almost to be told, they spared neither yoong nor old, church nor chappell: religious 20 houses as well as other were consumed to ashes. The abbeie of Durham, and all places thereabout The abbeie of Durham spoiled. (as the Scotish writers affirme) were spoiled and miserablie sacked, although it was said king Dauid was admonished in a dreame, that he should in anie wise absteine from violating the goods and lands perteining to saint Cuthbert.

The earle of Northumberland lieutenant of the The earle of Northumber­land lieute­nant of the North. North vnder king Edward, to resist these iniuries, raised a great power of men, and ioining the same 30 with such bands of old souldiers as king Edward had latelie sent ouer out of France for that purpose, first dispatched an herald at armes vnto king Da­uid, I herald. requiring him to staie from further inuading the countrie, and to returne into Scotland, till some reasonable order for a finall peace might be agreed vpon betwixt him and the king his maister: other­wise he should be sure to haue battell to the vtte­rance within three daies after. King Dauid con­temning this message, required his folks to make 40 them readie to receiue their enimies if they came to assaile them, and on the next morrow, he diuided his armie into thrée battels. In the first was Robert The appoin­ting of the Scotish bat­tels. Steward prince of Scotland, and Patrike Dun­bar earle of March: in the second were appointed Iohn earle of Murrey, and William earle of Dow­glasse: in the third was the king himselfe, with all the residue of the nobles. [Contrarie to the which Fr. Thin. Buchanan placeth Dowglasse in the first, the king in the middle, and Steward in the third.] 50

In the morning earlie before the battell, the earle of Dowglasse departed from the armie to descrie the English host, and to vnderstand their force and order The earle of Dowglas chased. (if it were possible:) but entring somwhat vnwari­lie within danger of his enimies, he was chased, and that to such disaduantage, that he lost fiftie, or rather fiue hundred (as some bookes haue) of yoong gentle­men, and such other light horssemen as he tooke foorth with him, escaping verie narrowlie himselfe also from being taken at the chase. In the meane sea­son, 60 the English host diuided likewise into thrée battels, approched forward, and came within sight of the Scotish armie. Wherevpon Dauid Graham with a wing of fiue hundred horssemen, well appoin­ted gaue a full charge on the skirts of the English archers, thinking to haue distressed them: but he was so sharpelie receiued and beaten with arrowes, Dauid Gra­ham driuen backe. that losing a great number of his men, he was con­streined to flée backe to the maine battell, and that not without great danger of being taken in his flight by such as followed him.

These two discomfitures notwithstanding, the Scots rushed fiercelie vpon their enimies, & fought with great manhood a long season; but in the end, Robert Steward, and the earle of March, percei­uing their people partlie to shrinke backe, caused the retreat to be sounded, in hope to saue their men by withdrawing into some safer place: but this fli­eng backe of the earle of March and Robert Ste­ward, brought the discomfiture vpon all the residue The cause of the ouerthrow of the Scots. For that battell of Englishmen that was first matched with them, came now with such violence vpon the maine battell where king Dauid fought, that within a short while after, the same was vtterlie discomfited and put to flight. In this busi­nesse king Dauid himselfe did in euerie point plaie The Scots discomfited. the part of a most valiant chiefteine, incouraging his people as well with woords as notable exam­ples to doo their indeuours. Neither would he flie after hee saw himselfe destitute of all conuenient King Dauid his valiancie. aid, but still continued in earnest fight, desiring nothing so much (as should appeare) as death, for that he thought nothing more displeasant than life, after the slaughter of so manie of his nobles and liege people.

At length hauing his weapons striken out of his hands, one Iohn Copland came vnto him, and wil­led him to yéeld; but he with one of his fists gaue this King Dauid taken by Iohn Cop­land. Copland such a blow on the mouth, that by force of the gantlet he strake out two of his téeth before he did yéeld vnto him. Which Copland is misnamed by Iohn Maior, and not onelie called Couptaunt, but also reported by him to be a Gascoigne, whereas it is euident by our histories, that he was named Cop­land, and a meere Englishman. But to our purpose. The Scots that fought in the rereward had no bet­ter successe than the other: for that battell was also broken & put to flight, with great slaughter as well of the nobles, as other commons, besides those that were taken. There were slaine in this dolorous con­flict, 1346. Scala. chron. Nobles slaine in this battell. Fr. Thin. Prisoners ta­ken. the earle of Murrey, the earle of Stratherne, the constable, the marshall, the chamberleine and chancellor of Scotland, with a great number of o­ther nobles and commons [with Maurice Murrife.] There were taken with the king fiue earles, that is to say, Dowglasse, Fife, Sutherland, Wigtoun, and Menteith [the earle of March & the Senescall fled, Fr. Thin. but after the earle of Mench being taken, was with the earle of Menteith (as saith Scala chron.) drawne and hanged at London.] And besides other great riches lost in this field, the holie crosse (as they call it) of holie rood house, was found vpon king Dauid, who bare it about him, in trust that by vertue thereof he should be inuincible: but he was spoiled both of that and all other his iewels which were found vpon him at the same time. This battell was striken néere vnto Durham, the 17 day of October, in the yéere 1346. What countries and places the Englishmen got after this victorie, ye may read in the English hi­storie.

In the yéere following, the Balioll, with the earle of Northumberland made a road into Louthian, and Cliddesdale, bringing a great bootie of goods and cat­tell out of those countries into Galloway, in which The Balioll soiorneth in Galloway. countrie the Balioll abode a long time after. At length, the Scots recouering themselues with much paine, after the slaughter of so manie of their nobles and commons, beside the discomfort for the taking Robert Ste­ward gouer­nour of Scot­land. of their king, chose and appointed Robert Steward as gouernour to haue the rule of the realme. About the same time, William Dowglasse the sonne of Archembald Dowglasse, that was brother vnto good sir Iames Dowglasse, who (as before is said) was slaine in Spaine, returned foorth of France, and by support of his friends chased the Englishmen out of Dowglasdale, Tiuidale, Twidale, Etrike forest, & Countries re­couered out of the English­mens hands. Twedale. Iohn Copland capteine of Rokesburgh, to resist such enterprises, gathered a number of men, [Page 242] and came foorth against his enimies, but receiuing the ouerthrow, he was chased into Rokesburgh a­gaine, Iohn Cop­land chased. with losse of diuerse of his men.

In the yéere next following, which was from the incarnation 1349, there came such a pestilence tho­rough all parts of Scotland, so vehement and conta­gious, 1349. that it slue néere hand the third part of all the people. This was the second time that the pestilence The second pestilence that was heard of in Scotland. Sir Dauid Berklie slaine was knowne or heard of to haue come in Scotland. The same yéere, or (as other bookes haue) the yéere 10 next insuing, one Iohn saint Mighell slue sir Dauid Berklie knight at Aberden, in the night season, by procurement of sir William Dowglasse of Liddes­dale, as then prisoner in England with the earle of Dowglasse, both of them being taken at Durham field. The occasion was, for that this sir Dauid Berk­lie had aforetime slaine one Iohn Dowglasse, bro­ther to the said sir William, and father to sir Iames Dowglasse of Dalkéeth.

In the yéere following, was the same sir Willi­am 20 Dowglasse, being latelie before ransomed out of 1353. I. Ma. Sir william Dowglasse slaine. England, slaine, as he was hunting in Etrike fo­rest, by his coosine and godsonne William earle of Dowglasse, in reuenge of the slaughter of Alexan­der Ramsey, and other old grudges. Thus was the house of the Dowglasses diuided amongest them­selues, 1354. pursuing ech other manie yéeres togither with great vnkindnesse, vnnaturall enimitie and slaughter. In the yeere next following, which was 1355. 1355, shortlie after Easter, there arriued in Scot­land 30 a noble knight named sir Eugenie de Garente­ris, Sir Eugenie de Garente­ris a French­man, arriued in Scotland. with a companie of Frenchmen; though few in number, yet valiant and verie skilfull warriors, which were sent thither by Iohn king of France; that succéeded his father king [...] of Ualois, late­lie before deceassed, and deliuered vnto the gouernor and other nobles of the realme of Scotland, fortie thousand crownes of the sunne, to be imploied about Fortie thou­sand crownes. the leuieng of an armie against the Englishmen, that they might be constreined the sooner to with­draw 40 their powers out of France.

This monie was receiued, though a small part thereof came to the hands of the souldiers or men of warre of Scotland, for the lords and nobles kept it safe inough to their owne vse. Yet neuerthelesse, the The earle of March and william Dowglasse enter in to England with an army. william Ramsey of the Dalehouse. earle of March, and William Dowglasse, gather their people, and passe foorth with the same to the bor­ders, and entering into England, appoint William Ramsey of the Dalehouse, to ride before with a number of light horssemen, to the end, that if the 50 Englishmen did assemble and come foorth too strong against him, he might retire backe to the maine bat­tell, where they lay in couert, at a place called Nis­bet moore. This Ramsey dooing as he was comman­ded, made a great forraie thorough the countrie, and hauing got togither a great bootie of cattell, with­drew with the same homewards: but being sharpe­lie pursued by the Englishmen, in hope to recouer their goods, he fled amaine, and they following eger­lie in the chase, were vpon the Scotish armie before 60 The English­men intrap­ped. Put to flight. they were aware. The Scotishmen, and those few Frenchmen that were there, set vpon the English­men fiercelie, and finallie put them to flight, though not without some slaughter on their part: for there were slaine of Scots sir Iohn Holieburton, and sir Iames Turnebull knights. These were taken pri­soners of Englishmen, sir Thomas Greie, and his Prisoners ta­ken. sonne, with Iohn Darcas, and manie other Eng­lishmen.

Fr. Thin. Scala chron. 1355. The taking of which Greie is reported by others to haue béene after this manner. The lords Persie and Neuill, gardians of the English marches, tooke truce with the lord William Dowglasse, at the time that he conquered the lands which the Englishmen had woone of the Scots. But Patrike earle of March (being in confederacie with Garanteris) would not by anie persuasion consent to that leage: whervpon (with a number of others) he made a road to the castle of Norham, ambushing themselues vp­on the Scotish side of the riuer of Twéed, sending o­uer a banneret with his ensigne, and 400 men to fo­rage & spoile the countrie, who gathering the preies, draue them in despite alongst the castle: wherevpon Thomas Greie, capteine of Norham (sonne to Tho­mas Greie, that had béene thrée times by the Scots besieged in the said castle of Norham, in the reigne of king Edward the second) séeing the commons of England thus robbed (and déeming it his part to de­fend his countrie, friends, and their substance) issued foorth of Norham with few men more than fiftie of the garrison of the castle, and a few of the common people vnexpert in matters of war; who (not know­ing of the secret ambush of the band which Patrike had laied in wait behind Twéed) issued foorth to fol­low and recouer the preie: but being so farre gone in chase of the enimie, as that he could not returne in safetie (because he was beset before and behind with the 400 on the one side, & the ambush laied by Twéed on the other side) the said Greie and his companie (finding none other remedie but to hazard the suc­cesse) forsooke their horsses, and on foot (standing to the extremitie) with a woonderfull courage set vpon the Scots, whereof more were killed than of the Eng­lish, but the Scots comming so sore on the English (not able to resist) they began to flie, at what time Thomas G [...]ie (as before is declared) was taken prisoner.)

The earles of March, and Dowglasse, after the obteining of this victorie, came sudenlie in the night Berwike woone. season vnto the towne of Berwike, and raising vp ladders to the wals, wan the towne, but not without losse of diuerse Scotish gentlemen, as Thomas Uaus, Andrew Scot of Balwerie, Iohn Gordon, William Sinclare, Thomas Preston, and Alexan­der Mowbraie knights. Of English were slaine Alexander Ogill capteine of the towne, Thomas Persie brother to the earle of Northumberland, and Edward Greie, with others. Eugenie de Garente­ris with his Frenchmen did verie valiantlie beare himselfe in this enterprise, whome Robert Steward the gouernour rewarding with great gifts, sent backe into France, commending him by letters vn­to the French king, as he that had doone his dutie in euerie behalfe verie throughlie. The castle of Ber­wike, notwithstanding that the towne was thus woone, held foorth the Scots and Frenchmen, by rea­son whereof when an armie of Englishmen came to Berwike wals raced. the succours thereof, they raced the wals, and burnt the houses of the towne, and so departed.

Fr. Thin. Scala chron. The tidings wherof were brought to king Ed­ward at the verie instant of his landing from Calis into England, for which cause he taried at his parle­ment appointed at London but three daies, and with all speed came to Berwike, where he entered the ca­stle; wherat the burgesses amazed, treated with him, and therevpon the towne of Berwike was redeliue­red (against the minds of the Scots) to king Ed­ward.) K. Edward himselfe being come to the rescue Berwike is repared a­gaine by king Edward. The Balioll resigneth his right. Fr. Thn. Scala chron. and recouerie of Berwike, and hauing receiued the towne, and finding it so defaced, tooke order for the reparing thereof againe, went to Roxburgh, and there receiued of the Balioll a full resignation of all his pretended right to the crowne of Scotland. [For there the 26 of Ianuarie, the said Balioll hauing resigned (as before) all his title to king Edward, al­ledged these causes: first, in consideration that the Scots were full of rebellion; also, because he had no heire, nor anie verie néere of his linage: and for that [Page 243] he was of K. Edwards blood of England, he knew [...]leus epis­cop. Rosse. lib. [...]p. 157. not where to bestow it better than vpon him. This Balioll is by no author (as Lesleus saith) placed in the catalog of the kings, as well for that he bound himselfe (by homage) to the gouernement of Eng­land with an oth, against the gouernement & maie­stie of Scotland: as for that being a tyrant, & by force inuading the crowne, he continued not long in the same. In truth, I suppose he held it not verie long, and that in continuall warre. But yet for that which 10 I can see, he was crowned king at Scone, 1332, as Lesleus himselfe, Buchanan, and all other authors doo agrée. Beside, he gouerned by him & his agents vntill the yéere of 1342, at what time he yéelded his crowne to king Edward of England; which was the full part of ten yeares, after which againe he re­couered a good part of Endgland. Wherefore it sée­meth strange to me, that Rosse will not allow him a place in the catalog of kings, since Buchan. maketh him the nintie fourth king, and so placeth him vnder that title, and maketh Dauid Bruse (who was 20 crowned before Balioll, and gouerned after Bali­ols departing Scotland) the 98 king, naming al­so Robert (who succéeded after Bruse) the hundred king in order of gouernement; in such sort, that both these writing at one time (but with diuers affec­tions) cannot agrée on the number of their kings: one receiuing, & the other reiecting him to be placed in the catalog of their kings.] After this, king Ed­ward passing foorth to Hadington, spoiled and wa­sted the countrie by the way on each hand as he mar­ched 30 forward; and for displeasure that his nauie on the sea (after the souldiers and mariners had béene on land, and burned the church of our ladie in those parts called Whitekirke) had with force of a Whitekirke barnt. rigorous tempest beene sore shaken, and manie of the ships lost and drowned togither with men and all, he fell into such a rage, that he caused all the buildings in those parts to be burnt and spoi­led, as well abbeis as all other churches and religi­ous houses, as though he minded (say the Scotish 40 writers) to make warre both against God and all 1355. his saints. These things chanced in the yeare 1355, after our common account, about the feast of the Purification of our ladie, & by reason the English­men did so much hurt at that time in those parts by The burnt Candiemas. fire, they called it euer after; The burnt Candlemas.

Shortlie after that king Edward was returned into England, William Dowglas of Niddesdale recouered out of the English mens possession the lands of Galloway, & the lands of Drisdale were in 50 Galloway re­couered. like maner recouered by one Kirpatrike. In the same yéere on the 20 day of October, was the bat­tell of Poitiers fought, where Edward prince of The battell of Poitiers. Wales, otherwise named the Blacke prince, ouer­threw the armie of France, and tooke king Iohn prisoner, with his yoongest sonne Philip, and a great The French king Iohn ta­ken prisoner. number of other of the French nobilitie besides. There was at this battell with king Iohn, the earle William Dowglas, & to the number of thrée thou­sand 60 Scots, hauing diuers knights and gentlemen to their capteins, of whome there died in the same battell Andrew Steward, Robert Gordon, An­drew Holieburton, and Andrew Uaus, knights. The earle of Dowglas escaped with life and vntaken, Archembald Dowglasse taken prisoner but Archembald Dowglas, son to sir Iames Dow­glas slaine in Spaine, was taken prisoner; albeit his taker suffered him to depart for a small ran­some, by reason that William Ramsey of Collu­thie, who was also taken with him, made semblance as though the same Archembald Dowglas had béen A subtill poli­cie. some poore slaue, causing him to pull off his boots, and to doo other such drudging seruice, as fell not for the estate of a man of any estimation or honestie, to the end it should not be knowne what he was.

Thus the king of England at one time hauing Two kings prisoners in England at one time. two kings vnder his captiuitie, sat crowned be­twixt them at meate in the feast of Christmasse, ma­king (as the vse is) amongst the Englishmen in that season) a great banket. And this he did (as is reported) to the intent that the maner thereof might be bruted abroad to his high praise & glorious fame. King Dauid within certeine yeares after was con­ueied by the earle of Northampton vnto Berwike, where the most part of all the nobles of Scotland assembled togither to consult with him tuching some agréement to be had for his ransome: but because they could grow to no certeine point therein, he was brought backe againe to London, and there re­mained in prison as before. In the meane time, Ro­ger Roger Kirk­patrike slaine. Kirpatrike was slaine by Iames Lindseie, in a castell where the said Iames dwelled, and receiued the said Roger as his ghest. This Lindseie fled vp­on the fact committed; but yet being apprehended and brought to the gouernor Robert Steward, he suffered death for that offense.

Shortlie after, that is to wit at Michaelmasse next insuing, after king Dauid had béene at Berwike, there was an agréement made for his ransome, wherevpon being deliuered, he returned into Scot­land, in the eleuenth yeare after his taking at Dur­ham King Dauid is deliuered. field. It was ageed that there should be paied for his ransome one hundred thousand marks ster­ling, at sundrie daies of paiment, as was accorded betwixt them. 1357. Fr. Thin. Scala chron. After he had béene 11 yeares in England, in which place also Froissard setteth downe that he paied but 50000 marks English. And Scala Chron. saith, that at the feast of S. Michaell, Dauid king of Scots was deliuered for 100000 marks of siluer: for which, his hostages came to Berwike, being the countie of Southerland, and his sonne that was borne of the sister of king Dauid; Tho­mas Senescall that was named in Scotland earle of Angus; Thomas Demurrife baron of Bothuill, and other twentie sons of noble men in Scotland.]

Truce also was taken for the space of fourtéene Truce for 14 yéeres. yeares betwixt both realmes, and diuers nobles of Scotland were appointed to lie as hostages in Eng­land, till the monie were paied, as is before menti­oned [of which pledges (as saith Lesleus) most died in Fr. Thin. England, by means wherof, the king was deliuered of a great part of his ransome.] K. Dauid was also bound by couenant of agréement to race certeine castels within Scotland, which seemed most noisome to the English borders: which couenant he perfor­med. For vpon his returne into Scotland, he cast downe the castels of Dalswinton, Dunfreis, Mor­towne, and Durisdere. He also called a parlement, Castels ra­ced. wherein he enacted sundrie things for the punish­ment of them that fled from him at Durham field: and first for that his coosine Robert Steward was one of them, being through means thereof a great cause of the ouerthrow, he procured that the act (by which the crowne was appointed for want of issue of A parlement. Robert Ste­ward disher­ited of the crowne. Iohn Sou­therland made heire appa­rant. his bodie lawfullie begotten, to descend vnto the said Robert Steward) was vtterlie reuoked and disanulled, and Iohn Southerland the sonne of Iane his yoongest sister, appointed heire apparant in place of the said Robert. And all the lords of Scotland were sworne to obserue and keepe this ordinance.

The earle of Southerland, father to the said Iohn, in hope that his sonne should inioy the crowne, gaue away the most part of his lands, diuiding the same amongst his friends, as to the Haies, the Sinclares, the Ogilbies, and Gordons: but he was neuer the­lesse deceiued of his hope. For shortlie after his son being one of them that was giuen in pledge to re­maine The death of Iohn Sou­therland. in England, till the monie for the kings ran­some [Page 244] was paid, died there of the pestilence, in such sort as the most part of the other pledges likewise did. And shortlie after his deceasse, Robert Ste­ward Robert Ste­ward againe ordeined heire apparant. The contri­bution of the cleargie. 1363. was reconciled to the kings fauor, and ordei­ned heire apparant to the crowne in semblable ma­ner as he was before. The cleargie of Scotland condescended to giue the tenth pennie of all their fruits & reuenues towards the paiment of the kings ransome [which the pope caused the clergie to giue.] Not long after, king Dauid called an other coun­cell, 10 Fr. Thin. Buchanan. wherein (according to his promise made to the king of England before his deliuerance) he mooued the lords and barons of Scotland in a matter where­of A demand proponed to the lords of Scotland. he wished not to haue of them anie towardlie an­swer, and that was this: Whether they could be contented, that after his deceasse, the crowne of Scotland should be transferred vnto the king of Englands sonne, and to his lawfull heires? [Which Fr. Thin. thing Iohn Maior assigneth to the yeare 1363, who also saith, that it was this parlement (as he hath red) 20 and doone by the persuasion of Iane the quéene, for­getting that he said before, that she died in the yeare 1357.] 1357. Their an­swer.

The lords hearing what was proponed vnto them, answered without anie long studie, that so long as anie of them were able to beare armour or weapon, they would neuer consent thereto. King Dauid right ioifull to heare them at this point, thought himselfe discharged, for that he was not bound to labor fur­ther in this sute, because his promise made to the 30 king of England touching this point, onelie was, that if the Scotish lords would agrée, then he should intaile the crowne to his sonne. In the yeare next following, which was from the incarnation 1357, 1357 queene Iane the wife of K. Dauid went into Eng­land to sée hir brother king Edward, & died there be­fore Quéene Ianes death. Fr. Thin. she returned (leauing no issue behind hir) [at Hertford in the yeare of our redemption (as saith Io. Maior) 1362, and was buried (as saith Sca. chro.) Iohn Maior li. 5. cap. 22. in the greie friers in London beside hir mother. 40 This woman dooth the said Maior commend for a most rare person, in that she neuer forsooke hir hus­band in his banishment into France, & in the time of his imprisonment in England; for which cause she deserueth as great praise as Penelope, although in hir life she inioyed small worldlie pleasure, hauing had hir bodie dedicated to the mariage bed. For

Si nihil infausti dur [...] tulisset Vylsses,
Penelope felix, sedsine laude foret.
Ouid.

According to which, it might haue beene said of 50 this woman, that she might haue beene counted hap­pie, if hir husband had neuer beene oppressed with these manie disgraces of fortune; but then she should neuer haue béene extolled with that commendation, which now to the worlds end she hath amongest the wisest.]

K. Dauid, after hir deceasse, maried a yoong lu­stie gentlewoman named Margaret Logie, daugh­ter King Dauid marieth Mar garet Logie. to sir Iohn Logie knight, but within thrée mo­neths 60 after he repented him, for that he had mat­ched himselfe with one of so meane parentage, to the He repenteth his mariage. disparagement of his bloud. Herevpon he banished both hir, and all other that had counselled him to ma­rie hir, confining them for euer out of all the parts He banisheth hir. of his dominions. Shée hir selfe went vnto Auig­non, where as then the pope with all his consistorie She complai­neth to the pope. remained, and entering hir plaint there in the court, followed the same with such diligence, that in the end sentence was giuen on hir side (that is to say) that king Dauid should receiue hir againe into his Sentence gi­uen on hir part. She depar­teth this world. companie, and to accept and vse hir as his iust and lawfull wife. Thus should the realme of Scotland haue run in trouble and danger of interdiction, had she not departed out of this life by the way in retur­ning homewards Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 256. Charles the fift surnamed the wife, being king of France (supported by the aids of Scots) prepared an expedition into the holie land, in which iornie, when a gréeuous contention fell among the French and English, the last were ouercome by the first through the singular manhood of the Scots. Which benefit Charles not forgetting, erected an or­der of an hundred archers to be about his person, and by office to kéepe watch and ward for him (in the night) within his court gates: which (vpon this ori­ginall) is obserued with great solemnitie, euen in this our age.] K. Dauid in the meane time repared sundrie places and strengths of his realme, & built a tower in Edenburgh castell, béaring the name after him euen vnto this day, called Dauids tower. Dauids tow­er built. Fr. Thin.A­bout this time (or rather more trulie as others haue before this written in the yeare of Christ 1356, or shortlie after the deliuerie of Dauid Bruse from captiuitie as the third sort doo say) William Dow­glasse Scala chron. Of this man Dowglasse and his déeds in France, the English chro­nicles doo also report. being about to go on pilgrimage beyond the seas (at such time as king Iohn was preparing his host against the Blacke prince) went with K. Iohn vnto the foresaid battell, being honored by his hands with the title of knighthood: but after, hauing ma­nie of his men slaine, and being inforced to forsake the field, he returned home into Scotland. Willi­am Dowglasse shortlie after, vpon the deliuerie of Dauid Bruse from the captiuitie of England, was created earle of Dowglasse. Much about which or William Dowglasse made earle. at the selfe same time, the said king of Scots ad­uanced William Ramseie to the earldome of Fife, by the means of the wife of the said Ramseie, whom Scala chron. William Ram seie made earle of Fi [...]e. the king intirelie loued (as the report went.) The right of which countie king Dauid affirmed to be iustlie in him (so that he might liberallie giue it) as truelie vested in his possession by the forfeiture which Duncan sometime countie of Fife had doone in K. Robert Bruses daies; in murthering of an esquier called Michaell Beton, whome he miserablie slue in a riuer for extreame displeasure. Wherefore this William Ramseie surmized that Duncan (to ob­teine pardon for his offense) did by indenture make Robert Bruse K. of Scots his heire in reuersion, if he died without issue male, Yet had this Duncan a daughter (by his wife the countesse of Glocester, and daughter to the king of England) which was enterteined in England, and should haue beene sold to Robert the seneschall of Scotland. But she (ra­ther respecting the satisfieng of hir loue, than the ho­nor of hir estate, rather choosing to be a kings wife, than an earles ladie) tooke to husband one William Felton, a knight in Northumberland, which (at the said time when William Ramseie was made earle of Fife) challenged that earldome in the right of his wife, daughter and heire to the said Duncan earle of Fife. But for anie thing that I can yet sée, the said Ramseie went away with the honor thereof.] After this appeasing of certeine rebels that sought to trouble the quiet state of the realme, he purposed to haue gone to Ierusalem: but hauing prouided all things necessarie for such a iournie, he fell sicke The death of king Dauid. of a burning feauer, and died within the castell of Edenburgh in the thirtie ninth yeare of his reigne, and fortie seuenth of his age, which was from the in­carnation 1370 1370, his bodie lieth in Holie rood house, where it was buried in the yeare aforesaid.

Fr. Thin. During the time that this Dauid Bruse was prisoner in England, he did so earnestlie set his lo­uing Scala chron. affection vpon Katharine Mortimer, a damsell of London (by reason of familiar acquaintance with hir) that he could not forbeare hir companie, but (as it séemeth) brought hir also into Scotland with him; whereat the lords disdeining, and highlie offended with the king therefore, procured one Richard de [Page 245] Hull, a vallect of Scotland (in feining some matter vnto hir from the king, as being sent in message by him) to find meanes to rid hir out of life, which he did so couertlie, and handeled the matter so cunninglie, that he suddenlie murthered hir riding from Melros to Seltrée. Wherevpon, the king conceiuing great dolor (not daring to seeke reuenge thereof, for doubt of the nobilitie) caused hir to be honorablie buried at Newbotle, not ceassing (as farre as in him lay) after hir death, to manifest the singular loue he bare (vnto 10 hir in hir life.)

Sundrie maruellous things were séene in the Strange woonders. daies of this king Dauid, within the bounds of Al­bion. In the 16 yéere of his reigne, crowes, rauens, and pies, in the winter season brought foorth their brood, and ceassed in the summer and springtime, con­trarie to their kind. All the yewes in the countrie the yewes barren same yéere were barren, and brought no lambes. There was such plentie of mice and rats both in hou­ses, and abroad in the fields, that they might not be 20 destroied. In the 27 yéere of his reigne, the riuers Great raine. and other waters rose on such heigth through abun­dance of raine that fell in the latter end of haruest, that breaking foorth of their common chanels, with their violent streame manie houses & townes were borne downe and destroied. About this time liued di­uerse clerks, in that age counted notable, as Iohn Iohn Duns. Duns, of the order of saint Francis, Richard Midle­ton, and William Ocham, with others.

King Dauid being thus dead and buried, the no­bles 30 The assemblie of the lords for the election of a new king. assembled at Lithquo, about the election of him that should succéed in his place. The greater part of the nobilitie, and such as were of the sounder iudge­ment, agréed vpon Robert Steward; but William earle of Dowglas being come thither with a great William earle of Dowglasse clameth the crowne. power, clamed to be preferred by right of Edward Balioll, and of the Cumin, which right he pretended to haue receiued of them both, and there ought to be no doubt (as he alledged) but that the crowne apper­teined by iust title vnto them, as all the world knew, 40 and therefore sith he had both their rights, he main­teined that he was true and vndoubted inheritor to the crowne. It appéered that the said earle Dowglas Buchanan. purposed to vsurpe the crowne by force, if he might not haue it by friendlie and quiet meanes: but ne­uerthelesse he was disappointed of his purpose, by reason that George earle of March, and Iohn Dun­bar carle of Murrey, with the lord Erskine [which [...]. Thin. three were capteins of Dunbreton, Sterling, and E­denburgh] and others (of whose friendlie furtherance 50 he thought himselfe assured) gaue their voices with the Steward, assisting his side to their vttermost powers. The Dowglas perceiuing héereby that he should not be able to mainteine his quarell, resigned He resigneth his right to the Steward. therevpon his pretensed title, which in effect was of no importance, nor woorth the discussing.

THen was Robert Steward conueid to Scone, Robert. and there crowned with great solemnitie, and Robert Ste­ward is crow ned king of Scotland. 1370. was called Robert the second. This came to passe in the 47 yéere of his age, on our ladie day in Lent, cal­led 60 the Annuntiation, being the yéere of Christ 1370. Moreouer, that the firmer amitie & friendship might continue and be nourished betwixt this king Robert and his subiect the earle of Dowglasse aforesaid, it was accorded that Eufemie eldest daughter to king Robert, should be giuen in mariage to Iames sonne to the earle of Dowglasse aforesaid. ¶ Thus ye may perceiue how the Stewards came to the crowne, whose succession haue inioied the same to our time: queene Marie mother to Charles Iames that now The first com ming of the Stewards to the crowne. Fr. Thin. that now reigneth, being the eight person from this Robert, that thus first atteined vnto it [of whose first originall and descent you shall see before in the life of Duncan.

He had to wife at the time of his atteining to the crowne, Eufemie daughter to Hugh earle of Rosse, by whome he had two sonnes, Walter and Dauid. But before he was maried to hir, he kept Elizabeth Mure king Roberts concubine. one Elizabeth Mure in place of his wife, and had by hir thrée sonnes, Iohn, Robert, and Alexander, with diuerse daughters, of the which one was maried to Iohn Dunbar erle of Murrey, and another to Iohn Leon lord of Glames. The earledome of Murrey continued in possession of the Dunbars onelie du­ring the life of this earle Iohn & his sonne, in whom How the Dowglasses came by the earledome of Murrey. the succession sailed touching the name of the Dun­bars, in the inioieng of that earledome: for leauing a daughter behind him that was married to the Dowglas, the same Dowglas came by that means to the said earledome of Murrey King Robert after his coronation made sundrie earles, lords, barons, and knights. Amongst other, Iames Lindsey of Glenneske was made earle of Crawford. His wife Eufemie the quéene de­ceaseth. quéene Eufemie deceassed the third yeare after hir husband atteined the crowne, and then incontinent­lie he maried Elizabeth Mure [or Moore, daughter to sir Adam Mure knight] his old lemman, to the Fr. Thin. Elizabeth the Mure maried to king Ro­bert. Fr. Thin. end the children which he had by hir might be made legitimate by vertue of the matrimonie subsequent. [Although before he had procured this Elizabeth to be giuen in matrimonie to one Gifford a noble man in Louthian, which also died (as fortune serued) when Eufemie first wife of the said Robert died, whereby they (being now both at libertie) might renew their owne old loue, and in wedlocke possesse that which before they inioied in adulterie.]

Not long after, by authoritie of a parlement as­sembled, The prefer­ment of the kings sonnes to dignitie. he made his eldest sonne Iohn, begotten on Elizabeth Mure aforesaid, earle of Carrike: his second sonne begotten on hir, earle of Menteith and Fife: and his third sonne Alexander, begotten like­wise on the same mother, he created earle of Buch­quhane, and lord of Badzenoch. [Besides which hée Fr. Thin. had also two daughters by hir.] His eldest sonne Walter, begotten on Eufemie his first wife, was made earle of Atholl, and lord of Brechin: his second sonne Dauid, begotten on the same Eufemie, was made earle of Stratherne. The said Walter procu­red the slaughter of Iames the first, for that be pre­tended a right to the crowne, as after shall appeare. Shortlie after, he called an other parlement at An act for suc cession of the crowne. Perth, where it was ordeined, that after the death of king Robert, the crowne should descend vnto Iohn his eldest sonne, and to his issue male; and for default thereof, vnto Robert his second sonne, and to his heires male; and for default of such heires, to Alex­ander his third sonne, and to his heires male, and in default of them, to remaine to his sonne Walter, begotten on Eufemie his wife, & to the heires male of his bodie begotten: and if such succession failed, then it should descend vnto his yoongest sonne Da­uid the earle of Stratherne, and to his heires gene­rall either male or female. And all the nobles of the realme were sworne to performe this new ordi­nance touching the succession of the crowne, and that in most solemne maner.

About this time, the borderers, which are men e­uer The borde­rers desirous of warre. desirous of warres and trouble, to the end they may applie their market, whereby they most chieflie liue, that is to say, reife and spoile of their neighbors goods, through enuie of long peace and quietnesse, vpon a quarell piked, slue certeine of the houshold seruants of George earle of Dunbar at the faire of Roxburgh faire. Roxburgh, which as then the Englishmen held. Earle George sore offended herewith, sent an he­rald vnto the earle of Northumberland, warden of the English marches, requiring that such as had committed the slaughter might be deliuered to re­ceiue [Page 246] according to that they had deserued: but when he could get nought but dilatorie answers, full of derision rather than importing anie true meaning, 1370. Buchanan. The truce violated. he passed ouer his displeasure till more opportunitie of time might serue. In the yéere following, against the next faire to be holden at Roxburgh aforesaid, the said earle of March, with his brother the earle of Murrey gathered a power of men secretlie togither, and comming to the said towne, tooke it, slue all the Roxburgh surprised by the earle of March. Englishmen found within it, put their goods to the 10 sacke, and after set the towne on fire, and so de­parted.

Herevpon the Englishmen shortlie after enter The English men inuade Scotland. with an armie into Scotland, burning and dooing much hurt vpon the lands of sir Iohn Gordon, for that they ioined to the earle of Marches lands. Sir Iohn Gordon verie desirous to reuenge this iniu­rie, came into England with an armie, and getting togither a great bootie of cattell, returned therewith homewards, but being incountered by the way at a 20 place called Carran or Carram, by Iohn Lilborne and other Englishmen, there was a sore fight be­twixt them, the victorie for a time shewing it selfe so variable and vncerteine, that sir Iohn Gordon was sore wounded, and the Scots were fiue times that day had in chase, and as oft got the like aduantage The English men discom­fited. Sir Iohn Lirborne taken. Fr. Thin. of their enimies. In the end the Englishmen were clearelie discomfited, and their capteine sir Iohn Lil­borne, with his brother and diuerse other brought prisoners into Scotland [the maner whereof Iohn 30 Maior condemneth and laieth the fault of breach in earle Dowglasse.]

To reuenge these displeasures, Henrie Persie Henrie Per­sie erle of Nor thumberland. earle of Northumberland entered into Scotland with seuen thousand men, & comming vnto Duns, there pitched downe his tents; but the night follo­wing came the herds and other people of the coun­trie, hauing prepared certeine bagges made and sowed togither, of drie leather like to bladders, into A policie to afright horses the which they had put small peble stones, & running 40 vp & downe about the place where the Englishmen were incamped, made such a noise with those bags full of stones, that the Englishmens horsses brea­king their halters and bridles wherewith they were tied, ran from their maisters and kéepers, and were scattered so abroad in the countrie, that the Scotish­men got hold of them, and so in the morning the Englishmen that had watched all night (for doubt to haue béene assailed by their enimies) perceiuing themselues set on foot, returned home without anie 50 further attempt.

In the meane time, Thomas Musgraue capteine of Berwike, comming to the succours of the earle Tho. Mus­graue capteine of Berwike taken prisoner of Northumberland, chanced to méet with sir Iohn Gordon vpon the way, by whom he was taken, and lead into Scotland as his prisoner. Neither had the Scots the better thus onelie on the east marches, but also on the west, where sir Io. Iohnston had sundrie skirmishes with the Englishmen, and went euer a­waie with the vpper hand. [All which before (vntill 60 the death of Eufemie the quéene) Buchanan appoin­teth Fr. Thin. to the first two yéeres of the king, before the death of the quéene.] About this time, pope Gregorie A legat from the pope. the 11 sent a legat from Auignion to king Robert, forbidding him in any wise to meddle with the goods perteining to the church, after the decease of anie bishop, person, or vicar. [About this time happened the death of Edward the third, king of England. Fr. Thin. And Charles the fift king of France sent ambassa­dors 1375. Buchanan. into Scotland, to renew the old leage betwene the two nations, and to persuade him to warre vp­on England, to the end the warres might thereby be withdrawne out of France: which was performed accordinglie.

On the 22 day of October, in the yéere 1378, 1378. Dauid Steward was borne, which afterwards was made duke of Rothsaie, and on saint Andrews day Berwike ta­ken by Scots next following, towne of Berwike was taken by sir Iohn Gordon, and six or seuen other knights, but it was not long kept: for a number of English Recouered a­gaine out of their hands. men entring by a posterne of the castell, recouered the towne easilie againe out of the Scotishmens hands. After this, William earle of Dowglas came 1380. The faire of Pennire. with twentie thousand men to the faire of Pennire within England, and spoiled all the goods found as then in the same faire, and so returned with great ri­ches into Scotland: but the Scotishmen smallie re­ioised at this gains, for with such cloth & other wares as they brought awaie with them from the foresaid The third time that the pestilence [...]am into Scot­land. faire, they drew into the countrie such a violent and sore pestilence, that the third part of all the peo­ple (where it came) died thereof. This was the third time that the pestilence was knowne to haue doone anie great hurt in Scotland, being in the yéere after the incarnation 1380. 1380. Fr. Thin.

The Englishmen [with the number of 1500, vn­der the conduct (as saith Buchanan) of Talbot] to re­uenge the displeasure doone by the erle of Dowglas The English men inuade the Scotish borders. at Pennire, raised a great armie, and came with the same ouer Sulway, and inuading the Scotish bor­ders on that side most cruellie, spared neither fire nor sword. In the meane time, the Scots gathered to the number of fiue hundred men, & stood in a streict till the Englishmen should come and passe by them, and then with such huge noise and clamor they set on the Englishmen, that in giuing backe there was foure hundred of them slaine, and a great number Englishmen slaine and drowned. of the residue for hast drowned in the water of Sul­way, and hereby was all the bootie of cattell & goods recouered againe by the Scots, and the most part of it restored to the owners. Charles the sixt as then Ambassadors frō the Frēch king. French king, hearing of such prosperous aduenturs dailie chancing to the Scots, sent ouer his ambassa­dors vnto king Robert, exhorting him to follow his good fortune, and occasion thus offered to reuenge old iniuries against the Englishmen, now that their hearts séemed to faile them through losses susteined diuerse waies of late at the Scotish mens hands. 1381. Les. Anno Reg. 11. The renuing of the league betwixt Scot land and France. An other cause of their message was also (as the Scots doo write) to renew the old league & band be­twixt Scotland and France, which being doone in solemne wise according to the maner, they returned into France, & with them went ambassadors from king Robert vnto their master the said K. Charles, Walter Wardlaw, cardinall & bishop of Glascow, with manie other noble men, who in like maner there renewed the same leage & bond of friendship, to the high contentation of both the princes. This was in the eleuenth yéere of king Robert his reigne.

In which yéere Iohn Lion chancellor of Scotland The chancel­lor of Scot­land slaine. was slaine by Iames Lindesay, earle of Crawford. This Iohn Lion grew into so high fauour with king Robert, that he gaue to him his daughter the ladie Elizabeth in mariage, with diuerse possessions and lands, called Glammis. Of him the surname of the Lions is descended: and in memorie thereof, they beare in their armes the lion & lillies, with the tresse in forme and fashion as the king of Scotland beareth his, saue that their lions are placed in a blacke field. The cause why the earle of Crawford thus slue the Enuie & spite. chancellor, was onelie vpon enuie and spite, for that after he had maried the kings daughter, he atteined to such estimation and authoritie, that he might doo all things with the king, according to his owne will and pleasure. For this offense the earle of Crawford The earle of Crawford in exile. remained in exile certeine yeeres after, and durst not returne home, till finallie through earnest sute made [Page 247] to the king by the earles of Dowglasse and March, his pardon was begged, and then at length he was His pardon is begged. reconciled to the kings fauour.

In the meane time, Edward king of England, the third of that name, departed this life, and Richard of Bardeaur, sonne to the blacke prince Edward, that was sonne to the said king Edward, succéeded, Anno reg. 12. 1382. Io. Ma. 1381. English am­bassadors sent into Scot­land. Fr. Thin. in the fourth yéere of whose reigne, being after the birth of our Sauiour 1381, Iohn of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, with other English lords, came into 10 Scotland in ambassage [to whome were appointed Iames earle of Dowglasse, and Iohn Dunbar earle of Murrey] to treat for the appeasing of the discord as then continuing betwixt the two realmes: and in the end the matter was so handeled, that a truce [...] truce taken. was concluded to induce for three yéeres. As the said duke was returning homewards, he was informed Rebellion in England. of the rebellion and insurrection made by the com­mons of England against the nobles, hauing one Iacke Straw and others to their capteins, wherevp­on 20 Iack Straw doubting to passe thorough his owne countrie till things were better appeased, he returned into Scotland, and was conueied by William earle of Dowglasse, and Archembald Dowglas lord of Gal­loway, to holie rood house beside Edenburgh, where he remained till he heard that the rebels were sup­pressed, and their capteins slaine or taken, and put to execution.

As soone as the truce was expired, Archembald Dowglasse lord of Galloway, displeased in his mind The truce ex­pired. The garison of Lochmaben Anno reg. 14. 1381. Io. Ma. that the Englishmen lieng in garison within the ca­stell 30 of Lochmaben, did dailie harrie and rob the vil­lages and countrie townes of Galloway and An­nandale, raised a great power by support of the earls Iames of Dowglasse, and George of March, and therewith laid a strong siege vnto the said castell of Lochmaben, & hauing lien there at the space of nine 1384. daies, they fought with a number of Englishmen that came out of Carleill to rescue this castell, whom hauing put to flight, they gaue therwith also a sharpe assalt to the castell, and put them within in such feare, 40 that sir William Fetherston then capteine thereof, The castell of Lochmaben rendered to the Scots. and the residue consented to yéeld the house vnto the Scots euen the same day without more adoo, vpon condition they might depart with their goods in safe­tie into England.

But Fourdon writing of the winning of this ca­stell, speaketh not of anie ouerthrow giuen to those Iohn Fourdon. that should come from Carleill, in maner as other write. For thus he saith. When Archembald Dow­glasse 50 had got knowledge that the same castell was vtterlie vnprouided both of men and vittels necessa­rie for the defense thereof, he assembled an armie to­gither, with the helpe of the earles of Dowglasse and Dunbar, who ioining with him, inuironed the castell about with a strong siege, so that no succour could en­ter to the reliefe of them within at anie hand. Héere­vpon the capteine sir William Fetherston knight, Sir William Fetherston. sent letters vnto the lord wardens of the English marches, requiring aid, and letting them to vnder­stand 60 in what danger he stood for lacke of men and vittels. The wardens wrote to him againe, that he Buchanan. should doo his best for eight daies to hold out; and if no succour came within that terme, then to doo as he should sée cause. Héerevpon sir William Fetherston requiring a truce of the Scotish lords for the space of those eight daies, within which terme if no succour came to remooue their siege, he would yéeld the ca­stell vnto them, the liues and goods of them within saued. This was granted, and the Scots ceassed fur­ther to annoy them within by assalts: and when the ninth day was come, and no aid from England ap­peered, they receiued the castell into their possession, according to the couenant. And so the Scots hauing thus woone the castell of Lochmaben, raced it quite It is rase [...]. downe to the earth.

King Richard hearing that the Scots had atchi­ued this enterprise, appointed the baron of Grai­stocke with a certeine number of men to go with vittels and munition vnto Roxburgh, for doubt least if the Scots came to lay siege to that fortresse, and finding it vnprouided, they might peraduenture bring it into further danger than would lightlie be remedied. As this baron was come within a mile of The baron of Graistocke taken. Anno reg 15. 1383. l. Ma. An armie by sea and an o­ther by land, prepared a­gainst the Scots. The duke of Lancaster commeth with an armie to Edenburgh. Roxburgh, he was taken by the earle of March, and brought to Dunbar with all his prouision. The king of England being informed also of this mishap, ap­pointed two armies, one by sea, and another by land, to inuade the Scots; the duke of Lancaster hauing the generall charge and conduct of them both, who gi­uing order to them that should passe by sea what they should doo, entered himselfe by land, and wasting the countries of March and Louthian, came to Eden­burgh, and tooke the towne. But wheras his souldiors would haue spoiled and burned it, he compounded with the inhabitants for a summe of monie, and so returned without dooing anie more damage.

His nauie being as then arriued in the Forth, ta­ried behind, & first burning the abbeie of saint Col­mes Inch, a number of the souldiers with their cap­teins landed in Fife, and spoiled diuerse townes and villages there: but in the end, Thomas and Nicho­las Erskinnes being brethren, Alexander Lindsey, and William Cunningham of Kilmauris, set vpon them, and slue the most part of them, so that few in The English­men discomfi­ted in Fife. The strength of Tiuidale recouered. number escaped againe to their ships, being pursued hard to the water side. The same yéere the earle of Dowglasse recouered all the strengths of Tiuidale out of the Englishmens hands, which they had held e­uer since the battell of Durham vnto those daies. This earle of Dowglasse, one of the most valiant The earle of Dowglas de­ceasseth. personages in those his daies, within the whole realme of Scotland, died within his castell of Dow­glasse, shortlie after he had atchiued this enterprise, and was buried in the abbeie of Melrosse.

After his deceasse, his sonne Iames, or (as saith Iames earle of Dowglasse. Buchanan) William succeeded in the earledome of Dowglasse, a verie fierce and hardie knight, the which shortlie after appointed by the king to haue the guiding of an armie, he passed with the same into England, and burnt the countrie so farre as New­castell. The Scots inuade Nor­thumberland. 1385. Iohn de Uian admerall of France. But being countermanded home, he retur­ned and came vnto Perth, where he found the lord Iohn de Uian, admerall of France, and earle of Ua­lentinois, who about the same time was arriued in Scotland with two hundred and fortie ships well and perfectlie furnished for the warres, and in them two thousand and fiue hundred armed men, diuerse 200. Buchan. 26 barons, 800 men of armes or knights. I. Fourdon. I doubt whe­ther there were any hag­buts vsed in those daies, though guns were some­what before that time. of them being lords and barons, besides gentlemen and others. Also there was amongest them 400 hag­butters (as Bellenden saith) and two hundred with crosbowes: the residue bare pikes, halberts, and such like weapons. They were paied their wages for one whole yéere aforehand, and had brought vittels with them to serue them as long. They had brought also with them foure hundred paire of white curets, foure hundred halfe long swoords, & fiftie thousand franks, to be giuen among the nobles of Scotland, accor­dinglie as king Robert should appoint and thinke expedient.

The admerall and other the nobles of France, be­ing thus come into Scotland to make warres on the Englishmen, were highlie feasted by the king and lords of the realme, as then present with him; and when the earle of Dowglasse was once come, by common consent of them all there assembled togi­ther in councell, it was ordeined that an armie should be raised with all spéed, that ioining with these [Page 248] Frenchmen they might passe immediatlie into England. The earle of Fife sonne to king Robert The earle of Fife. An armie of Scots and Frenchmen enter into England. Castels woon. was appointed to be generall of this armie, hauing with him the earles of Dowglasse, and March, Ar­chembald Dowglasse lord of Galloway, and diuerse other of the Scotish nobilitie. This armie when they were all togither, amounted to the number of fiftie thousand men, the which entring into England, tooke the castels of Warke, Fourd, and Cornewall. After this, by robbing and spoiling the countrie betwixt 10 Berwike and Newcastell, they did much hurt in all parts where they came; but through continuall raine which fell as then in great abundance, they were con­streined to returne into Scotland, where they pit­ched downe their field néere to the castell of Rockes­burgh, purposing to haue assaied the winning there­of: but forsomuch as they could not agrée in whose name it should be kept if it were woone, they left that enterprise. For the Frenchmen required that if they The French­men & Scots cannot agrée. wan it, that then it might be kept by them, in the 20 name and to the behoofe of the French king, where­vnto the Scots would not agrée.

Yet after this, the Frenchmen wishing to accom­plish some other enterprise, went to the west bor­ders, where ioining with Archembald Dowglas lord of Galloway, they passed ouer Sulway sands; and so entering into Cumberland, did woonderfull much They inuade Cumberland. hurt in that countrie. At length they determined to lay siege vnto Carleill, but being called from thence they returned into Scotland, and then (as some au­thors 30 write) and not before, they laid siege to Rocks­burgh, and raised from thence within eight daies af­ter, by reason of the variance before alledged. At All­hallowentide next insuing, the Frenchmen returned The French­men returne into France. into France, hauing indured no small trauell and paines, since their first comming foorth of their coun­trie. After they were gotten a shipboord to returne homewards, the Scots againe enter into England with an armie, remaining there for the space of two moneths (as the Scotish writers say) And in the meane time king Richard assembled a mightie pow­er, 40 King Richard inuadeth Scotland. and inuading Scotland, passed through the Mers and Louthian, putting all the townes, countries, and houses vnto vtter ruine, as in the English historie more plainlie may appéere.

In the yeere next insuing, Walter Wardlaw bi­shop of Glascow and cardinall, departed this life. 1387. Also within a while after that king Richard was re­turned backe into England, Robert Steward earle of Fife, with Iames earle of Dowglas, Archem­bald 50 Dowglas lord of Galioway, entred into Eng­land with an armie of thirtie thousand men, com­ming An armie of thirtie thou­sand Scots inuaded Eng­land by the west marches. Cokermouth taken vpon the sudden. so secretlie thorough the water of Sulway, that they came to Cokermouth in such spéedie wise vppon the sudden, that the people had not leasure to conueie away their goods: so that the Scots remai­ning there for the space of thrée daies, got a rich bootie togither, and returned with the same thorough the countries of Westmerland and Northumberland safe, and without incounter againe into Scotland. 60 Amongest certeine other things, found in rifeling and ransacking of houses in this iournie, there was a charter found of certeine lands giuen by king A­thelstane, in this forme: I king Athelstane giues to The forme of an old déed of gift. Paullane, Odhiam and Rodhiam, als guid and als faire, als euer yay mine waire, and yarto witnesse Mauld my wife. ¶ By tenure of which déed it may ap­peere, that our ancestors gaue more credit to the true meaning of a few woords barelie expressed in their The true me­ning of men in old time. writings, than that there needed so long processe and circumstance as is now vsed with long studie of penning, nothing being thought sufficient to assure the parties of their couenanted bargaines, and con­cluded agreements.

In this last iournie against the Englishmen, William Dowglas bastard sonne to Archembald William Dew glas honored for his high prowesse. Dowglas lord of Galloway, wan great fame and honor for his high prowes and noble valiancie, shew­ed as well in certeine approches made vnto Carleill, as in diuerse other skirmishes elsewhere. The king also herevpon began to fauour him in such wise, that he thought him woorthie of some high aduancement; and therevpon gaue him his daughter in mariage, named Giles, a ladie of such excellent beautie, as hir match in those daies was not to be found: [with whome for hir dowrie, he gaue the lands of Niddes­dale.] Fr. Thin. He begat on hir a daughter, which was after maried to the earle of Orkenie. This William Dowglas (as Iohn Fourdon noteth) was of a blac­kish or swart colour, not ouercharged with flesh; but big of bone, a mightie personage, vpright and fall, valiant, courteous, amiable, full of liberalitie, mer­rie, faithfull, and pleasant in companie, but herewith he was of such strength, that whome soeuer he stroke either with mace, swoord, or speare, downe he went were he neuer so well armed. At one time (as the same Fourdon saith) he hauing with him but eight hundred, fought against thrée thousand Englishmen, of whome two hundred he siue in the field, & brought fiue hundred prisoners with him into Scotland.

In the yéere 1388, Robert earle of Fife, and Ar­chembald Dowglas lord of Galloway, entered with 1388. a proud armie into England, and in the meane time came sundrie Irishmen by sea to the coasts of Gal­loway, and landing in diuerse places, fetched awaie Irishmen fetch preies in Galloway. William Dow glas inuadeth Ireland with fiue hundred men, as Iohn Fourdon saith. Carlingford beséeged. great booties of cattell, and other goods of the inha­bitants: whereof William Dowglas, sonne of the said Archembald being informed, got a conuenient power of men togither, by support of his brother in law, Robert earle of Fife, and by licence of the king passed ouer with the same, shipped in certeine vessels into Ireland, where being got on land, he laid siege to the towne of Carlingford. The townesmen doub­ting to be taken by assault, purchased a truce for cer­teine daies, promising to giue a great summe of mo­nie The craftie dealing of the townesmen. to haue their towne saued: but in the meane time, they assembled the number of eight hundred men, through helpe of an other towne not farre off, called Doundalke, and ioining with them, they diui­ded The Irish­men assaile the Scots in two seuerall pla­ces. themselues into two parts. One part set vpon Robert Steward of Durisdeir, who hauing the con­duct of the earle of Fifes men, was gone abroad in­to the countrie to fetch in some preie: and the other part assailed William Dowglas, that lay still afore the towne.

Neuerthelesse, the said Robert and William re­ceiued the enimies with such manhood, that they put The Irish­men put to flight. them in both places to flight, and immediatlie after gaue assault to the towne, and entring the same per­force, put all the goods found therein to the sacke, and Carlingford woone by as­salt. then set it on fier, and burned it to ashes. This doone, they tooke threescore ships which they found in diuerse hauens and creeks there on that coast, and fraugh­ting fiftéene of them with such spoile as they had got, they burned the residue, and then returning home­wards, spoiled the Ile of Man by the way as they The Ile of Man spoiled. passed. Shortlie after their returne home, the king of England sent an armie into Scotland, which did much hurt in the Mers, in burning and ouerthrow­ing Englishmen burne in the Mers. diuerse towers and houses. King Robert being certified hereof, as then remaining in the north parts of Scotland, assembled the nobles of his realme at Aberden: and there by all their aduises it was con­cluded, that the whole puissance of the realme should be raised with all spéed, to reuenge those iniuries doon by the Englishmen. Héere vpon were two armies Two armies of Scotish­men assembled assembled, the one, wherein were fiftéene thousand men, was committed to the gouernance of the earle [Page 249] of Fife, hauing with him the earle of Menteith, Ar­chembald Dowglasse lord of Galloway, and Alex­ander Lindseie of Walcop. The other conteining like number of men, was appointed to the guiding of the earles of Dowglas and March, hauing with them Iames Lindseie earle of Crawford, Iohn Dunbar earle of Murrey, and the lord Ha [...]e the con­stable of Scotland, with diuerse other of the nobili­tie [both which (saith Froissard) amounted to the num­ber Fr. Thin. of 40000 men.] 10

These two armies parting in sunder at Iedworth, the earle of Fife with his people entered into Cum­berland by the west marches, and the earles of Dow­glas Cumberland inuaded. and March with theirs, entered on the other side into Northumberland, passing thorough the coun­trie, Northumber­land inuaded. spoiling and wasting the same, till as farre as Durham; and on the other part, the earle of Fife spa­red neither fier nor swoord, all the way as he passed. At length both these armies met togither about a ten miles from Newcastell. Here the earle of Dow­glasse 20 chose foorth ten thousand of the most able men Ten thousand of the choisest men with the earle of Dow­glas. The assem­blie of the Englishmen at Newcastle. that could be found amongest all the numbers, with the which he went to Newcastell, to trie if by anie meanes he might take the towne. There was gathe­red into Newcastell before his comming thither, the most part of all the chosen men from Yo [...]e to the borders, with the earle of Northumberland, who by reason of extreme age was not able to sh [...]re abroad (anie thing to purpose) himselfe, but he had with him two of his owne sonnes, the one named Henrie, and 30 the other Rafe, verie forward and lustie gentle­men. This Henrie being the elder, was surnamed Henrie Hot­spur. for his often pricking, Henrie Hotspur, as one that seldome times rested, if there were anie seruice to be doone abroad.

The earle of Dowglasse comming to Newcastell, The earle of Dowglasse in­campeth fast by Newcastle. incamped with his people on that side the towne to­wards Scotland, and viewed the towne earnestlie, which way he might best come to giue assault to win it. Henrie Persie desirous to shew some proofe of his 40 singular manhood, wherein he greatlie trusted, re­quired to fight with the earle of Dowglasse man to man; which request the earle granting, togither they ran, mounted on two great coursers with sharpe The earle of Dowglas and Henrie Persie run togither. The Persie dismounted beside his horsse. groond speares at the vtterance. The earle of Dow­glasse in this incounter bare himselfe so well, that in the end he droue the Persie out of his saddle. The Englishmen that stood without the gates, made to the rescue, recouered him on foot, and brought him foorthwith backe into the towne. Incontinentlie her­vpon, 50 the earle of Dowglasse caused the assault to be giuen, and filling the ditches with haie and fagots, An assault gi­uen to New­castell. came with ladders to the wals: but the Englishmen so well defended themselues, that the Scots were beaten backe, not without great losse and slaughter of their people.

Froissard making mention of this enterprise thus made by the Scots, varieth somewhat from the Sco­tish Froissard some what varieth from the Sco­tish writers. writers in this place: for he speaketh nothing that the Dowglasse and the Persie should thus run 60 togither on horssebacke (as before is specified) but that in giuing assault to the towne, it chanced, that as the Englishmen defended their barriers without the gate, the Dowglas fortuned to be matched hand to hand with Henrie Persie, and there by force pluc­ked the Persies staffe from him, and in returning hoisted it vp on heigth, saieng, he would carrie the same for his sake into Scotland: and the next day af­ter, he raised his campe and departed homewards to­wards Dowglas in­camped at Otterborne. the borders, & comming to a place called Ot­terborne, about twelue or fouretéene miles from Newcastell, pitched downe his tents there, that his souldiors might take some rest, & refresh themselues after their great trauell, for they had not rested of all the day nor night before, nor to anie purpose, since their first entering into England.

In the meane time the English power was high­lie The English power increa­sed. increased at Newcastell, for a great number of the countrie came, and entered into the towne the same night that followed the day of the assault. Henrie Per­sie followed the Scots. Henrie Persie then perceiuing his number suf­ficient to fight with Dowglasse, set them in order of battell, & determined to issue foorth vpon the Scots, and to giue them an incounter: but when he vnder­stood that they were gone homewards, he followed [...] with all speed, for he would by no means that The Dow­glasse exhor­teth his men to fight man­fullie. they should passe into Scotland without battell, tru­sting to recouer the dishonor which he had susteined by losing his staffe at the [...]arriers before the gate of Newcastell. Earle Dowglasse aduertised that the enimies were comming to giue him battell, exhor­ted his people with few words to remember their woonted manhood, that by gaining the victorie, they might win euerlasting fame and honor, with safe­gard to themselues and their countrie. The Persie likewise for his part, incouraged his men, willing The Persie with comfor­table words incourageth his men. them to fight manfullie in reuenge of their iniuries doone to them and their friends by the Scots, and herewith commanding the trumpets to sound, he gaue the onset fiercelie.

Here both the armies ioining togither, a right ter­rible incounter insued: but because the night was The onset is giuen. at hand, before they began to ioine, through want of light to sée what was to doo, they were seuered in sunder for that time; but remembring that the moone They were seuered by comming on of the night. would shortlie rise, they determined so soone as she began to giue light, to renew the battell againe. As soone therefore as the moone began to appeare, they ioined againe with more malice than before. The Englishmen fought so egerlie, that putting The battell is renewed. the Scots backe, and causing them to giue ground, they had woone the Scotish standards, and so by all likelihood got the vpper hand, had not Patrike Hep­borne Patrike Hep­borne relee­ueth the Scots at point to be o­uercome. The valian­cie of the earle of Dowglasse. with his sonne, & such other of his companie as attended him, come to the rescue, by whome the fight was begun afresh. Herewith also came the earle of Dowglasse, and with a great mace in his hand laid such sore strokes round about him, that none came within his reach, but downe he went.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. The said Dowglasse the yoonger, hauing with him Robert & Simon Glendoure, was (all which not­withstanding) most grieuouslie wounded, whom his friends (comming about to succor) found then cast vpon the ground, next vnto whome lay one named Hart most miserablie wounded also. At what time This priest was William archdeacon of Aberden, as saith Io. Maior lib. 6. cap 3. & Lesleus lib. 7. pa. 263. calleth him William Loundie arch deacon of saint An­drews, kins­man to Dow­glasse. This Dowglasse was hurt in the shoulder in the lower part of his brest, and in the thigh with seuerall arrows, and had a deadlie blow on his head being vncouered. Io. Maior. lib. 6. cap 3. a priest (which had faithfullie assisted this Dowglasse in all distresse) did (now the bodie being faint and de­caied) defend the same from other hurt of the aduer­sarie. Dowglasse lieng in this estate, his neere friends (Iohn Lindseie, Iohn and Walter Seint­clere) came vnto him, demanding how he did. To whome he stoutlie answered (as one whome the pre­sence of death nothing dismaied) that he was verie well; for said he, I doo not now die in my bed (by sluggish destinie) but in the field, as almost all my ancestors haue doone. Wherefore, this shall be the last thing that I will require of you; first to keepe my death most secret, secondlie that you suffer not my standard to be throwne downe, and lastlie that you reuenge my death; the which if I may before hand by your promise hope to be performed, I shall with more patience indure all other things. Wherevpon they first seuered his bodie that it should not be knowen; then they erected his standard, crieng (as the maner is) A Dowglasse a Dowglasse. At which voice, there was so great a concursse of people, & such a ioifull assault vpon the enimie; that forthwith they draue them from the place of the battell. For at the verie [Page 250] name of Dowglasse, not onelie the common peo­ple, but Iohn earle of Murrey (supposing that the same side was in distresse) prepared in all hast to succour them.]

Finallie, the whole number of the Scotishmen The English men put to flight. bare themselues so manfullie, that the Englishmen being broken and put to flight, were slaine & borne downe. The chase continued till the breake of the day with killing and taking, as in such cases is euer séene, though the more part in déed were taken with 10 their liues saued after they once fell in the chase. Amongest other, Rafe Persie and his brother Hen­rie, Rafe and Henrie Per­sie taken pri­soners. were taken by Keith, the marshall of Scotland, somewhat before the Englishmen began to turne. [But Lesleus. lib. 7. pa. 263. saith that Henrie Hot­spur was taken by Montgomerie, who for his ran­some Fr. Thin. did build the castle of Pounune, which his heirs Other per­sons taken. to this day doo inioy. There was also taken besides the two Persies, diuers other men of name, as Ro­bert Ogill, Thomas Halberke, Iohn Lilborne, 20 William Wauchlut, Robert Heron, the baron of Hilton, Iohn Colwell, and Patrike Louell knights. There were taken in all of Englishmen, to the num­ber of a thousand and fortie, and slaine what in the The number of prisoners taken. field and chase (as Froissard recounteth) aboue an eightéene hundred. [But Buchan. saith, there were 1840 slaine, 1000 wounded, and 1004 taken.) Fr. Thin. There were slaine but fiue hundred Englishmen as Hector Bo­crius saith. The death of Iames earle of Dowglasse. But yet the Scotish writers themselues report a lesse number. Neither did this victorie chance to the Scots without great losse and slaughter. For a­mongst 30 other, the earle of Dowglasse himselfe was thrise stricken through the bodie, and also wounded so mortallie on the head, that being borne to his tent a little before the end of the battell, he died of those hurts immediatlie after, to the great discomfort of all his armie, conceiuing more dolorous griefe for the losse of so woorthie a chiefeteine, than ioy for the Sée more of this matter in England. gaine of a great victorie. His bodie was conueied vnto Melros, & buried beside his father earle Wil­liam in the abbeie church there. And because this 40 earle Iames had no heires of his bodie begotten, Archembald Dowglasse succéeded Iames the earle of Dow­glasse. his coosine Archembald Dowglas lord of Galloway succéeded him in the earldome. The house of the Hepborns (of the which this Patrike Hepborne that fought so valiantlie in this battell at Otterborne did descend) arose in Scotland after this wise.

It chanced in the daies of king Dauid the third, there was an Englishman of that name taken pri­soner in Scotland, who by chance being in place where the earle of March was got vpon a yoong gel­ding 50 vnbroken, the which plaieng the vnrulie iade, in fetching and flinging aloft, put the earle in great danger of his life; and when all other that were pre­sent there gaue backe, and durst not step in to make anie shift to helpe the earle: this Englishman lept to him, and boldlie catching hold on the bridle reine, held the horsse fast, till the earle was safelie got be­side him. In reward of which benefit, the said earle The first ad­uancement of the Hepborns. gaue vnto this Hepborne certeine lands in Lowthi­an, whose posteritie increased afterwards in such 60 power of lands and surname, that the same inioied not onelie the earldome of Bothwell, but was also The earles of Bothwell. diuided into sundrie branches, and manie knights thereof haue risen of right woorthie fame and esti­mation. 1310. 12. kal. Aug. Buchanan. 1388. This battell of Otterborne was fought on saint Oswalds day, which is the fift of August, in the yeare 1388.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. Amongst those that fled to the battell, was Mat­thew Redman gouernor of Berwike, whom Iames Lindseie (supposing by the beautie of his armor to be of the nobler sort) did vehementlie follow by the space of thrée miles. At the last, Redman percei­uing that he was not by flight able to escape (and déeming it better to hazzard his life, than otherwise to be slaine without aduenture) allighted from his horsse to fight with his enimie on foot, which Lind­seie did accordinglie; in the end after a long conflict betwéene them, the Englishman (being as saith Lindseie had a halberd, and Redman a sword with a buckler which he caried at his backe. Io. Maior. lib. 6. cap 14. The disgrace of prisoners breaking promise. Buchanan inferior to the Scot in armor & weapon) did yéeld himselfe to his aduersarie. By whome (af­ter that he had giuen an oth to returne at a certeine day) he was permitted to go at libertie. Such in those daies was the humanitie amongest the borde­rers, and both nations towards their prisoners, which to this day dooth continue betweene the inhabitants of those places. But if anie doo not returne at the day appointed, this punishment is set vpon him for a perpetuall disgrace. That in the assemblies of true daies (to demand restitutions of things and iniu­ries doone by the one nation vnto the other) they vse that he which complaineth himselfe to be deceiued by his prisoner (on his promise) dooth carrie about Io. Ma. saith if they breake promise, the picture of him is tied to a horsse taile and drawen about the borders of the countrie. a hand or gloue painted in a cloth vpon a long staffe or speare to be séene of all men; the which is accoun­ted a singular infamie to the deseruers thereof. For they which haue so broken their faith, be euer after hated of their friends and acquaintance; for which dishonestie, they will not affoord them good report or interteinment. Lindseie hauing with this condi­tion dismissed his prisoner (and perceiuing a great number of armed men) made directlie towards them, not knowing that they were his enimies, vn­till he had ridden so néere vnto them, that he could not withdraw himselfe out of their danger. These The bishop of Durham go­eth towards the Scots, accompanied with Thomas Lindseie and Thomas Clifford. men were the bands of the bishop of Durham, who when he came too late to Newcastell (to ioine with Persie at the battell of Otterborne, because he sup­posed that the enimies would not ioine vntill the next day) commanded his armie to rest there, and to fall to their supper. Shortlie after which, he tooke his iournie towards the Scots.

But (before he was anie great way marched out of the towne) vnderstanding (by those that fled from Otterborne battell towards Newcastell) that Per­sie was ouerthrowne, and had lost the field, he retur­ned with his friends to Newcastell, to consult what he should doo against the enimie. At which time it was declared, that the next day at the sunne rising, they should all be redie in armor to séeke the Scots. According wherevnto in the morning of the next day, the inhabitants bordering thereabouts were assembled, who (with these that the bishop had broght thither) were of all sorts gathered togither, to the number of 10000 horssemen and footmen. These stirred the bishops mind, that (with all spéed) hée The bishop of Durham go­eth against the Scots. should lead them toward the Scots, and trie the suc­cesse of battell, for the Scots (said they) wearied with the former daies fight, and most of them woun­ded, will not be able to abide the second batell. With which spéeches they persuaded themselues of an ea­sie conquest. Wherevpon the bishop set forward with his armie, whose comming being vnderstood by the scouts of the Scots, the erle of Murrey (whom now all men did follow after the death of Dowglas) cal­led the present nobilitie togither to consult what should be doone with the prisoners, whom they could Iohn Maior writeth, that some say they tied these priso ners fast with ropes, li. 6. c. 4. not in iustice now kill (hauing receiued them vpon ransome) but it would seeme a most cruell part: and to rescue them (being their enimies, and almost an equall number to themselues) it was a thing most dangerous. Wherefore it was concluded, that the prisoners should sweare, that they would not stirre whilest the Scots and English were in fight; and further, that if the Scots were ouercome, and they (being now their prisoners) recouered from them, that yet they should still remaine prisoners vnto them as before, and so returne to them at a certeine day. These things thus doone, they left the prisoners [...]

[Page 252] I will leaue vncerteine, hauing no certeintie deli­uered thereof vnto me. This Robert the third rather lacked vices, than was beautified with anie extraor­dinarie vertues, for which cause he being king in name, his brother Robert was king in deed, as one vpon whome the whole gouernement did depend. The king Robert did marrie Annabell (the daugh­ter Iohn Ma. lib. 6. cap. 6. of Iohn Drummond) whome he receiued into his bed, rather for hir singular beautie, than the honor of hir parents, or for anie benefit that might grow 10 to the common wealth by hir or hir aliance. In the begining of his reigne, a truce was taken betwene Buchanan. England and Scotland, for the space of three yéeres, which shortlie after was proroged to the terme of foure yéeres.)

About the same time William Dowglasse of Niddisdale was chosen by the lords of Prutzen, to William Dowglas of Nid­desdale chosen admerall by the lords of Prutzen. be admerall of a nauie, conteining two hundred and fortie ships, which they had rigged, and purposed to set foorth against the miscreant people of the 20 northeast parts. But being appealed by the lord Clif­ford an Englishman (who was there likewise to serue with the foresaid lords in that iournie) to fight with him in a singular combat: before the day came appointed for them to make triall of the He is slaine by the lord Clifford. Duncan Ste­ward inua­deth Angus. battell, the lord Clifford lay in wait for the Dow­glasse, and vpon the bridge of Danzke met with him, and there slue him, to the great disturbance and stay of the whole iournie. Moreouer, shortlie after the coronation of king Robert the third, tidings came that Duncane [whom some call Daiech Steward] 30 Fr. Thin. sonne to Alexander Steward the kings brother a­fore rehearsed, was entred into Angus with a great number of men, and slue Walter Ogiluie shiriffe of the countrie, that came foorth with a power to resist him from spoiling the people, whom he miserablie af­flicted; howbeit these his insolent dooings were not long vnpunished. For the earle of Crawford being sent against him with an armie, caused him to dis­perse his companie, and to flée his waies; but being 40 apprehended with the most part of his said com­panie, they were punished according to their de­merits.

At this time also the most part of the north coun­trie of Scotland, was sore disquieted by two clans The north parts of Scot land sore dis­quieted by two clans. of those Irish Scots, called Katerans, which inha­bit the hie-land countries, the one named Clankaies and the other Clanquhattans. These two being at deadlie fude, robbed and wasted the countrie with continuall slaughter and reife. At length it was ac­corded 50 Wild Scots called Kate­rans. A battell of thirtie against thirtie. betwixt the parties, by the aduise of the earls of Murrey and Crawford, that thirtie persons of the one clan, should fight before the king at Perth, a­gainst thirtie of the other clans men, with sharpe swords to the vtterance, without anie kind of armor or harnesse, in triall and decision of the quarell, for the which the variance betwixt them first arose. Both these clans right ioifull of this appointment, came to Perth with their number, where, in a place called the North inch, a litle beside the towne, in presence of the 60 king and other iudges assigned thereto, they fought according as it was agréed, and that with such rage and desperate furie, that all those of Clankaies part were slaine (one onelie excepted) who to saue his life, after he saw all his fellowes slaine, lept into the wa­ter A desperate fight. of Taie, and swam ouer, and so escaped. There were 11 of Clanquhattans side that escaped with life, but not one of them vnwounded and that verie sore. At their entring into the field or lists where they should fight the battell, one of the clans wan­ted one of his number, by reason that he which shuld haue supplied it, was priullie stolen awaie, not wil­ling to be partaker of so deare a bargaine. But there was a countrie-felow among the beholders, who be­ing sorie that so notable a fight should be passed ouer, offered himselfe for a small summe of monie to fill vp the number, though the matter apperteined no­thing to him, nor to anie of his friends. [This man Fr. Thin. (as saith Buchanan) séemed to be a saddle-maker, who for halfe a Frenchcrowne, and his diet during his life (if he were victor) tooke the matter in hand, in which none behaued himselfe more valiantlie than he, on whose part the said eleuen did suruiue, him­selfe making vp the number.] This battell was fought thus betwéene the two clans, in maner as is before remembred, in the yeere 1396.

In the third, or (as saith Buchanan) the second 1396. yéere after, a parlement was holden at Perth, wher­in, besides diuerse constitutions and ordinances en­acted for the aduancement of the common-wealth, the king made his eldest sonne named Dauid (that 1398. was then about eightéene yéeres of age) duke of Rothsaie, and his brother Robert (that was earle of Fife and gouernor of the realme, as before ye haue heard) he created duke of Albanie. These were the The first dukes that were created in Scotland. first dukes that had béene heard of in Scotland, for till those daies there was neuer anie within the realme that bare that title of honor. [Which virgin title (saith Buchanan of that honor) gaue neuer good Fr. Thin. successe to the maisters]. During the time that the peace continued betwixt the two realmes of Eng­land and Scotland, there were sundrie iustes and combats put in vre, and exercised betwixt Scots and Iustes and combats be­twixt Scots and English­men. Englishmen, for proofe of their valiant actiuitie in feats of armes, to win thereby fame and honor. But amongst the residue, that was most notable, which chanced betwixt Dauid earle of Crawford Scotish, and the lord Welles English.

It was agréed betwixt these two noble men, to run certeine courses on horssebacke, with speares The earle of Crawford of Scotland, & the lord Wels of England iusted for life and death. sharpe groond for life and death. The place appointed for these iusts was London bridge, and the day the thrée and twentith of Aprill, being the feast of saint George. At the place & day thus prefixed, they came redie to furnish their enterprise, and being mounted on their mightie coursers, they ran togither right egerlie. At the first course, though they atteinted, yet kept they their saddles without anie perill of fal­ling. The people beholding how stiffelie earle Da­uid sat without moouing, cried that the Scotishman was locked in his saddle. He hearing this, leapt be­side his horsse, and verie nimblie mounted vp a­gaine into the saddle, armed as he was, to the great woonder of the beholders. This doone, he tooke ano­ther staffe, & so togither they ran againe right fierce­lie the second time, and yet without anie great hurt on either part: but the third time, the lord Welles The lord Wels borne out of his saddle. was borne out of the saddle, and sore hurt with the grieuous fall.

And for bicause the earle of Crawford thus van­quished his aduersarie on saint Georges day, hée founded a chanterie of seuen priests to sing in our ladies church of Dundée, in memorie of S. George, which they did vnto our time, not without singular commendation of the said earle. After this, he re­mained thrée moneths in England, in sporting and feasting amongst the nobles, before he returned into Scotland, highlie praised of all estates for his no­ble port and great liberalitie there shewed amongst them. Not long after, one sir Robert Morlaie an Praise of the erle of Craw­ford. Sir Robert Morlaie. Englishman, came into Scotland to trie his man­hood in singular battell, with whome soeuer would come against him: he vanquished one Archembald Edmounston, and Hugh Wallase: but at length he was ouercome by one Hugh Traill at Berwike, and died shortlie after vpon displeasure thereof conceiued.

In the same yéere, Richard king of England, [Page 253] maried Isabell daughter to the French king, and soone after went into Ireland, to subdue such Irish [...]. Richard of England goeth into Ireland. rebels, as troubled the quiet state of the countrie. But in the meane time, his lords at home rebelled against him, and determined to depose him from the crowne, so that vpon his returne into England, he was apprehended, put in ward, and shortlie after [...]. Richard is deposed. constremed to renounce all his right to the crowne, and adiudged therewith to perpetuall prison: yet at length (as the Scotish chronicle telleth) he got foorth 10 He is adiud­ged to perpe­tuall prison. He escapeth foorth of prison. of prison disguised in womans apparell, and came in­to Galloway, where he fell in seruice with a Scotish man named Makdonald. But at the last, being be­wraied and knowen what he was, and therevpon brought to king Robert, he was right honorablie by him interteined: neuerthelesse, knowing himselfe deposed from his roiall estate, he gaue himselfe who­lie to contemplation, till finallie he departed this world at Sterling, and was buried in the blacke [...]. Richard [...]th at Ster­ling and lieth buried there. Henrie the [...]th king of England is crowned. 1399. I. Ma. friers there within the same towne, as the same 20 Scotish chronicles vntrulie doo report. But to the matter, Henrie the sonne of Iohn of Gaunt, some­time duke of Lancaster, after that king Richard was deposed, was crowned king of England at Westminster, the thirtéenth day of October, in the yéere 1399.

In the yéere next insuing, that is to say, 1400, king Robert, in consideration of a summe of monie 1400. to him aforehand paid, contracted couenants of ma­riage to be had and made betwixt his sonne the duke 30 of Rothsaie, and the earle of Marches daughter. But The occasion of the falling out betwixt king Robert and the earle of March Archembald earle of Dowglas, hauing indignation that the earle of March should be preferred before him, by support of the duke of Albanie, procured a councell to be called, in the which he found meanes to assure his daughter the ladie Margerie, or Marie (as saith Buchanan) vnto the said duke of Rothsaie, & with all spéed went about to consummate the ma­riage betwixt them, to put the matter out of all doubt. The earle of March perceiuing this dealing, 40 came to the king, and required to know his pleasure, if he minded to performe the couenants concluded, concerning the mariage betwixt the prince and his daughter, or not; making as it were a great com­plaint of that which was alreadie doone to the breach thereof; and receiuing answer nothing agreeable to his mind, he departed in a great fume, not sticking to say, he would be reuenged on such vntruth yer it were long. Shortlie after he fled into England, lea­uing The earle of March flieth into England. his castell of Dunbar well stuffed of all things 50 necessarie for defense, in the keeping of his sisters sonne named Robert Maitland. But when Archem­bald Dowglasse came thither in the kings name, and required to haue the castell rendered into his hands, this Robert Maitland obeied the kings com­mandement, The castell of Dunbar seized to the kings vse. and deliuered the house to the said Dowglasse.

George earle of March informed héereof, procu­red all his friends to conueie themselues into Eng­land, and determined with himselfe to doo all the dis­pleasure 60 and mischiefe he might inuent against his owne natiue countrie. King Robert sore dreading, least by this earles procurement some trouble might hap to follow amongest his subiects [did (first confis­cating Fr. Thin. his goods) send] an herald at armes into Eng­land with letters vnto him, promising by the tenure of the same, not onelie to pardon him of all offenses King Robert writeth vnto the earle of March. committed, but also to redresse all wrongs or iniu­ries which he had anie waies foorth receiued, if he would returne into Scotland. And forsomuch as the earle of March refused this offer, the same herald ac­cording to instructions giuen him at his departure from king Robert, went immediatlie to Henrie king of England with other letters, earnestlie desi­ring him to cause the earle of March to depart out of Sent letters also vnto the king of Eng­land. his realme, & not to receiue anie rebels out of Scot­land into his bounds, whereby the peace might be vi­olated, which as yet remained betwixt the two king­domes.

King Henrie vpon reasonable allegations (as he pretended) refused to satisfie king Roberts petitions in this behalfe, by reason whereof the peace brake be­twixt them and their subiects, without anie further tracting of time. For shortlie after, Henrie Persie, Henrie Hot­spur and the earle of March enter into Scotland, Fr. Thin. surnamed (as is said) Henrie Hotspur, and the earle of March entered into Scotland, and got togither a great bootie of goods and cattell [in Louthian about Hadington, at what time they did in vaine besiege the castell of Hais or Halis, who being at Lintone were come vpon by the Scots, for (to haue returne of the booties taken) Archembald earle of Dowglasse] hauing assembled a power of men, came with the same towards the enimies, immediatlie wherevpon they fled to Berwike, and left all their bootie behind them, which being recouered by the said earle of Dowglasse and his companie, he returned backe vn­to Edenburgh, where he shortlie after being taken The deceasse of Archembald earle of Dow­glasse. with an hot feuer, departed out of this life, leauing behind him an honorable memorie of his name, for his high prowesse and noble valiancie shewed in ma­nie and sundrie enterprises, by him luckilie atchiued for the wealth of his countrie. He was named of his terrible countenance and dreadfull looke, The grim Dowglasse.

After his deceasse, his second sonne that was cal­led likewise Archembald, was made earle of Dow­glasse; for his eldest sonne William Dowglasse died in the yéere before his father. Shortlie after, Henrie Henrie king of England inuadeth Scotland. king of England came into Scotland with an ar­mie, without dooing anie great damage to the peo­ple; for he required no more of them that kept anie castels or strengths, but onelie to put foorth a banner of his armes as he passed by. At his comming to Ha­dington, he was lodged in the nunrie there, & shew­ed much bounteous humanitie toward the nuns, and all other of that house, not suffering anie manner of thing to be doone preiudiciall to the same. The like gentlenesse he vsed towards them of the Holie rood house, at his comming to Edenburgh, wherein he likewise lodged. It is thought, that in memorie of the friendlie interteinement, which his father the duke of Lancaster found in these abbeies, at the time of his being in Scotland, when the rebellion chanced in England, through Iacke Straw and his complices, he shewed such fauour towards them at this present. To be briefe, it should appéere, that king Henrie came into Scotland, as it were inforced, more tho­rough counsell of his nobles, than for anie hatred he bare towards the Scots, as he well shewed in retur­ning backe againe, without dooing them anie fur­ther iniurie.

[In the yéere after, or thereabout, died Walter Fr. Thin. The death of quéene Anna­bell. Trailie bishop of saint Andrewes, and the] Scotish quéene Annabell Drommond, after whose deceasse hir sonne Dauid the duke of Rothsaie, that vnder hir gouernment had beene well and vertuouslie brought vp, hauing now got once the reine at libertie, fell to all kind of insolent outrage, séeking to defile wiues, The insolent outrage of the duke of Roth­saie. virgins, nuns, and all other kind of women, in all places where he came. At length, his father percei­uing his sonnes youthfull nature to rage after that manner in vnbrideled lust, beyond the bounds of all measure, to the great reproch of them both, wrote to his brother the duke of Albanie, requiring him to take his sonne, the said duke of Rothsaie into his cu­stodie, and to sée him so chastised for his wanton beha­uiour, as he might learne to amend the same. ¶ Here is to be noted, that the duke of Albanie had of long [Page 253] (as the Scotish writers haue) but the English au­thors name a farre greater number, as sixtéene hun­dred at the least.

King Henrie (as the same Scotish writers doo re­cord) vsed the counsell & aduise of the earle of March, in the obteining of this victorie, being fled latelie be­fore from the rebels side to him. The earle of Dow­glas, in respect of his noble parentage and high vali­ancie, was verie tenderlie cherished by king Hen­rie, who for that he had séene him doo so val [...]tlie in 10 the day of that battell, reputed him woorthie of all ho­nor. The earle of Dowglas yet was verie infortu­nat in most of his enterprises, so farre foorth, that he The earle of Dowglas in­fortunat in battell. His surname Tinneman. neuer wan battell wherein he chanced to be, and was therefore named Archembald Tinneman; though there were no default to be found at anie time in his owne person, for he euer fought with great manhood. At the battell of Hommildon he lost one of his eies, and at this battell of Shrewesburie he lost one of his stones. The old earle of Northumberland, hearing 20 The earle of Northumber­land fl [...]d into Scotland. what euill successe his sonne and other his kinsmen had found in their rebellious enterprise at Shrewes­burie, with one of his nephues (that was his sonnes sonne) and other of his friends and kinsmen, with­drew into Scotland, where he was receiued by Hen­rie Wardlow bishop of saint Andrewes, and lodged with him at his ease and in good suertie within his castell of saint Andrews aforesaid.

About the same time, king Robert was aduerti­sed, that his sonne the duke of Rothsaie was pined to 30 The death of the duke of Rothsaie com­meth to the knowledge of his father. death in Falkland (in manner as before is expressed) which newes were so gréeuous vnto him, that he grew each day more and more in sorow and melan­cholie. The duke of Albanie kept it so long as was possible from the kings knowledge, and being now sent for by the king to answer him for such treason­able slaughter of his sonne, he came, and so excused the ma [...]ter with a faire painted tale, as though he The duke of Albanie excu­seth himselfe. had béene nothing guiltie in the cause, and for fur­ther declaration of his innocencie, he promised (if it 40 might please the king to come vnto Edenburgh) he would bring in the offendors which were culpable of the murther. The king as then remaining in Bute (where for the most part he euer soiourned) though he were not well able to trauell by reason of long sick­nesse, yet in a chariot he came vnto Edenburgh, vpon the earnest desire he had to see his sons death punished. And at his comming thither, the duke of Albanie deliuered vnto him certeine naughtie per­sons, The king commeth to Edenburgh. & such in déed, as for their hein [...]us acts and vn­gratious 50 conditions deserued well to die (though not for this matter) which neuerthelesse by vntrue suggestions and forged accusements, being brought before corrupt iudges (and such as the duke of Al­banie had prouided for his purpose) were condem­ned as giltie of his death, whome in all their life time [...] per­sons condem­ned. they neuer saw.

Though this matter was handled as finelie as was possible, and made so sound and cleare as could be deuised; yet was not the king so satisfied in his 60 mind, but that he had a great suspicion in the duke of Albanie as author of his sonnes death: but for so­much as the duke had all the realme vnder his o­beisance, partlie by policie, and partlie by authori­tie The suspici­on of the king towards the duke of Alba­nie. of his office, being gouernor thereof, the king durst not attempt anie thing against him, but ra­ther doubted, least he hauing an ambitious desire to the crowne, would compasse also to haue the life of his second sonne (named Iames) as then prince of Scotland; and therefore by the faithfull helpe & good aduise of Walter Wardlaw the bishop of saint An­drews, he prouided a ship, and sent the said prince The king sen deth away his sonne the prince. [...]oorth in the same to passe into France to K. Charls the six [...], deliuering him also a letter written and di­rected vnto the king of England in his fauour, if he chanced at vnwares by anie fortune to fall into the Englishmens hands.

Henrie lord Sinclare, the second earle of Orke­neie, was appointed to haue the conueie of him, who hauing all his purueiance readie, tooke the ship that was appointed for them at the Basse, where it laie at anchor, and loosing from thence, they sailed forward till they came to Flamburgh head, where (as some say) they were taken on the sea by Englishmen, the which hearing how the prince of Scotland should passe that waies, laie in wait for him. Others write, that his desire was to be set on land there, because he might not awaie with the aire of the sea, being brought far out of quiet in his head & stomach there­with. But how soeuer it was, the truth is, taken he Iames prince of Scotland taken by the Englishmen. H. B. 1404. was in the ninth yeare of his age, the 33 day of March, in the yeare of our incarnation 1406, and was kept in captiuitie of the Englishmen by the space of eightéene yeares. At his comming to the presence of king Henrie, he deliuered to him the let­ter directed from his father king Robert, the tenor whereof here insueth, as in the Scotish toong they be written.

The tenor of the said letter as it is written in the Scotish toong.

RObert king of Scots to Henrie king of England greeting. Thy great magnificence, humilitee, and iustice, are right patent to vs, by gouernance of thy last armie in Scotland; howbeit sike things had beene vncerteine to vs afore. For though thou seemed as enemie with most awfull incur­sions in our realme: zit we found mair hu­manities and plaisures than damage (by thy cumming) to our subdittes. Special­lie to yame that receiuit thy noble fader the duke of Longcastell the time of his exill in Scotland. We may not ceis yairfore, wuhile wee are on life, but aye luyf and loif thee as maist noble and woorthie prince, to ioys thy realme. For yocht realmes and nations contend amang themselfe for con­quests of glorie & launds, zit na occasioun is amang vs to inuade athir realmes or lieges with iniuries, bot erar to contend amang our selfe, quhay sall persew▪ othir with maist humanitee and kindnesse. As to vs we will meis all occasion of battell, quare any occurres at thy pleasure. For­ther, bycause we haue na lesse sollicitude in preseruing our children fra certaine deidlie enimies, than had sometime thy no­ble fader, we are constreined to seeke sup­port at vncowth princes hands. Howbeit, the inuasioun of enimies is sa great, that small defense occurres against yame with­out they by preserued by amitie of nobill men. For the warld is sa full of peruersit malice, that na crueltie nor offense may be deuisit in erd, bot the samine may be wroucht be motion of gold or siluer. Heir­fore, because we knaw thy hynesse full of monie, noble vertues, with sike puissance and riches, that na prince in our daies may be compared thairto: we desire thy [Page 256] humanitee and support at this time.

We traist it is not vnknowen to thy maiestie, how our eldest sonne Dauid is slaine miserablie in prisoun be our brothir the duke of Albanie, quhome wee chesit to be gouernour (quan we were fallen in de­crepit age) to our subdittes and realme, beseekaund thy hienes thairfore to be sa fa­uorable, that this bearer. Iames our se­cond and allanerlie sonne may haue targe 10 to liefe vnder thy faith, and iustice, to be some memorie of our posteritie, knawaund the vnstable conditioun of mans life sa so­danlie altered: now flurisaund, and su­denlie falling to vtter consumptioun. For­thir beliefe well, quhan kings and princes hes na other beild bot in their awin folks, thair empire is caduke and fragill. For the minds of common people ar euir flow­aund 20 and ma [...] inconstant than wind. [...]it quen princes ar roborat be amitee of othir vncowth kings thair brethir and nighbou­ris, na aduersitie may occurre to eiect thaim fra thair dignitie riall. Forthir gif thy hienes thinke nocht expedient (as God forbeid) to obtemper to thir owr de­sires; zit we request ane thing quhilk was ratifist in our last trewes & conditioun of peace, that the supplicatioun made be ony 30 of the two kings of Ingland and Scot­land sall staund in manner of saufeconduct to the bearer. And thus we desire to be ob­seruat to this our allanerlie sonne, and the gratious God conserue thee maist noble prince.

After that king Henrie had caused these letters to be opened and read, he aduised himselfe thereon with great deliberation; but in the end, he determi­ned 40 to staie this Iames prince of Scotland as his lawfull prisoner, for that he was thus taken in time Iames the prince of Scotland staied as pri­soner in Eng­land. His bring­ging vp. of warres, and that moreouer, there were diuers reliels of England succored within the bounds of his fathers dominion, to the high displeasure of the said king Henrie. But such was the fauour shewed in his bringing vp, that his captiultie turned more to his honor, profit, and commoditie, than anie other worldlie hap that might by anie means haue other­wise An happie captiuitie. His instruc­tors in the toongs. chanced vnto him. He had such perfect instruc­tors 50 to teach him, aswell the vnderstanding of toongs as the sciences, that he became right expert and cun­ning in euerie of them. He was taught also to ride, to run at the tilt, and handle all kind of weapons His training in warlike ex­ercises. conuenientlie to be vsed of such a personage, where­vnto he was so apt and readie, that few in anie point of actiuitie might ouermatch him. He had good His know­ledge in mu­sike. knowledge in musike, and could plaie on sundrie instruments right perfectlie. To be briefe, it ap­peered 60 in all his behauiour and maners, in what companie so euer he came, that his bringing vp had béene according to his nature, neither of them diffe­ring from his birth, and the qualitie of a noble and most vertuous prince.

After it was signified vnto his father king Ro­bert, as he sat at supper, that his sonne was thus ar­rested The griefe of his father K. Robert. in England, he made full great and dolorous mone, fore lamenting that euer he matched himselfe in mariage with a woman of so meane degrée (to the disparagement of his bloud) as was quéene An­nabell, on whome he begat his sonnes, which (as he tooke it) was the onelie cause why aswell forraine princes as his owne subiects had him thus in con­tempt. He tooke this matter so sore to hart, that with­in The death of king Robert the third. thrée daies after the newes came vnto him, he de­parted this world through force of sicknesse, new increased by melancholie, which had vexed him a long time before. He died at Rothsaie in the sixtéenth yeere of his reigne complet, and from the in [...]arnation 1406, Buch. 1408. His buriell. 1408. His bodie was buried at Pa [...]eie, with his wife queene Annabell before rehearsed. He was a man of a mightie stature, verie liberall and gentle, His stature and qualities. so that if he had not béene maimed with a horsse, and thereby grew lame, that he might trauell about the affaires of the realme himselfe, it was thought the common-wealth should haue prospered vnder his gouernement, as much as euer it did vnder anie of his predecessors.

The gouernor Robert duke of Albanie, after the The duke of Albanie con­firmed gouer­nor of the realme. deceasse of his brother king Robert, was by new e­lection chosen, or rather confirmed in his office of gouernor, which he exercised more vprightlie, & with better iustice now after his brothers death, than be­fore. [For (as saith Buchanan) take away from him, Fr. Thin. that he was ouermuch blinded with desire to go­uerne (where vnto he cared not by anie means to as­pire) there were in him manie other good parts woor­thie to haue such gouernement: for he was valiant in battell, wise in counsell, he did decide matters of controuersie with great equitie, he wan the nobili­tie with his liberalitie, and did not sucke the com­mons drie by eractions.] In the meane time, the ca­stell Iedworth ca­stell taken. of Iedworth (which the Englishmen had held e­uer since the battell of Durham) was taken by Ti­uidalemen, and raced downe to the earth. Archem­bald earle of Dowglasse, as yet remaining captiue The earle of Dowglasse is released and returneth in­to Scotland. in England, after he had knowledge of king Ro­berts death, made shift to agrée for his ransome, and so being set at libertie, returned with all spéed now at length into Scotland.

Shortlie after, there was a councell called, where­in was a motion made for the restoring of George A motion made for the restoring of the earle of March to his countrie. earle of March to his countrie, lands, and bloud. Af­ter long debating of the matter, and hard hold to and fro both with him and against him, it was in the end concluded, that he should returne into Scotland, and be receiued as a true Scotishman; but vnder this condition, that he should forgo his lands of An­nerdale, The earle of March resto­red home. and Lochmaben, which should for euer re­maine to the Dowglasse, and to his heires. All his other lands and possessions, it was accorded, that he should inioy as in his former right & estate. And thus was the earle of March pardoned of all passed offen­ses committed against the crowne of Scotland, and returned home, to the great comfort of his friends.

Fr. Thin. Persie that before was fled into Scotland to the erle of March his old friend, was courteouslie recei­ued, interteined, & nourished according to his estate, Buchanan. 1409. by the said earle of March: during which time, he sol­licited his friends in England to find means for re­turne into his countrie. And amongst other of his friends, with whom he dealt by secret messengers; he directed letters concerning the same, to an old (and as he déemed a most faithfull) friend of his, cal­led Rafe Roksbie, declaring vnto him that he should not want friends, both Scotish & English (through whose helpe he did not despaire to recouer his patri­monie) if he might haue his aid also therein, for this Rafe was shiriffe of Yorkshire. This man, after he had intised Persie (vnder the assurance of false hope and trust in him) to come into England, he opened the conspiracie to the king, and secretlie laid wait to intercept the said earle, by which meanes, (getting him into his possession) he cut off his head, and sent it to the king to London. At which time al­so, there was an Englishman in Scotland, which called himselfe Richard the second: but falslie (as I [...]

[Page 258] the chiefe was the abbat of Pontineac) and the other was from Peter de Luna, who did stiflie reteine and defend the papasie, whereof he had once gotten pos­session, which Peter by the trauell and persuasion of Henrie Hardine (an English man, and a Francis­cane frier) had drawne the gouernor of Scotland to follow his faction, which yet succéeded to none effect: bicause the vniuersall companie of the cleargie stiffelie labored against it, and did subscribe to the de­position of Peter, and to the councell of Constance 10 for the election of Martine the fift to the papasie.

Much what about the same time, Iohn Drum­mond slue Patrike Graham earle of Stratherne, The earle of Stratherne slaine. by traitorous meanes, and therevpon fled into Ire­land: but as he was about to haue passed from thence ouer into England, the vessell wherein he sai­led, was driuen on the coast of Scotland, where hée was taken, and afterwards lost his head for the said offense. Shortlie after also, there rose great warres betwixt England and France, as in the hi­stories 20 Warres be­twixt Eng­land and France. Rebellion in Wales. of those realmes may more plainlie appeare. There was also a great rebellion raised in Wales, against Henrie the fift king of England, which was the son of Henrie the fourth latelie deceassed. ¶ We find in the Scotish chronicles, that this Henrie the fift, at his returning foorth of France, after his first iournie thither (hauing in the same woone the towne of Harfléet, & discomfited the whole power of France at Agincourt) was constreined to go against the Welshmen, and incountering with the prince of 30 Wales, was discomfited, and lost ten thousand of Henrie the fift discomfited by the Welshmen He subdueth them. his men: but after this, he reinforced his power, and came againe into Wales, not ceassing till he had brought the Welshmen subiect at his pleasure: but the English writers make no mention of anie such matter.

Whilest things passed thus in England, William Haliburton wan the castell of Warke, and slue all such as he found within it, howbeit small while indu­red The castell of Warke woone. the ioy of this fortunate successe to the Scots: 40 for sundrie Englishmen that knew all the secrets of the house, found means to enter through a gutter, that serued in maner of a sinke, to auoid all the filth of the kitchen into the riuer of Twéed, breaking downe a pane of an old wall, and so made entrie for the residue of their fellowes; by reason whereof they easilie recouered the castell, and in reuenge of them It is againe recouered. that were slaine there when the Scots wan it, they likewise slue all those which were then within it, without anie respect of one or other. After this, in the 50 yéere 1419, the third day of September, Robert 1419. duke of Albanie, that had béene gouernor of Scot­land for the space of fiftéene yéeres, after the death of king Robert the third, departed out of this life, ha­uing The deceasse of Robert duke of Al­banie. Fr. Thin. borne himselfe in all his time as a right vali­ant and noble prince. [This dooth Buchanan attri­bute to the yéere 1420, being the fiftéenth yeere after the death of Robert the third.]

A little before his deceasse, there came from Charles the French king, the earle of Uandosme, 60 Ambassadors from the French king. and chancellor of France, both to renew the ancient league betwixt the two realmes of Scotland and France, & also to get some power of Scots to passe into France, to support the said Charles against the Englishmen, which as then sore inuaded his realme. Wherevpon shortlie after by decrée of councell, it An armie of Scots sent into France. was ordeined, that Iohn Steward earle of Buch­quhane, second sonne to duke Robert, and Archem­bald Dowglas earle of Wigton, should passe into France with seuen thousand armed men. The king of England informed hereof, to cause the Scots to kéepe their men at home, menaced to inuade Scot­land The king of England me­naceth the Scots. with a puissant armie, & that in all hast. Which rumor being spred ouer all the bounds of his realme, caused the Scots for doubt thereof to lie all the next summer on the borders: but in the meane time, king Henrie passed into Normandie, to pursue his wars against France with all diligence.

At length, through the procurement of the duke of Burgognie, vnder certeine conditions and coue­nants The king of England marieth the daughter of ye French king. The articles of agreement. of agréement, king Henrie tooke to wife the ladie Katharine daughter to the French king. And among other articles of the same agréement, it was concluded, that after the deceasse of Charles the French king, the crowne of France should imme­diatlie descend vnto king Henrie, as lawfull inhe­ritor vnto that realme, without all contradiction, by reason whereof, Charles the Dolphin, and sonne to the said king Charles, was clearelie excluded from all claime to the same: but this notwithstanding, the Dolphin did not onelie refuse to surrender his title, but also sought to mainteine the war against king The Dolphin of France mainteineth warre against the English­men. Scotish sol­diers arriued in France. Henrie as his aduersarie, and open enimie to the realme. In the meane while also, the earles of Buch­quhane and Wigton, with Alexander Lindseie bro­ther to the earle of Crawford, and Thomas Swin­ton knights, accompanied with seuen thousand well armed men, arriued in France, to the great reioi­sing of the Dolphin, as he well declared in the thank­full receiuing, and most heartie welcomming of them. Finallie, the towne and castell of Chatelon Chatelon in Touraine de­liuered to the Scotishmen. in Touraine was deliuered to them, that they might haue a place at all times to resort vnto, at their owne will and pleasure.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 10. 14 [...]0. Buc. Shortlie after they were imploied in the bat­tell of Bauge. For the duke of Clarence brother to the king of England (in whose place he was deputie and generall of the armies in France) after that he 14 [...]1. N. G. had spoiled and ouerrun the countrie of Aniou (which hitherto had remained most stedfast in the obedience of the French) was comming (as it was supposed) to the towne of Bauge, about two daies before The battell of Bauge. Easter: for which cause the Scots (thinking that the duke in that holie feast would, as the maner was, cease from all violence of warre, and attend the church ceremonies appointed for those times; or else as some write, by reason of the truce which was ta­ken for eight daies) did more negligentlie looke vn­to their estate than wisdome would they shuld haue doone. The which when Clarence vnderstood (either by Andrew Fregose an Italian, or by the Scotish forragers intercepted by his horssemen) he reioised that he had so good occasion offered woorthilie to per­forme something. Wherefore rising foorthwith from dinner, he commanded his horssemen to arme them­selues, with whome he went directlie towards his enimies, at what time he was (besides the beautie of his other furniture) richlie adorned with goodlie dia­dems of gold (set with manie pretious stones) and Nic. Gil. placed vpon a chaplet of iron. At whose sudden ap­proch, those few French which were néere vnto them in a village called little Bauge (amongst whom was Iohn de la Croix) being feared, made their de­fense in flight; and for safegard entered the stéeple of the next church adioining, in the which they were hardlie after besieged.

Whilest these were thus inuironed, the clamor and cries which was now come to the next armie (where­in the Scots were assembled) suddenlie caused them with great feare to flée to their weapons. At that time the erle of Buchquhane (whilest the others pre­pared themselues) sent thirtie archers to possesse the bridge, vnder which the next riuer had his course, and through which they might passe ouer, where (incoun­tering with the English enimie) Hugh Kennedie came vnto them out of the next church (in which he so­iorned) with a hundred of his companie halfe armed, as it often falleth out in such sudden exploits. These [Page 259] with their arrowes so streictlie kept this streict, that the horssemen could not haue anie passage there, for which cause the duke of Clarence did first forsake horsse (as the rest of the companie did after him) be­gan the battell on foot, and with a strong assault made way for his men, beating from them the Scots, who were for the most part vnarmed, and the others not verie well armed.

After this, in the meane time whilest Clarence ta­keth his horsse againe, and some of the rest scatte­ringlie 10 doo passe the bridge, the earle of Buchquhane commeth vpon them, & foorthwith (desirous to make triall of his people egerlie séeking after it) there was a bitter battell committed, with like minds of hatred the one against the other: for the Scots did reioise, that they had now obteined cause, time, and place, where they might (after their first arriuall in France) shew some token of their valure, and refute those tawnts which the Frenchmen laid vpon them, obiecting that the gréedinesse of wine & vittels had brought them ouer into that countrie. With which re­proch 20 the Frenchmen are woont to vpbraid the Eng­lish, the Spaniard the French, and the Affrican the Spaniard. But as the Scots were eger in a strange countrie to win honor, so was the English no lesse desirous of conquest, greatlie disdeining both at home and abroad, to be so infested with that implaca­ble nature of the Scots. In which battell none did fight more valiantlie or egerlie than did the duke of Clarence himselfe. Against whome (so noted for the richnesse of his armor) came Iohn Swinton, which 30 greeuouslie wounded him in the face, and whome the earle of Buchquhane (striking on the head with his mace) quite ouerthrew to the ground. Which doone, the English fled, and were greeuouslie slaine, because the same continued till the night ended the quarrell; which battell was fought on Easter eue, a little after the equinoctiall spring. In this battell were slaine of the English about 20000, amongst whome were 26 of noble calling, whereof were the duke before said, Hector Boet. the earle of Riddesdale, otherwise called the earle of 40 Angus, & the lord Greie were part: but of the Scots and Frenchmen, there were few missing, and they of the meaner sort. All which, as we haue héere set it downe, is the common report of the death of the duke of Clarence. But the booke of Pluscart reporteth, that Buchan. lib. 10. the duke was slaine by Alexander Macelsell, a knight of Lenox, which tooke from him the coronet (whereof we spake before) and sold the same to Iohn Steward of Dernill, for a thousand angels, which 50 he after laied to pawne to Robert Hustone, to whom he owght fiue thousand angels; & this saith that booke was the most common report at those daies. The chiefe praise of which victorie remained with the Scots, euen by the testimonie of the enuious aduer­saries, as the writer of this storie saith vpon his cre­dit.) At this battell also were a great companie of pri­soners Prisoners ta­ken. taken, amongest whome (as principall) were these, the earle of Huntington, & the earle of Sum­merset, with his brother, both of them being brethren 60 to the ladie Iane, that was after maried to king Iames the first, king of Scotland. For the high vali­ancie of the Scotishmen shewed in this battell, the Dolphin created the earle of Buchquhane high con­stable The earle of Buchquhane is created con­stable of France. . of France, and gaue him sundrie townes, ca­stels, and lands, therewith the better to mainteine his estate.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib 10 King Henrie hearing of the death of his bro­ther the duke of Clarence, did substitute for his depu­tie his other brother the duke of Bedford, promising that he would shortlie after come thither himselfe with an armie of foure thousand horsse, and a thou­sand footmen (which he performed accordinglie.) For with all spéed he after came into France with a mightie host, and had with him Iames the Scotish The king of England te­keth the prince of Scotland ouer with him into France. king, or rather prince of Scotland, for all this while the Scots reputed him not as king, for that he was not as yet crowned: nor set at libertie out of the Englishmens hands, into the which (as before ye haue heard) he chanced to fall by his fathers life time.

The cause why king Henrie did take this Iames ouer with him at that present into France, was, for that he hoped by his meanes to procure all the Sco­tishmen that were in seruice with the Dolphin to for­sake him, and to returne home into their owne coun­trie: but when he had broken this matter vnto the said Iames, and promised, that if he could bring it to passe, he would not onelie remit his ransome, but al­so send him into Scotland highlie rewarded with great riches: Iames answered héerevnto, that he The answer of Iames the king, or rather prince of Scotland. maruelled much, why he did not consider how he had no authoritie ouer the Scots so long as he was hol­den in captiuitie, and as yet had not receiued the crowne, ‘but (saith he) if it were so that I might be set at libertie, and had receiued the crowne according to the accustomed manner, togither with the othes and homages of my subiects, I could then in this matter doo as should be thought to stand with reason; but in the meane time I shall desire your grace to hold me excused, and not to will me to doo that which I may in no wise performe.’

King Henrie maruelling at the high wisedome King Henrie tooke it for a sufficient an­swer. which appeered to be planted in the head of that yoong prince, left off to trauell with him anie further in this matter. In the meane time, the warres continuing betwixt the king of England and the Dolphin of France, manie townes were beséeged, woone, and sacked, and sundrie light bickerings and skirmishes chanced betwixt the parties, as occasion serued. But the Englishmen shewed themselues to beare such The cruell dealing of the Englishmen towards the Scots. hatred toward the Scots, that so manie as fell into their hands neuer néeded to streine their friends for their ransomes, which crueltie they put not in prac­tise against their enimies, being of an other nation. [For King Henrie, when he had taken the towne of Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 10. Meldens, hanged twentie Scots which he found therein, laieng to their charge that they had fought against their owne king.] At length, king Henrie The death of Henrie king of England. fell into a gréeuons disease, which in short time made an end of his life, notwithstanding all the helpe that either by physicke or other waies might be ministred vnto him. The same yeere, that is to say, 1422, the French king Charles, the sixt of that name, deceas­sed; 1422. The death of Charles the French king. after whome succeeded his sonne Charles the se­uenth, before named the Dolphin, as the custome there is. By the death of these kings, the wars were not altogither so earnestlie followed as before, wher­vpon the earles of Buchquhane and Wigton re­turned into Scotland, and shortlie after was an ar­mie leuied, and siege laied both to Rocksburgh, and Rocksburgh and Berwike besieged. to Berwike, but for that they lay long abroad and did no good, returning home without gaine, this iournie in derision was called The durtie rode, or (as the Scots terme it) The dirtin raid. The dirtin raid.

But now to speake somewhat concerning the or­der of the common-wealth in Scotland, ye shall vn­derstand, that after the death of Robert duke of Al­banie, his sonne Mordo Steward earle of Fife and Mordo Ste­ward earle of Fife elected gouernour of Scotland. The repug­nant vices reigning in Mordo Ste­ward. Menteith was made gouernour, continuing in that office for the space of foure yéeres, though (to confesse the truth) he was farre vnméet thereto, differing much from the wisedome and manhood of his father, for in him remained sundrie vices, greatlie variable and contrarie one to another. In time of anie aduer­sitie, he shewed himselfe as a man despairing of all comfort or helpe: in prosperitie so lift vp in carelesse insolencie, that he had no staie of himselfe, by reason [Page 260] whereof, sometimes he suffered heinous offendors through dread of their puissant friends (a thing not to be suffered in Scotland) to escape vnpunished; and at other times againe, he shewed himselfe more seuere & cruell in executing of iustice, than the mat­ter required.

Thus was he still in extremities, kéeping no tem­perance nor laudable meane in anie of his dooings. Héereto was he so negligent in chastising his sons Walter, Iames, & Alexander (whether through soft­nesse 10 His negli­gence in cha­stising his sonnes. & lacke of wit, or by reason he bare such a fond & tender fatherlie loue toward them) that they hauing him in small regard, plaied manie outragious parts, to the sore offending of a number. At length, one of them taking displeasure with his father, for that he would not giue him a falcon, the which he had long before greatlie desired, stepped to him, and plucking hir beside his fist, wroong hir necke from hir bodie e­uen presentlie before his face. Wherevpon the father An insolent part of one of his sonnes. somewhat kindeled with this presumptuous déed of 20 the sonne: Walter (said he, for so was his name that The woords of duke Mor­do to his son. had thus misused him) sith it is so that thou and thy brother will not be ruled by my soft and gentle go­uernement, I shall bring him home yer it be long, that shall chastise both you and me after an other manner. And after this, he rested not to trauell still for the redéeming of Iames the first out of captiuitie, Duke Mordo trauelleth for the redéeming of Iames the first. till at length he brought him home in déed, to the great wealth, ioy, and good hap of all the Scotish na­tion.Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 10. For calling togither a parlement (of the nobi­litie) 30 at Perth, they consulted of receiuing home their Iames imprisoned in England, and at length willinglie agréed (either for fauour they bare to the lawfull heire, or being wearied with the lothsomnes of the present gouernement) to send an ambassage to the king of England, to demand the restitution of king Iames. Wherevpon they dispatched into Eng­land (to execute their deuise) Henrie Lichton bishop of Aberden, Archembald Dowglasse (the third earle of that name, and fift of that familie) the sonne of 40 Archembald Dowglasse, duke of Touraine, Willi­am Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 272. Heie constable of Scotland, Richard Coruall archdeacon of Londane, and Alexander Iarraine a Drum, knight.)

In the meane time, the French king, Charles the seuenth, being sore vexed with wars by the Eng­lishmen, sent to the earle of Buchquhane his consta­ble, requiring him to returne againe with all speed in­to France, and to bring so manie Scotishmen with him, as he conuenientlie might. This earle therefore 50 The earle of Buchquhane, returneth into France. found meanes to persuade Archembald earle of Dowglas, father to the foresaid earle of Wigton, to passe with him into France, which two earles with an armie of fiue thousand men, or (after some wri­ters) ten thousand, tooke the seas, and arriued with prosperous wind and weather at Rochell, and com­ming to the French king, were receiued of him with all ioy and gladnes. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 270. With this companie also was sent ambassador, Gilbert Grenlaw bishop of Aber­den, a man of great authoritie amongest the nobili­tie 60 of Scotland, for his singular wisedome, and such a person as with great dexteritie executed the office of the chancellorship of the realme. The effect of whose message was, to comfort Charles the seuenth, then king of France, and to asserteine him, that not one­lie they which were now allanded in France, but also all the inhabitants of Scotland would remaine so firme in his faith & friendship, that they would spend both liues and goods in the defense of the crowne of France, as the following experience should well trie. Wherevpon the earle of Dowglasse was by the king for his further aduancement, honored with the The earle of Dowglasse made duke of Touraine. title of the dukedome of Touraine. But that glorie of the Scots was soone diminished (as saith Lesleus) by the infortunat successe which they had through the Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 270. 1424. N. Gi. English at the battell of Uernoile. In which (besides all the hired or common souldiers which were also most slaine at that time) there perished of the nobili­tie, the two brethren of the gouernour, the earle of Buchquhane constable of France, Archembald Dowglas duke of Touraine, with Iames his sonne and heire, Alexander Lindseie, Thomas Swinton, Robert Steward, and manie other, as in the French and English histories more largelie may appéere.

And héere a little to step out of the way, because A digression against Bu­chanan. in this place Buchanan girdeth at the English (as he dooth in all the parts of his booke, with most bitter tawnts) I will a little shew that he hath forgotten himselfe in the same: as well against vs generallie (as appéereth in manie places) as against Grafton, Humfrie Lhoid, and Hall, especiallie in manie other places thereof. And therefore (readers) giue me leaue in milder sort to speake of him (being dead) than he dooth of others. For although (against all humanitie) he doo most bitterlie with woords of heat inflame his pen against Humfrie Lhoid, departed the world ma­nie yeeres (as it appéereth) before he tooke the later penne in hand (after the ouerseeing of his old frag­ments) as himselfe in his epistle confesseth, to write an historie: yet I will spare him in better sort. And therefore I much muse, that he a man so learned and graue, would now in his later age, when reason should most rule him, so dip his pen in gall, as forget­ting himselfe, he should be of these rough conditions (contrarie to all learning, which Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros) he would call men impudent, immodest, vn­learned, liers, vnbrideled, malicious, backbiters, e­uill toonged; and that he can rather prooue the Bri­tains to be made of dogs and brute beasts, better than to be descended of Brutus. All which speeches are to be found in his booke: for (if there were a fault in Lhoid) as there was none, because it séemes he did not well conceiue his mind: could not he either re­prehend error, or disprooue men, but with such bitter tawnts, when they but onelie shew their opinion, dis­senting in orderlie sort from others, as it is lawfull for all learned men to doo? Where learned he that rhetorike, to reiect the opinion of men with dogs elo­quence, and sooner to deduce that creature (formed to the image of God, and lord of all beasts) to be rather made of dogs than of men, and for one or two priuat persons to inueie against a whole state?

But Humfrie Lhoid imputeth a note of infamie to his nation (as he supposed) in disproouing Hector Boetius, who arrogantlie (beside all truth) hath trans­ferred to his Scots, both places, persons, and déeds, which neuer belonged to them. And is this so great a fault in Lhoid, when himselfe and Lesleus bishop of Rosse (secretlie misliking Boetius) haue in silence passed ouer a great manie imperfections in the hi­storie of Boetius, and placed manie other things after an other sort, referring them to other times than Bo­etius dooth? And why should he maligne Lhoid for re­prehending him, whome himselfe condemneth, & of whome he saith that In descriptione Scotiae quaedam parùm verè prodidit, & alios in errorem induxit, and whome for manie faults (by Boetius escaped) he further saith in the later end of his second booke, that he will not de­fend him in such errors, as no reason there is why he should? But if from the abundance of the hart the toong and hand doo speake and write, I can not see but that by his distemperat spéeches, I must condemne him of secret grudge, not so much to the person of Lhoid, as to the whole nation, against which the chie­fest part of his booke séemeth to be a stomaching in­uectiue. And yet such as it is, they must of necessitie follow that intreat of the historie of his nation, or else he will exclame against them (as he dooth in this [Page 261] place of the battell of Uernoile) that they maliciou­slie obscure the glorie of the Scots, following the au­thoritie of the aduersarie, and not the truth of the hi­storie written by him, or the French nation.

And in this place of his booke, rather than he will want occasion to [...]awnt and disgrace vs by his cho­lerike pen, he will séeke a knot in a rush, and make a mounteine of a molehill, in so vehement inuaieng a­gainst the English, that say that the Scots were not able to mainteine such titles of honor as were giuen 10 them by the French: a simple matter to make such discourse vpon, and to step so much awrie out of the course of the storie. But thinke yeu Buchanan hath committed no such (nay gréater) faults against vs? Yes trulie, and that I suppose will be well prooued at an other time, in an other treatise vpon his booke now iustlie forbidden in England, and (as I heare) more iustlie in Scotland. And heere remember I praie thée gentle reader, that in one place of his booke he saith that he ment to haue obserued this cou [...]e 20 from the beginning, that he would not séeke to di­gresse by bypaths out of the course of the historie. And hath he so soone forgotten that in the first fore­head of his booke, almost thrée leaues togither, & al­so in manie other parts of the same (as well as in this place of the battell of Uernoile) he hath lept manie miles out of the way, with bitter woords to tawnt Humfrie Lhoid, Grafton, Hall, & all the Eng­lish histories, and by manie whole pages (in manie parts of his woorke) with much spence of powder and shot, to batter the credit of the English writers. 30 These trulie were not parts of such a person, as the place (which he had about the prince whilest he liued) required. But inough of this by me (who am not Honorarius arbiter, and will be no seuere cerisurer of o­ther mens writings at this time (wherevnto I was occasioned by Buchanans digression in this place) since the same will be more substantiallie touched by others in other woorks (wherevnto I reset my selfe) and so returne to the order of the historie.)

The Scotish chronicles declare, that the losse of this 40 field chanced speciallie through enuie and discord, Enuie and discord. which reigned amongest the chiefteins. For the duke of Alanson enuieng that the Scots should dailie rise in honor within France, kept himselfe backe, till time the Scots were ouerthrowen and brought to vtter destruction. Againe, euen vpon the ioining, there rose great strife and contention betwixt the constable & the duke of Touraine, who should haue the supreme rule of the Scotish legher, the one disdai­ning 50 to giue place to the other. Thus ye may per­ceiue, how the Scots with losse of manie of their liues, and much bloudshed, supported the side of Char­les king of France, against the Englishmen. And though there came dailie newes of diuerse great o­uerthrowes giuen by the Englishmen to such Sco­tishmen and other, as serued the said king Charles, yet did not the Scots therefore staie at home, but at sundrie times, and vnder sundrie capteins repaired into France: as amongest other, one Robert Pa­tillocke 60 of Dundée with a new power of Scots went Robert Pa­ [...]ke cap­taine of a pow­er of Scotish­men sent into France. ouer to king Charles the seuenth aforesaid, shewing such proofe of his singular manhood and valiancie in those wars, as in recouerie of the realme of France out of the Englishmens hands, his seruice stood king Charles in notable steed. Chieflie his diligence and prowesse well appéered, in reducing the parties of Gascoigne vnto the French subiection, which had re­mained a great number of yéeres vnder the domini­on of the English kings. And heere vpon was he cal­led by the inhabitants euer after, Le petit roy de Gas­coigne. Robert Pa­ [...]ocke called Le petit roy de Gascoigne. Fr. Thin.

Lesleus. lib. 7. pag. 271. But to returne to the businesse of Scotland and of the Scots, as they passed in the meane time. We say, that the French reioising of this conquest of Gascoigne, would not séeme to be vnthankfull to the Scots therefore: for which cause they erected a sta­tue or image of this Patillocke, in the hall of the king of France, as a perpetuall memorie of this conquest, and as a singular testimonie of their good will towards the Scots, which they placed there to remaine a monument to all posteritie. Beside which, he confirmed and increased the number of the gard of Scotish archers (which they were woont to vse in peace and warre) first instituted by Charles the king of France, ouer all which he made this Patillocke chiefe capteine, which office the Scots did then and since so well discharge, that the same continueth yet in our memorie. Besides which (a little before this) Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 271. Charles the sixt appointed an other companie of Sco­tish horssemen to be in wages with him, being commonlie called the trope of the Scotishmen at ar­mes. Of whome the chiefe gouernour was Robert Steward (borne of the familie of the earle of Len­nox) who was honored by the king with the title of the lord de Aubignie, with other lands and great pos­sessions bestowed vpon him. All which (being of long time possessed of the Scots of the same surname, by continuall order of bloud & descent, that is, by Ber­nard the famous capteine of warre, then by Robert, and to conclude, by Iohn Steward, brother of the earle of Lennox) is at this day also in possession of the woorthie yoong gentleman (the sonne of the said Iohn) who giueth foorth a rare hope that he will not degenerat from the nobilitie of his ancestors. The ambassadors sent (as Pag. 260. col. 1. numb. 30, 40. before is shewed) into Eng­land for K. Iames, behaued themselues so sagelie therein, that in the end, they brought it to good con­clusion: as thus. First it was agréed, that king Iames should be set at libertie, and also pay for his ransome the sum of 100000 marks sterling, the one The ransome of K. Iames. halfe to be paid in hand, and for the other halfe to leaue sufficient pledges behind him, till it were paied. Albeit some writers alledge, that leauing pledges for the paiment of the one halfe, he was dis­charged of the other, in consideration that he tooke to Iane daugh­ter to the earle of Summer­set maried to king Iames the first. wife the ladie Iane, daughter to the earle of Sum­merset. The said earle and the cardinall of England his brother, conueied him with his quéene their néece, vnto the borders of both the realmes. And at their taking leaue each of other, there was presen­ted vnto king Iames and to the quéene his wife, be­sides a cupbord of massie plate, sundrie faire cloths Gifts giuen to K. Iames by his wiues friends. of rich and costlie arras by his wiues friends, with manie other iewels and things of great price & va­lure.

King Iames then departed on this wife from his wiues brethren, and other such his déere friends, as his vertue and princelie behauiour had procured King Iames commeth to Edenburgh. him during his abode here by the space of sixtéene or eightéene yeares in England, entered into Scot­land, and came to Edenburgh on Care sundaie, o­therwise called Passion sunday in Lent, where he was receiued with all honor, ioy, and triumph that might be deuised. Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 10. At what time as the nobles came to giue him their dutifull welcome into his na­tiue soile and inheritance, there began to be manie complaints by them, who since the death of their last king (partlie by negligence, and partlie by the de­fault of the gouernors) had béene molested with di­uers kinds of iniuries; wherevpon, Walter the son of Mordac, Malcolme Fleming, and Thomas Boid being gréeuouslie accused, were (to pacifie the ex­clamation of the common people) committed to di­uers prisons till the next parlement, which was ap­pointed the sixt kalends of Iune following, where is more intreated of this matter, as after shall ap­peare, Buchanan hauing thus placed it before the [Page 264] kings coronation.]

ANd after that, as soone as the solemnitie of the Iames. feast of Easter was finished, he came to Perth, and shortlie after to Scone, where he was crowned He is crow­ned at Scone togither with his wife. king, and his wife quéene, by duke Mordo the go­uernor, and Henrie bishop of saint Andrewes, the one and twentith day of Maie, after the incarnation 1423, Buch. 1424, Lesl. 1424. There came foorth of England with this Iames the first, diuerse English gentlemen, which remaining euer after in seruice with him, were ad­uanced 10 to certeine lands, possessions, and liuings in Scotland. Amongest whome (as one of the chiefest) Andrew Graie. was Andrew Graie, who afterwards by the kings aid and good furtherance, got in mariage the daugh­ter and heire of Henrie Mortimer of Foulis, na­med Helen, and by that means came the lordship of Foulis vnto the hands of the Graies, whose sur­name The surname of the Graies in Scotland. and posteritie continueth yet in Scotland, in­uested with great lands and dignities, both in Gow­rie and Angus. 20

King Iames after his coronation returned from Scone to Edenburgh, where he called before him King Iames kéepeth an au­dit. all those that bare anie authoritie in the administra­tion of the common-wealth, during the time of the gouernors duke Robert and duke Mordo, namelie the chancellor, the treasuror, the clearks of the re­gister, the controller, the auditors, and receiuers, with all other that had borne offices, or had anie thing to doo concerning the kings rents. At length, when he perceiued by their accounts made, that the 30 most part of all the lands, rents, and reuenues per­teining vnto the crowne, were wasted, bestowed, alienated, and transported by the two foresaid go­uernors, vnto their friends and fautors, contrarie to all right or good consideration (the customs of bur­rowes and good townes onlie excepted) he was not well content herewith, though for the time he passed ouer his displeasure, in shewing outwardlie no sem­blance, but as if he had liked all things well.

In the meane time, he aduisedlie perused all eui­dences, 40 rols, and charters perteining to the crowne, A parlement at Eden­burgh. and shortlie therevpon called a parlement at Eden­burgh, in the which, by aduise of the thrée estates, a generall tax was ordeined and granted, to be rai­sed A tax leuied. through the whole realme; as twelue pence of the pound to be paied of all lands within Scotland, both spirituall and temporall; and foure pence for euerie cow, oxe, and horsse, to be paied for the space of two yeares togither. This paiment was leuied the first yeare without anie trouble, but the second yeare 50 there rose such murmur and grudging amongst the poore commons about the paiment thereof, that he The com­mons grudge at paiments. remitted the residue that was behind, & tooke neuer anie tax after of his subiects, vntill he maried his daughter with the Dolphin of France. Amongst other bils put vp in this parlement, there was di­uerse Bils of com­plaint exhibi­ted against the sonnes of duke Morde. complaints exhibited by the people, for sundrie oppressions vsed and doone by the sons of duke Mor­do, and other great peeres of the realme, before the kings returne into Scotland. 60

Wherevpon Walter Steward, one of the sons of the said duke Mordo, was arrested, and sent to Walter Ste­ward put in prison. a castell situated vpon a rocke within the sea called the Basse, there to remaine in safe kéeping. Also Malcolme Fleming of Cumernald, and Thomas Boid of Kilmarnoke, were committed to ward in Dalkeith, but these two at the intercession of diuerse noble men were pardoned and forgiuen of all offen­ses for an easie fine, with condition, that they should satisfie all such persons as they had in anie wise wronged. In the foresaid parlement also, K. Iames The oth of K. Iames. tooke a solemne oth, to defend as well the liberties of his realme, as of the church, during the course of his naturall life. The like oth by his example did all the residue of the barons take at the same present time. Not long after, an other parlement was cal­led A parlement holden at Perth. Duke Mor­do with his sonne Alexan­der, and di­uerse other péeres of the realme arre­sted. and holden at Perth, in the which duke Mordo, with his sonne Alexander, were arrested and com­mitted to ward. So was also Archembald earle of Dowglasse, with his brother William earle of An­gus, George earle of March, Adam Hepborne of Hales, and manie other great barons of Scotland, euerie of them being put in sundrie castels and strengths, to remaine there in safe kéeping. Duke Mordo was sent to Carlaurocke, and his duchesse was put in Temptalloun.

In the yeare following, on the Holie rood daie, 1425. called the Inuention of the crosse, Iames Steward the third sonne of duke Mordo mooued with great ire, for that his father and brethren were holden in prison, came with a great power to the towne of Dunbreton, and burnt it, after he had slaine Iohn Steward of Dondonald, and two and thirtie other The towne of Dunbreton burnt. persons, which were found in the same towne: but the king kindled in great displeasure for this at­tempt, pursued this Iames so fiercelie, that he was faine to flée into Ireland, where he afterwards de­ceassed. [And Finelaw (which was sometime one Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 10. of the order of the frier Dominicks) which fled with him into Ireland, & was author that the said Iames committed all these outrages, died there also. Be­sides which, there fled into Ireland the wife of Wal­ter, hir two sonnes, Andrew and Alexander, with Arthure the bastard: who (in the end) returning home, was after by Iames the third aduanced to great honors.] In the next yeare insuing, K. Iames called a parlement at Sterling, in the which he sit­ting A parlement holden at Sterling. wich scepter, sword, and crowne in place of iudgement, Walter Steward with his brother Alex­ander 1426. Walter and Alexander the sonnes of duke Morde beheeded. Duke Mordo and Duncan Steward earle of Len­nox beheaded. Fr. Thin. were condemned, and incontinentlie were lead foorth to a place before the castell, and there be­headed.

On the morrow after, duke Mordo himselfe, and Duncan Steward earle of Lennox were conuicted of high treason, and beheaded before the castell in semblable manner. [It is a constant fame (saith Buchanan) though I find it not written in any place, that the king sent the heads of the father, husband, & children, to Isabell the wife of his coosine germane, to trie whether she being a fierce woman, would (as it iustlie happened) by distemperance of griefe dis­couer the secrets of hir mind. But she (notwithstan­ding all which grieuous and vnlooked for spectacles) did not inordinatlie burst out into anie bitter words, but onlie said; If the faults be true which are laid a­gainst them, the king hath doone but right and iu­stice vnto them.) Thus by the attaindor of duke Mordo and his sonnes, the earldome of Fife, Men­teith, and Lennox came into the kings hands. The residue of the lords and barons remaining as then in prison, and abiding the kings pleasure, were sore afraid, when they heard what rigorous iustice had béene executed on duke Mordo and his sonnes: not­withstanding, within 12 moneths after they were all set at libertie, and receiued into the kings fauor, on promise of their loiall demeanor & dutifull obe­dience euer after to be shewed, during their naturall liues.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 10. The parlement being ended, Iohn Mountgo­merie, & Humfreie Cunningham were sent by the king to the castell of Louchleuine, which was kept against him by the runagat Iames Steward, whom in short time they forced to surrender the said castell. Not long after, Iohn Steward of Dernleie (who was maister of the Scotish garrison of horssemen in France, the rest of the former capteins being consumed) came into Scotland with the bishop of Reims, as ambassador in the name of Charls, to re­new [Page 263] the old league betwéene the two nations, and to conclude matrimonie betwéene Lewes the sonne of the said Charles the seue [...], and Margaret the daughter of K. Iames, both being yet verie yoong. Which thing [...]o dispatched, in the next yeare being the 1426) he determined (hauing pacified all Scot­land 1426. betwéene the mounteins of Granzeben) to sub­due the further parts beyond it also. Wherefore to begin the same, he commanded the castell of In­uernesse (set in a conue [...]nt place in the furthest 10 borders of Murrey) to be repared. Whishe [...] when he came two yeares after, to sit in iudgement vp­on misdemeanors of the inhabitants, and to sup­presse 1428. their robberies, he casted before him th [...] [...]ese of all the families of that countrie, especiallie such as being accompanied with great traines, were woont to fetch preies from their next borders, did set tribute on the quieter fort, and did compell the com­mon people to minister sustenance to those idle loi­terers; of which capteins, some had a thousand, some 20 two thousand & some far manie more redie at their call to obeie their commandement with which they ceassed not to kéepe the good in danger vnto them for feare of hurt, and made the euill (amongest whome they were assured of refuge [...] defense) the bolder to commit all kind of wickednesse. Which persons when the king had gotten in, and drawen to come before him, partlie by flatteries, and partlie by threats: he committed about fortie of their leaders to seuerall prisons: whose euill being throughlie 30 knowen, he hanged two notable fellows amongst them, called Alexander Macror and Iohn Macare­ture; at what time also he beheded Iames Campbell (for the [...]ther of Iohn of the Iles) a man déerelie beloued of his people. The rest which remained (being of the common sort) they likewise disper­sed into diuers prisons, whereof some were after executed, and some were permitted freelie to de­part to their owne. The capteins of the factions thus slaine (or for the most part restreined in prison) 40 the inferior sort durst not attempt anie thing, being destitute of leaders. Wherevpon the king calling them before him, did giue them a louing admonition to embrace iustice, because there was no surer or certeine hope of safetie in anie thing, than in the in­nocencie of life, the which if they would determine to doo, they should alwaies find him readie to honor and reward them; if not, they might learne by the examples of others what they should hope to receiue themselues.) 50

In the yeere next following, which was after the incarnation 1427, Alexander lord of the Iles was 1427. Alexander lord of the Iles arrested. arrested by the king at Inuernes, for that he was ac­cused to be a succorer & mainteiner of théeues & rob­bers in the countrie: but forsomuch as he promised in time comming to reforme his former misdemea­nors, he was pardoned and set at libertie; wherof in­sued He is set at libertie. great trouble immediatlie after. For shortlie vpō his deliuerance, he gathered a power of wicked scapethrifts, and with the same comming into In­uernes, 60 He rebelleth. burnt the towne, and besieged the castell, in­forcing with all diligence to win the same, till he The towne of Inuernes burnt. was aduertised that the king was comming to­wards him with a great power, wherevpon he fled incontinentlie to the Iles. Finallie hauing know­ledge that a great number of people lay dailie in wait to take him, that they might present him to the kings hands, he came disguised in poore araie to Alexander of the Iles com­meth to the king and as­keth pardon. the Holie rood house, and there finding the king on Easter daie deuoutlie in the church at his praiers, he fell downe on his knees before him, and besought him of grace, for his sake that rose as that day from death vnto life.

At request of the quéene, the king pardoned him of life; but he appointed William Dowglasse earle of Angus to haue the custodie of him, and that with­in the castell of Temptation, that no trouble should rise by his meanes thereafter. His mother Eufemie daughter to Walter sometime earle of Rosse, was also committed to ward in saint Colmes inch; bi­cause it was knowne that she sollicited hir sonne to rebell (in maner as is aforesaid) against the king. Not long after, Donald Ballocht, brother to the said Donald Bal­locht inuadeth Lochquhaber. lord Alexander of the Iles came with a great power of men into Lochquhaber. The earles of Mar and [...]nes came with such number of their people as they could raise, to defend the countrie against the inuasion of those Ilandmen, and fought with the said Donald at Inuerlochtie, where the erle of Cathnes was slaine, and the earle of Mar discomfited. Here­with The earle of Cathnes slain Donald Bal­locht retur­neth with vic­torie & spoile into the Iles. did Donald returne with victorie, and a great preie of goods and riches into the Iles. The king [...] mooued with the newes hereof, came with a great armie vnto Dunstafage, purposing with all speed to passe into the Iles. The clans and other chiefe men of the said Iles aduertised hereof, came to Dunsta­fage [...]nd submitted themselues vnto the king, excu­sing The clans of the Iles sub­mit thēselues to the king. their offense, for that (as they alledged) the said Donald had constreined them against their willes, to passe with him in the last iournie. All those clans vpon this their excuse, were admitted to the kings fauour, and sworne to pursue the said Do­nald vnto death.

Shortlie herevpon, this Donald fled into Ireland, Donald flieth into Ireland. His head is sent as a pre­sent to the king. Thrée hun­dred of Do­nalds compli­ces hanged. where he was slaine, and his head sent by one Odo a great lord of Ireland (in whose countrie he lur­ked) as a present to the king that laie as then at Sterling. There were also thrée hundred of his ad­herents taken, and by the kings commandement hanged for their offenses within thrée weekes space, after his first flieng into Ireland. This trouble be­ing thus quieted, king Iames passed through all the bounds of his realme, to punish all offendors and misruled persons, which in anie wise wronged and oppressed the poore people. He allowed no pardon granted afore by the gouernor, alledging the same Pardons granted by the gouernor are void. to be expired by his death. For he thought indeed it stood neither with the pleasure of God, nor wealth of the realme, that so manie slaughters, reiffes, and op­pressions, as had beene done afore in the countrie, should remaine vnpunished through fault of iustice. It is said that within the first two yeeres of his Thrée thou­sand offendors put to death within two yéeres space. reigne, there were thrée thousand persons executed by death, for sundrie old crimes and offenses.

And though such extreme iustice might haue bene thought sufficient to giue example to other to re­forme their naughtie vsages, yet one Angus Duffe Angus Duffe of Stratherne nothing afraid thereof, came with a companie of theeues and robbers, and tooke a great preie of goods out of the countrie of Murrey and Cathnes: for recouerie wherof, one Angus Murrey followed with a great power, and ouertaking the said Angus Duffe neere to Strachnauerne, fiercelie assailed him. Who with like manhood made stout re­sistance, by reason whereof there insued such a cruell fight betwixt the parties, that there remained in the A cruell fight. end but onelie twelue persons aliue, & those so woun­ded, that they were scarse able to returne home to their houses, and liued but a few daies after. About Makdonald Ros a notable robber. the same time, there was also another notable theefe named Makdonald Rosse, which grew with spoiles and robberies to great riches. This wicked oppressor He shod a widow. shod a woman with horsse shooes, bicause she said she would go to the king, and reueale his wicked doo­ings. As soone as she was whole, and recouered of hir wounds, she went vnto the king, and declared the cruelties doone vnto hir by that vngratious person Makdonald. Fr. Thin. The king (who before had heard the [Page 264] same of others, and had gotten Makdonald in pri­son, Buchanan. determining to sée due punishment for that wic­ked fact) comforted the sillie woman, promising hir shortlie to behold a iust reuenge thereof. Wherevpon Makdonald being brought out of prison with twelue of his companions, the king commanded that they (by the talion law of Moses that yéeldeth an eie for an eie, and a tooth for a tooth, and by the ex­ample of Phalaris, who burnt him first in the bull Lesleus. that was the author thereof for others) should like­wise 10 be shod with iron horsseshooes, in that sort as they before had serued the woman, and then to bee caried three daies togither about the citie for a spec­tacle to the people, to feare to attempt such extraor­dinarie wickednesse; making proclamation that e­uerie one might sée this new kind of punishment. After which, at length (doubting if he liued he would not ceasse to commit the like, or else reuenge the same) he chopped off Makdonalds head, & caused his twelue fellowes and partakers to be hanged in the high waies.) 20

In the third yeere after, which was from the in­carnation 1430, on the eleuenth daie of October, 1430. Iane the quéene of Scots was deliuered of two sonnes at one birth, Alexander and Iames. The first The quéene deliuered of two sonnes at one birth. deceassed in his infancie. The other succéeded after his fathers deceasse in the kingdome, & was named Iames the second. At the baptisme of these two in­fants, there were fiftie knights made. Amongst the Fiftie knights dubbed. which, and first of all other, was William the sonne of Archembald Dowglas, that succéeded his father 30 in the earledome of Dowglas. His father the said Archembald Dowglas, somewhat before this time, or (as other authors say) in the yéere next insuing, was arrested by the kings commandement, and put Archembald earle of Dow­glas arrested and put in prison. in ward, remaining so a long time, till at length by supplication of the quéene, and other péeres of the realme, the king pardoned him [with Iohn Kenne­die] of all offenses, and set both them And Alexan­der earle of Rosse at libertie. King Iames in this Fr. Thin. sort did what in him lay to bring the realme of Scot­land 40 King Iames desirous to purge his realme of vn­rulie persons. in such quiet tranquillitie, that (in purging the same of all offendors, and such as liued by reiffe and robbing) passengers by the high waies might trauell without dread of anie euill disposed persons to mo­lest them.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 10. Hauing thus with diligence suppressed the rob­beries (practised through all parts of his realme) he forgot not to looke into small offenses which were se­cretlie doone, and of lesse danger; determining to 50 take awaie all euill customes which had continued in the realme. For custome, being an other nature dooth bring to passe, that a common error (by manie ages continued) maketh a perfect law, and therefore (& bicause the inferior iudges would the better admi­nister iustice, if they had persons of high authoritie that might punish their false sentences) he chose forth speciall persons of the better sort (commended for their wisedome, grauitie, and holinesse of life) and made them iustices, whome he sent ouer all the 60 realme giuing them full authoritie to heare and de­termine all quarels and sutes (if anie were brought vnto them) whereof the ordinarie iudges either (for feare) durst not or (for hatred or fauor) would not, or (for strength of others) could not giue anie perfect iudgement.)

He caused also the bailiffes and prouosts of good townes, to see that iust measures were vsed by all An ordinance for measures. manner of buiers and sellers, and none to be occu­pied, but such as were signed with the note & marke of the said bailiffes or prouosts. Moreouer, he repa­red and fortified the castels and fortresses of his realme, and stuffed them with such ordinance and Castels re­pared and inunited. munition as was thought expedient. He granted al­so sundrie priuileges and great liberties to the vni­uersitie Priuileges granted to the vniuersitie of S. Andrews. of saint Andrews, to the high aduancement thereof, and was oftentimes himselfe present at their disputations, taking great pleasure therein. Such as were knowne to be learned men, and were presented to him by the vniuersitie, he preferred to great benefices and other ecclesiasticall liuings, still as the same chanced to be vacant. [Hauing for that cause made a law in the said vniuersitie, that none Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 274. should inioy the roome of a canon in anie cathedrall church, vnles he were a batcheller of diuinitie, or at least of the canon law.] By which meanes all maner of vertue and good learning increased dailie through the realme during his time, and namelie musike was had in great price, which he appointed to be vsed Organs brought into Scotland. in churches with organs, the which before his time were not much knowne amongst the Scotishmen.

Much what about the same time, there was a par­lement holden at Perth, in the which Henrie Ward­law A parlement at Perth. bishop of S. Andrews, in name of all the thrée estates there assembled, made a long and right pithie oration to this effect; ‘that Where by the high policie and prudent diligence of the kings maiestie there Bishop Ward­law inueieth against super­fluous fare. present, iustice, and all due administration of lawes and good ordinances were so reuiued, that nothing séemed to be ouerpassed, that might aduance to the profit and commoditie of the common-wealth; yet was there one wicked vsage crept in of late, increa­sing so fast, that if speedie remedie were not had in time, all those commodities brought into the realme by his comming, should be of small auaile, and that was, such superfluous riot in banketting chéere, and numbers of costlie dishes, as were then taken vp and vsed after the English fashion, both to the great hinderance of mans health, and also to the vnprofi­table wasting of their goods and substance. If the laudable temperance vsed amongest the Scotish­men in old time were well considered, nothing might appeare more contrarie and repugnant there­to, than that new kind of gluttonie then vsed, by re­ceiuing more excesse of meats and drinks than suffi­ceth to the nourishment of nature, through prouoca­tion of such deintie and delicate dishes, confectioned sawces, and deuised potions, as were now brought in amongst them. As for such gentlemen as the king had brought with him foorth of England, they were woorthie in déed to be cherished and had in high fa­uour; neither was this abuse to be so greatlie impu­ted vnto them, considering it was appropriate to their nation. But the Scotishmen themselues were chieflie to be blamed, that had so quicklie yéelded to so great an inconuenience, the enormitie whereof appeared by the sundrie vices that followed of the Uices follo­wing deli­cate fare. same, as excesse, sensuall lust, slouth, reiffe, and wa­sting of goods. For if temperance be the nourisher of all vertue, then must the contrarie, that is to say, intemperance, be the bringer foorth and prouoker of all vice. If it might therefore please the kings high­nesse, to shew his accustomed wisedome and proui­dence in repressing this abuse of costlie fare, so much damagable to his people, he should doo the thing that was meritorious before God, and no lesse profitable and necessarie for the publike weale of all his sub­iects.’

By these and manie other the like persuasions, bishop Wardlaw vsed to dissuade the king and his people from all superfluous courses of delicate di­shes and surfetting bankets. Insomuch that euen Order taken for suppressing of costlie fare. Use of baked meates in Scotland when it began then there was order taken, that fewer dishes and more spare diet should be vsed through the realme, licencing gentlemen onelie, and that on festiuall daies, to be serued with pies, the vse of them not be­ing knowne in Scotland till that season. Neuerthe­lesse, such intemperance is risen in processe of time [Page 265] following, that the gréedie appetite of gluttons in The gréedie appetite of gluttons ne­uer satisfied. this age may be satisfied with no competent féeding, till their bellies be so stuffed with immoderate gor­mandise, that they maie scarse fetch breath, through which their notsome surfetting, they fall dailie into sundrie strange and lothsome kinds of diseases, be­ing oftentimes killed by the same in their flouri­shing youth, as by dailie experience plainlie ap­peareth.

In the same yéere the seuenteenth day of Iune, 10 was a terrible eclipse of the sunne, at three of the [...] terrible eclipse. clocke at after noone, the day being darkened ouer head for the space of one halfe houre togither, as though it had béene night, and therevpon it was cal­led the blacke houre. At the next Lammas, the king raised an armie, & came with the same to Roxburgh, Roxburgh besieged. besieging the castell for the space of fiftéene daies to­gither. He had in this armie (as the report went) the In huge armie. number of two-hundred thousand men, accounting cariage men & all other such as followed the campe: 20 yet notwithstanding all this huge multitude, hauing wasted his powder and other munition, before hée could doo anie great hurt to his enimies, he was con­streined to raise his field, and leaue the castell in the Men of occu­pation brought into Scotlād to instruct the Scotishmen therein. Englishmens hands as he found it. After this king Iames perceiuing how the knowledge of handi­crafts and manuall occupations was decaied in Scotland, through continuall exercise of wars, since the daies of Alexander the third, to the further ad­uancement of the common-wealth, and that his sub­iects 30 might haue occasion to auoid slouth and idle­nesse Idlenesse the root of all mischiefe. (the root of all mischiefe) he brought a great number of cunning craftesmen out of Germanie, France, and other parties, to instruct his people in their arts and faculties.

Not long after, one Paule Craw a Bohemian borne, was burnt at saint Andrews, for preaching Paule Craw burnt. and setting foorth the doctrine of Iohn Hus, & Iohn Wikeliffe. Iohn Fogo being one of them that hel­ped chieflie to condemne him, was made (for his 40 Iohn Fogo. great and earnest diligence therein shewed) abbat of Melrosse. [After which, the said king Iames be­gan Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 275. to take vpon him the person of a priuate man, sundrie times associating himselfe to the companie of others (but especiallie of the merchants) in chan­ged apparell, according to the state of such persons with whom he would companie, to the end he might thereby learne what men did say and iudge of him, and so vnderstand what was to be corrected in the go­uernement The abbeie of Charturer moonks built besides Perth by K. Iames. of the common-wealth.] About the same 50 time was the abbeie of Charturar moonks foun­ded besides Perth, by king Iames, with great cost and magnificence.

Also the lord Scroope and other associats with him, The lord Scroope am­bassador into Scotland. came in ambassage from Henrie the sixt, king of England. The effect of whose message was, to haue the ancient league betwixt the Scots and French­men dissolued, promising that if the councell of The offer of the English men to haue the Scots to ioine with them in leage. Scotland would consent thereto, and ioine in leage with the Englishmen; that both the towne and ca­stell 60 of Berwike, with all the lands lieng betwixt Twéed and the Recrosse (as the Scots write) should be deliuered into the Scotishmens hands. King Iames hauing small credit in such faire promises, perceiued the same to tend onlie to this end, that the league betwixt the Frenchmen and Scots might be once clearelie broken, and then to vse the matter as occasion should serue their turne. This matter there­fore being proponed before the councell, it was con­cluded, that in no wise the said league betwixt the Frenchmen and Scots should be dissolued, and so therevpon the English ambassadors were dispat­ched without more talke concerning that matter.

In the same yéere, that is to say, 1433, the king 1433. caused George Dunbar erle of March, sonne to that George erle of March are­sted and put in ward. earle which rebelled against his father king Robert the third, to be arested and put in safe keeping within the castell of Edenburgh. He sent also the earle of Angus with his chancellor William Creichton, and Adam Hepborne of Hales to the castell of Dunbar, deliuering them letters signed with his hand, and di­rected to the kéepers of the said castell, that they shuld deliuer vp the house immediatlie vpon sight of those letters vnto the bringers of the same. The kéepers durst not disobeie his commandement, but suffered them to enter according to their commission. With­in twelue moneths after, a parlement was held at A parlement at Perth. Perth, where the foresaid George earle of March was disherited of all his lands and liuings for his The earle of March dis­herited. fathers offense committed against king Robert the third. Thus the house of the Dunbars lost the earle­dome of March, wherein the same had flourished so manie yéeres togither, to the great defense and safe­gard of the realme of Scotland on that side, against both ciuill and foreine enimies.

The king yet mooued with some pitie toward so The earldome of Buch­quhan giuen to George Dunbar. noble a linage, within short time after gaue the earl­dome of Buchquhan to the said George; and after the kings deceasse, the lords of the councell thinking the same too little, assigned foorth to him and his son Patrike, the summe of foure hundred marks yéere­lie, to be receiued out of a parcell of his owne anci­ent inheritance of the earledome of March, to inioy the same till Iames the second came to full age. In the yéere 1435, Alexander Steward earle of Mar 1435. The death of Alexander Steward erle of Mar. departed out of this life. This Alexander was a ba­stard sonne of the earle of Buchquhan, that was one of the sonnes of king Robert the second. He was a man of right singular prowesse, and in his youth fol­lowing the warres, was with Philip duke of Bur­gognie at the siege of Liege, or Luike, where he bare Leodium. himselfe so manfullie, that few wan the like honor at that iournie. Not long after, to his high aduance­ment, he got in mariage the ladie Iacoba countesse of Holland: notwithstanding, he continued but a while with hir, being forced to forgo hir companie, either for that she had another husband, or else for that the inhabitants would not suffer a stranger to reigne ouer them.

After his returne into Scotland, he sent messen­gers warres be­twixt the earle of Mar & the Hollanders. into Holland, requiring to haue the issues and profits of such lands as were due vnto him in right of the said countesse his wife; but receiuing nought saue a froward answer, hée prouided him of ships, and made sore warres on the Hollanders by sea: first being put to the woorse; but at length he tooke a number of their ships laden with merchandize, as they were returning homewards from Dantzicke. The mariners were drowned, and the ships burnt. Through which losse the Hollanders being sore aba­shed, Truce twixt the Scots & Hollanders for tearme of 100 yéeres. fell to a composition with him, and tooke truce with the Scots for an hundred yéeres. This earle of Mar so long as he liued had the gouernance of the north parts of Scotland vnder king Iames the first, for he was a right prudent person, as well in war­like enterprises, as in ciuill administration. Hée brought foorth of Hungarie sundrie great horsses Good mares brought out of Hungarie into Scotland for brood. and mares for generation, that by such meanes the countrie might be prouided of great horsses of their owne race, where till that time there was none bred within Scotland, but small nags, more méet to serue for iournieng hacknies, than for anie seruice in the warres.

Not long before this time, there came an ambas­sage Ambassadors out of Den­marke. Their request from the king of Denmarke to king Iames, requiring him to make paiment of such yéerelie tri­bute as was due to the said king of Denmarke, be­ing also king of Norwaie for the westerne Iles, ac­cording [Page 266] to the promise and agreement made by Aler­ander sometime king of Scotland, the third of that name, vnto his predecessor Magnus, at that time king of Norwaie. The ambassadors that came with this message were honorablie receiued, and in like sort interteined by king Iames, who at their depar­ture gaue to them sundrie rich gifts, and appointed sir William Creichton to go with them into Den­marlie, ambassador frō him, to the king there, who v­sed Sir William Creichton sent into Den­marke. Peace and a­mitie betwixt Scotland and Denmarke. Ambassadors foorth of France. The old league renew­ed betwixt France and Scotland. The Dolphin marieth Mar­garet daugh­ter to king Iames. himselfe so sagelie in this businesse which he thus 10 went about, that renewing the old league betwixt the two realmes of Denmarke and Scotland, sted­fast peace and assured amitie without anie more adoo therof insued. Much about the same time, there came ambassadors from the French king, Charles the se­uenth, not onelie desiring to haue the old league be­twixt France and Scotland to be ratified at that pre­sent by a new confirmation, but also to confirme the same with better assurance. Margaret eldest daugh­ter to king Iames, at request of the said king Char­les, 20 was giuen in mariage vnto Lewes the Dol­phin, and eldest sonne to the said king Charles.

Manie great lords of Scotland were appointed to haue the conueiance of hir into France, and great prouision of ships made for that voiage, because the king was aduertised that the Englishmen had a fléet abroad on the seas, to take hir if they might méet Englishmen lie in wait for the Sco­tish fléet. with hir by the waie. But as the hap fell, it chanced the same time, as the Scotish ships should passe, there appéered on the coast of England, a great fleet of 30 Spaniards, which the Englishmen supposing to be the Scots, they came vpon them with foure score ves­sels The English­men incounter a fleet of Spa­mards. of one and other, thinking verelie to haue had their wished preie, euen according to their expectati­on: but being receiued with as hot a storme as they brought, they quicklie vnderstood how they were in a wrong box, and so shrewdlie amazed (as Hector Boetius saith) they susteined great losse both in men and ships, and in the meane time the Scotish nauie passed by quietlie without damage, incountering 40 The arriuall of the ladie Margaret of Scotland in France. not one ship by the waie that sought to impeach their passage. There went 140 ladies and gentlewomen foorth of Scotland, to attend this ladie Margaret in­to France, amongest which number there were fiue of hir owne sisters.

In the meane time, whilest such things were a doo­ing, Henrie Persie of Northumberland inuaded Henrie Per­sie inuadeth Scotland. Scotland with foure thousand men, not being know en whether he had commission so to doo from the king of England, or that he made that enterprise of him­selfe. 50 William Dowglasse earle of Angus, to resist this inuasion, gathered a power of chosen men, a­mongest whome were Adam Hepborne of Hales, Alexander Ramseie of Dalehouse, and Alexander Elphingston, with others. The earle of Angus being thus associat, met the Persie at Piperden, where a The battell of Piperden fought be­twixt Henrie Persie and the earle of Angus. The Scots get the victo­rie. The number of English­men slaine. Prisoners ta­ken. sore battell was foughten betwixt them, with great slaughter on both sides; but at length the victorie fell to the Scots, though there were slaine togither with Alexander Elphingston, two hundred gentlemen 60 and commons of Scotland: and of the English part there died Henrie of Cliddesdale, Iohn Ogill, and Richard Persie, with fifteene hundred other of gentle men and commons, of the which gentlemen, fortie were knights. There were taken also and brought home by the Scots as prisoners, to the number of foure hundred.

Shortlie heerevpon, king Iames raised a mightie armie, and besieged the castell of Rocksburgh, but Rocksburgh besieged. when he had almost brought his purpose so néere to passe, that those within began to fall to communica­tion, for the rendering of the place, the quéene came to the campe in great haste vnto him, signifieng that there was a conspiracie begun against him, so that if he tooke not the better héed, he was in great dan­ger to fall into the hands of those that sought his life. The king doubting the matter, raised his siege and The king in­formed or a conspiracie made against him, raiseth his siege. The earle of Atholl heard of the conspi­racie. returned home to prouide the better for his owne su­ertie, but that preuailed little: for Walter Steward earle of Atholl, and head of the whole conspiracie, pretending euer a right to the crowne, by reason that he was procreat by king Robert the second on his first wise, procured his nephue Robert Steward, and his coosine Robert Graham, to flea the king by one meane or other, which finallie they accomplished in this wise. This Robert Graham, for diuerse wic­ked Robert Gra­ham. acts before committed, contrarie to the lawes and ordinances of the realme, was driuen to an out­lawrie, so that if he were taken, he looked for nothing but present death, and therefore hated the king most deadlie. And though by the quéenes diligence both his and other of the conspirators purposes were now disappointed, hauing contriued to dispatch the king at the siege of Rocksburgh; yet forsomuch as their names were not knowne, they hoped still to find oc­casion to atchiue their detestable intention, sith they were no more mistrusted than the others.

Héerevpon the said Steward and Graham came Robert Ste­ward and Ro­bert Graham murtherers of the king. one euening to the blacke friers of Perth, where the king as then was lodged, and by licence of the por­ters comming into the house, entered vp into the gallerie before the kings chamber doore, minding to haue staied there till one of the kings seruants that was priuie to their diuelish purpose should come, by whose helpe they were promised to haue entrie into the chamber. But before the comming of this Iudas­like traitor, an other of the kings seruants named Walter Straiton came foorth of the chamber doore Walter Strai ton is slaine. to haue fetched wine for the king: but being aduised of these two traitors standing there at the doore, ei­ther of them hauing a long swoord girded to him, he stept backe, and cried, Treason: but yer he could get within the doore to haue made it fast, they leapt vnto him, and slue him there outright.

Whilest this was a dooing, not without great noise & rumbling, a yoong virgin named Katharine Dow­glasse Katharine Dowglasse. (that was after maried to Alexander Louell of Bolu [...]ie) got to the doore, and shut it: but because the barre was awaie that should haue made it fast, the thrust hir arme in the place where the bar should haue passed: she was but yoong, and hir bones not strong, but rather tender as a gristle, and therefore hir arme was soone crasht in sunder, and the doore broken vp by force. Herewith entering the chamber, The murthe­rers enter the kings cham­ber, and flea the king. The quéene is hurt. Patrike Dun bar wounded and left for dead in the kings defense. Iames the first murthe­red. they slue such of the seruants as made defense, and then the king himselfe with manie cruell and deadlie wounds [at 28 seuerall blowes.] The quéene was also hurt as she was about to saue hir husband. Pa­trike Dunbar, brother to George sometime earle of March, was left for dead on the floore, by reason of such wounds as he receiued in the kings defense, doo­ing most manfullie his vttermost deuoire to haue preserued him from the murtherers hands. Thus was Iames the first murthered the 21 day of Fe­bruarie, the 44 yéere of his age, the 13 of his reigne, and from the incarnation of Christ 1436. His bodie 1437. Buch. 1447. l. Ma. 1336. Lesle. His stature and forme of bodie. was buried in the house of the Chartarars at Perth which he founded in his life time, but had not as yet throughlie finished.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. [...]. cap. 271. Of this Iames I find written in his singular commendation, that he was for proportion of bodie of the middle stature, with broad shoulders, hauing the other parts also answering therevnto, as they neither séemed monstruous big to be woondered at, nor extreme small to be scotted at; but caried the ma­iestie of a person, whome Aeneas Syluius (expressing the most excellent conformitie of members in this our king) dooth terme to be squared or of euen propor­tion, [Page 267] as the parts of a quadrangle or iust square doo answer ech other, so that nature séemeth not to haue framed a creature more apt or excellent than he, ei­ther for shape of bodie, or for kinglie maiestie. He did manie times imbrace iustice more streictlie and seuerelie, than well became a king, which ought to be called (and so in truth to be) the father and nourisher of the common wealth. For he séemed so exactlie to measure all things by the rule of iustice, that he is said (within the space of thrée yeeres) to haue execu­ted 10 thrée thousand persons for their committed offen­ses. Although this may rather séeme to be a slander (than otherwise) grounded vpon no foundation, since all things séemed to haue béene performed by him in respect of sincere zeale of iustice, whereof this may be a sufficient argument, that he was of so mild and swéet nature, that we read not of anie of our princes that did more reuerentlie imbrace peace at home a­mongst his subiects, or more willinglie conclude the same abroad with strangers. What shall I say of his 20 wisedome, which in manie and the greatest affaires did so manifestlie appéere, that the kings of other na­tions did ioine in league and friendship with him? Of which wisedome, and of other his vertues (although he obteined part by the benefit of nature) he got the greatest summe by the learning & instruction which he purchased in England, when he was prisoner: at what time he was by the commandement of Henrie the king most diligentlie instructed. For he was there by the kings beneuolence so well trained in all 30 sciences and gentlemanlie actiuitie, with the dili­gence of good schoolemaisters, that it is not easie to iudge what science he best vnderstood: for beside that he had skill in all kinds of musike (but most excel­lent in plaieng on the harpe) he was so good an ora­tor, that nothing might be more artificiall than that which he spake: againe, he was a rare poet, in which he séemed not so much cunning by art, as furthered by nature, which is sufficientlie prooued by verses of diuerse kinds (at this day remaining) composed by 40 Buchan. also saith he wrote Latine verses with such good grace, as the rudenesse of that age per­mitted. him (in Scotish méeter) with that singular art, as he is thought fullie to equall the sharpenesse, grauitie, and wisedome of the ancient poets.

It is strange that I saie, and far beyond the dili­gence of the princes of our time, yea and almost be­yond the opinion of men: but yet most true and con­firmed by the testimonie of them which knew him well: and therefore to be written to his perpetuall praise. He did so exactlie in mind and memorie com­prehend the depth of diuinitie and law, that therein 50 he excelled manie, & in his time gaue not place to a­nie: to conclude, there was nothing wherein the commendation of wit consisted, or wherein anie shew of the liberall arts appeared, that he would not with great diligence applie his indeuor for the know­ledge thereof, yea and that sometime to all mecha­nicall or handie-craft labors which were méet for a free man, which he is said most studiouslie to haue followed. But in the end, iudging it ouer base for kinglie maiestie to be exercised in these meane & in­ferior 60 knowledges, he caused artificers of all sorts to be brought out of England, Flanders, and other nations, which should instruct our people therein; for by that means he persuaded himselfe he should in the end calme the rough maners of his nation, and that with these mild arts they would also receiue a mild and swéete condition of life & maners. Where­fore I may well say; O most happie common-wealth which was gouerned by so woorthie a prince: & may iustlie exclame; O you most fierce and wicked re­bels, that would by murther take away such an ho­nor, beautie, and piller of the common-wealth. Now, besides manie other things by him doone, I will here (being better late than neuer) set downe this (not touched before) which is, that he was not on­lie a beautie to his countrie, in prouiding for his peo­ple to liue at quiet within doores; but he also sought for the defense of his realme against his enimies without doores: by artillerie, and other necessaries required for the warres. For the inuention of guns hapning about his time, or not much before; he cau­sed certeine péeces of artillerie to be made beyond the seas in Flanders, of which, there was one most especiall and great peece called the Lion, on the cir­cumference whereof were these verses ingrauen, testifieng the antiquitie in like maner of the same: Iohn Maior lib. 6. cap. 13.

Illustri Iacobo Scotorum principi digno,
Regi magnifico, dumfulmine castra reduco,
Factus sum subitò, nuncupor ergo Leo.)

The nobles and péeres of the realme right sorow­full for the death of this Iames, assembled togither, and made such earnest & diligent search for the trai­tors The search made for the traitors. before mentioned, that at the length they were apprehended and brought to Edenburgh, where they were executed on this maner. The earle of Atholl, which was not onelie principall in practise of this treason concerning the kings death, but also in times past was chiefe of counsell with Robert duke of Albanie, in making away of Dauid the kings eldest brother, and after the kings returne foorth of England did most earnestlie solicit him to put duke Mordo to death, with all other of his linage, tru­sting that when they were dispatched, he should find means to rid the king also, and his children out of the way, & so at length atteine to the crowne with­out anie obstacle. This earle (I say) was first strip­ped of all his clothes, saue onelie his shirt; and then was an instument of wood, made like to the drawer of a well, set fast in a cart with a frame: at the end of which instrument, was the earle fastened and The execu­tion of the erle of Atholl. bound, and so caried about the towne, sometime hoised on high, that the people might sée him aloft in the aire, and sometime let fall againe with a swaie downe vpon the pauement.

After this, being brought to an open place, where most resort of people was, they crowned him with an hot iron, for that (as was said) a witch had told The prophesie of a witch. him, that before his death he should he crowned o­penlie in sight of the people. Through whose illusion being deceiued, he liued vnder vaine hope to atteine the crowne, directing all his imaginations to com­passe the means thereto. Thus was he serued on the first day. On the second day, he was drawen with his complices laid on hurdels, round about the towne at an horsse taile. The third day, his bellie was ript, and his bowels were taken foorth, and throwne into the fire flickering before his eies, & then was his heart pulled foorth of his bodie, and throwne likewise into the fire: and last of all, his head was cut off, and his bodie diuided into foure quarters.

His nephue Robert Steward was not altogi­ther Robert Ste­ward executed so cruellie executed. But Robert Graham, for that it was knowne that he slue the king with his owne hands, was put into a cart, the hand that did The ordering of Robert Grahams execution. the déed being fastened to a paire of gallows, which were raised vp in the said cart; and then were three persons appointed to thrust him through in all parts of his bodie with hot irons, beginning first in those places where it was thought no hastie death would thereof insue, as in the legs, armes, thighes, & shoul­ders. And thus was he caried through euerie stréet of the towne, and tormented in most miserable wise, and at length had his bellie ript, and was bowelled and quartered as the other were before. Christo­pher Christopher Clawn. Clawn also, and other that were of counsell in the conspiracie, were put to most shamefull kinds of deaths, as they had iustlie deserued, few or none lamenting their case. [Touching whose death, and Fr. Thin. [Page 268] the reuenge thereof, it is reported, that Aeneas Syl­uius Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 279. (being then ambassador in Scotland for pope Eugenius the fourth to the said king Iames, con­sidering the cruelnesse of such a wicked fact, with the spéedie reuenge therefore executed by the nobilitie) should say, that he much doubted, whether he ought with greater praise to commend them which reuen­ged the kings death, than by sharper sentence pu­nish those that had committed such parricide.] In the daies of king Iames the first, sundrie strange 10 Strange sights. Pigs with heads like to Dogs, A calfe with a head like a colt. A blasing star. A great frost. Ale and wine sold by the pound weight A sword séene in the aire. and monstrous things chanced in Scotland. At Perth there was a sow that brought foorth a litter of pigs with heads like vnto dogs. A cow also brought foorth a calfe, hauing a head like a colt. In the haruest before the kings death, a blasing star was seene with long streaming beams. And in the winter following, the frost was so vehement, that ale and wine were sold by pound weight, and then melted against the fire. A sword was seene gliding vp and downe in the aire, to the no lesse dread than 20 woonder of the people.

IAmes the first made away through the traitorous practise of the earle of Atholl (as before is speci­fied) Iames the second. 1436 his eldest sonne Iames the second of that name being as then but six yeares of age succéeded to the crowne, as lawfull heire to the same, and by his mo­ther and the nobilitie of the realme was brought to Scone, where, by the vniuersall consent of the three estates he was crowned king of Scotland, being the 102 king of that realme from Ferguse the first. 30 Buchan. 103. He was surnamed Iames with the fierie face, by reason of a broad red spot which he had in one of his cheekes. This Iames at his comming to mans state prooued a stout prince, and maried the daughter of The daugh­ter of the duke of Gelderland maried to Iames the second. the duke of Gelderland, as after shall appeare. In the beginning he had some trouble and businesse, by reason of the great authoritie and rule which the high barons of the realme sought to beare & mainteine, as the Dowglasse, and other, but in the end he sub­dued them all. 40

Shortlie after his coronation, because he was not of himselfe able to gouerne, by reason of his tender age; the nobles and estates of the realme chose sir Alexander Leuingston of Calender knight, gouer­nor of the king and realme, and sir William Creich­ton Sir Alexan­der Leuing­ston gouernor. Sir William Creichton L. chancellor. knight was confirmed in his office to inioy the same as he before had doone, the K. being committed to his kéeping, togither with the castell of Eden­burgh. Archembald earle of Dowglas remained in his countries of Dowglas & Annardale, and would 50 neither obeie gouernor nor chancellor, wherby great Disobedience in the Dow­glasse. trouble was raised within the realme. Within a short time also, the gouernor and chancellor were di­uided. The gouernor with the queene remained at Striueling, but the chancellor had the king still with him in the castell of Edenburgh; and what the one commanded to be doone, the other forbad: whereby neither of them was obeied, nor anie execution of iustice put in practise, so that through all the countrie, reiffe, spoiles, and oppression were exercised with­out 60 feare of punishment. The quéene perceiuing 1437. such mischiefe to reigne throughout all parts of the realme, deuised a meane to aduance the gouernors side, and herevpon with a small companie repai­red A policie wrought by the quéene. to Edenburgh, where she to bring hir purpose to passe, did so much by great dissimulation, that she persuaded the chancellor to suffer hir to enter the ca­stell, and to remaine with the king; but within thrée daies after, she feigned one morning to go on pil­grimage vnto the White kirke, and caused the king hir sonne to be handsomlie couched in a trunke, as if he had béene some fardell of his apparell, and so packed vp, sent him by one of hir trustie seruants laid vpon a sumpter horsse vnto Lieth, from whence he was conueied by bote vnto Striueling, where, of The king conuered vnto Striueling. the gouernor he was ioifullie receiued, commen­ding the quéene highlie for hir politike working, in deceiuing so wise a man as the chancellor was. Then raised he a great power of his friends and well-wil­lers, and besieged the chancellor in the castell of E­denburgh.

The bishop perceiuing in what danger he stood through the womans deceipt, sent to the earle of Dowglas, desiring his assistance against the quéene and gouernor. But the earle refusing either to helpe the one or the other, alledging that they were both ouer ambitious in seeking to haue the whole gouern­ment of the realme in their hands. The chancellor An agréement made. then perceiuing himselfe destitute of all helpe, made agreement with the gouernor, vnder certeine condi­tions, that he should reteine still the castell of Eden­burgh vnder his possession, and likewise continue The earle of Dowglasse departeth this life at Lestel­ricke. still in his office of chancellor. Shortlie after the earle of Dowglasse deceassed at Lestelricke, in the yeare 1439, against whome aswell the gouernor as chan­cellor had conceiued great hatred. He left behind 1439. him a sonne (begot of the earle of Crawfords daugh­ter) named William, a child of fourtéene yeares of age, who succeeded his father in the earldome of Dowglasse, appearing at the first to be well inclined of nature, but afterwards by euill companie he waxed wild and insolent.

About this season, Iames Steward sonne to the lord of Lorne, maried the quéene Dowager, and fa­uored the earle Dowglasse in his vnrulie demea­nor: wherevpon, both the said Iames and his bro­ther The quéene imprisoned. William, with the quéene, were committed to prison in the castell of Striueling by the gouernors appointment; but shortlie after they were released by the sute of the lord chancellor, sir William Cre­ichton, and Alexander Seton of Gurdon, who be­came suerties for their good abearing, vnder great forfeiture of sufficient band. About the same time, or rather somewhat before, Alane Steward lord of Dernlie was slaine at Palmais thorne, by sir Tho­mas Alane Ste­ward is slain. Boid. And in the yeare following, the same sir Thomas was slaine by Alexander Steward of Bolmet and his sonnes; where through there rose great troubles in the west part of Scotland. Wil­liam earle of Dowglasse sent Malcolme Fleming of Cumernald, and Alane of Lowder, vnto Charles the seuenth, king of France, to obteine of him the duchie of Towraine, which was giuen to Archem­bald Dowglasse at the battell of Uernoill in Perth; and the last earle, father to this earle William, had inioied the same all his life time, wherevpon that sute was the sooner obteined: which made the yoong earle more insolent than before.

He kept such a port, and vsed to haue such a traine attending vpon him, speciallie when he came to the The great port of the erle of Dowglasse. court, that it should séeme he had the king in small regard; for he thought himselfe safe inough in main­teining the like state and port, or rather greater than ouer his father at anie time had mainteined before him: insomuch as he would ride with two thousand horsse, of the which number there were diuerse errant théeues and robbers, that were borne out in their vnlawfull and wicked practises by the same earle. Certeine capteins of the Iles, as Lachlane, Make­laine, and Murdac Gipson, with a wicked number of the inhabitants of the same Iles, haried, spoiled, Lenox is ha­rted. Iohn Colqu­honen, or Coguhuin slaine. and burnt the countrie of Lenox, and slue Iohn Col­quhouen lord of Lute vnder assurance. They also slue women and children, without respect to age or sex. In this yeare chanced a great dearth in Scot­land, the like was neuer heard of before, and such a A dearth. death by pestilence, that few escaped that were ta­ken therewith, and so the realme was plaqued with Pestilence. [Page 269] reiffe oppression, dearth, and death of people. This yeare also the gouernor tooke the whole administra­tion vpon him, wherewith the chancellor was displea­sed, and leauing the king and him in Striueling, re­paired to Edenburgh, where he deuised the way how to recouer the king from the gouernor, and so on a morning tooke foure and twentie men with him and rode to the parke of Striueling where the king was then bu [...]ng, and the gouernor absent at Perch.

Fr. Thin. [...]. [...]. [...]. At what [...] the chancellor with great courtesie 10 drawing towards the king, did salute him, being in foure feare to see such companie come vnto him, ha­uing so few in his traine. Which when the chancellor perceiued, be praied the king to be of good comfort, and in few words fit for that time exhorted him that he should looke to himselfe and the kingdome, and de­liuer himselfe from the imprisonment of Alexander the gouernor, liuing fréelie from hencefoorth after a kinglie maner; that he should not accustome him­selfe to obeie the pleasure and couetousnes of others, 20 that he should vse to command his subiects in all iust and lawfull causes; and that he should deliuer his people from these euils which increased vpon them, by the ambition and courtousnesse of the rulers, which he could not now well remedie or resist, except the king would take on him the gouernement, the which to doo, he had without all danger or trouble prouided a meane. For he had in a readinesse sufficient number therefore, which should attend vpon the king where so euer he would go, or to vse 30 anie other matter as néed should require. Which the king taking with a pleasant countenance (either because the matter liked him well, or to dissemble the feare he had of the chancellor) did fullie approoue, and went with his small vnarmed companie and the chancellor toward Edenburgh.)

The chancellor (as Hector Boetius saith) had cau­sed The king went with the chancellor to Eden­burgh. the number of foure thousand horssemen of his seruants, tenants, and friends, secretlie to be readie that morning about the town of Striueling, to resist 40 his aduersaries if they should haue vsed anie force against him: and now vnderstanding of the kings going thus with the chancellor, they came to him on the way, and attending him, brought him safelie and without further trouble vnto Edenburgh, where he was ioifullie receiued. The gouernor when he was aduertised hereof, was grieuouslie displeased; but because he knew not how to remedie the mat­ter, he went to Edenburgh, and there got Iohn Iunes bishop of Murrey, and Henrie Lichton bi­shop 50 of Aberdene, to labor some agreement betwixt The gouernor and chancel­lor are made friends. him and the chancellor: which they did in this wise: the king to remaine in the kéeping of the chancel­lor, and the gouernor to continue his office. And so by this accord they were made friends.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 194. [...]. lib. 11. During which turmoiles, William Dowglasse (that with a certeine pride of mind had highlie borne himselfe, disobeieng the rule of the gouernor, & dis­daining to ioine in societie of the chancellor) did vew the dedlie hatred of them both against him; for which 60 cause they séeke by all means vtterlie to take him awaie. For the dooing whereof (to the end it might be performed without anie tumult) they appoint a parlement to be holden at Edenburgh; whither came not a few (as at other times in such assemblies it al­waies hapneth) but almost the whole countries came flocking thither, to complaine of the iniuries which they had receiued: of which sort, there was such a mi­serable shew, that men could not behold the same without great motion of a pitifull mind: when eue­rie one for himselfe, the father for the children, the children for the fathers, and the widows for their husbands, did complaine that they were by the rob­bers spoiled of all their substance. Wherevpon (as it happeneth alwaies through pietie of gentle harts, to rue the afflicted) there arose great enuie against the capteins and leaders of the wicked dooers of such spoile, whose euils were now growne to such excesse, as by no means they might be suffered; whose facti­ons were so largelie spread ouer the realme, that none could defend their life or liuehood: but such as did yéeld themselues to their actions, and whose ri­ches were so increased, as the weake could not well find anie helpe (in the authoritie of the magistrate) against their violence.

Wherevpon it liked the wiser sort (since their force séemed not almost able to be broken, or their parts to be seuered) to flie to policie and leaue strength, not daring openlie to call the earle Dowglasse by that name of capteine of them, although they well knew him to be the chiefe author and fautor of those people. Wherefore the gouernor and the chancellor (for a time dissembling the hatred which they harbou­red against Dowglasse) persuaded the whole parle­ment, that it were more conuenient with faire spéeches to pacifie Dowglasse, than with shew of suspicious and euill words to stirre him to further heat: especiallie considering that he was of that great wealth and power, that he alone, if he stood a­gainst them, might binder all the decrees of the par­lement: but if hée ioined with the nobilitie, there might be easie remedie found to salue all these pre­sent euils. Through which wise and subtill persuasi­on of Alexander the gouernour, it was decréed a­mongst them, that there should be honourable let­ters directed to him in the common & speciall name of all the nobilitie, which should admonish him, that being mindfull of the honorable place which he pos­sessed (and of his woorthie ancestors, by whome the common-wealth of Scotland had receiued manie singular benefits) hée should repaire to the parle­ment, which well could not, and willinglie would not, either kéepe or determine any thing in the same without his presence. In which assemblie, if hée would complaine of anie wrongs or griefes offe­red vnto him, hée should be satisfied so fullie as they might lawfullie.

And if he or anie of his friends or familie had committed anie disordered part, the nobilitie there met would fullie remit the same, as well for the no­bilitie of his, and the woorthie memorie of the déeds doone by his ancestors; as for that they rather attri­buted such actions to the iniurie of the times, and the frailtie of his age, and the persuasion of others, than vnto him, of whome there was conceiued a singular hope of great towardnesse, for the aduance­ment of his name and benefit of his countrie. Ther­fore if he would come and ioine with them, he should receiue in gouernement what part, place, and office of the common-wealth pleaseth him, to the end that as in times past, their countrie had béene ma­nie waies deliuered out of most heauie dangers by the hand of the Dowglasses, so at this present, the same might also by his presence and furtherance, be againe aduanced and strengthened from and against those intestine euils wherewithall it now fainted. The yoong man (by nature and age gréedie of glorie) being mooued with these flatteries, and the other persuasions of his friends (whereof euerie one was blinded with a certeine hope of good to happen to himselfe) they now déemed it best (forgetting all for­mer dangers) to thinke vpon their priuate commo­dities, and with that resolution tooke their iournie to come to the parlement.

The chancellor when he vnderstood they were on there way, rode foorth of Edenburgh manie miles to méet the Dowglasse, and courteouslie inuited the earle to his castell of Creichton, which laie in his [Page 270] waie as he should ride, at which place he was most honourablie interteined by the chancellor. Where, when they had remained two daies, the chancellor (after hée had shewed manie tokens of a friendlie mind vnto him) bicause he would vtterlie banish from the earle all suspicion of him, that he had anie mislike in the said earle) began familiarlie to per­suade him, that (remembring the kings dignitie, and the office of him whome the lot of inheritance, their countrie lawes, and the consent of the parle­ment 10 had aduanced to the gouernement and admi­nistration of all things) he should in all humilitie acknowledge him for his chiefe lord and king; that he would permit the large patrimonie obteined by the bloud of his ancestors to descend to posteritie by lineall inheritance as he himselfe receiued it; that he would clearelie deliuer the name and familie of the Dowglasses (no lesse famous for their dutie, than their déeds) not onelie from the filthie spot of trea­son, but also from all note of suspicion thereof; that 20 he would refraine himselfe and his from offering iniuries to the weake and common people; that he would remooue from him all such as were giuen to robberie and spoile; that he would from hencefoorth applie himselfe to the defense of iustce, to the end that his former offenses (if there were anie) might rather be attributed to euill counsell of the wicked, than to the naturall disposition of himselfe: for so the re­pentance of his yoong yéeres might be taken for proofe of his innocencie in such euils. With these and such like spéeches, declaring the faith of a wel­willing 30 mind, he allured the earle to come to Eden­burgh with Dauid his brother partaker of all his counsels and actions.

This faire tale of the chancellor, more than in times past or then beséemed the place which he pos­sessed, with the manie messengers sent to him from Alexander the gouernor (to meet him on the way) almost euerie houre, draue a déepe suspicion in the heads of the earles companie riding with him to Edenburgh, of some trecherie to be ment towards 40 him. Wherevpon the same began to be blundered from one to another of the traine, and came so fast to the friends of Dowglasse, that some of them did boldlie and liberallie admonish him, that he should remaine in that purpose (which once he did) to state, to returne, and not to go forward with the chancellor: and at the least (if he would aduenture himselfe) to send home his brother Dauid, to the end that hée might not hazard the whole familie vnder the for­tune 50 of one stroke, as his father had before admoni­shed him when he died. Whereat the vnaduised youth of this man, being mooued to anger against his friends, did by the voices of some of his men (as it were by one that should make proclamation ther­fore) pacifie the secret murmurings that were a­mongest the companie; and answered such of his friends as found fault therewith, that he sufficient­lie knew, that it was the common plague of all great families, alwaies to haue such men about 60 them, as being impatient of quiet and ease, respect not the danger and miserie of their patrons, so it maie be commoditie vnto them: who bicause (they would not be restreined within the bounds of peace­full lawes) are authors of sedition, in which (when all things are in turmoile) they may the better wan­der abroad to satisfie their euill humor: whose spea­ches hée regarded not, since hee rather respected and trusted the approoued wisedome of the chancel­lor and the gouernor, than the slouthfull & rash minds of such seditious persons.

After which (to cut awaie occasion from the rest to answer) he set spurres to his horsse, and hastened his iourneie more than he did before, with his bro­ther and a few of his other friends, taking his right course into the castell, and (as it were by a certeine destinie) casting himselfe hedlong into the snares of his enimies. At such time as he came to the castell, the gouernor (according to his promise) was readie there to méet him, to the end the matter might séeme to be wrought by common consent, and the weight of so great enuie might not light vpon the head of one man. Dowglasse being honorablie and friend­lie by the gouernor receiued into the castell, was for dinner placed at the kings table. But in the middest of this sweet meat (sower sawce being prepared) there was a bulles head set before him, which in those daies was a signe of death. Wherewith the yoong man amazed (and greatlie troubled in his mind, in­wardlie repenting that he followed not the aduise of his followers) was about to rise from the table: but being apprehended by armed men (appointed to that function) he was caried into the court next to the ca­stell, and was there (in reuenge and punishment of his vnbrideled youth) beheaded, with his brother Da­uid, and Malcolme Fleming, who (next vnto his bro­ther) was in greatest credit with him. Whose death the king now entring into his adolescencie or yéers (as we tearme it) of discretion, is said heauilie with teares to lament, which the chancellor (grieuing to sée) did greatlie rebuke in the king such vntimelie and inordinate mourning, for the death of his and the common-wealths enimie, whose life (said hée) would haue taken awaie all peace and tranquillitie in the realme.)

After the death of the said earle, the state of the realme became more quiet: for his vncle Iames Dowglasse baron of Abircorne that succéeded him, being a man of great stature, and verie fat, gaue himselfe to quietnesse, and liued but thrée yeeres af­ter. The foresaid William had but one sister, that was called the faire maiden of Galloway, and was maried to one William Dowglasse, sonne to this earle Iames before his deceasse, that the heritage should not be diuided: bicause the earledome of Dowglasse was intailed vpon the heires male, and the lands of Wigton, Balwanie, Annardale; and Ormont remained to hir as heire generall. This earle William, after the deceasse of his father earle Iames, began to wax vnrulie, and to follow the vn­toward maners of the other William Dowglasse latelie beheaded (as before ye haue heard) so that by support manie disobedient persons would not obeie the gouernor and chancellor, whervpon sundrie great slaughters and oppressions were committed.

Fr. Thin Againe (by the mariage of this earle William with his rich kinswoman) he did (besides his vnrulie behauiour) aduance himselfe in pride, whereof grew secret enuie, and of that rose open malice: but he in­countering sufficientlie with them, partlie by force, & partlie by subtiltie, mainteined his people in those oppressions and robberies, in despite of the proudest: which occasioned the nobilitie to iudge, that the said earle was priuie of their misdemeanor. Amongest which euill disposed companie, there was one Iohn Gormacke of Atholl, who (when he had infected all the countrie about him with this miserable plague of robberie) did set vpon William Ruwene (shiriffe of Perth, and had almost killed him) because he had led a théefe of Atholl to execution. But at the length (true men being alwaies better than théeues) the shi­riffe Buchanan. lib. 11. recouered the battell, and killed the capteine Gormacke, with thirtie of his companie, and put the rest to flight into the mounteins.

In the yéere 1443, not manie daies after, the ca­stell of Dunbreton (which is not by strength to be sub­dued) 1443. was twise taken within a few daies: for Ro­bert Semplier that was capteine of the inferior ca­stell, [Page 271] and Patrike Galbrith capteine of the higher ca­stell, did so diuide their gouernement of the said ca­stell (being a thing of great circuit) that euerie one had a peculiar and seuered entrance into his owne part without offense of the other. But yet these two (as most part of the realme of Scotland then was, and as it alwaies, or most commonlie happeneth in the minoritie of the prince, when euerie one will be a king) wanted not their factions, whome they did fol­low: for Patrike was secretlie thought to fauour 10 Dowglasse, for which cause Semplier, or (as some haue Simplie) the other capteine perceiuing the part of the castell wherein Patrike ruled to be more negligentlie kept, than dutie or the state of the time required, found opportunitie to expell Patrike from thence, and to cause all his furniture to be caried out of the same, conuerting the said castell to his owne vse. In the end (the next day after) Patrike vnder­standing thereof, and comming with foure vnarmed persons (to fetch awaie his furniture and houshold­stuffe) 20 entered into the castell; and first finding the porter alone, turned him awaie, then taking armor, expelled the others out of the higher castell: after which, calling aid out of the towne next adioining, he shut them also out of the inferior castell, and got pos­session of the whole castell to himselfe.)

The king, after he came to the age of fouretéene yéeres, would not anie longer be vnder the gouerne­ment 1444. The king wil rule himselfe. of others, but tooke the rule vpon himselfe. The earle of Dowglasse informed thereof, came to him at Striueling, and put himselfe and all he had to re­maine 30 at his pleasure: wherevpon the king receiued him, pardoned all his passed misdemeanors, and ad­mitted him to be one of his speciall friends and pri­uie councellors in all his affaires. By his persuasion shortlie after, sir Alexander Leuingston, & William Creichton being discharged of their offices, were al­so put off from the councell, and all their friends ba­nished the court, and they themselues were summo­ned to appéere before the king: which because they re­fused 40 to doo, they were proclamed rebels, and put to the horne. The earle Dowglasse then for the old grudge he bare them, raised an armie, and harried their lands. In reuenge wherof, sir William Creich­ton spoiled the earle of Dowglasse his lands, so that great trouble was raised through the whole countrie, and the lands of Strabroke, Abircorne, & the towne of Blacknesh were burnt and destroied.

The earle of Dowglasse ruled wholie about the king, & made Archembald his brother earle of Mur­rey, 1445. Lesle. by ioining him in mariage with a ladie of the 50 house of Dunbar inheretrix therof. Morouer, Hugh Dowglasse was made earle of Ormont. Thus the earle of Dowglasse aduanced his name, and ioined in friendship with the earle of Crawford, with Do­nald earle of the Iles, and with the earle of Rosse, to the end that ech of them should be assistant to others. In this meane time, the earle of Crawford at the re­quest of the earle of Dowglas, tooke a great preie of goods out of the bishop of S. Andrews lands in Fife, 60 which bishop was called Iames Kenedie, sisters son to king Iames the first: where through the earle of Crawford on the one part, and the earle of Huntleie with the Ogiluies on the other, met at Arbroth in set battell, where the earle of Crawford was slaine, and diuerse barons on his side, although the victorie and field remained with his sonne, the maister of Craw­ford, who succeeded his father, and was called earle Beirdie. On the earle of Huntleies side were slaine, Iohn Forbes of Petslege, Alexander Berkleie of Gartulie, Robert Maxwell of Teline, William Gurdun of Burrowfield, sir Iohn Oliphant of Aber­dagie, and fiue hundred more on their side, and one hundred of the victorers were also slaine, as Hector Boetius saith.

The same writer reporteth that the occasion of this battell did chance, through the variance that fell out betwixt the earle of Crawfords eldest sonne Alexan­der Lindseie, and Alexander Ogilbie or Ogiluie (as some write him) about the office of the bailiffewike of Arbroth, the which the maister of Crawford inioi­eng, was displaced and put out by the said Ogiluie. Wherevpon the maister of Crawford, to recouer his right (as he tooke it) got a power togither with helpe of the Hamiltons, and with the same seized vpon the abbeie, and Ogiluie with helpe of the earle of Hunt­lie, came thither with an armie to recouer the place againe out of his aduersaries hands, and so vpon knowledge héereof giuen vnto the earle of Craw­ford, he himselfe comming from Dundee vnto Ar­broth, at the verie instant when the battels were rea­die to ioine, caused first his sonne to staie; and after calling foorth sir Alexander Ogiluie to talke with him, in purpose to haue made peace betwixt him and his sonne, was thrust into the mouth with a speare, by a common souldier that knew nothing what his demandment, so that he fell downe therewith, and presentlie died in the place: wherevpon togither the parties went incontinentlie without more protrac­ting of time, and so fought with such successe, as be­fore ye haue heard. The earle of Huntleie escaped by flight: but Alexander Ogiluie being taken and sore wounded, was led to the castell of Fineluin, where shortlie after he died of his hurts. This battell was fought the 24 of Ianuarie, in the yéere of our Lord 1445.

Fr. Thin. The king thus ruled by the troope of the Dow­glasses, the earle Dowglasse sent to sir William Creichton knight, to deliuer vp the castell of Eden­burgh. But Creichton (saieng that the castell was 1445. I. Ma. 1446, Lesl. Buchanan. lib. 11. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 279. committed to his gouernement by the whole realme, and that the king had not anie thing to doo therewith vntill he came to his full age) had all his goods foorth­with confiscat to the kings vse, with his castell of Creichton, which the kings people entered into and possessed. But least they should séeme to offer anie manifest wrong to the said Creichton, they gaue out the same edict (as a veile of their malice and enuie) which Creichton had before caused to be established and proclamed. For he first of all others made a law, that whosoeuer did denie or resist the king, deman­ding the deliuerie of anie castell, should be in danger of treason; the breach and execution of which law did first come and fall by and vpon him, by whome that might be worthilie said (which is vsed to be spoken in common prouerbe) He is fallen into the snare which he prepared for others. Wherevpon the Dowglasse (since the castell would not otherwise be deliuered) sharpelie besieged the same by the space of nine mo­neths, which in the end Creichton surrendered into his hands, on certeine conditions to be performed. At which time also the said Creichton was reinue­sted 1446. Lesle. with the honor of the chancellorship, although he neuer after intangled himselfe with affaires of the kingdome, hoping that in time to come (when the darke clouds of the wicked men, which had now o­uerspread all things, were ouerblowen) a better forme of gouernement would be brought in, as a certeine light to giue shine to the common-wealth.

Iames Steward a woorthie knight (not he that was surnamed The blacke) was slaine at Kirkepa­trike, two miles from Dunbreton, by Alexander Li­lie, and Robert Boid, whose crueltie not being satis­fied Buchan. lib. 11. with his bloud, they laboured to bring his wife (great with child, & vpon point of deliuerance) with­in their danger. For the performance whereof, they sent a priest vnto hir, that (in haste and as it were troubled) should tell hir in what distresse she now re­sted, [Page 272] and that there was no meanes to relieue hir­selfe by anie waie (since euerie place was beset with horsse and footmen) vnlesse she escaped by bote to Ro­bert Boid at Dunbreton, who further vpon oth pro­mised hir, that he would safelie bring hir backe to hir owne house.

The woman being credulous (and ignorant that Robert Boid was present at the death of hir hus­band) and caried out of Cardrosse, into the Dunbre­ton castell, might easilie perceiue hirselfe hardlie be­set on euerie side by the deceipt of hir [...]unnes, who 10 (being so deceiued and ouercome with feare & griefe) was deliuered of child before hir time, and (togither with hir sonne) died there within few houres after. Almōst at the same time, Patrike Hepburne (go­uernour Buchan, lib. 11. of Halis) held the castell of Dunbar, where he had Iane Seimer the quéene with him, to whome she fled for succour in the times of these tumults. Ar­chembald Dunbar (supposing this to be a iust cause of anger) in the night did set vpon Halis the castell of Hepburne, which he tooke at the first assault, by slea­ing 20 of the watch, who being stroken with a great feare for the same, did (in few daies after) restore the same to earle Dowglasse, with couenant that all they which were within, should depart in safetie without anie danger.)

Sir Iames Steward surnamed the Blacke knight, husband to the quéene the kings mother, was bani­shed Iames Ste­ward is bani­shed the realme. the realme for speaking woords against the mis­gouernement of the king and realme, wherewith he 30 offended the earle of Dowglasse. As he passed the seas towards Flanders, he was taken by the Fle­mings, & shortlie after departed this life. The quéene He died. his wife being aduertised of his death, died also with­in The quéene died. a while after, and was buried in the Charterhouse of Perth the fiftéenth of Iulie, in the yeere 1446. Hir 1446. name was Iane Summerset, daughter to the earle of Summerset. Iames the first maried hir (as before ye may read) in England. She had by him eight chil­dren, two sonnes, and six daughters, which were all 40 honorablie maried: the first named Margaret, to the Dolphin of France: the second Eleanor, to the duke of Britaine: the third, to the lord of Terueer in Ze­land: the fourth, to the duke of Austrich: the fift, to the earle of Huntleie: and the sixt, to the earle of Mor­ton. And by Iames Steward hir second husband, she had thrée sonnes: Iohn earle of Atholl, Iames earle of Buchquhane, and Andrew bishop of Murrey.

Fr. Thin. After the death of the quéene, Hepburne deliuered the castell of Dunbar (to the king) being emptie, and 50 without companie. ¶ In August, Alexander earle of Crawford did put to death at Toadune Iohn Leon­ton, as an ingratefull person to him, since by his fa­thers helpe he had béene aduanced to great riches, and to the kings affinitie and kinred. Soone after, sir William Creichton, with the bishop of Dunkeld, 1448. Lesle. and Nicholas Oterburne a canon of Glascow, were sent in ambassage vnto the duke of Gelder­land, for his daughter called Marie, to be ioined in mariage with king Iames. Their sute was obteined, 60 King Iames maried a daughter of the duke of Gelderland. and the ladie sent into Scotland noblie accompani­ed with diuerse lords both spirituall and temporall. At hir arriuall she was receiued by the king with great triumph, and the mariage solemnized by the as­sistance of all the nobles of Scotland, with great banketting, ioifull mirth, and all pleasant intertein­ment of those strangers that might be.

In the yeere 1447, there was a parlement holden at Edenburgh, in the which sir Alexander Leuing­ston 1447. 1448. Lesle. of Kalendar late gouernour, Iames Dundas and Robert Dundas knights, at the pursute of the earle of Dowglasse were forfalted and condemned to perpetuall prison in Dunbreton, and Iames Le­uingston his eldest sonne, Robert Leuingston trea­suror, and Dauid Leuingston knights, lost the [...] heads. Iames before his execution made a [...] Iames Le­uingsten made an [...]. wise declaration to the standers by, declaring the in­stabilitie of fortune, and change of court, exhorting all persons to beware thereof; sith enuie euer follow­ed high estate, and wicked malice neuer suffered good men to gouerne long. In the same parlement, sir William Creichton was also for falted for diuerse W. Creichton condemned. causes, but principallie for that his seruants would not deliuer the house of Creichton to the kings he­rald, who charged them so to doo. This for falture was concluded in parlement by vertue of an act which the said William (when he was chancellor) caused to be made, and so being the first inuentor, was also the first against whome it was practised.

The yéere next insuing were sundrie incursions Incursions made. made betwixt Scots and Englishmen on the bor­ders, Dunfreis was burnt, and likewise Anwike in 1448. England: but shortlie after a truce was concluded for seuen yéeres, great offers of friendship made by the Englishmen for to haue the wars ceasse on that side, because the warre betwixt them and France was verie hotlie pursued, and ciuill dissention disqui­eted the state of England, which was raised betwixt the two houses of Lancaster & Yorke. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 300. This yeere there were manie méetings or parlements of the no­bilitie, in which were lawes established for brideling the wicked facts of such as applied themselues to spoi­ling of other men; wherevpon a long peace follow­ed in Scotland: beside which, there were other lawes made for auoiding of treasons, and chieflie of such as touched the kinglie maiestie. This lawe of treason was afterward executed first vpon Dowglasse, which was author thereof. In this parlement were manie earles and lords created, whereof the chiefe were A­lexander 1446. Seton baron of Gordon, who was made earle of Huntleie, and George Leslie baron was made earle of Rothsaie, both men singularlie famed for their wisedome and valure.)

The English borderers of the west marches fet­ched Englishmen fetch booties out of Scot­land. a great bootie of cattell out of Scotland, not­withstanding the truce, in reuenge wherof the Scots inuading England, wasted the countrie, burnt 1450. townes and villages, siue the people, & with a great preie of prisoners, goods, and cattell, returned home into Scotland. Heerewith followed dailie rodes and The Scots inuade Eng­land. for raies made on both sides betwixt the Scots and Englishmen, and that with such rage and crueltie, that a great part of Cumberland was in manner laied wast: for on that side the Scots chieflie made their inuasions, because that from thence the first oc­casion of all this mischiefe might séeme to haue had the beginning. When such things were certified to the king of Englands councell, an armie was ap­pointed foorthwith to inuade Scotland, vnder the lea­ding of the earle of Northumberland, and of one A knight na­med Magnus Magnus surnamed Redberd, a capteine of great ex­perience, as he that had beene trained vp from his youth in the warres of France. The Scots, because of his long red berd, called him in scorne and derisi­on, Magnus with the red mane.

The Scots hearing of the approch of this armie The earle of Ormont ge­nerall of the Scotish armie towards their borders, leuied a power: George, or rather Hugh Dowglasse earle of Ormont by the kings commission, hauing the conduction thereof, who vnderstanding that the enimies would enter in­to Annardale, drew thither with the said armie to re­sist their attempts. The Englishmen passing ouer The English armie inua­deth Scot­land. the riuer of Sulweie and Annand, came to another riuer called Sarc, & there pitched downe their tents. And on the next day they began to rob and spoile the countrie on ech side: but aduertised that the Scots were at hand with an armie, they that were thus gone foorth, were with all spéed called backe to the [Page 273] campe by sound of trumpet, and foorthwith their ar­mie was brought into order of battell. Magnus with the red mane was appointed to lead the right wing, and sir Iohn Penneinton a verie skilfull warriour gouerned the left wing, in the which the Welshmen Sir Iohn Penneinton. were placed. The battell or middle ward the earle of Northumberland himselfe ruled.

The earle of Ormont on the other side ordered his battels in this wise. He appointed a verie vali­ant knight called Wallase of Craggie, with an bar­die 10 number of souldiers to incounter with Magnus. wallase of Craggie. And against the Welshmen he placed the lord Mar­well, and lord Iohnston, with a chosen companie of lustie Scotishmen, and commanding himselfe in the battell or middle ward, had scarse set his people in a­raie, when the trumpets in the English armie began to sound to the battell. He therefore erhorting his men to doo valiantlie, put them in remembrance that The earle of Ormont ex­horteth his armie. they had put on armor, being thereto prouoked by iniurie which their enimies had first offered them, wherevpon they might conceiue good hope of victo­rie 20 by the fauour of the righteous God, who giueth the vpper hand (for the most part) to that side that hath iust cause to make warre. He willed them then to put all feare out of their harts; and as they had force inough to vanquish their enimies that came thus to brag and threaten them with vtter destructi­on: so he besought them to shew no lesse manlike sto­machs to deliuer their countrie by hardie fight from iniurie of the same enimies. 30

He had no sooner made an end of his speech, but that the arrowes came so thicke from the English ar­chers, The batteil is begun. that the Scots began to looke about them, as it were to see which waie they might best escape by flight. But Wallase perceiuing their faintnesse of courage, with lowd voice reprooued their cowardise, and with most pithie words exhorted them to remem­ber their duties, and to follow the example of him their leader, whome they should perceiue to haue ful­lie vowed to spend his life in defense of his countrie. 40 The Scots heerwith seemed to be so incouraged, that they rushed forward with great egernesse vpon the right wing of the Englishmen where Magnus stood, and so laied about them with speares, axes, and such like hand weapons, that with great slaughter they draue the Englishmen to breake [...]raie and to flee: Magnus heerewith being more chafed than afraid, as should appéere, preassed forward vpon Wallase with great violence, and séeking to approch vnto him that he might haue wroken his griefe vpon him, 50 was inclosed among the Scotish troopes, and slaine with a few other of his friends and seruants that fol­lowed Magnus is slaine. him.

The slaughter of this man, in whome consisted no small hope of victorie on the English part, put the re­sidue of their armie in such feare, that they were not able longer to resist the Scotishmens violent im­pression, but turning their backs fled amaine, whom The English men put to [...]ight. the Scots pursued in chase verie fiercelie, so that ma­nie of the Englishmen died in the battell, but more 60 now in the chase: for the tide being come in, staied manie of them that made their course to haue esca­ped thorough the riuer, whereby diuerse that ventu­red into the water were drowned: & other that durst not take the water, were oppressed by the [...] that followed them. There died in this batteil of English men, to the number néere hand of three thousand, and The number [...]. amongest other, Magnus (as before ye haue heard) with eleuen other knights of no small account and estimation. Of Scots were [...]ost somewhat aboue six hundred. There were taken prisoners of English­men Prisoners ta­ken. sir Iohn Penneinton, and sir Robert Haring­ton knights, and the lord Persie, sonne to the earle of Northumberland, who holpe his father to horshacke, whereby he escaped by flight: & beside these, a great The earle of Northumber­land escapeth by flight. number of other were by the Scots taken prisoners, whome the sword and water had spared.

The earle of Ormont hauing got this honorable victorie, conueied the chiefest of the prisoners to the castle of Lochmaben, and after repaired to the court, where he was of the king ioifullie receiued, honora­blie feasted, and highlie rewarded. After this, the Scots that dwelled vpon the borders, liued for a season in better quiet: for though the Englishmen wished to haue beene reuenged for this losse and o­uerthrow of their people, yet by reson of ciuill wars that shortlie after followed, they were constreined to forbeare to make anie further wars against the Scots, till better occasion might serue. And for the 1448. Buch. 1450. Lesl. A truce for three yeares betweene England and Scotland. auoiding of danger that might insue in time of this intestine trouble by forren enimies, they sued to haue a truce with the Scots, which for the terme of thrée yeares was granted. In this yeare, William earle of Dowglasse, with a great companie of no­bles and gentlemen, as the lords Hamilton, Graie, Salton, S [...]ton, and Oliphant; also, Calder, Urqu­hart, The earle of Dowglasse goeth into Italie. Cambell, Frasier, and Lauder, knights, went into Italie, and was at Rome in time of the Iubi­le which was kept there that yeare. He left behind him to gouerne his lands in Scotland, Pugh earle of Ormont that was his brother: but in his absence (by counsell of such as were about him) the king summoned the erle to appeare before him within 40 daies; & because he came not within that set time, he was put to the horne, & his lands inuaded & spoiled.

Fr. Thin. Wherevpon the king sent William Sentelare earle of Orcades at that time chancellor first into Galloway, and then into Dowglasse, where he ap­pointed collectors to take vp (to the kings vse) the re­uenues Buchan. of the Dowglasse. But when Sentelare was not of sufficient strength to performe what he would, because some & the most part reiected (though others imbraced) him, he returned home without dooing anie thing. Wherewith the king greatlie mo­ued (because he saw his authoritie contemned called all the Dowglasses into law, and declared them publike enimies and detractors of his gouernement. And therevpon (prouiding an armie against them) he goeth into Galloway: where, at their first com­ming (since their capteins were all in prison) a small part of the armie (séeing the enimies dispersed in­to rougher parts of the countrie to hide themselues) turned backe to the king without anie thing doone. Whereat the king highlie offended (in that such wandering théeues should so lightlie dare to con­temne his power) followed them into their starting holes and caues, and with no great labor tooke the castell of Lochmaben, reducing the countrie of Dowglasse (with extreame labor of his soldiors) to his subiection, at what time he leuelled the castell thereof equall with the ground.)

The earle aduertised hereof, with all spéed retur­ned home through England, and sent his brother Iames vnto the king, to know his pleasure: who commanding the earle to sée his countries (namelie Annandale) purged of theeues and robbers, pardo­ned him of all offenses, and receiued him into fauor againe, so that he was also estsoones proclamed the kings lieutenant; but shortlie after going into Eng­land The earle of Dowglasse goeth into England without li­cence of the king of Scots without the kings licence, to common with the king of England about the recouerie of losses sustei­ned by the Englishmen by certeine inrodes (as he alleged) the king tooke the matter in verie euill part, for that he should séeme so to be had in contempt of the earle: and withall he mistrusted also, least there were some secret practises in hand to the preiudice of him and his realme: so that he stormed not a little towards the earle. Who being thereof aduertised, [Page 274] came in humble wise to the king, & besought him of The earle of Dowglasse sueth for par­don. pardon, if he had in anie wise offended him, assu­ring him that from thencefoorth, he would neuer commit anie act that might tend to his maiesties displeasure.

Herewith the quéene also and other noble men made sute to the king for the earles pardon, so that in the end he was receiued againe into fauor, but yet discharged of bearing anie publike office, which pinched him so sore (namelie for that his aduersaries 10 William Chreichton lord chancellor, and the earle of Orkneie séemed to beare all the rule about the king) He enuieth those that bare rule a­bout the king. that he sought to dispatch the chancellor, procuring certeine of his seruants and friends to assault him on a morning as he was comming foorth of Eden­burgh, but yet he escaped to his castell of Chreich­ton, He séeketh to destroie the L. chancellor. although wounded in déed right sore, and with­in few daies after, gathering a power of his kins­men, friends, & alies, he returned againe to Eden­burgh, and had destroied (as was thought) the earle 20 of Dowglasse at that present, if he had not shifted away the more spéedilie, who being thus to his great The Dow­glasse con­strained to flée out of E­denburgh. He maketh a part. gréefe, and no small dishonor chased out of Eden­burgh, deuised which way he might best be reuenged; and for the more easie accomplishment of his pur­pose, he procured the earles of Crawford and Rosse to ioine with him in that quarell against Chreichton and other his complices, by force of which confedera­cie they couenanted to assist one another against the malice of the said Chreichton, and all other their 30 aduersaries.

The earle of Dowglas hauing concluded this bond of confederacie, bare himselfe verie high, in presu­ming The earle of Dowglasse presumeth of assistance at the hands of his friends. The Lord Herres his lands spoiled further thereof than stood with reason: and this was one great cause of the kings displeasure now passinglie increased against the said earle. An other cause was this: a sort of théeues and robbers brake into the lands of the lord Iohn Herres, a noble man, and one that had continued euer faithfull to the king, taking with them out of the same lands a great boo­tie of cattell. And whereas the said lord Herres com­plained 40 vnto the earle of Dowglasse of that wrong, because the offendors were inhabiting within his roome, and yet could haue no redresse; he attemp­ted to fetch out of Annardale some preie, wherewith to satisfie in part the wrong which had béene offered him by those limmers and robbers. But such was his euill hap, that taken he was with his retinue, and committed to prison, and shortlie after by com­mandement of the earle of Dowglasse he was han­god as a fellon, notwithstanding that the king by an 50 The Lord Herres han­ged. herald commanded the contrarie.

The king being fore offended herewith (as he had no lesse cause) passed ouer his displeasure with si­lence, till he saw time and opportunitie to reuenge the same: but in the meane season manie an honest man bought the bargaine right déerelie, being spoi­led of that he had, and otherwise euill intreated, and yet durst not the meaner sort once complaine for feare of further mischiefe: where the higher powers 60 also sore lamented the great disorders dailie increa­sing, and yet were not able in anie wise to reforme the same, insomuch as it was greatlie doubted, least The confede­racie mistru­sted. the earles of Dowglasse, Crawford, Rosse, Mur­rey, and other of that faction ment to put the king beside his seat. Which dout being put into the kings head, brought him into no small perplexitie, where­vpon by courteous messages he sent for the earle of The king sen­deth for the earle of Dow­glasse. Dowglasse, willing him to repaire to his presence, soiourning then in Striueling castell, which he refu­sed to doo, till he had assurance vnder the kings great seale for his safe comming and going (as some haue said.) And then about Shrouetide in the yeare 1451, he came to the court at Striueling, where the king 1451. tooke him aside, & in secret talke moued and reque­sted him to forsake the league and bond of friendship betwixt him and the earle of Crawford, and other such his confederats.

There was a secret murmuring amongst a num­ber, that this earle of Dowglasse purposed to make a proofe on a day to get the garland beside the kings head. In déed by reason of his kinsmen and alies, he was of more puissance in the realme, than (as it was thought) stood with the suertie of the kings e­state, vnlesse he were the more faithfull. He had at the same time two brethren that were also earles, as Earles of the surname of the Dowglasses. Archembald earle of Murrey, and Hugh, or (as o­ther haue) George earle of Ormont, beside the earle of Angus, and the earle of Mortoune, that were of The linage and great ali­ance of the Dowglasses. his surname and bloud, with a great number of o­ther lords, knights, and men of great possessions and liuings, all of the same surname, and lincked in friendship and aliance with other the chiefest lina­ges of all the realme. Hereto (by reason there had béene so manie valiant men and woorthie capteins of the Dowglasses one after another, as it had béene by succession) the people and commons of Scotland The loue that the people bare toward the name of the Dow­glasses. bare such good will and fauour towards that name, that they were readie to ride and go with them, they cared not whither, nor against whome. It is said, that the earles of Dowglasses might haue raised thirtie or fortie thousand warlike persons readie at their commandement, whensoeuer it had pleased them to call. In déed the Dowglasses had euer the gouerne­ment of all matters perteining vnto the defense of the realme, so that the men of war had them still in all the estimation and honor that might be.

But now to the purpose, touching the conference had betwixt king Iames the second, and the earle of The earle of Dowglas an­swereth the king ouer­thwartlie, and is slaine. Dowglasse: it chanced in the end (vpon what occa­sion I know not) that the earle answered the king somewhat ouerthwartlie, wherewith the king tooke such indignation, that the earle herevpon was slaine by him, and such other as were there about him, on Shroue éeuen. Then after the earle was thus made 1442. Buch. His brethren make warre against the king. awaie, his brethren made open warre against the king, and slue all such of his friends and seruants, as they might incounter with: insomuch that those which trauelled by the high waies, were in doubt to confesse whether they belonged to the king, or to the Dowglasses. The Lord of Cadzow being in the towne of Sriueling, with a great companie of the earle of Dowglasses friends, in reuenge of his Striueling is burnt. death incontinentlie burnt that towne, and did ma­nie other great displeasures to the king and his sub­iects, setting foorth proclamations against the king and his councell, for the violating of the assurance granted (as before is said) to the earle of Dowglas.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 11. And that with such despite, as in the 6 kalends of Aprill, binding a woodden trunchion to an horsse taile, they fa [...]en ther to the safe conduct of the king and the nobles, which they forbeare not to traile vp and downe the stréets (not sparing to reuile the king) with bitter and heauie words of contumelie and ex­clamation. With which not satisfied, when they were come into the market place, they did with the noise of fiue hundred hornes, and by the mouth of a crier, proclame the king and all such as were about him, faithbreakers, periured, and such persons as were to be denounced enimies of all goodnesse and good men. And yet supposing this not a sufficient reuenge to quench the furie of their rebellious minds, they run with like rage, and with like order doo spoile the countries & possessions of all such as tooke part with the king, and stedfastlie remained in the execution of their obedient [...]tte. For they besieged the castell of Dalketh, binding themselues (as coniured and per­iured enimies of all vertue) not to depart from [Page 275] thence before they had taken and spoiled the same being grieuouslie offended with Iohn the lord of that place, bicause that he with the earle of Angus had seuered themselues from the opinion & faction of the Dowglasses, whose furie (growing still to extre­mitie) fo [...]nd such support (by the inclining multituds) that the king was put to his shifts) that he was de­termined to haue left the realme, and to haue fled by sea into France, had not Iames Kenedie the bishop The king would haue [...]d. of saint Andrews caused him to staie, on the hope he 10 had of assistance onelie by the earle of Huntleie, which earle hearing that the Dowglasses had gathe­red an armie in the south against the king, raised an other armie in the north to aid the king.

On the other side the earle of Crawford, hauing assembled a great power, incountered him at Brei­thu [...], in purpose to stop the earle of Huntleies pas­sage, where betwixt them was fought a sore battell, and the earle of Crawford chased into Finwin, so that manie noble [...]; gentlemen, and commons 20 were slaine, and amongest other the earle of Craw­fords brother was one: Hector Boetius writeth, that Iohn Cullace of Bannamwin, whome the earle of Cullace of Bannamwin betraieth the [...]le of Craw­ford. Crawford had appointed to lead thei [...] that bare the battell ares, or (as I maie terme them) the bilmen, in the left wing of his armie, fled of purpose in the hotest of the fight, & so left the midle ward naked on the one side of the chiefest aid that the said earle had, and so the victorie by that meanes onelie inclined to The earle of Huntleie victor [...]r. the kings standard, which the earle of Huntleie had 30 there with him. But howsoeuer it was, the said erle of Huntleie had the honor of the field, who neuerthe­lesse lost diuerse of his men also, though nothing so manie as his aduersaries did. This battell was fought the eightéenth of Maie, being the Ascension day, 1452.

The earle of Huntleie the same day before the 1452. battels ioined, gaue lands to the principall men of those surnames that were with him, as to the For­besses, Leslies, Iouings, Ogiluies, Grants, and di­uerse other. Which bountifulnesse of the earle made 40 them to fight more valiantlie. In recompense wher­of Lands giuen to the earle of Huntleie. the king gaue to the said earle the lands of Bad­zenot & Lochquhaber. In the meane time, Archem­bald Dowglas earle of Murrey burnt the peill of The earle of Murrey. Straboggie, perteining to the erle of Huntleie, and haried the lands thereabouts. In reuenge wherof, the erle of Huntleie at his returning backe, burnt & ha­ried all the lands of the earledome of Murrey. In the meane time, at a parlement holden at Edenburgh, 50 The earle of Crawford [...]orfeited. the earle of Crawford was denounced a traitor, and all his lands and goods deemed to be forfeited into the kings hands. Iames earle of Dowglas, Iames Lords cited to appeare. Lord Hammilton, the earles of Murrey, and Or­mont, the lord of Baluay, and manie other of that faction, were by publike proclamation made by an herald, commanded to appeare by a day to vnderlie the law. But in the next night that followed the day of this proclamation, certeine of the Dowglasses seruants that were sent priuilie to Edenburgh, to 60 vnderstand what was doone there, fastened writings Writings set by in cotempt o [...] the king. vpon the church doores, sealed with the Dowglasses seale in this forme. The earle from hencefoorth will neither obeie citation, nor other commandement. Beside this, in the same writings, they charged the king with manie heinous crimes, calling him a murtherer, periured, false, and a bloudsucker.

The king therefore assembled an armie, and went foorth against them: but bicause the time of the yéere was contrarie to his purpose, he could doo no great hurt to his enimies, although he burnt vp their corne, and droue awaie their cattell. But the Dow­glas séemed to passe little for the kings malice, and the erle himselfe maried his brothers wife the coun­tesse Beatrice, & sent to Rome for a licence to haue The earle of Dowglas [...] ­rieth his bro­thers wife. that mariage made lawfull: but by the kings agents in that court, the earles sute might not be obteined. Neuerthelesse, he kept hir still in place of his wife, and continuing in rebellion against the king, the next spring, and for the more part of the tearm [...] of two yéeres next insuing, he ha [...] and spoiled [...] kings possessions; and the king on the other part wa­sted [...], and all other the lands and possessi­ons that belonged to the said earle of Dowglas or his friends▪ but shortlie after, as the king passed through Angus, to go into the north parts of the rea [...]ie, the earl [...] of Crawford came and submitted The earle of Crawford sub mitteth him­selfe to the king, and is pardoned. He departed this [...]fe. 1455. Buch. himselfe vnto him, crauing [...] in most humble and lamentable wise, and obteined the kings par­don thorough mediation of Iames Kenedie bishop of saint Andrews, and sir William Creichton; but the said earle liued not past six moneths after, de­parting this life by force of an hot ague in the yeere 1454.

The same yeere, the king called a parlement at 1454. Edenburgh, in the which Iames earle of Dowglas, A parlement. and his brothers wife the countesse Beatrice (whome he had taken to him by waie of a pretensed & fe [...] mariage) Archembald Dowglas earle of Murrey, The Dow­glasses forfal­ted, or (as I may say) at­teinted. George Dowglas earle of Ormont, and Iohn Dowglas baron of Baluay, were forfalted & con­demned of treason. The earledome of Murrey was giuen to sir Iames Creichton, or rather restored to him from whome it had béene wrongfullie taken by the vniust sentence of William earle of Dowglas, who had procured it to be assigned vnto his brother the forsaid Archembald, though the right remained in the said sir Iames Creichton. But yet when the said sir Iames Creichton could not kéepe that earldome without enuie of diuerse and sundrie persons, hée handled the matter so, that shortlie after it returned againe to the kings hands. Moreouer at this parle­ment, Creations of noble men. George Creichton was created erle of Cath­nesse, & William Haie constable of Scotland was made earle of Erroll. There were also diuerse crea­ted lords of the parlement, whose titles were as fol­low; Darlie, Halis, Boid, Lile, and Lorne. After the breaking vp of the parlement, the king made a iour­nie against his aduersaries into Galloway, and with small adoo brought all the castels of that coun­trie into his possession, and then turning into Dow­glasdale, Dowglasdale giuen in spoile to the men of warre. bicause the inhabitants thereof would not obeie him, he abandoned the spoile thereof vnto his souldiors, who practised no small crueltie against the inhabitants.

Here vpon the Dowglasses being driuen to their shifts, the lord Iames Hammilton of Cadzow was sent from them into England to sue for aid, but in vaine, for none there would be granted: wherevpon returning to his friends, he counselled the earle of Dowglas to trust to his owne forces; and sith the same were farre superior in number of men to the kings power, he gaue likewise counsell without de­laie, The counsell of the lord Hammilton. to set vpon the king, that the matter might bée tried by chance of battell, the onelie meane to assure them of their liues and estates, for otherwise he saw not how anie vnfeined agreement might be con­cluded, the matter being now passed so farre foorth to an extremitie. But the earle of Dowglas vtterlie (as some write) refused to fight against his soue­reigne Io. Maior. and true liege lord, if any other meane might be found. Wherevpon diuerse great lords which were with him there on his side, being men of great wit, and no lesse experience, aduised him yet to keepe to­gither his host, till by their trauell and assistance a peace were concluded, and pardon obteined for all parts: for if the armie were once broken vp, all hope was then past (as they alledged) for anie indifferent [Page 276] conditions of peace to be obteined.

Herewith also, the lord Hammilton being wiser The lord Hammilton departeth from the Dowglas. than the residue, bad the Dowglas farewell, and so departed, concluding that he should neuer sée so faire a day againe, wherein he might haue cast the dice for the whole kingdome. And being thus depar­ted from the Dowglas, he repaired to the king as then lieng at the siege of Abircorne, who sent him to the castell of Rosleine, there to remaine vnder safe kéeping with the earle of Orkenie, to whom the said castell belonged: but at length, the king did not on­lie 10 pardon the lord Hāmilton of all passed offenses, but also receiued him into such fauor, that he gaue him his eldest daughter in mariage, as after shall appeare. But now vpon the withdrawing thus of the said lord Hammilton from the Dowglas, bi­cause The earle of Dowglas his companie shrinketh from him. the king had set foorth an open proclamation of pardon to all those that would forsake the earle of Dowglas, the most part of the same earles compa­nie departed from him, by reason whereof he fled into England, togither with his brethren. The king 20 He withdraw­eth into Eng­land. lieng at the siege of Abircorne, lost diuerse of his men, besides manie that were wounded; but yet ta­king first a strong tower, being one of the chiefest limmes of that fortresse, shortlie after hee wan the rest.

The earle of Dowglas being withdrawue (as yée haue heard) into England, within a while after got togither certeine companies of men, and with the same returned againe into Scotland by the west He inuadeth Scotland. borders, in hope to find friends in those parties: but 30 such as the king had appointed there to defend the countrie, assembling themselues togither, and set­ting vpon him, discomfited his people, slue his bro­ther The earle of Dowglas dis­comfited. Archembald Dowglas earle of Mur­rey slaine. Earle of Or­mont taken. Donald earle of Rosse. Archembald, and tooke the erle of Ormont priso­ner, being first sore wounded. The baron of Baluay escaped into a wood, and so got away. The earle him­selfe also (as Hector Boetius saith) escaped by flight, and got vnto Dunstafage, where finding Donald earle of Rosse and lord of the Iles, he procured him 40 (being of nature inclined and readie inough to fol­low such counsell) to make warre in his fauour a­gainst the king. And after he had once set him on worke, he got him backe againe into England. Do­nald wasted not onelie the kings possessions that lay néere to Dunstafage, but also passing through Argile, did much hurt in all places where he came. He inua­ded also the Ile of Arrane, and chased the bishop of Lismore, constreining him to take sanctuarie. This doone, he entered into Lochquhabir, & so into Mur­rey land, where he burnt the towne of Inuer nes, 50 and wan the castell by a guilefull traine.

In the meane time, the earle of Ormont after he was recouered of his hurts (as the said Boetius wri­teth) was presented to the king, and after he had re­mained in prison a certeine time, he was at length The earle of Ormont be­headed. beheaded. Moreouer the countesse Beatrice, after she saw no hope left that the earle of Dowglas should recouer his former estate, came to the king, and submitted hirselfe, laieng all the blame in the 60 The countes of Dowglas Beatrice sub­mitteth hir selfe to the K. The countes of Ros. earle, who had procured hir vnto such vnlawfull ma­riage with him, being hir former husbands brother. The king receiued hir right courteouslie, and gaue to hir the baronie of Baluay, to mainteine therwith hir estate. Shortlie after also the countesse of Rosse fled from hir husband, & came to the king for feare of hir husbands crueltie, wherof partlie she had alreadie tasted. The king because he had made the mariage betwixt hir and hir husband, assigned hir foorth suffi­cient reuenues also for the maintenance of hir estate. About the same time Patrike Thornton one Patricke Thornton. of the kings seruants, but a fauourer of the Dow­glasse, slue Iohn Sandlands of Calder the kings cousine, and Alane Steward at Dunbreton, for that they fauored the contrarie faction: but the king get­ting the offendor into his hands, caused him and his complices to die for their wicked offense commit­ted. The vniuersitie of Glascow was founded a­bout The vniuersi­tie of Glascow founded. this time by one Turnbull, bishop of that see. In the yeere following, died William Haie earle of Erroll, and constable of Scotland: also George 1455. Death of no­ble men. Creichton earle of Catnes, and William Creich­ton chiefe of that familie.

In this meane while, the earle of Dowglas re­maining in England, procured the Englishmen di­uers times to make rodes into Scotland, wherby he lost (as the Scotish writers affirme) the loue of his owne countrimen, when they saw him thus ioine with the Englishmen, to the damage of his natiue land. At one time, Henrie earle of Northumber­land, and the said earle of Dowglas inuaded the Mers, but taking little héed to themselues, and suffe­ring their people to ride abrode to harie the countrie without order; Dowglas earle of Angus with a mightie armie of Scotishmen set vpon them, and put them to flight, sleaing diuers, and taking to the number of seuen hundred prisoners. Thus (as should appeare) the earle of Dowglas in vaine sought to dis­quiet his countrie, for all his friends in Scotland continued faithfull to the king, who had granted peace to all other of the Dowglasses and their com­plices: for it was Gods will the matter should be taken vp without more bloudshed, that the right line of the Scotish kings might be preserued. [For (as Fr. Thin. it appeareth) he was amongst the English inuading 1454. Lesleus. lib. 8. pag. 305. Scotland, subdued and taken by the barons Iohn­ston and Cokpull, who presented him vnto the king, wherevpon the king after a sort banished him into the monasterie of Lendore, where he was bounti­fullie and honorablie receiued (according to his no­bilitie) of the religious persons, in which place he li­ued manie yreres, and then died.]

And though the almightie God might haue brought that to passe by other meanes, according as it should haue pleased his good will and omnipotent power; yet he chose this way, whereby the effusion of much bloud might be auoided, which by ciuill battell had béene spilled, if the parties hauing their harts fil­led with rancor & ire, had buckled togither in battell. But the K. vsing the aduise of his kinsman Iames Iames Kene­die archbish. of S. Andrews, chéefe chan­cellor to the king. Kenedie archbishop of S. Andrews, compassed his purpose in the end, dispatching out of the way such as he anie waies foorth mistrusted, of which number namelie were the Dowglasses, whose puissance and authoritie not without cause he euermore suspected. Many haue reported (as before is said) that in the be­ginning king Iames the second, through feare of the great power of these Dowglasses, was in mind to haue fled the realme, but being recomforted by the counsell and authoritie of the said bishop Iames Ke­nedie, he aduanced his studie to matters of greater importance.

The said Kenedie turned the earle of Angus, be­ing of the surname of the Dowglasses, and brother to him by his mother, to take part with the king. He The practise of bishop Kenedie. procured also diuers other of the same bloud and sur­name, to reuolt from the other confederats, and to submit themselues vpon promise of pardon vnto the kings mercie; and so infeebling the forces of such as were aduersaries to the king, in the end he had them all at his pleasure. It was thought, that forso­much as the Dowglasses had their lands lieng so vpon the west and middle marches of the realme, (that no man might beare anie rule in those parts, Great power cause of suspi­cion. but onelie they themselues) if they had happilie ioi­ned with the Englishmen, considering the great in­telligence beside, which they had in all other parts of the realme, what by kinred and aliance, the realme [Page 277] might haue fallen into great perill: for trulie it is a dangerous thing (as Io. Maior saith) for the estate of a realme to haue men of great power and authoritie inhabiting on the borders and vttermost parts ther­of. For if they chance (vpon anie occasion giuen) to renounce their obedience to their naturall prince & supreme gouernor, the preiudice may be great and irrecouerable, that oftentimes thereof insueth; as well appeareth in the earles of March, and other be­fore mentioned in this historie: and likewise in France by the duke of Burgognie, Britaine, and 10 Normandie: for till those countries were incorpo­rated and annexed vnto the crowne of France, the kings of that realme were oftentimes put to great hinderance through rebellion by them, whome they accounted for their subiects.

But now to returne where I left. After the Dow­glasses were once dispatched, and things quieted, King Iames the second began then to reigne and rule reallie, not doubting the controlment of anie other person. For then he ordeined lawes for his 20 Lawes or­ [...]ned. people as seemed best to his liking, commanding the same to be kept vnder great penalties and forfei­tures. And being counselled chieflie by the bishop of saint Andrews, Iames Kenedie that was his vncle, and the earle of Orkenie, he passed through all the A generall pardon granted. parts of his realme, granting a generall pardon of all offenses passed. And so he ruled and gouerned his subiects in great quietnesse, and caused iustice so du­lie to be ministred on all sides, that it was said in his daies, how he caused the rash bush to kéepe the cow. 30 In the yéere 1455, the king held a parlement, in 1455 A parlement holden. which were manie good lawes made and established for the weale of all the realme, as in the bookes of the acts of parlement is conteined. He vsed the matter also in such wise with the principall capteins of the The Iles & high land quietlie go­uerned. Iles, and of the hie lands, that the same were as qui­etlie gouerned, as anie part of the low lands, shew­ing all obedience as well in paieng such duties as they owed to the king for their lands, as also in rea­dinesse to serue in the warres with great compa­nies 40 of men, as became them to doo: speciallie Do­nald Donald earle [...] Rosse, and lord of the Iles. lord of the Iles and earle of Rosse, who had be­fore ioined himselfe in confederacie with the earles of Dowglas and Crawford against the king, and had taken into his hands the kings house, and castell of Inuernesse (as before ye haue head) naming him­selfe king of the Iles.

Neuerthelesse, he was now at length reconciled to the king, and gaue pledges for his good demeanor, 50 and afterwards brought to the king three thousand men in aid at the siege of Roxburgh Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 11. whose recon­ciliation was after this maner. When this Do­nald perceiued aduerse fortune to besiege him on euerie side, he sent messengers to the king, crauing peace and pardon for himselfe and for his offenses. Who comming before the king (and with manie humble spéeches, remembring the manie parts of clemencie which the king had vsed to the earle of Crawford, and such as followed his faction) they did so purge the fault of Donald (by transferring the 60 same to the fatall rage and iniurie of the present times, and by promising in his behalfe that hereafter he should line most quietlie in dutifull obedience) that they mooued the kings mind to haue compas­sion vpon him.

But yet the king answered in a meane sort betwéene both, not vtterlie pardoning, nor flat­lie reiecting him: ‘for (saith he) there be yet manie [...]hewes extant of his wickednesse, and he hath not giuen foorth anie one token of a changed mind. Wherefore, to the end that we may beléeue the same to be true (which you haue promised in his be­halfe) heereafter to become a dutifull subiect and lo­uing neighbour to vs, and to those which are about him, he must with repentance (procéeding from an vnfeined toong) craue pardon from vs whome he hath greeuouslie offended, and (with sufficient restitution) recompense those whome (by spoiling) he had iniu­red: besides which also, he must with some woorthie exploit wipe awaie the memorie and blot of all his former committed wickednes. And although I well know that no dertue dooth more beséemes kinglie maiestie than clemencie, yet we ought so to prouide, that (measuring all things by the line of reason) the wicked wax not so proud and rebellious (by ouer­much lenitie and loose gouernement) as she good may be excited to the honest performance of their dutie by fauour and iustice. Wherefore I will inioine a time to Donald, and the rest of his associats, wherein they may openlie shew some deeds of an altered dispositi­on, and from hence foorth we will so account of him, as his woorks and not his woords shall iustifie him to be. But in the meane time, I will him to rest in qui­et, leauing it in the power of him and his, whether I, he, and they, will héereafter be accounted (by due deserts) happie or miserable. Which said, the messen­gers departed, and Donald rested satisfied.)’

In the meane while great dissention rose in Eng­land betwéene the two houses of Lancaster & Yorke; the king being principall of the house of Lancaster, was taken himselfe at the battell of saint Albons. But the queene with hir sonne the prince, and Hen­rie Dissention in England. the yoong duke of Summerset, with diuers other fled into the north parts of England, and sent to the king of Scotland to desire him of aid, who vpon good aduise taken with his councell, for that king Henrie had euer kept well the peace with the realme of Scotland, and also for reuenge of his vncle the duke of Summerset his death, prepared an armie of twentie thousand men to passe into England: and in the meane time all the north parts of Eng­land, hearing that king Iames was readie to sup­port the quéene of England, ioined with hir, and past forward into the south parts, constreining the duke of Yorke to flée the realme, and so king Henrie in­ioied the gouernement of his realme againe, and for that time concluded an agreement with the duke of Yorke his aduersarie; which lasted not long.

The duke of Yorke remembring how readie king Iames was to prepare an armie in support of his aduersarie king Henrie, procured the borderers to make incursions vpon the Scotish subiects, & would suffer no redresse to be had, nor daies of truce to be kept on the borders, as in time of peace the custome was. Wherevpon king Iames raised a power, and King Iames inuadeth England. in person entered with the same into England, doo­ing great hurt by destroieng diuers townes, castels and peiles in Northumberland, the bishoprike and o­ther parts, till at length vpon faire promises made by the Englishmen, he returned into his owne coun­trie. [At this time, the art of printing was first in­uented Fr. Thin Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 308. The art of printing first inuented. in the citie of Mentz in Germanie, but whe­ther to great commoditie or discommoditie of lear­ning, I leaue to the iudgement of others, saith Les­leus.]

After this, king Henrie of England, perceiuing 1458. that the duke of Yorke by the counsell of the earle of Warwike, ceassed not to practise conspiracies a­gainst him, sent eftsoones to king Iames, requiring him of aid against them, and promised therefore to re­store vnto the king of Scotland the lands in Nor­thumberland, Cumberland, the bishoprike of Du­resme, and such like, which the kings of Scotland had held before. This offer was accepted, and by treaties and contracts accorded, sealed, and interchanged be­twixt the two princes (as the Scotishmen alledge.) The yéere next following, at the quéene of Englands 1459. [Page 278] desire to support hir against the house of Yorke, king Iames with a great armie entered England, but af­ter that the queene in the meane time had slaine the duke of Yorke, & got the vpper hand of hir enimies, at the same quéenes request, he retired into Scot­land againe. Neuerthelesse shortlie after, when the earles of March and Warwike sought still to main­teine their quarrell against the quéene of England, she was constreined to withdraw into the north parts, and to desire king Iames to approch estsoones 10 1460. with his armie vnto the borders: which he did, mea­ning to win the castels of Rocksburgh and Warke, which were amongest other things promised to be deliuered vnto him by king Henrie, and so comming to Rocksburgh, laied his armie round about that ca­stell, and planted his siege in full warlike manner.

Héere the king hauing great experience in know­ledge of shooting great artillerie, departed from his campe, accompanied with the earle of Angus, and o­thers, and came to the trenches where the great ordi­nance 20 was planted, which he caused to be shot off. And héere by great misfortune, this woorthie prince King Iames the second is slaine. Iames the second, was slaine by the slice of a great péece of artillerie, which by ouercharging chanced to breake, and siue not onelie the king standing some­what néere it, but also hurt the earle of Angus, with other: being a notable president from hencefoorth, how such great princes approch so néere within dan­ger of such péeces of ordinance, when they are shot off. He was thus killed the third day of August, in 30 Alias 17. 23. Buchan. 1460. The buriall of Iames the second. The lamen­tation of the people. the yéere of his life 29, of his reigne 24, and after the incarnation 1460. His bodie was buried with all funerall obsequies according to his estate, within the monasterie of Holie rood house at Edenburgh, the people generallie lamenting his death with no lesse sorow and dolefull mone, than as is séene in a priuat house for the deceasse of the welbeloued mai­ster and owner thereof.

In time of warre, amongest his subiects in the campe, he behaued himselfe so gentlie towards all 40 The amiable conditions of Iames the se­cond. men, that they séemed not to feare him as their king, but to reuerence & loue him like a father. He would ride vp and downe amongest them, and eat & drinke with them, euen as he had béene fellowlike with the meanest. He had issue by his wife quéene Marie thrée The issue of Iames the second. Iames the third king of Scotland. Alexander duke of Al­banie. Iohn earle of Mar. sonnes, and two daughters. His eldest sonne named Iames, succeeded him in the kingdome; the second named Alexander, was created duke of Albanie; and his third sonne called Iohn, was made earle of Mar. The eldest of his daughters the Hammilton had in 50 mariage (as before is said) and also after shall be mentioned.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 310.All the time of the reigne of this king, christian religion did greatlie flourish amongest the Scots: for there were amongest them twelue notable and famous bishops, whereof the chiefest were Iames Kennedie bishop of saint Andrewes, Turnebull bi­shop of Glascow, Thomas Spenser bishop of Aber­den, and Henrie Lichton bishop of Murrey. At what time likewise there were manie religious abbats 60 that kept such great houses, as both the nobilitie and communaltie trauelling through out the kingdome, did neuer almost lodge in anie publike hosterie, but in the monasteries: which were neuer vexed or spoi­led, during the time of the ciuill warres of the king­dome. Beside these men of eminent learning, there flourished also Nicholas Deidone, and Iohn Eld­maire, singular diuines, with manie other doctors laudablie seene in all kind of learning. In the reigne of which king also, Charles the 7, king of France, Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 300. for singular seruice doone vnto him by the Scots, in the warres (betwéene the English and the French) did honorablie indow manie of the Scots (for recom­pense thereof) with manie rich possessions in A­quitaine, who by that meanes (setling themselues in that countrie) were the originall of manie woorthie families of that prouince, amongest which is that fa­mous kinred of Caldell de la Campania in Tolou­se, at this time greatlie flourishing, which had his be­ginning from Caldell a thane (or baron) being knight in the north parts of Scotland: for the grand­father of him which is now liuing, head of that house did inioy the place of magistrat or ruler of the Ca­pitoline in that citie, hauing that title confirmed to his posteritie. This mans sonne Peter Caldell be­ing a senator in the high court of Tolouse (common­lie called the parlement) was for his singular lear­ning and wisedome had in great honor of all men during his life, which stretched to extreame age. In whose place came Iohn (the eldest sonne of the said Peter) who dooth at this day possesse the roome of his father, as a senator of the said court of Tolouse. And his other children with great honor are indued with other offices of gouernement in the said citie.)

Some strange sights there appéered before the death of this king Iames the second: for the day be­fore he was slaine, a blazing star was plainlie séene, A blasing starre. which signified (as was thought) the death of the said king. In the yéere before the siege, there was in Dundee an hermophrodyt, that is, a person with both An hermo­phrodyt, that is, a person being both man and wo­man. shapes, but estéemed for a woman onelie, till it was prooued, that lieng with hir maisters daughter night­lie where she dwelt, she had got the yoong damsell with child; for the which act, because she had counter­feited hir selfe a woman, and yet had wrought the part of a man, she was condemned to be buried quicke, and suffered according to that iudgement. At the same time, there was a certeine theefe, that with A wicked théefe that v­sed to kill yoong persons and to e [...]t them. his familie liued apart from the companie of men, remaining secretlie within a den in Angus called Fenisden, who vsed to kill yoong persons, and to féed on their flesh, for the which abhominable offense, be­ing apprehended with his wife and all his familie, they were burnt to death. One of his daughters that was scarse twelue moneths of age, onelie excepted, the which being preserued and brought vp in Dun­dée, before she came to the age of twelue yéeres, she His daughter falleth to the like practise. was taken in the like crime for the which hir father died, wherevpon she was iudged to be buried quicke: and going to execution, when the people in great multitudes followed hir, in woondering at so horrible an offense committed by one of hir age and sexe, she turned to them that thus detested hir wicked dooing, and with a countenance representing hir cru­ell Hir words going to exe­cution. inclination, said to them: ‘What néed you thus to raile vpon me, as if I had doone an heinous act con­trarie to the nature of man? I tell you, that if you knew how pleasant mans flesh is in taste, there would none of you all forbeare to eat it.’ And thus with an impenitent and stubborne mind she suffered the appointed execution.

AFter the death of Iames the second, his sonne Iames the third a child of seuen yeares of age Iames the third. succeeded, and foorthwith was sent for to the siege of Roxsburgh, whither he was conueied by the quéene, a woman of a stout stomach, representing the man­like The stout sto­mach of the quéene. race of hir countrie Gelderland, of the which she was descended. For comming with hir sonne thus to the siege, she spent not time in lamenting and wo­manish bewailing the irrecouerable losse of hir hus­band, but rather in comforting the lords, whose part had bin to haue comforted hir: and aboue all things she exhorted them with all diligence to im­ploie their whole indeuors and forces to the winning of that castell. Whose words so incouraged the cap­teins and whole armie, that the siege was continued Roxsburgh castell taken and broken downe. till the castell was woone, raced, and beaten downe flat to the ground: and the yoong king was crowned [Page 279] at Kelso, with the vniuersall consent and great re­ioising 1461. I. M. 1460. Lesle. of all the noble men, and other being there present in the armie.

This doone, they besieged the castell of Warke, which likewise they tooke, and threw downe, and af­terwards Warke besie­ged and woon. the king with the nobles of his realme came to Edenburgh, to take order for the quiet go­uernement of the realme. And because the king was yoong, there were chosen seuen regents to gouerne Seuen go­uernors cho­sen. both king & realme, as these, the quéene his mother, 10 Iames Kenedie bishop of S. Andrews, that was sisters sonne to Iames the first, the bishop of Gla­scow, the earles of Angus, Huntleie, Argile, and Orkeneie. These, so long as Iames Kenedie liued, agréed well togither about the gouernement of the realme; but within a while after his deceasse, they fell at square, or rather before, as appeareth by Hec­tor Boetius, who saieth, that in the second yéere of this kings reigne, there was discord in brewing be­twixt the quéene and the archbishop Kenedie, who 20 perceiuing that the woman sought to vsurpe wholie the gouernement vnto hir selfe, withstood hir in that behalfe, in so much that it was doubted least the matter would haue broken foorth into some ciuill warre, if the bishops of Glascow, Dunkeld, and A­berden, and certeine abbats had not taken in hand to trauell betwixt the parties for an attonement, who did so much in the matter, that they compounded the variance in this wise.

The quéene mother was appointed to haue the 30 charge of the kings person, and of his brethren, Alex­ander duke of Albanie, and Iohn earle of Mar, and likewise of his two sisters; but as for the administra­tion and gouernance of the realme, she should leaue it vnto the peeres. There were therefore elected by common consent as rulers, the bishops of Glascow and Dunkeld, the earle of Orkeneie, the lord Gra­ham, Thomas Boid, and the chancellor. About the same time, one Alane Keir, in hope to get the heri­tage of his brother, Iohn lord of Lorne tooke him, 40 and kept him in prison. But Colen Campbell earle of Argile, taking great indignation with so pre­sumptuous a part, gathered a power, and comming against Keir, tooke him, and set his brother at liber­tie, and brought the offendor vnto Edenburgh, where he died in prison. Moreouer, shortlie after Donald lord of the Iles and earle of Rosse, who had serued Donald of the Iles efts [...]ones rebelleth. obedientlie in the armie at Roxburgh, and was (as outwardlie appeared) well reconciled, began anew to vse his old maners, spoiling & harrieng the whole 50 countrie of Atholl, and tooke the earle thereof, and the countesse his wife captiues with him into the Iles.

To represse his iniurious attempts, the regents togither were preparing an armie; but therewith came true aduertisements, that the said lord of the Iles, and other the principall offendors of his com­panie, were stricken through the hand of God with Donald be­came mad. a certeine frensie or madnesse, and had lost all their ships and spoiles in the sea, so that the earle of Atholl 60 and his ladie were restored, and those frantike per­sons were brought vnto saint Brides church in A­tholl, Hitherto hath Hector Boe­tius continued the Scotish historie. He was killed 1461. Henrie king of England by safe con­duct commeth into Scot­land. for the recouerie of their health, but it would not be. Donald himselfe was afterward slaine in the castell of Inuernes by an Irishman that was a minstrell. In the yeare 1461, Henrie the sixt king of England being vanquished by his aduersarie Edward the fourth, purchased of king Iames the third a safe conduct for himselfe and a thousand horsse to enter into Scotland; and herevpon he came to Edenburgh, and was lodged in the house of the fri­ers preachers, with his wife quéene Margaret, and his sonne prince Edward. There was also with him the duke of Excester, and the duke of Sum­merset, with manie other of the English nobilitie.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. And to the end this firme amitie thus begun, might more increase, and be further strengthened: the two quéenes Margaret (of England) and Marie (of Scotland) both French (by birth and nature) be­gan to intreat of a mariage (hoping by affinitie to establish that perfect amitie) to be solemnized be­tweene the daughter of Iames the second king of Scots, and the sonne of Henrie (king of Eng­land) being called prince of Wales, although none of them as yet was aboue seuen yeares old. Which mariage, Philip duke of Burgognie (vncle to the quéene of Scots, and deadlie enimie to the quéene of England) labored by all means to hinder, by his ambassador Gruthusius, a noble man and of great iudgement; for this Philip did vse such bitter enimi­tie against Reinold, grandfather to the son of king Henrie by the mothers side, that he did déepelie en­uie anie good successe to happen to anie of that race, whereby it might increase or florish; and therefore sought occasion by all deuise to hinder it: for whose cause, and at whose request, the said mariage was at that time rather deferred, than vtterlie broken off. But the end thereof (which was greatlie feared by this Philip to be the consummation of the mariage) was by the aduerse fortune of king Henrie vtterlie disappointed. For (as after shall appeare) this Hen­rie being incouraged (by the beneuolence of the Scots towards him) and throughlie confirmed (by the letters of his friend sent vnto him) dispatched his wife into France to Reinold hir father, to procure The quéene went into France for aid. what aid she could of hir friends beyond the seas, to helpe to restore him to the kingdome: which iournie succéeded not to hir in vaine, obteining succor from thence.)

The same time, king Henrie deliuered the towne Berwike de­liuered to the Scotishmen. & castell of Berwike into the Scotishmens hands, whether by couenant thereby to haue the foresaid safe conduct granted, or of his own voluntarie will, to the end he might haue the more support and fauor amongest them, it is vncerteine by the variable re­port of writers. Neuerthelesse, shortlie after a truce A truce for 15 yeares. was taken betwixt king Iames and king Edward, for the tearme of fiftéene yeares, vpon what condi­tions or promises made on king Edwards part I find not. This truce was concluded in the moneth of Maie, in the yeare 1462, at the citie of Yorke, whither had bin sent the bishop of Glascow, the earle 1462. of Argile, kéeper of the priuie seale, the abbat of Ho­lie rood house, sir Alexander Boid, and sir William Crawston knights, ambassadors and commissio­ners for king Iames.

All things in this season were ordered in Scot­land Iames Kene­die the archbi­shop gouer­neth the realme. by the aduise and counsell of Iames Kenedie bishop of saint Andrews, a man of great wisedome and policie, as well appeared in his prudent & sage gouernement of the realme, as well during the mi­noritie of this Iames the third, as also in the daies of his father king Iames the second. Pierre de Bre­zeie, Monsieur de la Uarrenne sent foorth of France to aid the part of Margaret quéene of England. otherwise called le Seigneur de la Uarenne, great seneshall of Normandie, was sent by the French king Lewes the eleuenth, with two thou­sand fighting men, to aid the part of king Henrie a­gainst king Edward. This Brezeie was one most in fauour with king Charles the seuenth, father vn­to the said king Lewes, and therefore (as manie did suppose) he was appointed by K. Lewes (who greatlie loued him not) to be chiefe in this iourneie, to the end his life might be put in hazard and aduenture; notwithstanding, after some danger both of tempest on the sea, and also of the enimies hands, he wan the castels of Bamburgh and Dunstanburgh, which he He kéepeth Anwike ca­stell, and is besieged. cast to the ground, and after tooke in hand to kéepe the castell of Anwike, and being besieged therein, [Page 280] sent for aid to the Scots.

George Dowglasse earle of Angus as then war­den He is rescu­ed by the earle of Angus. of the marches, immediatlie raised a power of 23000, men, and comming with the same to the bor­ders, chose foorth of all his numbers fiue thousand of the most able horssemen in all his armie, and com­ming Alias 13000. with them to the castell about the middest of the day, tooke the Frenchmen away with him into Scotland: the English armie that lay there at siege beholding the maner, and not once making profer 10 to fight with him. Some Englishmen there were, that would faine haue fought with the Scots; but other (whose counsell was followed) were otherwise minded, alleging that better it were to let them passe without incounter, sith they left the castell void, than to ieopard vpon the doubtfull chance of battell, for though their number were not great, yet were they piked and chosen men, able to atchiue a great enter­prise.

After this, the sixtéenth of Nouember, in the yeare 20 1463, the quéene of Scots, mother to Iames thé 1463. The quéene mother died. third, died at Edenburgh, and was buried in the college of the Trinitie, which she hir selfe had foun­ded. This woman, after the deceasse of hir husband Iames the second, liued somewhat dissolutelie, pro­curing Adam Hepborne of Hales a maried man to Adam Hep­borns famili­aritie with the quéene of Scots, mo­ther to Iames the third. kéepe hir such familiar companie, as sounded great­lie to hir dishonor: for that she could not within the whole realme find some single man amongest all the nobilitie, with whome she might haue maried, & in some sort to haue auoided the greater open slander & 30 infamie. In the same yeare, Alexander duke of Al­banie, Alexander duke of Alba­nie taken on the sea. and brother to the king, was taken on the sea by the Englishmen in the moneth of Iune, as he was returning from his grandfather the duke of Gilder: but the bishop of saint Andrews Iames Kenedie, caused both the said duke and also the ship, with all the goods there in being, at the time of the taking of it, to be restored; for otherwise (as he flat­lie protested) he would not kéepe the truce anie lon­ger concluded betwixt the two realmes. 40

The duke of Summerset, in hope of great fauor which he should find in England, persuaded king 1464. King Henrie returneth into England. Henrie to passe thither, and with a great companie of Scotishmen he entered England, and manie of the north parts resorted vnto him: but at length, at his comming to Exam, the lord Montacute with a great power was readie to giue him battell, and there discomfited him and his whole armie. The duke of Summerset and the lords Hungerford and Rosse 50 were taken and put to death; the duke at Exam, and the lords at Newcastell. King Henrie escaped verie hardlie into Scotland againe, and there remained a certeine space after, till at length he thought to re­turne into England in such secret wise, as he should not haue béene once knowen, till he might haue got amongest his friends, which would haue supported him: but such diligent watch was laid for him all alongst the borders, that he was espied, taken, and deliuered to king Edward his aduersarie, who shut 60 King Henrie is imprisoned. him vp in the tower of London till he was at length there made away, as in the historie of England ye may sée more at large.

In the yeare 1466, that famous bishop Iames Kenedie departed this life, and was buried in the 1466. college of saint Sauiour, founded by him within the towne of saint Andrewes in most sumptuous wise. This prelat in prudent policie excelled all other Scotish bishops, of whome anie writer maketh mention. He kept the realme in good quiet, and ob­serued the truce concluded with the Englishmen, to the great weale and commoditie of the poore com­mons. He was verie rich, as appeared by sundrie buildings and woorks which he left behind him, as a memoriall of his name. [Whereof the thrée espe­ciall Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 314. things for rarenesse and magnificence, were his college of saint Sauiour (wherein youth might be trained to learning and religion) the other his sepul­chre, wherein he was buried (being a statelie péece of woorke, such as before had not béene accustomed for bishops of Scotland) & the third was a ship of woon­derfull burden: all which thrée, the common people affirmed were of one price, and stood him in like charge.] Besides his bishoprike, he held in his hands 1470. Buch. 1468. Lesle. 1469. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 315. the commandarie of the abbeie of Pettinweme, which was woorth vnto him eight hundred crowns by yeare. [Afterward, at the parlement holden in October and Ianuarie, there were manie edicts made for the benefit of the commonwealth, & chiefe­lie for the estate of the merchants; at what time also there was a proclamation made, that none of the Englishmen should beare anie office, nor receiue a­nie benefice or benefit in Scotland.]

In the yeare 1469, on the tenth day of Iulie, 1469. The mariage of Iames the third. king Iames the third, being as then about twentie yeares of age, maried in the abbeie of Holie rood house néere Edenburgh, the ladie Margaret, daugh­ter to the king of Denmarke and Norwaie, which ladie was at the same time not past twelue yeares of age, some saie sixtéene. Hir father the king of Denmarke and Norwaie, in name of hir dower, transported and resigned to K. Iames all his right, The king of Norwaie re­signeth his title to the [...]t Iles. title, and interest which he pretended to the out Iles. The ambassadors that were sent into Denmarke to conclude this mariage, and to conueie the bride into Scotland, were these: Andrew Busdeir bishop of Glascow, the bishop of Orknie, the lord Auandale chancellor of Scotland, and Thomas Boid earle of Arrane, who had maried the kings sister, and was now in his absence run into the kings displeasure; whereof his wife hauing intelligence, hearing of hir husbands arriuall with the other in the Forth, got out of Edenburgh, & comming on shipbord to him, gaue him to vnderstand what displeasure the king The earle of Arrane in the kings displea­sure. had conceiued against him: who perceiuing him­selfe in what danger he stood if he tooke land, retur­ned backe into Denmarke, taking his wife with him.

The king herewith was so offended, that he cau­sed both the said earle and his father to be attainted of high treason, and sent for his sister backe into Scotland, causing a diuorse in absence of hir husband to be sued & gotten foorth against them, marieng hir afterwards to Iames lord Hamilton, to whome he The lord Ha­milton mari­eth the kings sister. gaue the earldome of Arrane, which hir former hus­band had in gift before. Of this mariage, those of the house of Hamiltons are descended, & are néerest of bloud to the crowne of Scotland, as they pretend. [For (as saith Lesleus, lib. 8. pag. 316.) if the line of Fr. Thin. the Stewards faile, the crowne is to come to them.] But now to shew further what we find written con­cerning Giouan Ferre­rio in his ap­pendix of the Scotish histo­rie. the maner and cause of the banishment of the afore remembred Thomas Boid, Giouan Ferre­rio, in his appendix of the Scotish historie annexed vnto Hector Boetius lastlie printed at Paris in the yeare 1574, agreeth not with that which ye haue red before. For as he telleth the tale, the said lord Boid being one of the gouernors of the realme, elected thereto (as before ye haue heard) within short time The lord Boid beareth all the rule a­bout the king. grew so far in fauor with the king, that he might doo all things with him at his pleasure, although his as­sociats in authoritie did neuer so much go about to hinder his deuises: by reason whereof, he séemed to vsurpe the whole rule & administration of the realme into his owne hands, sore to the griefe of those his said associats being ioined with him in like office.

Hereof the state of the common-wealth through Through de­fault of agr [...] ­ment in the gouernors, e­uell disposed men wax [...]old to woorke mischiefe. the dissention thus bred among the gouernors, was [Page 281] brought into a miserable plight; for iustice in most places wanted hir due course, so as théeues and robbers taking boldnesse thereof, not onelie vpon the borders, but also elsewhere, began to exercise great outrage, to the breach of publike peace, and namelie the inhabitants of the out Iles fell to their woonted trade of pilfering, so that passing ouer in their long boats or barges, and landing here & there on the shore, they tooke preies of cattell and other goods, greatlie to their profit, and no lesse damage 10 of the people that inhabited on the coasts ouer a­gainst them. In the north parts also, seditious tu­mults amongest the nobles, gentlemen, and people were raised, to the great disquieting of the whole countrie. Such disorders continued no small time, and because the said Thomas lord Boid bare grea­test rule about the king, the blame (as it commonlie happeneth) was imputed to him.

At length, when the king was growen to ripe They that be in authoritie be euer subiect to the spitefull blow of en­uies dart. yeares, and able to sée to the administration of the 20 common-wealth himselfe, he was admonished by certeine graue personages to haue some regard, that such misorders as disquieted the whole state of the realme, might be reformed. Herevpon he cal­led a parlement, in the which, whether through enuie that the lords had conceiued against the lord Boid, or for that his dooings no lesse deserued such com­plaint, was exhibited by generall voices of the stats against him, that it was decreed by authoritie of the The lord Boid is accu­sed. whole assemblie, that he should come to answer in 30 iudgement such crimes wherewith he was charged; but when he refused so to doo, and in contempt of the kings authoritie got togither a power of armed men to defend him from iniurie; that might séeme He refuseth to be tried by way of arrain­ment. (as he pretended) to be offered him: at length, the king was driuen of necessitie to make preparation for the leuieng of an armie to apprehend him by force. Whereof Boid being aduertised, fled into England, because he perceiued himselfe not able to resist the kings power. The king assured that he 40 He fléeth into England. was thus auoided out of his realme, banished him for euer, and seized vpon his lands and goods as for­feited.

After this, when the said Boid saw no hope to returne againe into the kings fauor, and finding no great comfort among the Englishmen, he passed from thence into Denmarke, where he remained He passeth in­to Denmarke. till the mariage was concluded betwixt the king, and the ladie Margaret, daughter to the king of Den­marke, as ye before haue heard: and then in hope by occasion of this mariage to obteine pardon, retur­ned 50 now in companie of the bride, and of those am­bassadors His vaine hope to ob­teine pardon. that were sent to haue the conueiance of hir into Scotland: neuerthelesse, vnderstanding by his wife that came to him on shipboord before he set foot on land, that the kings displeasure continued still towards him so greatlie, that if he came on land, he should be sure to lose his head, he returned into Den­marke, and tooke his wife with him; as before is mentioned. Finallie he went into Italie, where at 60 He goeth into Italie. He is mur­thered. length he was murthered by one, whose wife he went about to allure for the satisfieng of his sensuall lust. Before he was diuorsed from his wife the kings si­ster, he begat on hir a sonne, the which in the daies of king Iames the fourth, in a priuat quarrell that rose betwixt him and an other noble man, chanced to be slaine. Thus much touching the lord Thomas Boid of Kalmarnocke out of Ferrerio, who also in report of the matter touching the mariage betwixt the king and the daughter of Denmarke, somewhat varieth from an other that writ thereof.

The ambassadors that were sent vnto Christierne king of Denmarke & Norwaie in the yeare 1468, 1468. The a [...]as­sadors sent vnto Den­marke as Fer­rerio saith. as the said Ferrerio affirmeth, were these; Andrew bishop of Glascow, William bishop of Orkeneie; Andrew lord of Anandale chancellor of the realme, Martine Wane the great almoner, & the kings con­fessor, Gilbert de Kericke archdeacon of Glascow, Dauid Creichton of Crauston, & Iohn Shaw of Ha­lie. These ambassadors being dispatched into Den­marke in Iulie, in the yeare aforesaid, came at length to Haffnen, where K. Christierne then remai­ned, and were of him ioifullie receiued, & well heard concerning their sute, in so much at length, after he had proponed the matter to his councell about the eight of September, it was agréed in this sort, that the ladie Margaret, daughter to the said king Chri­stierne, should be giuen in mariage vnto K. Iames The mariage concluded. The Iles of Orkeneie and Shetland ingaged. of Scotland, and that the Iles of Orkeneie, being in number 28, and likewise the Iles of Shetland, of which there are eighteene, should remaine in posses­sion of the kings of Scotland, till either the said king Christierne or his successors in name of the mariage monie should pay vnto king Iames, or to his suc­cessors, the summe of fiftie thousand florens of the Rheine. This mariage was thought, by reason of this ingaging of those Iles, right profitable vnto the realme of Scotland, because of the controuersie and variance which had continued long before those daies betwixt the kings of Scotland and Denmarke, a­bout the right of possessing those Iles.

In the moneth of Nouember next insuing, after 1469. the mariage had béene consummate in Iulie before, within the abbeie church of Holie rood house (as be­fore ye haue heard) or in saint Giles church in Eden­burgh (as other write) the thrée estates were called to assemble in Edenburgh, where the queene was crowned, and the parlement holden, the most part of the lords remaining still in Edenburgh all the next winter: and in the summer following, the king and quéene made their progresse into the north parts, 1470. and were honorablie receiued in the principall cities and townes where they came, and likewise by the nobles of the countrie, to the great reioising of the whole realme. After their returning to Edenburgh, the king called a parlement in the moneth of Maie 1471, in the which among other things it was ordei­ned, 1471. that the lords, barons, and burroughs of the realme, should build ships and boats, and prouide nets for fishing. Also it was ordeined that none The like act for shooting was institu­ted by king Iames the first. An. 1425. Iohn Maior should weare silks in dublet, gowne, or cloake, ex­cept knights, minstrels, & heralds; except they might dispend one hundred pounds in lands by yéere: and that the football and other vnlawfull games should be debarred, and the exercise of shooting maintei­ned. Iames eldest sonne to king Iames the third, was borne the tenth day of March, in the yéere 1472, 1472. who afterwards succéeded his father, and was cal­led Iames the fourth. Christierne K. of Denmarke, to congratulate the happie birth of this yoong prince The right to Orkeneie and Shetland resigned. being his nephue by his daughter, released all the right, title & claime which he or his successors might haue to the Iles of Orkeneie and Shetland.

A strange comet or blasing starre (as we call A blasing starre. it) appeared in the south, from the seuenteenth day of Ianuarie, vnto the eightéenth of Februarie, and 1473 was placed betwixt the pole and the pleiades, that is to say, the seuen starres. A great ship built by Ke­nedie the late archbishop of saint Andrews, called the bishops barge, brake and was lost beside Banburgh, A shipwrack. being fraught with merchandize, the twelfth of March. Manie merchantmens seruants and other passengers were drowned with hir, some escaped by boat, and were taken by the Englishmen, among whome was the abbat of saint Colme, who was con­streined to pay vnto his taker one Iames Kar foure score pounds for his ransome yer he could be suffe­red to depart. The abbasie of Dunfermling being [Page 282] vacant, the couent chose one of their owne moonks called Alexander Thomson, and the king promoted Henrie Creichton abbat of Pasley thervnto, whom the pope admitted, & Robert Shaw parson of Min­to Abbeies gi­uen by vnlaw­full means. was preferred by the king vnto the abbasie of Pasley, and then in such wise began promotings of secular priests to abbasies at the princes request, and the laudable elections ancientlie vsed, made void: bicause the court of Rome admitted such as the princes made sute for and named, getting great 10 rewards and notable summes of monie thereby, so that neither the bishops durst admit such as the co­uents elected, nor such as were elected durst pursue their right, and so the abbasies were bestowed vpon such as followed the court, and liued courtlie, secu­larlie, and voluptuouslie, to the great slander of reli­gious men, which by the naughtie examples of their gouernors fell to the works of wickednesse, where­vpon dailie much euill increased, and vertue in all estates decaied. 20

This yéere in September, the indulgence of the The bishop of S. Andrews made arch­bishop. 1474. sée of saint Andrews was published by Patrike Graham bishop thereof, and the same sée erected in­to the dignitie of an archbishops sée, at the sute of the said Patrike, who gaue information to the pope, that bicause the archbishop of Yorke was metropolitan of Scotland, and that there was oftentimes warre betwixt the realmes of England and Scotland, the Scotishmen could not haue accesse to their metro­politan, speciallie in cases of appellation. And there­fore 30 the pope (as some write) thought it reason to make saint Andrews primat and metropolitan of Primat and metropolitan. Twelue bi­shops in Scotland. Scotland, and ordeined that the twelue other bi­shops of Scotland should be vnder his primasie, who would not agrée therto; but promised the king by way of a taxation eleuen thousand marks for his maintenance against the said archbishop: and the prelats sent to Rome about this matter. This yéere was a great death in the realme of Scotland, so that where a parlement was called in September, it 40 1476. was proroged vntill the twelfe day after Christmas. In Ianuarie the parlement was holden at Eden­burgh, The lord of the Iles at­teinted. in which Iohn lord of the Iles and earle of Ros was atteinted, partlie for his owne euill déeds, but most speciallie for the defaults of his father Do­nald lord of the Iles.

In Maie, in the yéere 1477, the king raised a pu­issant armie of the most able men vpon the north 1446. Lesle. The king rai led an armie. side of the water of Forth, to pursue the lord of the Iles both by sea and land. The earle of Crawford 50 was made admerall of the armie by sea, and the erle of Atholl the kings vncle by his father was lieute­nant of the armie by land. But such meanes was v­sed by the earle of Atholl, that the lord of the Iles The lord of the Iles sub­mitteth him­selfe. humbled himselfe to the kings pleasure, vpon cer­teine conditions; and therevpon in the beginning of Iulie next insuing, the said lord of the Iles came t [...] the parlement vnto Edenburgh, and there was the agréement made and confirmed betwixt the king and him: he resigned into the kings hands all the 60 right he had to the earledome of Rosse, the lands of Cantire and Knapden, which earledome the king He resigneth Ros, Cantire, and Knapden. annexed to the crowne, and pardoned him and his seruants of all offenses and transgressions before that day committed, and inuested him anew in the lordship and seigniorie of the Iles, and other his lands not released, to hold the same of the king by the seruice of ward and reliefe. The king also gaue vnto the earle of Atholl for his diligence shewed, in reducing the said lord of the Iles vnto order, the lands and forrest of Clouie.

There was an inquisitor called Husman this yeere sent by pope Sextus into Scotland, to examin 1477. An inquisitor sent from the pope. by vertue of his commission Patrike Graham arch­bishop of saint Andrews, whose examination and proofes being sent vnto the pope, he pronounced him The archbi­shop is not well handled. an heretike, schismatike, and simoniake, and decla­red him accurssed, condemning him to perpetuall prison: and so he was degraded from all orders, cure, and dignitie of ecclesiasticall office, and Willi­am Depriued. 1478. Lesle. Schews archdeacon of the same sée was promo­ted in his place, to whome he was also committed to sée him safelie kept in prison. He was first sent vnto saint Colmes inch, and from thence to Dunferm­ling, Put in prison and lastlie to Lochleuin, where he died, and was buried in saint Sarffis Ile in Lochleuin. The said William Schewes was consecrated archbishop of saint Andrews on Passion sunday in Lent, within 1478. Lesle Holie rood house, the king being present, and manie 1479. wil. Schews is consecrated archbishop. of the nobles of the realme. And there the said arch­bishop receiued the pall, as a signe of his archbi­shops dignitie, and so was confirmed primat and le­gat of the realme, notwithstanding the impediment made against Graham before by the bishops about the same.

This yéere also Alexander duke of Albanie was The duke of Albanie im­prisoned. committed to prison by the king his brother, within the castell of Edenburgh, through euill counsell; but he brake out and escaped to Dunbar, where he caused the castell to be furnished with all necessaries: and leauing his seruants within it, passed himselfe into France, and was there of the king honorablie recei­ued, He escaped. and louinglie intreated. In the beginning of Maie following, the king besieged that castell by his Edenburgh besieged. lieutenant the earle of Auendale, who lost at that siege thrée good knights, the lord of Lute, sir Iohn Schaw of Sauch, & the lord of Cragiwallase, with the shot of a gun, & Iohn Ramseie was slaine with a stone cast by hand. When they within saw they could not long indure, they left the castell and fled a­waie by sea, and the earle of Auendale entered, and found it void of all things whereof anie account was to be made.

Doctor Ireland being graduat in diuinitie at 1479. Lesl. Doctor Ire­land sent vnto the king of Scots. Paris, was sent from the French king vnto the king of Scots, to persuade him to make war vpon England, to the end that king Edward should not aid the duke of Burgognie. And moreouer, he had in charge to mooue for the pardon of the duke of Al­banie, and shortlie after returned with answer. The erle of Mar called Iohn Steward the kings yoonger 1479. Lesl. 1480. Iohn Ste­ward a pri­soner. brother, this yéere in the moneth of December, was taken in the night within his owne house, and con­ueied vnto Cragmiller, where he was kept as priso­ner by the kings commandement, and after was conuict of conspiracie for witchcraft which he should practise against the king: and herevpon in Canno­gate beside Edenburgh, his veines were cut, and so Was put to death. he bled to death. There were manie and diuerse wit­ches and sorcerers, as well men as women conuic­ted of that crime, and burnt for the same at Eden­burgh. The king sent ambassadors into England to make sute to haue the ladie Cicill, daughter to king A mariage concluded. 1480. Lesle. Edward, ioined in mariage with his sonne Iames the prince, which was granted, and the mariage con­cluded to be solemnized, when the prince of Scot­land should come to perfect age: as in the English historie it more plainlie appeareth. Doctor Ireland, with a knight, and another religious man, came a­gaine to king Iames from the French king, to per­suade him to make warres against England: and at length, king Iames and his nobles condescended to breake the peace, wherwith Thomas Spenser bi­shop Bishop Spen ser died. of Abirden (that was full tenderlie beloued of king Edward, and had beene euer a mediator for peace betwixt the kings of England, France, and Scotland, & the duke of Burgognie) when he heard that warre would follow, he died through griefe of [...]

[Page 284] teine ambassadors, which were Beroald or Bernard Steward, lord of Aubignie, marshall of France, and Peter Mallart doctor of both lawes, to renew the old league betwéene this Iames the third, and the king of France: for which cause the king of Scots and the nobles assembled at Edenburgh, where (with the French ambassadors) séeking all the rols of all the ancient leagues, they reconfirmed the same, with 1483. the seales of both parts set therevnto; which doone, the Frenchmen (with whome were sent into France di­uerse 10 Scots) returned home. Amongest the Scots, one Robertson was the chiefe, a man famous for the feates of battell, and hauing imploied his seruice on the parts of the French in the Italian warres, which being ended, the said chosen soldiars following the conduct of Beroald Steward, went into England with Henrie earle of Richmont, after king, whose part they tooke against Richard at that time vsurper vpon the English, for which cause the earle of Rich­mont (when he was after king) did deerelie loue the 20 Scots.

The seditions also, which a long time did burne in France, caused deadlie wars to grow betwéene the king of France and the duke of Burgognie. Where­vnto, when the death of Charles (the last duke of Burgognie, slaine at Nants by the duke of Lo­raine) did set end: Charles the eight of that name, king of France (assembling a great armie) did ap­plie all his force and deuise to expell Alphonse out of the kingdome of Naples; who at that time succéeded 30 happilie vnto him, by reason that Alphonse was then easilie remooued. But after, when the Neapolitane people did reuolt (from the French faction) to Ferdi­nand the son of Alphonse, there arose great flames of warre and sedition through Italie, ech part studi­eng to support the strength of his owne. The admini­stration of which warre against Ferdinand, was chieflie performed by the Scots, as principall cap­teins of that armie, or at the least equall with the best. Of which Scots the chiefe were Alexander duke 40 of Albanie, son to Iames the second king of Scots; Iohn also duke of Albanie sonne of this Alexander, George Montgomerie lord of Lorges, Bernard Steward (who was after made viceroy of Naples, which office he wiselie manie yéeres did execute) Ro­bert Steward marshall of France, Nicholas Scot, and others, wherof manie (for their woorthie exploits) were by the French honorablie rewarded with great possessions. Who also (as manie of the Scots before had doone) planting themselues in Isubria, be­came 50 Certeine no­ble families in Italie and I­subria sproong from the Scots. the authors of manie ancient families. For though by the euill custome of common spéech, they reteine the name of Scot (as taken of their coun­trie) yet by the ensignes, and tokens which they had and vsed, it may easilie be knowne of what families the Scots their ancestors did descend.

Wherefore it followeth by most certeine coniec­ture, that the ancient familie of the earles (to whome vse of spéech hath long obteined the surname of Scots) flourishing in Placentia, had their originall 60 from the stocke of the Dowglasses, as the armes of them both doo well witnesse: which kindred (besides manie other earles thereof) is at this day notablie beautified by Christopher Scot, who (with singular pi­etie and learning) dooth gouerne the church of Caua­lion. Againe, there is another familie of Scots, com­monlie called the Scoties in Isubria, whereof Ber­nard Scotia and Horace his brother (the one a se­nator of Mantua, and the other a prelat) are both fa­mous, as well for their vertue, as nobilitie: also Francis Scotia, lord of Pine and Mondone, and o­ther nobles of the marquesdome of Saluce, are des­cended from the Scots, with the large familie of the Schities (descended of Iames Orlando Scot, which we haue heard confirmed by the armes of that familie) are well aduanced about Cremona, Man­tua▪ and Uerona, as are also the Paparons in Rome (so called for their armes and ensignes) whose ance­stors to be of the Scotish nobilitie, is witnessed by a woorthie monument thereof in the church of saint Marie the great, in which the father and the son called Paparons, being there buried, are both adorned with the ensignes of knighthood out of Scotland.)

The duke of Albanie, for that he vnderstood there was poison giuen to him in drinke in the kings Poison giuen. chamber, and therefore stood in feare of his life, fled from the court vnto the castell of Dunbar, whereby insued great discord. The king fearing the displeasure of his nobles, got him also into the castell of Eden­burgh. The earles of Angus, Buchquhane, and o­thers▪ left the king, and assisted the duke of Albanie. The king is forsaken. And the king through counsell of certeine meane persons whome he had againe taken vnto him, sum­moned the duke and other his assistants, to come to answer for such treason as he had to lay against Lords are summoned. them, & withall prepared an armie to besiege Dun­bar, wherof the duke being aduertised, fled into Eng­land, and afterwards being accompanied with the earle of Dowglasse, and a great number of English­men, inuaded Scotland vpon the west marches, Scotland in­uaded. where manie Englishmen were slaine and taken by the resistance of the lords Cokpull, Iohnston, and o­thers, the duke was put to flight, and the earle Dow­glasse taken and brought to the king, who because he was an aged man, and had béene long banished his countrie, was sent to the abbeie of Lundoris, where Earle Dow­glasse sent vn­to an abbeie. he remained the rest of his daies, and at length, de­parting this life, was buried there.

The duke of Albanie for the losse of that armie, was blamed of the king of England, and therevpon The duke of Albanie is blamed. taking a misliking, secretlie departed ouer into France by the helpe of Iohn Liddell, sonne to sir Iames Liddell knight, who afterwards lost his life for the same. The duke was well interteined in France by the king there: and finallie running at tilt with Lewes duke of Orleance, was hurt with the splint of a speare, and thereof died. He left behind him two sonnes, Iohn duke of Albanie, that was af­ter gouernor and tutor to king Iames the lift, and A­lexander that was after bishop of Murrey, and abbat of Scone. This yéere the lord Hume, Torreklis, Oli­phant, and Drummond, were made lords of the par­lement. In the yéere 1484, the king sent the archbi­shop of saint Andrewes vnto Rome, for certeine pri­uileges 1484. The archbi­shop is sent to Rome. The pope sent to intreat for peace. which he obteined. And the same yéere, pope Innocent the eight of that name, sent the bishop of Imola to treat of peace, betwixt Richard king of England, & Iames king of Scotland. Iames king of Scots, hauing not long before made diuerse in­cursions and rodes into England, and that to his pro­fit, he sued therevpon for a truce, which came to passe euen as king Richard wished, so that condescending to haue a communication, commissioners were ap­pointed Commissio­ners appoin­ted on the be­halfe of the king of Eng­land & Scot­land, to treat for a peace at Notingham. for both parts to méet at Notingham, the se­uenth day of September next insuing.

For the king of Scots there appeered Colin earle of Argile, the lord Campbell, the lord chancellor of Scotland, William bishop of Aberden, Robert lord Lile, Laurence lord Oliphant, Iohn Drummond of Stubhall, Archembald Quitelaw archdeacon of Lawden, and secretarie to king Iames, Lion king of armes, and Duncan Dundas. For king Richard, there came Richard bishop of saint Assaph, Iohn duke of Norffolke, Henrie earle of Northumber­land, Thomas lord Stanleie, George Stanleie lord Strange, Iohn Greie lord Powes, Richard lord Fitzhugh, Iohn Gunthorpe kéeper of the kings pri­uie seale, Thomas Barrow maister of the rols, sir [Page 285] Thomas Brian chiefe iustice of the common plées, sir Richard Ratcliffe knight, William Catesbie, & Richard Salkeld esquires. These councellors in the later end of September, after sundrie meetings and communications had togither, concluded (as follow­eth) a peace to be had betwixt both the realmes for the space of thrée yéeres, the same to begin at the ri­sing A peace con­cluded for thrée yéeres. of the sunne, on the 29 of September in the yéere 1484, and to continue vnto the setting of the sunne on the 29 of September in the yéere 1487. 10

During which terme, it was agréed, that not one­lie all hostilitie and warre should ceasse betwixt the two realmes, but that also all aid and abatement of enimies should be auoided, & by no colorable meanes or waie in anie case vsed. The towne and castell of Berwike to remaine in the Englishmens hands, for the space of the said terme, with the same bounds as the Englishmen possessed it at that season, when it was deliuered to the Scotishmen by king Henrie the sixt. It was likewise condescended, that all other 20 castels, holds, and fortresses, during the tearme of the said three yéeres, should abide in the hands of those that held them at that present, the castell of Dunbar onelie excepted. This castell of Dunbar was deliue­red vnto the Englishmen by the duke of Albanie, The castell of Dunbar in the English­mens hands. when he fled into France, and so remained in their hands at that time of concluding this truce.

Héerevpon (by reason the Scotish commissioners had not authoritie to conclude anie full agréement An article for the castell of Dunbar. for that castell, vnlesse the same might be restored vn­to the king their maisters hands) it was accorded, 30 that if the king of Scots, within the space of fortie daies next insuing, did intimate his resolute refusall to be agreeable, that the said castell should remaine in the Englishmens hands aboue the space of six mo­neths, that then during that terme of six moneths, those that kept the castell for the Englishmen should remaine in quiet, and not be troubled nor molested by anie kind of meanes by the said king of Scots, or anie other by his procurement, so that they within 40 the castell likewise absteining from making anie is­sues or reisses vpon the Scotish people. And if after that the said terme of six moneths were once expired, it should chance that anie warre arose for defending or recouering the said castell, yet the truce should in­dure for all other rights and possessions; notwithstan­ding that it might be lawfull to doo what lay in anie of their powers, either for winning or defending the foresaid castell, as though no truce had béene conclu­ded.

It was further agreed, that no traitor of either 50 realme should be receiued by the prince of either An article for traitors. realme; and if anie traitor or rebell chanced to arriue in either realme, the prince thereof to deliuer him vpon demand made. Scots alreadie abiding in An article for Scotishmen alreadie being in England. An article for the wardens of the marches England & sworne to the king there, may remaine still, so their names be certified to the Scotish king within fortie daies. If anie warden of either realme should inuade the others subiects, he to whome such warden is subiect, shall within six daies proclame 60 him traitor, and certifie the other prince therof with­in 12 daies. And in euerie safe conduct this clause A clause to be put in safe conducts. An article for such as should serue either princes in warre. should be conteined; Prouided alwaies that the ob­teiner of this safe conduct be no traitor. If anie of the subiects of either prince doo presume to aid, helpe, mainteine, or serue anie other prince against anie of the contractors of this truce, then it shall be lawfull for him, to whome he shewed himselfe enimie, to ap­prehend and attach the said subiect, going, comming, or tarieng within anie of his dominions.

Colleagues comprised in this truce (if they would assent thereto) on the English part were these: the Colleagues comprised in the truce. king of Castile and Leon, the king of Arragon, the king of Portingale, the archduke of Austrich & Bur­gognie, and the duke of Britaine. On the Scotish part, Charles the French king, Iohn king of Den­marke and Norwaie, the duke of Gelderland, and the duke of Britaine. The lordship of Lorne in the realme of Scotland, and the Iland of Lundaie lieng Lorne & Lun­daie excepted. in the riuer of Seuerne, in the realme of England, were not comprehended in this agréement. This concord, peace, and amitie thus concluded, was ap­pointed to be published the first day of October, in the most notable cities and townes of both the realmes.

For the sure obseruation, kéeping, & performance of this truce & league, there were appointed for con­seruators on the Scotish side, Dauid earle of Craw­ford and lord Lindseie, George earle of Huntleie lord Gordon and Badzenath, Iohn lord Darneleie, Iohn lord Kenedie, Robert lord Lile, Patrike lord Haleene, Laurence lord Oliphant, William lord Borthwike; sir Iohn Rosse of Halkheid, sir Gilbert Iohnston of Eiphinston, sir Iohn Lundie, sir Iohn Ogiluie of Arlie, sir Robert Hammilton of Fin­galton, sir William Balze of Lamington, sir Iohn Kenedie of Blarqhone, sir Iohn Wemes, sir Willi­am Rochwen; Edward Stochton of Kirke patie, Iohn Dundas, Iohn Rosse of Mountgrenan, es­quires.

It was further agréed, that commissioners should Commissio­ners appoin­ted to méet at Loughmabe meet at Loughmaben on the eightéenth day of No­uember, as well for redresse of certeine offenses doone on the west marches, as also for declaring and publishing the peace. On the English part, the lord Dacres, the lord Fitzhugh, sir Richard Ratcliffe, sir Christopher Moresbie, sir Richard Salkeild, or thrée of them. For the Scots, the lord Kenedie, the lord Mountgomerie, the lord Lile, Iohn Maxwell ste­ward of Annandale, Robert Creichton of San­quhan, or thrée of them. Also, there were assigned commissioners to méet at Roidenborne for the east Commissio­ners to méet at Roiden­borne. And at Hal­dan Stanke. marches, the first day of December; and at Haldan Stanke for the middle marches, on the fourth day of the same moneth. At which two places for Scotland, there were assigned to appeere the earle of Huntleie, the earle of Angus, the earle of Argile chancellor of Scotland, the lord Auandale, the lord Seiton, the lord Oliphant, the lord Stubhall, with others.

For England, the earle of Northumberland, the lord Greistocke, the lord Scroope of Massan, sir Wil­liam Gascoigne, sir Robert Constable, and other. The same commissioners had authoritie to assigne certeine persons, to view and declare the bounds and limits apperteining to Berwike, according to the true meaning of the league. For the battell The battell ground. ground it was accorded, that the same should re­maine without sowing, earing, building, or inhabi­ting, as it had doone before. Shortlie after the con­cluding A mariage concluded be­twixt the duke of Rothsaie and the ladie Anne de la Poole. of this truce, king Richard intreated for a mariage to be had betwixt the prince of Rothsaie, el­dest sonne to king Iames & ladie Anne de la Poole, daughter to Iohn duke of Suffolke and to the ladie Anne his wife, that was sister to the said king Ri­chard. For the concluding of this mariage, both the kings sent their ambassadors againe vnto Noting­ham, where their treatie had such successe for that time, that the mariage was agréed vpon, and wri­tings thereof drawen, ingrossed, and sealed, and af­fiances made and taken by proctors and deputies on both parts. The foresaid yoong ladie was immedi­atlie called princesse of Rothsaie, but by the short life of king Richard hir vncle she shortlie after lost that name.

King Iames within a while after the conclusion of this league and mariage aforesaid, for the expres­sing and declaring of his opinion touching the ca­stell of Dunbar, whether he would be agreeable that the same should remaine onelie six moneths, or else [Page 286] during the tearme of the whole truce in the English­mens King Iames by letters sig­nifieth his mind tou­ching the arti­cles of Dun­bar. possessions, he wrote vnto king Richard a louing letter, signifieng vnto him, that he was not minded to séeke the recouerie of the said castell by force of armes, but rather to leaue it in his hand, during the whole terme of the truce. Neuerthelesse, he instantlie required him for the bond of that loue and familiaritie, which now by treatie and aliance was sproong vp betwixt them, that he would redeli­uer the said castell into his hands, according as rea­son 10 might moue him thereto; considering the Eng­lishmen had no right to it, being onelie deliuered to them by traitors of their natiue countrie, without anie reasonable cause, or commission lawfullie au­thorised.

King Richard dalied in this matter with pleasant K. Richard would not de­liuer the ca­stell of Dun­bar. letters and faire words féeding foorth king Iames, without minding to gratifie him in that sute, so that as long as king Richard liued, king Iames could neuer get it for anie thing he might doo. In the 20 yeare 1486, Henrie earle of Richmond comming 1486. K. Richard ouerthrowne by the earle of Richmond. out of France with a power of men, of the which Bernard Steward a Scotishman was chiefe cap­teine, landed in Wales, and passing through the countrie into England, at length incountred king Richard, and slue him, so obteining the crowne of that realme. And after he was somewhat quietlie established in the same, he came into the north parts, where he remained the most part of the next sum­mer, and regarding nothing more than to haue the 30 loue and friendship of his neighbors, & to be confede­rat with the kings and princes ioining next vnto him, he sent from Newcastell one of his councellors Richard Fox bishop of Excester, and sir Richard An ambassage sent into Scotland. Edgcombe knight, ambassadors vnto king Iames, to treat a contract, and renew the bond of peace and truce betwixt the said kings and their realmes.

These ambassadors were gladlie receiued of king The kings answer. Iames, who declared vnto them, that he bare great fauor and loue vnto their maister, and would be glad to pleasure him in all he might: howbeit, that his 40 subiects were not of so good a mind towards the English nation as he himselfe wished, and therefore he willed them to be contented with a truce for seuen yeares, sith further he could not doo, for doubt to of­fend his nobilitie and subiects. But he promised se­cretlie, that when those seuen yeares were expired, he would renew the same for the tearme of other His promise. seuen yeares, and so from seuen yeares to seuen yeares so long as he liued. This he did, because he 50 perceiued that his people had him in such hatred, that they would not consent to anie bond that he should make. The ambassadors perceiuing his good mea­ning toward king Henrie, confirmed the truce for those seuen yeares, and so returned home to king Henrie, who was glad of that they had doone.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 12. In the meane time died the quéene, a woman of singular beautie and goodnesse, who was suppo­sed greatlie to mitigat the vnbridled force of hir hus­band. At what time also in France died Alexander 60 the kings brother, leauing behind him two sonnes, 1487. which were Alexander borne of his first wife (daugh­ter to the earle of Orkeneie) and Iohn (borne of his second wife) being after made gouernor of Scot­land.) Immediatlie after that this truce was thus concluded betwixt the two realmes, king Iames A parlement. caused the thrée estates to assemble in parlement at Edenburgh the first of October in the yeare 1487, in the which order was taken, that iustice oires No pardon to be granted to offendors for the space of seuen yeares. should be holden through all the parts of the realme, & that no pardons should be granted for anie great crime that shuld be committed for the space of seuen yeares to come, so that the king began to vse sharpe execution of iustice in all parts, which was right dis­pleasant to manie.

At the same time was an ambassador sent to the Ambassadors sent to the king of the Romans. king of Romans, for the calling in of a letter of marque, which had béene granted against Scotish merchants, at the sute and instance of certeine Hol­landers and Burgognions, and was shortlie after herevpon reuoked. After the parlement was en­ded, the king remooued vnto Striueling, leauing his The king gi­ueth himselfe to satisfie his lust in kéeping women and gathering treasure. wife the quéene, and hir sonne the prince at Eden­burgh castell, whilest he kéeping persons about him of meane calling, gaue himselfe to take his pleasure with women, & to gather vp gold and siluer, great­lie to the offense of his subiects. Yet in the meane time, now after the death of king Richard, whether it was by treson or appointment, the castell of Dun­bar After the deth of king Ri­chard, Dun­bar is deliue­red. was deliuered to the hands of king Iames, and that to his great ioy and high contentation; for he that ruled his kingdome more with rigor than with anie tractable meane of fau [...]rable iustice, stood euer in feare of some troublesome tumult that might be raised by his owne people, if occasion were mini­stred either through hope of forren aid or otherwise.

So long therefore as the castell was in the Eng­lishmens hands, he doubted least through practise, some conspiracie should be contriued betwixt his owne subiects and the English nation, greatlie to the annoiance of his estate, & therevpon he was the more desirous to reduce the same castell into his pos­session. But the onelie meane to haue assured him­selfe The meane whereby king Iames might haue auoided danger of deth by his sub­iects. from the hands of such as sought his life, had beene to haue changed his wilfull maner of gouern­ment, & to haue leaned vnto such counsell as would haue aduised him for the wealth of his whole realme, and not vpon desire to please, haue mainteined his vndiscréet opinions, to the wronging aswell of his commons as of the nobles and peeres of his realme; for the nobilitie of Scotland, namelie the earles of Angus, Argile, and Lenox, the lords Halis, Hume, Drummond, Greie, and others, perceiuing them­selues oppressed by such as from base birth had risen (without woorthie deseruing) to the degrée of coun­cellors, and therewith aduanced to so high authoritie, The conspi­racie of the Scotish lords against king Iames the third. as all things were ordered at their appointment, conspired togither, & determined by force of armes to sée a reformation in such a disordered maner of gouernement.

But yet because it should not be thought that they minded the destruction of their countrie, but rather the aduancement thereof, they made the lord Iames duke of Rothsaie sonne to the king (a child borne to goodnesse and vertue) the chiefe capteine in this their enterprise, and that in maner against his will; here­by openlie protesting, that they minded and purpo­sed the suppressing and confusion of an euill king, and not the subuersion of their natiue countrie. By which their craftie imagined inuention, they thought to remooue all suspicion of their purposed vntruth and shamefull disloialtie. They had sent to the earle of Dowglasse, who remained prisoner (as ye haue heard) in the abbeie of Lundoris, and required him to assist them in their begun enterprise, promising that they would restore him againe to his lands and former dignitie, and honor him as principall of their faction. But that noble, wise, and ancient earle, being alreadie schooled with troubles, and ha­uing learned by experience (to his great griefe) what such matter meant, refused to breake his ward, or to assist them in anie wise, dissuading them from their enterprise, because it séemed to him neither godlie nor honorable, sithens both himselfe and his friends had tasted for the like, great hinderance, which might be an example to him and others to beware in time to come.

The king being once informed of this rebellion [Page 287] and conspiracie against him, was sore disquieted in his mind, and to meet their mischiefous attempts, King Iames gathereth an armie. gathered an armie. Yet before the vsing of anie force, he sent messengers to his sonne, and to the no­bles with him, to trie if he might come to some a­gréement with them. He sent also letters to the king of England, & to the French king, requiring them He sendeth letters to the kings of Eng land & France to take some paines in the matter, to procure an at­tonement betwixt him and his nobles. And besides this, he wrote to pope Innocent about the same 10 Eugenius 8: Buchanan. purpose, praieng him to intermeddle his authoritie by sending some legate into Scotland, to appease the troubles thereof. But the Scotish nobilitie, and such of the people as were vp in armor against him, were so desperatlie set, and wholie bent on reuenge, that no wholesome counsell nor medicinable aduise might appease their furious rage, so that for answer to his messengers, they sent him word, that if hée would resigne the title of his crowne and realme, The answer of the rebels to the kings message. & depose himselfe of his whole regall dignitie, then 20 they would come to some communication with him or else not. The like answer was giuen to the am­bassadors of England and France, that were sent vnto them from the kings of both those realmes, which sore lamented the fortune of their friend and alie the Scotish king.

But Adrian the bishop of Romes legat came too late, as who should say, a day after the faire: for when their grounded malice and spitefull hatred con [...] ­ued against him might not be qualified by anie ma­ner 30 of means, but that they were now comming forward with all their puisance to Striueling where he then remained, he would not staie till the erles of Huntleie, Erroll, Atholl, Crawford, Rothus, Su­therland, Cathnesse, & Marshall; the barons, Forbes, Ogiluie, Granth, Fraiser, and others, were arriued with their powers, amounting to the number of for­tie thousand men, with the which they were com­ming foorth of the north parts to his aid: but rashlie and without good aduise he issued out of the towne, 40 accompanied with the earles of Glencarne & Mon­tros, the lords Graham, Ruthuen, Maxwell, and cer­teine others, and forthwith ioined battell with his ad­uersaries at Banockesborne, within two miles of Striueling.

Now when nothing might quiet them, at length they met thus in a pitched field, where after great They méet in a pitched field. The king is put to the woorsse. slaughter & murther made of an huge multitude of people, the king being put to the woorsse, fled into a mill, whither being fiercelie followed and found ther­in, 50 he was cruellie slaine, and vnreuerentlie left starke naked. ¶ A notable mirror to all princes, that He is slaine. calling to remembrance such a miserable and most dolorous sight, they may take héed by what maner of persons they suffer themselues to be led and abu­sed. For if this prince king Iames the third had not followed vpon a wilfull pretense, and obstinat mind, the counsell and aduise of vantperlors, and such as (being aduanced from base degrée vnto high au­thoritie) studied more to keepe themselues in fauor, 60 than to giue true aduertisements, and faithfull ad­uise vnto their prince, he might haue reigned longer by manie daies & yéeres, in great and high felicitie. [In which conflict was on the kings part slaine (as [...]. Thin. saith Buchanan) Alexander Coningham earle of Glencarne.] He was thus slaine neere Striueling, on the seuenth day of Iune, the yéere after the incar­nation 1488, being also the 29 of his reigne.

NOw then, after that the barons of Scotland had Iames the fourth. thus slaine their souereigne lord and liege king Iames, the third of that name: his eldest son Iames the fourth was crowned king of Scotland, and be­gan his reigne the 24 of Iune, in the yéere 1488, be­ing 1488. not past sixtéene yeeres of age, who notwithstan­ding that he had béene in the field with the nobles of the realme against his father, that contrarie to his mind was slaine; yet neuerthelesse afterwards, hée became a right noble prince, & seemed to take great The king was repen­tant. The king wore an iron chaine. was giuen to deuotion. He was a great iusticer. repentance for that his offense, and in token therof, he ware continuallie an iron chaine about his midle all the daies of his life. He was greatlie giuen to de­uotion and praier, visiting religious houses, and be­stowing on them sundrie gifts. He gouerned his realme in great rest, peace, iustice, and quietnesse, ri­ding him selfe in proper person diuerse daies and nights, to suppresse and take théeues, robbers, and op­pressors of his subiects in all parts of his realme, till he had brought the countrie to great quietnesse. He He was lear­ned. was learned and liberall, and indued with manie o­ther good vertues and qualities.

Anon after his coronation, the earle of Lennox, and the lord Lile, with diuers other their assistants, notwithstanding that they had beene with him at the slaughter of his father, séeing that things went not The nobles raise an armie againe. as they wished raised an armie, and caused the dead kings bloudie shirt to be borne afore them for a ban­ner: and comming forwards toward Striueling a­gainst They were ouerthrowne. the yoong king, were ouerthrowne at Toli­mosse, where the Lennor men, and sundrie other of the barons side were slaine, as the lord of Kiltrucht, and other taken and hanged for their offenses. The king called a parlement at Edenburgh, which was A parlement. holden the sixt of October, where he being mooued by clemencie, granted a generall pardon to all those A generall pardon. that came in field at Striueling with his father a­gainst him, and appointed euerie one to haue speci­all pardons there vpon vnder his seales. He likewise dispensed with the heires of them that were slaine with his father there in field, appointing them their particular dispensations vnder his seales, after the same maner. Further it was ordeined, that all iu­stices, shiriffes, stewards, bailiffes, lieutenants, and other which had offices in heritage, and had béene with his father at the field, should be suspended from the same offices for the tearme of three yeeres: and those which had offices for life, or for terme of yéeres, should be vtterlie excluded from the same.

Moreouer, he tooke order that all such g [...]ods as had béene taken from landed men and burgesses, should be restored to them againe, except that which was taken from such landed men and burgesses as were in the field against him; for that was deemed a lawfull preie. It was also iudged that the death of his father came vpon him through his owne default, and that king Iames the fourth then reigning, and all his adherents and partakers in that field, were innocent and giltlesse of all slaughter made there at that time, and clearlie acquit of all pursute and oc­casion thereof: the thrée estates granting to giue their seales to testifie the same, with the kings great seale of the realme, to be shewed vnto the pope, the kings of France, Spaine, Denmarke, and other princes their confederats. And for the ceassing of theft, reiffe, & such other great enormities, the king was appointed to ride in person once euerie yéere through all parts of the realme. And certeine noble men were ordeined to exercise iustice in euerie shire next adioining to the places where they had their chiefe residence: and herevnto they gaue their othes to be diligent in the administration of iustice. These ordinances were right well obserued all the daies of K. Iames the fourth his life time, so that the realme was reduced to great tranquillitie, and gouerned in good peace and iustice. Furthermore, all gifts made by his father in preiudice of the crowne, were reuo­ked, from the second day of Februarie immediatlie preceading his death, to the day in which hée was slaine.

[Page 288] Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 13. About this time was a monster borne of a strange forme, hauing from the nauill downeward the perfect parts of one man, not different from the right proportion of a man: but from the nauill vp­ward, it was double bodied, hauing all perfect parts answering euerie of those bodies, sundered to all ac­tions and shew. This monster the king commanded to be diligentlie nourished and instructed, but chief­lie in musike (wherein it profited verie much.) Fur­ther also learning diuers sorts of languages, whose 10 seuerall wits and natures manifestlie appeared by diuers dispositions of their minds. For sometime they would fall out one with another, and when anie thing displeased them, they would most bitterly con­tend the one with the other: contrarilie, when anie thing happened to their liking or desire, they would consult and agrée togither as friends. In which this was woorthie remembrance, that if the legges or loines had béene hurt below, they both togither felt the paine; but if they were pinched or grieued in any part aboue seuered from the other, then that bodie 20 onelie felt the same which had that hurt doone vnto it. Which different sense did more plainelie appeare in the death of the one of them: for when the one bo­die died manie daies before the other, that which li­ued, did after by little and little consume, by the pu­trifaction of the other bodie then dead; which monster liued 28 yéeres, and in the time of Iohn the gouer­nor: of which thing we doubt not to write (more boldie) sith there are men yet liuing of honest fame 30 which saw these things.)

This king in the beginning of his reigne, to make his estate the surer, and more faithfull to re­concile Buchan. li. 13. the harts of such as had mainteined factions against him, determined to marie the daughters of his aunt by two husbands, to two of those noble men: for which cause he maried Grecina Boid to Alexander Forbois, and Margaret Hammilton to Matthew Steward, by which in time there followed a most singular peace in the kingdome.) Also an es­quier, 40 and an herald were sent into France, Spaine, 1486 A mariage sought for the king. and other places, to learne where the king might be a suter for some great ladie to ioine with him in ma­riage. Moreouer beside these, there were sent hono­rable ambassadors into France, Spaine, and Den­marke, to renew the old amities & leagues betwixt those realmes and Scotland, as had béene vsed in the daies of this kings progenitors. His two bre­thren, the duke of Rothseie, and the earle of Mar, he caused to be brought vp in good nourture and vertu­ous 50 exercise, appointing to them such liuings for maintenance of their estates, as his father had assig­ned them.

For his councell he chose a certeine number of the prelats, noble men, and barons of his realme, such as were thought most meet, taking this or­der, that six of them at the least should continuallie remaine about him, by whose aduise he should doo all things that touched the affaires of the realme: and in case any thing was done without their aduise, the 60 same should be iudged void, & not to be obeied, & this was inuiolablie kept all his daies. When the esquier and herald were returned againe into Scotland, 1491. which had bene to visit strange countries, and made report of that they had séene, there was a parlement holden, in which it was ordeined, that the bishop of Glascow, the earle Bothwell, and others, should go as ambassadors to sue for the kings mariage in place where it should be most expedient, and most to the kings liking. Great variance rose betwixt the archbishop of saint Andrews, and the bishop of Glas­cow, Two archbi­shops striue for the prehe­minence. touching the preheminence of their iurisdicti­on, which drew the noble men into factions, till the king commanded the same to ceasse, and that they should trie it by law before competent iudges.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 332. Iames Ogiluie knight of Aire, was sent am­bassador to the king of Denmarke, to whome the king gaue in charge, that he should labor to renew the old league that was betwéene the Danes and the Scots, which he wiselie executed and obteined, with certeine priuileges for the benefit of the merchants. By means whereof at his returne, he purchased such fauour of the king, as that he was aduanced to the title of a lord, in which the name of the Ogiluies was first increased with anie honorable title.) The king about the same time tooke order for increase Prouision made for ships. 1492. Lesle. of some number of ships to be had in his realme, and that euerie hauen towne should build some, as well for fishing, as to transport merchandize from place to place.

The lords and barons, and such other as would, were commanded to helpe the merchants toward the building of such ships: and for good example, the king caused to make certeine ships at his owne charges, which might vse the trade of fishing. More­ouer, the king considering the ignorance that was amongst the landed men of his realme, when they Prouision made for learning. should passe vpon inquests, he ordeined that euerie landed man should put his eldest sonne to schoole, that he might learne perfectlie the lawes of the realme, and that vpon great forfeiture. Thus in the beginning of his reigne, diuers good lawes and con­stitutions were made, for the aduancement of the common-wealth, which he caused to be dulie obser­ued and kept during his time. The pope sent a proto­notarie 1494. Lesle. A protonota­rie sent into Scotland with a rose. 1495. Lesle. called Forman into Scotland, with a rose and a scepter of gold, to be presented vnto the king, desiring him to perseuere in godlinesse, honor, and vertue, as he had begun. The most part of this yéere the king spent in riding abroad through all parts of his realme to sée iustice ministred, speciallie in the 1492. The king go­eth on pro­gresse. north parts, where the people are commonlie fur­thest out of order.

There was shortlie after some appearance of warres betwixt England and France, wherevpon 1496. Lesl. king Charles sent vnto king Iames, requiring him of assistance, if it came to passe that the English­men did inuade France: and further declared, that he had one with him called Richard duke of Yorke, second sonne to king Edward the fourth, who had béene preserued now manie yéeres secretlie by his aunt Margaret duches of Burgognie, and therefore was iust inheritor to the realme of England, whom he would send into Scotland, praieng the king to assist him to recouer his rightfull heritage, the said realme of England. And shortlie after herevpon, the said feined duke (whose right name was Perkin Perkin War­becke. Warbecke, as in the English historie it appeareth) arriued in Scotland well and honorablie accompa­nied, to trie what purchase he might make there for succors to atteine his pretended right to the crowne of England.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 13. After whose arriuall he was brought to the presence of king Iames, before whom he did lamen­tablie bewaile (as he well could) the fall of the house of Yorke, and his owne calamities: most humblie and vehementlie beséeching him, to ransome the kinglie bloud from that contumelie. For answer wherevnto at that present time, the king bid him be of good heart, for he would so woorke, that he should find his sute not defrauded of all due effect, in ob­teining succor in his distresse. Few daies after, the king assembling togither his councell, commanded this (counterfeit) duke of Yorke to be brought vnto him, who now (more than before) did in this assem­blie bitterlie complaine of his misfortune, shewing, that being borne to great hope of a kingdome (as the sonne of the noblest king of that age) he was left [Page 289] void of all helpe by the death of his father, & had like to haue fallen into the tyrannie of his vncle Richard duke of Glocester, before he could vnderstand what calamitie or misfortune might signifie.

But aided by diuine assistance, he (when his elder brother was murthered by his vncle) was preserued by the helpe of his fathers friends, and conueied a­way from the bloudie hands of the vsurping king Richard, who (not able in that kingdome, whose heire by right he was) to lead a bare and begged life, did so liue in forrein countries, as he counted the condi­tion 10 of his brother (taken from those miseries by sud­den death) to be happie in respect of his owne trou­bles and extremitie: for he was reserued aliue to the scorne of fortune, not daring at the first to bewaile his calamitie amongst strangers, whereby he might mooue their pitie towards him: yea (and after) when by little and little he came to open what person hée was, how noblie borne, whose heire, and to whome alied, he was (to increase all his former miseries) more grieuouslie assaulted by the malice of fortune 20 than before. For then he could not almost liue in safe­tie in anie place, bicause of the subtiltie of his eni­mies, who would haue bought his life (of those with whom he remained) priuilie solliciting them to dis­couer his secrets, and (vnder the colour of feined a­mitie) to corrupt his true friends, to search out and discouer his hidden friends, and to defame him a­mongst the common people.

Wherewithall not yet satisfied, they reuile (said he) the ladie Margaret his aunt, and imprison the 30 nobles of England that séemed to fauor his cause; notwithstanding all which (she vsing the truth of hir owne conscience against the slanders of hir and his enimies, and mooued with pitie for the distresse of hir kinsman) did with hir abilitie relieue his ne­cessitie. But at length, when he saw no sure defense in a woman and widow (whose authoritie could not stretch to the command of hir people in that libe­rall sort as she would) he was driuen to séeke the aid of other princes, and to request them to looke in­to 40 the misfortunes that might light vpon such great estates, and that they would not suffer kinglie bloud (oppressed by tyrants) to lament in such extremitie. For yet he was not so base minded (although hee were in manie great miseries) that he would not hope at one time or other to be restored to his king­dome, by the helpe of such friends as he had in Ire­land and England: adding therevnto the helpe which he should haue out of France, whereof he had alrea­die Lesleus lib. 1. pag. 334. made some triall by the singular beneuolence of 50 the same king, hauing liberallie imparted manie be­nefits vnto him.

Besides which, not supposing this to allure the kings mind to his fauor, he began by flattrie to extoll him, not douting but he (whose fauor had bene liberallie shewd to the destressed) wold now diminish the same to him; but that he hoped that he would (for his sin­gular humanitie to all banished persons, for pitie to­wards a miserable creature, for loue towards his kinsman, for necessities cause towards his friend, 60 and for the néerenesse of league that ought to be a­mong princes) succor and relieue him with men and monie, thereby to helpe him to the recouerie of his kingdom. Wherfore againe he importunatly requi­reth the king of aid in this extremitie, since the same was honorable to himselfe, acceptable to God, be­neficiall for his realme, and a singular fame among other princes in ioining with them determined to restore him. Which if he might obteine (and that the rather by his furtherance) he did liberallie promise alwaies to stand a most firme friend to the Scots, for whose cause he would spend his crowne and life.)

Thus Perkin Warbecke did vse the matter in such subtill wise, that king Iames either giuing, or séeming to giue credit to his words, after aduise and deliberation had and taken with his councell, recei­ued him in honorable wise, naming and reputing him duke of Yorke, and therefore promised him to Perkin War­becke marieth the earle of Huntleies daughter. 1495. King Iames inuadeth Nor thumberland. 1496. aid him in all that he might. And shortlie after, hée maried him to his neere kinswoman the ladie Ka­tharine, daughter to the earle of Huntleie, and more­ouer raised a great armie, speciallie of the borderers, and with the same hauing this pretensed duke in companie with him, inuaded England, burnt towns spoiled houses, and tooke great booties and rich preies both of goods and prisoners, & allured with the swéet­nesse of such spoile and gaine, wasted all the countrie of Northumberland, and had gone further, but that he could perceiue no aid comming in vnto this new found duke, contrarie to such golden promises as he had made, that as soone as they were entered into England, there would flocke vnto him both of the nobilitie and commons, and that in great numbers.

King Iames perceiuing no such matter, thought it better to returne with assured gaine, than to tarie 1497. Lesle. King Iames returneth without prof­fer of battell. this new sproong dukes doubtfull and vncerteine vi­ctorie. And so hauing his people laden and pestered with spoile and prisoners, he drew backe into Scot­land. The king of England aduertised hereof, made preparation for the raising of an armie, meaning to send the same against the Scots: but the rebellion A rebellion in Cornewall. of the Cornishmen, which chanced the same time a­bout a taxe leuied then of the people, constreined him to imploie that armie to represse the enterprise of those rebels. Yet neuerthelesse he sent the earle of Surreie to the borders, that with the power of the The earle of Surreie sent into the north. countrie adioining, he might defend the same from the inuasions of the Scots, if they attempted to breake in: and so the earle laie on the borders all that yéere.

King Iames then perceiuing that no maine ar­mie 1498. The Scots inuade the borders of England. came against him, inuaded est soones the borders of England, and laied siege to the castell of Norham, sending his light horssemen abroad into Northum­berland, and the bishoprike of Durham, where they burned and spoiled all about in the countrie: but hea­ring that the earle of Surreie had raised an armie, The earle of Surreie rai­sed an armie. and was comming towards them, they returned to the host lieng before Norham, where king Iames perceiuing he could not win the castell, notwithstan­ding he had doone great hurt and damage thereto, he The Scots raise their siege. raised his siege, retired into his countrie, and left great companies on the borders for defense thereof. And so before the comming of the English armie, king Iames was returned. The earle of Surreie yet (as the English writers affirme) followed into The earle of Surreie went into Scot­land. Scotland, and tooke diuerse castels and towers, re­maining within the countrie the space of six or seuen daies, and then came backe without battell or anie notable skirmish offered.

About the same time was one Peter Hialas sent Peter Hialas an ambassador from the king of Spaine. ambassador from Ferdinando king of Spaine, to treat as a mediator for the concluding of peace be­twixt the kings of England and Scotland, which Hi­alas trauelled so earnestlie in the matter, that at length it was agréed, that certeine commissioners of Commissio­ners met at Melrosse or Iedworth (as some say.) both the realmes should méet at Melrosse, where for the king of England, doctor Fox, then bishop of Dur­ham, with this Hialas, and other graue personages, met the Scotish commissioners. After long confe­rence and much talke had, for the conclusion of a ge­nerall A truce con­cluded for yéeres. peace, finallie nothing but a truce might be accorded for certeine yéeres, though Hialas did what he possiblie might, to haue agréed them for all maner of matters, quarrels, demands, and causes, whatsoe­uer The cause why Hialas was sent. the same had bene, that a perpetuall peace might haue béene concluded, because he was chieflie sent [Page 290] for that intent.

The king of England required to haue the coun­terfeit duke of Yorke (otherwise named Perkin Warbecke) deliuered to him: but king Iames (e­stéeming his honor more than anie earthlie thing) would in no wise séeme to betraie him that fled to An article for Perkin War­becke. him for succour, and with whome he had coopled one of his owne kinswomen in mariage: but he was contented to couenant, that the same Perkin should be constreined to depart out of Scotland, and not to 10 be further aided by him, or by anie other through his meanes or procurement. The king of Scots to kéepe promise made in the said treatie of peace, and know­ing himselfe to be abused by the said Richard, whom he had reputed to be verelie duke of Yorke (although King Iames reasoneth with the coun­terfeit duke of yorke. he was not so) called him before his presence, and de­clared to him the great fauour and good will which he had borne towards him, putting him in remem­brance that for his sake he had taken warre in hand against England, and inuaded the countrie in hope 20 of assistance by his friends within the land, where not one resorted to him.

And albeit he had maried his néere kinswoman, yet might he not kéepe longer warre with England for his sake onelie; except he might be sure of some aid through his meanes, whereof he could sée no ap­péerance. He desired him therefore to withdraw foorth of his realme, either into Flanders to his fathers si­ster the ladie Margaret; or into some other place where it pleased him to abide, and expect some better 30 time more conuenient for his purpose. The said Ri­chard gaue the king thanks, and obeied his pleasure, departing shortlie after out of Scotland, and sailed Perkin War­beck went in­to Ireland to come into Flanders. into Ireland, from thence to transport into Flan­ders. But finallie making an attempt into Eng­land, he was taken prisoner in the abbeie of Beau­lien, togither with his wife, whose beautie was such, as king Henrie thought hir a more méet preie for an emperor, than for souldiors, and therefore vsed hir ve­rie honorablie, appointing hir to remaine in the court 40 with the quéene his wife, where she continued so long as the said king liued.

This yéere, the peace being well kept betwixt England and Scotland, the same was neere at point 1499. The truce like to be bro­ken. to haue béene broken; by reason that the English­men which laie in garrison within the castell of Nor­ham, did make a fraie with certeine Scotishmen that came riding neere to the castell, as it had beene to haue viewed it. But although they ment no euill, yet diuerse of the Scotishmen were slaine, and ma­nie wounded and sore hurt; so that king Iames ha­uing 50 information thereof, was sore displeased there­with, thinking and saieng, that there was no more vncerteine thing, than to haue peace with England. And herevpon he sent his herald Merchmount with sharpe and vehement letters vnto the king of Eng­land, making great complaint for this iniurie and wrong doone to his subiects, by those within the ca­stell of Norham. But receiuing most reasonable let­ters for excuse of that which was doone, as well from 60 the king of England himselfe, as from the bishop of Durham owner of the castell, he was indifferentlie well appeased & satisfied, so that he required to haue King Iames requireth to talke with the bishop of Durham. the bishop to come into Scotland vpon safe conduct to common with him, as well for the full quieting of this matter, as for other things which he had to talke with him of.

The bishop by licence of the king his maister, ac­complished the Scotish kings request; so that com­ming into Scotland, he was receiued by him verie honorablie at Melrosse, where (after certeine talke had betwixt them for the appeasing of this last dis­pleasure) King Iames purposeth to be a sutor for mariage in England. the king brake with the bishop for the ha­uing of the ladie Margaret, eldest daughter to Hen­rie the seuenth, as then king of England, to be giuen him in mariage: and further declared that he was minded to send his orators vnto hir father the said king Henrie, about the same matter. And forsomuch as he knew that the bishop was one that might doo much with king Henrie, who highlie fauoured him for his singular wisedome and learning, he desired him to be a meane to further his sute, which if it were obteined, he trusted it should highlie redound to the honor & wealth of both the realmes. The bishop con­sidering héerein as much as the king was able to tell him, did not onelie promise to doo all that in him lay, but also incouraged him to send his orators with all spéed, trusting that they should receiue a verie to­wardlie answer.

King Iames following the bishops aduise, anon after his returne into England, sent certeine per­sons ambassadors vnto king Henrie, to mooue him Ambassadors sent into England. 1500. A mariage concluded be­twixt king Iames and the ladie Margaret. to the effect aboue mentioned. These ambassadors were highlie welcomed, and verie well heard, so that to be briefe, their request séemed so agréeable to king Henries mind, that the mariage was shortlie there­vpon concluded (but not consummate betwixt the foresaid Iames king of Scotland, and the said ladie Margaret daughter to king Henrie) in the seuen­téenth yéere of the said king Henries reigne. At the same time, when this mariage was so agréed vpon, a A peace con­cluded be­twixt Eng­land & Scot­land. peace was also concluded betwixt the kings of England and Scotland, for the terme of their two liues. And to auoid that none of either of the said kings subiects that had offended the lawes, should be receiued into anie of their dominions; it was accor­ded, that no Englishman should come within Scot­land, without his princes letters supplicatorie vnto the king of Scots, nor anie Scotishman to come within England, without the like letters from his prince, desiring safe conduct and passeport.

In the yeere next insuing, Robert Blakater the 1501. bishop of Glascow, Adam Hepborne the earle Both­well, and other noble men of Scotland, were sent in ambassage from king Iames vnto the king of Eng­land, for the perfecting of the foresaid mariage be­twixt king Iames, and the ladie Margaret, eldest daughter to king Henrie, which earle by letters of procuracie and mandat, in the name of his maister king Iames, affied and handfasted the foresaid ladie Margaret in all solemne wise, according to the ma­ner: which assurance and contract thus made, was This was in the yéere 1502. published at Paules crosse in London, on the day of the conuersion of saint Paule, in reioising whereof Te Deum was soong, and fiers made, with great fea­sting & banketting throughout that citie. This doone, the ambassadors returned into Scotland, and then af­terwards was great preparation made in England for the conueieng of the said ladie into Scotland, and likewise great purueiance there for the receiuing of hir.

On the sixtéenth of Iune, king Henrie tooke his 1503. Lesle. iournie from Richmond, with his daughter the said ladie Margaret, and came to Coliweston, where his mother the countesse of Richmond then laie. And af­ter he had remained there certeine daies in pastime and great solace, he tooke leaue of his daughter, gi­uing hir his blessing with a fatherlie exhortation, and committed the conueiance of hir into Scotland vnto the earle of Surreie, and others. The earle of Northumberland, as then warden of the marches, was appointed to deliuer hir vpon the borders vnto the king of Scotland. And so this faire ladie was conueied with a great companie of lords, ladies, knights, esquires, and gentlemen, vntill she came to the towne of Berwike, and from thence vnto Lam­bert church in Lamer moore within Scotland, where she was receiued by the king and all the nobles of [Page 291] that realme, and from the said place of Lamberton church, she was conucied vnto Edenburgh, where the day after hir comming thither, she was maried vnto the said king with great and solemne triumph, to the high reioising of all that were present.

And verelie the English lords (as the earle of [...] of the [...]ge be­ [...]t king Iames the [...] and [...] Margaret. Surreie and others) which gaue their attendance on the said ladie till the mariage and feast were ended) at their returne home, gaue great praise not onelie to the manhood of the Scots, but also to their ma­ners 10 and heartie interteinment. For aswell the no­ble men as the ladies and gentlewomen of Scot­land at that present, were nothing behind the Eng­lish lords & ladies in costlie apparell, massie chaines, and other furniture, as well for themselues as their horsses, and made great bankets to the English­men, and shewed them such iusts and other pleasant pastimes in honor of the mariage, so well, as after the maner of the countrie could be deuised. By rea­son of this mariage and aliance, men were in great 20 good hope that perfect peace and sincere amitie should continue betwixt the two realmes of England and Scotland a long time after: and verclie during the life of king Henrie the seuenth, no cause of breach was ministred betwixt him and his sonne in law, but that they liued in great loue and amitie.

About this time, the king of Denmarke, through di­uision that did rise betwixt him & his lords, was con­streined The king of Denmarke [...]th into Scotland. to forsake his countrie, and to come for aid into Scotland, where the king receiued him louing­lie, 30 and vpon his earnest sute, for that he was both his coosine and confederat, and also the rather, at the contemplation of the French kings request and per­suasion, he prepared an armie of ten thousand men, the which vnder the conduct of the earle of Arrane, he sent with the said king of Denmarke to assist him against his aduersaries. The earle of Arrane ac­cording He is restored to his king­dome by the earle of Ar­rane [...] to king Iames. to his commission, attending the Danish king into his countrie, restored him to his kingdome and former gouernement, and so leauing him in 40 peaceable possession thereof, returned with his ar­mie againe into Scotland, with great honor both to himselfe, the king, and realme.

Shortlie after was a parlement called, during the which the queene was crowned, and manie good acts and constitutions made, especiallie touching the li­miting of places where iustice should be ministred in the Iles and hie lands: whereby it came to passe, that the king was aswell obeied, & his lawes were The hie land [...] at [...] lawes. as duelie obserued and kept by the hie land men, as 50 by those that dwelled in anie part of the low land. The king then being at peace with England, and [...] ▪ Les [...]. 1504. iustice so ministred amongest his owne subiects, that they liued in great rest and quietnesse, certeine of his councell [as William El [...]stone bishop of [...]. Aberden] deuised waies to win the king great pro­fit and gaines, by calling his barons & all those that A [...] to [...] the king [...]. held anie lands within his realme, to shew their eui­dences by way of recognition: and if they had not writings to shew, according to the ancient instru­ments 60 and lawes of the realme sufficient for their warrant, the lands should remaine at the kings pleasure.

But when the king perceiued his people to grudge herewith, and not without cause, as with a thing de­uised to disquiet his people and the whole countrie, of his owne curteous & gentle nature he easilie agréed with the possessors of such lands: for the which he pur­chased great loue amongest his people, & the de [...]sers of that ordinance wa [...] passing great hatred and ma­lice. This yeare in Maie the king held his court of 1506. iu [...]ice at Lowder, and remoouing it to Edenburgh, there continued the same, where the lord of Thorne­ton was conuicted for kissing his wife, and therefore lost his head [at Edenburgh by the kings sentence.] Fr. Thin. There came an ambassador this yeare also from the duke of Gelderland, to renew the league betwixt the king and the said duke. Also an herald came out of France, who brought news which the king liked well.

This yeare also, the king caused a mightie ship to A great ship made. be made, the which was put foorth into the rode the seuenth of Iulie, and the king sailed himselfe into the Maie, an Iland in the Forth, and was driuen in againe with tempest: but the same ship was after appointed foorth, and sent to the sea with sundrie va­liant gentlemen in hir, to meet with the Hollanders which had taken and spoiled diuerse Scotish ships, and throwne the merchants and other that were in the same ouer boord. For reuenge whereof, Andrew The Hollan­ders ships ta­ken. Barton tooke manie ships of the Hollanders and fil­led certeine pipes with their heads, which he sent vn­to the king for a witnesse how he had sped. A star A bright star appeareth in▪ the skie▪ like a comet appeared the tenth of August, giuing great light in the night season like to the sun beams. A Frenchman named sir Anthonie Darcie knight, Anthonie Darcie. called afterward Le sir de la Bawtie, came through England into Scotland to séeke feats of arms. And comming to the king the foure and twentith of Sep­tember, the lord Hamilton fought with him right valiantlie, and so as neither of them lost anie peece of honor. This yeare Iames prince of Scotland and of the Iles was borne in the abbeie of the Holie 150 [...]. Prince I [...] is borne. rood house, the one and twentith of Ianuarie; and on the thrée and twentith of the same moneth he was baptised in the said abbeie church. His godfathers were these, Robert bishop of Glascow, and Patrike earle Bothwell; and the countesse of Huntleie was his godmoother. The quéene, after she was brought to bed, was verie weake and troubled with great sickenesse, so that she lay in great danger: for reco­uerie of whose helth the king went on foot vnto saint The king went on pil­grimage. Ninians in pilgrimage; and afterwards in Iulie, both the king and the quéene went thither to visit the same saint.

Pope Iulius the second sent an ambassador vnto The pope de­clared king Iames pro­tector of the faith. king Iames, declaring him protector and defendor of the faith, and in signe thereof sent vnto him a pur­pure diadem or crowne wrought with flowers of gold, togither with a sword, hauing the hilts and skabbert of gold set with pretious stones, which were presented vnto him by the said ambassador, and the abbat of Dunfermling, within the abbeie church of Holie rood house. At that time the peace contracted betwixt the two kings of Scotland and England was there confirmed. The lord of Terueer Horsses pre­sented vnto the king. or Camfire in Zealand (whose ancestors not long ago came f [...]th of Scotland) sent his messenger the baili [...]e of Terueer to the king, who presented vnto him certeine great horsses and other rich pre­sents, in remembrance that he came of the Scotish race; and the king in recompense thereof, sent vnto the said lord his order, and made his ambassador knight, rewarding him at his departing (which was in August) with right honorable gifts.

The whole realme remained in such peace and Peace and quietnesse in Scotland. quietnesse in these daies, that the king rode one day himselfe alone in po [...] from Sterling, by S. Iohns towne, and A [...]erden, vnto Elgin; and reposing a little part of the night in the house of maister Tho­mas Lesleie then parson of Angus, went to horsse againe, and came to saint Duthois in [...]e, by that time they were readie to go to [...]. This was on the one & thirtith day of August. About the latter end of September, the archbishop of sai [...] Andrews, and the earle of Arrane, were sent amb [...]dors into France. They tooke ship the seuen and twentith of An ambassage into France. September. The seuentéenth of Februarie, Iames [Page 292] prince of Scotland departed this life at Striueling, and the bishop of Galloway also, who was appoin­ted to be his gouernor.

About this time, the K. (to tell you here, as saith Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 8. pag. 345. Lesleus, a matter that to this day is remembred a­mongest the Romane people with great laughter) created a certeine Italian (with whose wit and plea­sant speach he was delighted) abbat of Tungland. This man (being a noble framer of deceipt, & boa­ster of his wit) did on a time persuade the king, that 10 he was so conuersant in all hidden knowledge of naturall things, and in the secret science of Alchu­mie, that he could turne all other mettals into pure gold, if anie would beare the charge thereof. But af­ter much time spent thereabout (with long looking of the king, and the nobilitie, to see the effect hereof) there was nothing doone, but that their pursses were emptied, and the vaine man was defamed by the breach of his promise. At length when he was fallen into the hatred and offense of all men, he did (part­lie 20 to gather againe an opinion & report of his vaine glorie, and partlie to recouer the kings fauor) giue out a rumor, that he would (by flieng) be in France before the ambassadors (which were sent thither, and had loosed from shore to take their iournie) should come thither. For the performance whereof, he ap­pointed a day for them to méet at Striueling, from whence he would take his flight, and begin his iour­nie. At what time, and to what place, manie resorted togither, desirous to sée this new bird; amongest 30 whome (for recreations cause) came the king also.

What need manie woords. This man fastening (which he had caused to be made of the fethers of di­uerse foules) vnto both his sides, lifted vp himselfe from the castell of Striueling, into the aire to take his iournie: but this deceiuer suddenlie fell head­long to the ground, not able to be holpen by the force of his wings: wherewith the people (vncerteine whether they should rebuke the follie of the man, or pittie his misfortune) flocked about him, deman­ding 40 this winged abbat how he did: to whome he answered, that he had broken the bone of his thigh, and was out of hope to flie anie more hereafter. To conclude, they all were like to die with laugh­ing, to sée him, which before would flie like Icarus, did now lie like Simon Magus, with all his bodie almost broken in péeces. At length when euerie one had laughed their fill, this woorthie abbat, to salue all the matter, referred the defalt of his flieng wholie to his wings, because they were not made of eagles 50 fethers and such like, but onelie of pullens fethers, not méet or accustomed to cut the aire with flight; and which by a certeine inward vertue (working according to the nature of those foules) did draw the fethers downe toward the doonghill (whervpon those birds liue) as the adamant draweth iron.]

The 9 of Maie in the yeare after, the lord D'obinie, and the president of Tholous, came from Lewes the 1508. An ambassage sent vnto the king. French king as ambassadors to declare vnto king Iames, that he ment to match his eldest daughter 60 in mariage with Francis de Uallois of Uien, and duke of Angolesme; notwithstanding that Charles king of Castile that was after emperor, made sute for hir. Because therefore he ment not to conclude anie thing in such a weightie matter without con­sent of his confederats, of which he estéemed king Iames as chiefe, he required him of his aduise and counsell therein; who after aduisement taken, made answer, that albeit the king of France had suffici­ent The kings answer. counsell about him, yet sith he had desired his aduise, he would friendlie giue the same: which was that he should rather marie his daughter within his owne realme, vnto such as should succéed him, than to bestow hir vpon anie forren prince, sith otherwise some claime might be made in time comming vnto the crowne by such as should match with hir. And so with this answer, the president of Tholous depar­ted, reporting the same at his comming home vnto the French king, who therevpon followed his owne determination therein, confirmed and allowed thus by his confederat the king of Scotland.

The lord D'obignie tooke a sicknesse and died ther­of The lord D'obignie died. at Corstorphin, in the moneth of Iune, and cau­sed his heart to be sent vnto saint Ninians in Gal­loway; because he had vowed a pilgrimage thither whilest he remained the French kings lieutenant in Naples, where he had atchiued manie high enter­prises against his enimies. His name was Bernard Steward, lieutenant of those men of warre which Charles the eight of that name king of France did send with Henrie earle of Richmond into England, when the same earle came against king Richard, whome he vanquished, and thereby got the crowne. And so after manie noble victories and valiant acts atchiued, this lord D'obignie ended his life in his owne countrie of Scotland, where he was borne. This yeare also in Maie and Iune, there were kept This was the king him­selfe. great iusts and tourneies in Edenburgh, by one calling himselfe the wild knight, who counterfeited the round table.

There were diuerse ambassadors sent foorth this yeare also, as the archdeacon of saint Andrews, and Ambassadors sent. sir Anthonie Darcie into France, and the bishop of Murrey into England. The fiftéenth of Iulie, the queene was deliuered of a daughter, which shortlie after she had receiued baptisme, deceassed, and the quéene in that childbed was againe in great perill of death. The bishop of Glascow died this yeare in The archbi­shop of Glas­cow died. his iournie to Ierusalem, the nine and twentith of Iulie; Iames Beton succéeded him in that see. The thirtith of Iulie, there was a great fraie betwixt the lord Maxwell, and the lord Creichton of Sanchar, A bickering. where the lord Creichton was chased with his com­panie from Dunfreis, & the lord of Daliell and the yoong lord of Crauthlaie with diuerse other were slaine. The ninetéenth of September was a great An earth­quake. earthquake in manie places both of England and Scotland, namelie, the same was perceiued in chur­ches.

The king of England sent a gentleman with hors­ses Horsses sent vnto king Iames. trimlie trapped with bards of stéele to be presen­ted to king Iames, who thankefullie receiued them, and right honorablie rewarded the messenger. The archdeacon of saint Andrews returned foorth of The archdea­con of saint Andrews came out of France. France in a great ship called the treasuror, which ship was cast away on the coast of England, and the archdeacon, and foure hundred persons that were in hir, were brought to the king of England: but the archdeacon in Nouember following returned home and came to Edenburgh. Adam earle of Bothwell The earle Bothwell died. and lord Hales departed this life at Edenburgh the seuentéenth day of October, and earle Patrike suc­céeded him. Henrie the seuenth king of England, passed out of this world the two and twentith of A­prill, in the yeare 1509, and his sonne Henrie the 1509. eight succéeded him, after whose coronation king Iames sent an honorable ambassage of certeine King Henrie the eight suc­céedeth his father. lords and a bishop to congratulat him at his first en­trie into the rule of his kingdome, as to the maner in such cases apperteineth.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. [...]. cap. 250. At this time, Iohn and Andrew Barton (ob­teining letters of marque from the king against the Portingals) preieng on the borderers of Portingale did take manie of their ships (landed with rich mer­chandize) which they brought into Scotland. Which kind of prises being often made by the Bartons vn­to the Portingals, gaue them cause gréeuouslie to complaine to their king, of the wicked pirasie of the [Page 293] Scots: but neither the king of Portingale with his councell, nor his people with their force, could at a­nie time suppresse the Bartons (defended with the Scotish letters of marque) but that he would in­uade, spoile, & carie awaie the Portingale ships, if he happened vppon anie of them. Touching which, be­cause it shall not séeme to be a manifest iniurie by the Bartons to the other (and not rather a iust cause giuen by the Portingals) we haue here inserted the letters of our king Iames the sift (as they be found 10 amongst the records) written to Immanuell king of Portingale for this matter. In which it shall ma­nifestlie appeare, whether the fault were not mostlie in the Portingals or no.

Iames the fift, king of Scotland, to Immanuell the woorthie king of Portingale.

Woorthie king, friend, and deere coo­sine, 20 certeine yeares past, a Sco­tish ship laden with merchandize, & loosing from the port of Sluis in Flanders, was inuaded by two armed ships, gouerned by Portingals; whereof, the one was called Iohn Uasque, and the other Iohn Pret. Which ship (after cer­teine of hir merchants slaine, manie wounded, manie taken prisoners, and the 30 rest cast into a fisher-bote to be set on land at the next shore) was by them caried into Portingale: all which was doone in the sight of the rest of the Lusitan ships, which at the same time did also loose out of that hauen to passe into Portingale. The full trueth whereof, Charles the duke of Bur­gognie, and earle of Flanders, vnderstan­ding (and mooued not so much for the singu­lar iniurie doone to the Scots, as by the 40 breach of the priuilege, & right of his har­borows) did signifie the same (knowne, and found by order of iudgement) to the king of Portingale, admonishing him, that vn­lesse he tooke order for such wicked deeds, and for the restitution of the hurt and losse: that he would indeuor, that all the Por­tingals (which frequented the marts of Flanders) should by sentence of iudge­ment, 50 satisfie all the damages which the Scots had susteined. But the vntimelie death (of that iust and valiant man) did frustrat all his determination.

The king also our grandfather (when he had by his letters complained of that iniurie to the king of Portingale, and had not much profited) gaue foorth letters of marque, that is, he gaue authoritie to 60 Iohn & Robert Barton, brothers & heires to that Iohn, which was maister of that ship so caried away, to recouer so much of the Lusitans. Before the execution wher­of, my grandfather died: after which (my father being yet verie yoong) the whole state of the realme did suppose it best to al­ter nothing in forren causes, vntill he came to full age. At time (being of suffici­ent yeares) he did forbeare to grant the vse of the said letter of marque, till he had first consulted with the king of Portingale thereabouts. Wherevpon (dispatching an ambassador vnto him) our father also died (before we could againe heare anie answer from thence) leauing me a child not past three yeeres old. For which cause, the gouernor of the kingdome iudged it best (during our minoritie) to defer these letters of marque, vntill we came to riper yeares; which was doone, not without great griefe and complaint of those mise­rable and poore men.

Wherevpon, we also for these last two yeares (being now growen to riper age) are mooued aswell to prouide, that other merchants which in that ship of Iulian, haue lost their goods and kinred, as also to permit the heirs of the said Iohn Barton (by way of letter of marque before gran­ted) to haue power giuen them, onelie to take so much recompense of the Portin­gals. Whereof yet, we thought it meet, that they should not vse any of them, vntill we had first (by this Snadone our esquier) laid before your maiestie the whole order of the matter, which is the iudiciall know­ledge of the pirasie, the value of the losse, and the cause of our long silence, assuredlie hoping that you will not doo anie thing, in respect of your humanitie and vprightnes, but that which shall be good and iust. The which, if you deeme is yet to be deferred; we require your woorthinesse to consider, that we cannot forsake our subiects, afflic­ted with so great iniuries, whome here­after we refer to the law of all nations, for recouerie of their goods taken away, which thing ought not to seeme to anie man (by anie meanes) to be the violating of friendship, league, or consanguinitie, wherewith we haue beene linked. Where­fore, when that same shall happen, we de­sire your excellencie to take the same in good part (most woorthie coosine and confe­derat king) to whom I wish long and hap­pie life. From Edenburgh, the day before the Ides of Aprill, in the yeare, 1540.

The king about this time gaue liberall posses­sions Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 353. to Robert Borthwike, a notable artificer for making of field péeces and other guns; for the which liberalitie, he should make certeine great peeces in the castell of Edenburgh, whereof there are manie yet to be séene in Scotland, with this superscription:

Machina sum Scoto Borthuik fabricata Roberto.)

This summer the king went in pilgrimage vnto The king went on pil­grimage. saint Duthois in Rosse, and the quéene remaining at Holie rood house, was brought to bed of a prince, the twentie day of October, the which the third day after was baptised and named Arthur. Two great A ship with munition. ships came foorth of France to the king, fraught 1510. with guns, speares, and all other kind of munition for warre. Alexander, bastard sonne to the king, The archbi­shop of saint Andrews. newlie made archbishop of saint Andrews, who had béene long in Germanie student there in the schooles with that famous clearke Erasmus Roterodamus, and had profited verie well, came from Flanders by sea into Scotland, and was ioifullie receiued, be­cause he had bestowed his time so well in vertues and learning.

The lord of Fast castell came ouer with him; who The lord of Fast castell went into Turkie. had trauelled through a great part of christendome: and moreouer passing into Turkie, came to the em­perour [Page 294] of Turkie at the citie of Caire, who reteined him in seruice, and gaue him good interteinement, so that he remained with him, till he heard that the li­uing of Fast castell was fallen to him by lawfull succession; notwithstanding that when he departed out of Scotland, th [...] were eight seuer all persons before him to succeed one after another, which in the meane time were all deceassed. The 14 of Iulie, Prince Ar­thur decessed. Arthur prince of Scotland and the Iles, departed this life in the castell of Edenburgh. Two scorpions 10 were found, the one quicke, and the other dead, in the Two scorpi­ons found in Scotland. orchard of the castell of Cragmiller, which thing was reputed for a maruellous great woonder, that anie should be séene within the Ile of Britaine. In the moneth of September, an vniuersall sickenesse Stoope gal­lant a sicknes. reigned through all Scotland, whereof manie died. It was verie contagious, and they called it Stoope gallant.

There came also a passing faire woman into Scotland about the same time, naming hir selfe Ka­tharine 20 Gordon, wife to Perkin Warbecke, that had named himselfe duke of Yorke, but at length being brought to the king, she confessed what shée w [...], and so auoided the realme. In which meane while, the ladie Katharine Gordon hir selfe re­mained in England, and had right good mainte­nance, Katharine Gordon. so that she liued there verie well and hono­rablie manie yéeres after. Furthermore, the king vpon the eighth day of Nouember comming The Trum­brls with o­ther are taken by the king. from Edenburgh to the water of Rule, tooke diuers misgouerned persons, & brought them to Iedworth, 30 where the principall of the Trumbtls, with naked swords in their hands, and withs about their necks met him, putting themselues in the kings mer­cie, which were sent to sundrie places to be kept in ward, with diuers other of those countrimen, where­by the marches were more quiet afterwards: and from thence the king passed to saint Iohns towne, where iustice were holden the residue of the winter.

The next yéere in the beginning of Maie, the 40 quéene went from Dunfermling toward saint Du­thois 1 [...]11. in Rosse, and was all the way right honorablie vsed and interteined. About the tenth of Iulie, she re­turned An ambassage from the king of England. to Edenburgh, where she found the lord Da­cres, and sir Robert Drurie knight come thither as ambassadors from the king of England hir brother, who were honorablie receiued. In the yéere next in­suing, in Iune, Andrew Barton being on the seas to 1511. Lesle. 1512. meet the Portingals (against whom he had a letter of marque) sir Edmund Haward lord admerall of 50 England, and the lord Thomas Haward, sonne and heire vnto the earle of Surrey, were appointed by the king of England to go likewise to sea with cer­teine ships, and met with the said Andrew as he returned homewards néere to the Downes, hauing with him onelie one ship and one barke.

The Englishmen at the first made signe vnto the Scots as though they ment none euill, saue onelie to salute them as friends; but getting within them, they set vpon them right fiercelie, and the Scots for 60 a while did as valiantlie defend themselues, so that Two ships taken by the Englishmen. manie were slaine on both sides: but in the end the Englishmen got the vpper hand, wounded Andrew Barton the chiefe capteine of the Scots, that he died of the hurts that he there receiued, and the ship called the Unicorne, and the barke called Iennie Peruine, were both taken, with all the Scotishmen that remained aliue in the same, which were had to London, and staied as prisoners in the bishop of Yorke his house for a time, and after sent home into Scotland. King Iames was sore offended with this matter, and therevpon sent an herald with letters, requiring redresse for the slaughter of his people, and restitution of his ships, sith otherwise it might séeme to giue occasion of breach of the peace. But the king of England denied, that the slaughter of a pirat (as he tooke Andrew Barton to be) ought to breake anie bond of peace, yet neuerthelesse he promised to send commissioners to the borders, that should intreat of that matter, and other enormities chanced betweene the two realmes.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 12. About this time was Alexander Hume the on­lie gouernor of all the marches of Scotland (which before were accustomed to be diuided into thrée parts) deerelie beloued to king Iames, being a man of a fiercer disposition than was conuensent for the profit of the common-wealth. This man promised to the king (troubled with the cares of warre, and care­full to wipe awaie the reproch of late receiued by the English) that shortlie he and his folowers with their kindred and aliances, would so bring the matter a­bout, that the English should as greatlie lament for their losses, as they had now conceiued ioies of their victories. To the performance whereof, he gathered thrée thousand souldiers, wherewith he entered Eng­land, and there spoiled seuen townes before anie suc­cour might come to rescue them: but as he returned backe laden with booties of all kinds, his men (being accustomed to pilfries and robberies) impatient of delaie, presentlie diuided the preie in the host, euerie one departing home to his owne as it was néerest vnto him. Yet Alexander did not disperse such as he might kéepe togither: but assembling as manie of them as would tarie, with a small companie abode the end of all things, alwaies hauing an eie to sée if anie pursute were made after them. But when he perceiued no bodie to follow, and that there was no doubt of danger (passing the time more careles than before) he fell vnwares into the hands of thrée hun­dred English laid in wait for him, who (taking the opportunitie of the time) did set vpon him and his, and (driuing them into extreme feare) they killed and put to flight all such as they incountered. In which tumult diuers of the Scots were slaine, and two hundred taken, of whome George Hume, brother of the said Alexander (exchanged for Comarch, Heron, and Foord, taken prisoners, and long reteined in Scotland for reuenge of the death of Robert Car) was one, and the chiefest, whereby he departed quiet­lie into Scotland.)

The French king and the duke of Gelderland, The king of France requi­red aid against England. perceiuing that the king of England was minded through procurement of the pope & others, to make them wartes, either of them sent ambassadors into Scotland vnto king Iames, requiring his assistance against England: but king Iames minding to King Iames persuadeth to peace. mainteine peace and concord betwixt the parties, sent an ambassador vnto the king of England, desi­ring him in brotherlie and most louing wise to liue in peace and quietnesse, and not to make anie wars against his confederat friends, offering himselfe to agrée and compound anie difference that was fallen betwixt the king of England and the said princes. The king of England, who had alreadie sent aid vn­to the ladie regent of the low countries against the duke of Gelderland, made such faire answer here­vnto as he thought stood with reason, and so dispat­ched the ambassadour backe againe to his maister, without anie more adoo in that matter, about the which he came for that time.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 8. pag. 356. Much about these daies, there was called a pro­uinciall synod of bishops, abbats, and other religious persons at Edenburgh, in the monasterie of the Do­minicke friers, Baiomanie the popes legat being present. In which by the common voice of them all (although against the will of manie of them) it was ordeined that benefices or priests liuings (whose reue­nues did yéerly excéed the value of 40 pounds) should [Page 295] pay a pension of the tenth to the pope; and should giue to the king (when he required) such summes as he liked to demand: which vnto this day is called the Baiomane monie or tax.] Iohn lord Gordon, sonne and heire to Alexander Gordon erle of Huntleie, re­turned The kings bastard maried. out of France, and was maried vnto the kings bastard daughter, in Nouember following, in this present were 1512, of whome the house of Huntleie is descended.

Shortlie after came the bishop of Murrey home, 10 hauing béene at Rome, in France, and England, The bishop of Murrey came home. bringing with him from the pope, and the kings of France and England, manie good and pleasant let­ters: and with him came a clearke of Spaine in am­bassage vnto the king. This yéere the eleuenth day of Aprill, the quéene was deliuered of a yoong prince A yong prince borne in Scotland. in the palace of L [...]thgo, who was shortlie after baptised, and named Iames the fift prince of Scot­land, and of the Iles, that after succéeded his father in the kingdome. The lord Dacres, and doctor West came in ambassage from the king of England, and 20 Monsieur de la Mot came with letters also from the French king, to persuade king Iames to make The French king sent to persuade the king of Scots to warre. warre against England, promising him monie, mu­nition, and all other necessarie prouisions of warre. In his waie as he passed the seas towards Scot­land, he had drowned thrée English ships, & brought seuen awaie with him vnto Lieth for prises, in the which were but thrée Englishmen left aliue. Shortlie after, maister Iames Ogiluie abbat of Driburgh came foorth of France with letters of the like effect. 30 After this Robert Barton went to the sea, and in Iulie brought into Scotland 14 prises of English Fourtéene prises of Englishmen taken. men which he had taken.

About this season, the lord of Drumweidie was slaine in Edenburgh by two persons, which tooke san­ctuarie in Holie rood house, and so escaped. Iohn erle of Atholl deceassed the ninetéenth of September, & Lion Harold king of armes deceassed the first of O­ctober. Great misrule was exercised on the borders 40 Misrule exer­cised. in this season, and therefore the king assembled the lords in Edenburgh for reformation thereof; and while they were there, the quéene was brought to bed The quéene brought to bed of a child. 1513. Lesle. The league renewed with France. of a child, which died shortlie after it was christened. There came a great ship into Scotland, which the king of France had sent vnto the king, laden with artillerie, powder, and wines, & then was the league and band renewed betwixt Scotland and France. The same ship landed at Blacknesse the ninetéenth of Nouember. King Iames sent a purseuant called Purseuants sent into England and France. Unicorne into France, and another into England 50 called Ilaie, which Ilaie required a safe conduct for an ambassador to be sent from the king his maister vnto the king of England: but this would not be granted.

Upon the said Ilaies returne, Monsieur de la Mot was sent backe into France, and with him sir Walter Ogiluie, and a messenger whome the pope had sent into Scotland. On the sixtéenth of March 1513. Lesle. Doctor West sent into Scotland ambassador. next insuing, doctor West came as ambassador into 60 Scotland from the king of England, appointing that certeine commissioners should meet on the bor­ders for redresse of all quarrels betwixt the two realmes, in the moneth of Iune next insuing. And this appointment was kept, but no good could be doone, as after shall appeere. The king sent Fornian bishop of Murrey into France, to signifie vnto the 1513 French king the message of the said doctor West, and other things. In the moneth of Maie, there came certeine ships out of Denmarke laden with guns, Munition for warre sent out of Denmarke. powder, armor, & other kind of munition. Also Mon­sieur de la Mot landed in the west part of Scotland the sixtéenth of Maie, with foure ships fraught with wine and flower, and returned againe the nineteenth Prouision sent out of France. of the same moneth.

The great Odonell of Ireland came to king Odonell pro­fred friendship vnto king Iames. Iames at Edenburgh, the first of Iune, offering his friendship and seruice to him before all other prin­ces, and speciallie against the king of England; wher­vpon he was thankfullie receiued, honorablie inter­teined, & richlie rewarded. And so the band of friend­ship being with him concluded, he returned into his countrie. The king prepared a great nauie of ships, the principall whereof were the Michaell, Margaret, and Iames. They made saile towards the sea the twentie seuenth of Iulie; and the king sailed in the A nauie sent. Michaell himselfe, till they were past the Iland of Maie, Iames Gordon son to George earle of Hunt­leie being one of the capteins of the same ship.

The commissioners met on the borders in Iune, Commissio­ners met at the borders. according to the appointment: but because the Eng­lishmen would not consent to make anie redresse or restitution, till the fiftéenth of October next, thin­king by that delaie and continuance of time, they The English men protract the time. should vnderstand the state of their kings procée­dings in France, and in the meane time reteine in their hands the Scotishmens goods which they had ta­ken both by sea and land (as the Scotish writers af­firme) the king of Scots being thereof aduertised, sent Lion king of armes vnto king Henrie then li­eng at siege before Terwine, with letters of com­plaint, A king of armes sent vnto K. Hen­rie of Eng­land. commanding him that if king Henrie refu­sed to accomplish the contents of his said letters, he should denounce warre vnto him. Wherevpon Lion arriuing in the English armie with his cote of arms on his backe, about the middest of August, desired to speake with the king, and was within a short space by Garter chiefe king at arms of England brought to the kings presence, hauing his nobles and coun­cellors about him, where, with due reuerence, & some good woords first vttered, he deliuered his letters, the tenor whereof insueth.

The tenor of the king of Scots letters.

RIght excellent, right high, and mightie prince, our deerest bro­ther and coosine, we commaund vs vnto you in our maist hartie manner, and receiued fra Raff Heraulde your letters, quhar vntill ye approue and allow the doings of your commissiouners latelie being with ours at the borders of bathe the realmes, for making of redresse quhilk is thought to you and your councell should be continuet and delaet to the fif­teenth day of October. Als ye write slaars by see aught not compeere personallie, but by their attourneys. And in your letters with our herauld Ilaie, ye ascertaine vs ye will naught enter in the treux taken be­twixt the maist christian king and your fa­ther of Aragoun, because ye and others of the hale liege nether should nor may take peace, treux, nor abstinence of warre with your common enimie, without consent of all the confederats. And that the emperor, king of Aragoun, yea and euery of you be bounded to make actuall warre this in­stant sommer against your common enimy. And that so to do is concluded and openlie sworne in Paules kirke at London, vpon S. Markes day last by past. And farther haue denied safe conduct vpon our requests that a seruitor of ours might haue resorted [Page 296] to your presence (as our herauld Ilaie re­ports.

Right excellent, right high, and mightie prince, our deerest brother and cousing, the said meeting of our and your commissiou­ners at the borders, was peremptorily ap­pointed betwixt you and vs after diuerse diets, for reformatioun before continuet to the commissiouners meeting, to effect that due redresse suld haue beene made at the 10 said meeting, like as for our part our com­missioners offred to haue made that time. And for your part, no male factor was then arrestet to the said diet. And to glose the same, ye now write that fiaars by see need not compeere personallie, but by their at­tourneis, quhilk is again law of God and man. And get in criminall action all flaars suld naught compeere personallie, na pu­nitioun 20 suld follow for slaughter, and then vane it were to seke farther meetings or redresse. And hereby apperes (as the deed shewes) that ye will nouther keepe god waies of iustice and equitie nor kindnes with vs.

The great wrongs and vnkindnes done before to vs and our leiges we ponderate, quhilk we haue suffred this long time in vpbearing, mainswering, noundressing of 30 attemptates, so as the bill of the taken of inhalding of bastard Heron and his com­plices in your contrie, quha slue our war­dan vnder trust of daies of meeting for iu­stice, & thereof was filat & ordeint to be de­liuerd, in slaing our liege noblemen, vnder color by your folks, in taking of vthers out of our realme prisonet and chanet by the crags in your cuntrie, withhalding of our 40 wiues legacie promist in your diuerse let­ters for despite of vs, slaughter of Androw Barton by your awn commaund, quha than had naught offended to you nor your lieges vnredrest, and breaking of the amity in that behalfe by your deed, and withhal­ding of our ships and artillarie to your vse.

Quharvpon, eft our diuerse requisitions at your wardens, commissiouners, ambas­sadors, 50 & your selfe, ye wrate and als shew by vthers vnto vs, that full redresse suld be made at the said meeting of commissiou­ners, and sa were in hope of reformatioun, or at the lest ye for our sake wald haue des [...] ­sted fra inuasioun of our friendes and cou­sings within their awne countries that haue naught offended at you, as we first required you, in fauour of our tender cou­sing 60 the duke of Gelder, quham to destroy and disinherit ye sent your folks, and dud what was in them. And right sa we lately desired for our brother & cousing the maist christen king of France, quham ye haue caused to t [...]e his countrie of Millaine, and now inuades his selfe, quha is with vs in second degree of blude, and hase bene vn­to you kind without offense, and more kin­dar than to vs.

Notwithstanding, in defense of his per­son we mon take part, and thereto ye be­cause of vthers, haue giuen occasion to vs and to our lieges in time by past, nouther doing iustlie nor kindlie toward vs, procee­ding alwaies to the vtter destructioun of our neerest friendes, quha mon doo for vs quhan it shall be necessarie; in euill exam­ple that ye will hereafter be better vnto vs, quham ye lightlie fauour, manifestlie wranged your sister for our sake incontra­rie our writs: and saieng to our herauld that we giue you faire wordes, and thinke the cōtrarie. Indeed such it is, we gaue you words as ye dud vs, trusting that ye suld haue emended to vs, or worthin kinder to our frends for our sakes, and suld naugh­tight haue stopped our seruitors passage to labour peax, that they mought as the papes halines exhorted vs by his breuites to do. And therevpon we were contented to haue ouerseene our harmes, and to haue remitted the same, though vther informa­tioun was made to our halie father pape Iulie, by the cardinall of Yorke, your am­bassador.

And sen you haue now put vs fra our gude beleue through the premisses, and speciallie in denieng of safe conduct to our seruants, to resort to your presence, as your ambassador doctor West instantlie desired we suld sende one of our councell vnto you vpon great matters, and appoin­ting of differences debatable betwixt you and vs, furthering of peax if we might, be­twixt the most christén king & you, we ne­uer hard to this purpose safe conduct deni­ed betwixt Infidels. Herefore we write to you this time at length plainesse of our mind, that we require and desire you to de­sist fra farther inuasioun and vtter destruc­tioun of our brother and cousing the maist christen king, to quham by all confederati­oun, blude and alie, and also by new band quhilk you haue compelled vs latelie to take through your iniuries & harmes with out remedie done dailie vnto vs, our lieges and subiects, we are bounden and oblist for mutuall defense ilk of vthers, like as ye & your confederates be oblist for mutuall in­uasiouns and actuall warre.

Certifieng you, we will take part in de­fense of our brother and cousing the maist christen king, and will do what thing we truist may cause you to desist fra pursute of him, and for deuit and postponit iustice to our lieges we mon giue letters of marque according to the amitie betwixt you and vs, quharto ye haue had little regard in time by past, as we haue ordaint our he­rauld the bearer heereof to say, gif it like you to heare him and gif him credence. Right excellent, right hie & mightie prince our deerest brother and cousing, the Trini­tie haue you in keeping. Geuen vnder our lignet at Edenburgh the twentie sixt day of Iulie.

King Henrie hauing read the letter, and conside­red thereof with aduise of his councell, sent for the The hera [...]d is sent for. herald againe, and told him that he had read and well perceiued the contents of the letters which he had de­liuered to him, and would make him answer with [Page 297] condition, that he would promise to declare the samé to his maister. Wherevnto Lion made this answer: The heralds [...]er. ‘Sir, I am his naturall subiect, and he is my natu­rall lord, and what he commandeth me to say, I may boldlie say with fauour; but the commandements of others I may not, nor dare say vnto my souereigne lord. But your letters sent by me, may declare your maisters pleasure, albeit your answer requireth doo­ings and not saiengs, that is, that you immediatlie should returne home. Then said the king: I will re­turne 10 at my pleasure to your damage, and not at thy maisters summons.’ And héerewith he caused an answer to be written to the king of Scots, in forme as followeth.

King Henrie his answer.

RIght excellent, right high & migh­tie prince, &c. We haue receiued 20 your writing dated at Edenburgh the twentie sixt day of Iulie, by your herald Lion this bearer, wherein af­ter rehearsall and accumulation of manie surmised iniuries, griefs and dangers doon by vs and our subiects to you and your lie­ges, the specialties whereof were super­fluous to rehearse, remembring that to them and euerie of them in effect reasona­ble 30 answer founded vpon law and consci­ence, hath tofore béene made to you & your councell; ye not onelie require vs to desist from further inuasion and vtter destructi­on of your brother and coosine the French king, but also certifie vs that you will take part in defense of the said king, and that thing which ye trust may rather cause vs to desist from pursute of him, with manie contriued occasions and communications 40 by you causelesse sought & imagined, soun­ding to the breach of the perpetuall peace passed, concluded, and sworne betwixt you and vs, of which your imagined quarrels causelesse deuised to breake to vs, contra­rie to your oth promised, all honor & kind­nesse, we can not maruell; considering the ancient accustomed manners of your pro­genitors, which neuer kept longer faith & 50 promise than pleased them.

Howbeit, if the loue and dread of God, nighnesse of bloud, honor of the world, law and reason had bound you, we suppose ye would neuer haue so farre proceeded, speci­allie in our absence. Wherin the pope and all princes christened may well note in you dishonorable demeanour, when ye lieng in wait, seeke the waies to doo that in our said 60 absence, which ye would haue beene well aduised to attempt, we being within our realme and present. And for euident appro­bation héereof, we need none other proofes nor witnesses, but your owne writings heeretofore to vs sent, we being within our realme, wherein ye neuer made mention of taking part with our enimie the French king, but passed the time with vs till after our departure from our said realme. And now percase ye supposing vs so farre from our said realme, to be destitute of defense against your iniasions, haue vttered the old rancour of your mind, which in couert manner ye haue long kept secret.

Neuerthelesse, we remembring the brit­tlenes of your promise, & suspecting though not wholie beleeuing so much vnstedfast­nesse, thought it verie expedient and neces­sarie to put our said realme in a readines for resisting of your said enterprises, ha­uing firme trust in our Lord God, and the righteousnesse of our cause, with the assis­tance of our confederats & alies, we shall be able to resist the malice of schismatiks and their adherents, being by the generall councell expreslie excommunicate and in­terdicted; trusting also in time conuenient to remember our friends, and requite you and our enimies, which by such vnnaturall demeanor haue giuen sufficient cause to the disherison of you and your posteritie for euer, from the possibilitie that ye thinke to haue to the realme, which ye now attempt to inuade.

And if the example of the king of Na­uarre, being excluded from his realme for assistance giuen to the French king, can not restraine you from this vnnaturall dealing; we suppose ye shall haue like assis­tance of the French king, as the king of Nauarre hath now, who is a king with­out a realme, & so the French king peacea­blie suffereth him to continue, wherevnto good regard would be taken. And like as we heretofore touched in this our writing, we need not to make anie further answer to the manifold griefs by you surmised in your letter: forsomuch as if anie law or reason could haue remooued you from your sensuall opinions, ye haue beene manie and oftentimes sufficientlie answered to the same: except onelie to the pretended greefs touching the denieng of our safe conduct to your ambassador last sent vnto vs.

Whervnto we make this answer, that we had granted the said safe conduct; and if your herald would haue taken the same with him, like as he hath beene accustomed to solicit safe conducts for merchants and others heeretofore, ye might as soone haue had that, as anie other: for we neuer deni­ed safe conduct to anie your lieges to come vnto vs and no further to passe, but we see well, like as your said herald had hertofore made sinister report contrarie to truth, so hath he doone now in this case, as it is manifest and open. Finallie, as touching your requisition to desist from further at­tempting against our enimie the French king, we know you for no competent iudge of so high authoritie to requite vs in that behalfe. Wherfore (God willing) we pur­pose with the aid and assistance of our con­federats and alies to prosecute the same; and as ye doo to vs and our realme, so it shall be remembred and acquited heereaf­ter by the helpe of our Lord & our patrone saint George, who right excellent, right high and mightie prince, &c. Dated vnder our signet in our campe before Tirwine, the twelfth day of August.

[Page 298] This letter being deliuered vnto the Scotish he­rald, he departed with the same into Flanders, there to haue taken ship: but for want of readie pas­sage he staied, and returned not into Scotland till Flodden field was fought, and the king slaine. For king Iames perceiuing all the Englishmens doo­ings to tend vnto war rather than to peace, hauing taken order for the assembling of his people, imme­diatlie after he had sent foorth his herald with com­mandement to denounce the warre, he determined 10 to inuade the English confines, and first before his maine force was come togither, the lord Humes that Englishmen fetched a bootie in Scotland. was lord chamberlaine and warden of Scotland, the thirtéenth day of August, hearing that the English­men had fetched a bootie within the Scotish ground, assembled a power, & followed them into Northum­berland, but yer he could returne he was forelaid [in Broome house, or Broome field] by the Englishmen, which breaking out of their ambushes, put the Sco­tishmen to the woorse, and of them tooke and slue ma­nie. 20

Fr. Thin. These wars thus begun, the king determined to go to his armie (as it séemeth) not yet fullie assem­bled. Wherevpon comming to Limuch, he went to the church to heare euensong; as the maner was. To whome, after he had entered the chappell, there Buchan. lib. 13. came an old man, whose heare was somewhat yel­lowish red, hanging downe vpon his shoulders, his forehead high with baldnesse, bare headed, hauing his bodie couered with a blewish garment, girded 30 with white, and verie reuerent in his countenance. This man séeking the king, passed through the com­panie standing there, and drew neere to the king. Who being now come vnto him (and with a certeine rude behauiour, leaning vpon the seat wherein the king was placed) in homelie sort saied vnto him: ‘King Iames sent vnto thée, to giue thee admonish­ment that thou hasten not forward to the place which thou hast determined: which warning if thou doost despise, it shall succeed ill with thée, and with all such 40 as shall attend vpon thée. Further I am comman­ded to giue thée intelligence before hand, that thou es­chue the familiaritie, custome, or counsell of women, and if thou dooest otherwise, it shall succéed to thy hurt and reproch.’ After which thus spoken, he ming­led himselfe with the other companie, neither could after be found (the euensong being ended) when he was sought for by the king: for he was neuer séene after that he had thus deliuered his message. Which séemed the more strange, because that manie which 50 stood néere him (marking all his order, and desirous to haue heard more things from him) could not per­ceiue his departure; amongest which persons (of those that meant to haue asked him further questi­ons) Dauid Lindseie (a man of approoued credit and vertue, verie well learned, and whose life was far estranged from lieng and falshood) was one, who told this same to me (saith Buchanan) as a thing most certeine; or else I would haue ouerpassed it as a fa­ble caried about by common report.] 60

In the meane time was the whole power of Scot­land King Iames approched néere vnto England with his power. assembled, with the which king Iames appro­ching to the borders, and nothing abashed with the euill lucke thus at the beginning chanced to his peo­ple, purposed with greater aduantage of victorie to recouer that detriment; and herevpon he made such hast, that he would not staie for the whole power of his realme, which was in preparing to come forward The king of Scots made too much hast. vnto him; but comming to the borders, he passed o­uer the water of Twéed the two and twentith of Au­gust, and entered into England, lodging that night at Wesilham néere to the riuer of Tuisell, and the next day laid siege vnto the castell of Norham, and within shortspace wan the Braies, ouerthrew the Norham. The Braies. Barnekine, & slue diuerse within the castell, so that Barnekine. the capteine and such as had charge within it, desired the king to delaie the siege, while they might send to the earle of Surreie alreadie come with an armie into the north parts, couenanting if they were not rescued by the ninetéenth day of that moneth, they should deliuer the castell vnto the king. This was granted: and because none came within the time to the rescue, the castell was deliuered at the appoin­ted day; a great part of it was ouerthrowne and beaten downe. After this he wan the castels of Fourd and Etell, & diuerse other places of strength, Fourd and Etell taken. of which, part were ouerthrowne. He also tooke ma­nie prisoners, and sent them away into Scotland, and diuerse he assured: and thus he abode an eigh­téene daies within England, till two parts of his armie were scaled & departed home from him, which they did vpon this occasion.

Fr. Thin. The king was determined & persuaded to haue besieged Berwike (beyond which he was now pas­sed) since the same alone was more honor (than all the other places besides) if they wan it; the taking Buchan. li. 13. whereof they supposed not to be verie hard, because they were sure that the towne and castell were vn­furnished of all things for the defense thereof. Wherevpon, the king (deeming nothing too hard for his armie, especiallie, since the English were set on woorke as much as they might in the French wars) being nourished in that vanitie (by his flattering courtiers) did leaue the same vndoone at this time, meaning in his returne easilie to haue obteined it. But as they were yet at Foord, a herald of the Eng­lish came vnto them, requiring that they would ap­point a day and place, where and when both the ar­mies might ioine in battell. Wherevpon, there was a councell called amongest the Scots, in which it was agréed by the greater part, that the Scots should returne home into their countrie, least with so small a companie they might hazard the state of the whole countrie; especiallie, since that they had al­readie sufficientlie obteined fame, glorie and riches, and to the vttermost satisfied the band of amitie with the French; for there was no iust cause, why they for number (so few) and for trauell (in ouerthrowing so manie forts) so much weakened, should now againe be laid open to so great a multitude of the English dailie increasing with succors. For it was said at that time; that Thomas Haward brought into the field (besides the rest of his armie) 6000 of chosen and valiant souldiers from the English campe (in France) before Turweine.

To which persuasion (to make the matter more strange) it was further added, that if the king did depart; the English host of necessitie must be dissol­ued, and could not that yeare againe be repared, be­cause their souldiers were fet from the furthest parts of the realme; and that if the king would needs fight, that he then should doo it in his owne realme, kée­ping the time & place in his power alwaies to be ap­pointed. But when the French ambassador (and cer­teine other, fed with the French pensions) labored to the contrarie; the king being by nature fierce, and gréedie of warre, was easilie persuaded to abide his enimie in that place. In the meane time, when the English came not foorth (at the day appointed to them by the herald, which before had béene with the Scots) the noblemen of Scotland, taking occasion thereof, did afresh go to the king, declaring that their not comming to battell was onelie a traine and deceipt, deferring the matter from day to day, to the end that their force might be increased, and the Scots diminished.

Wherefore said they, we should vse the like policie against them. For since they haue not attended the [Page 299] time prescribed vnto them, it is no shame to the Scots to returne into their countrie without bat­tell, or to fight within their owne limits. Of both which, the surer counsell were to follow the first; which if it be not liked, the [...] is there good occasion offered to execute the other. For [...]ce the riuer of [...] (ha­uing hi [...] banks) is not passable, but at certei [...] mi [...]es hence (excep [...] be by a bridge) some few may there resist a great multitude. Besides which, when a part of the English armie is passed the bridge, the same 10 bridge maie easilie (by engins placed therefore) be cut in sunder; so that there shall not be passage for anie more: by means whereof, the one part of them shall be subdued on the one side of this riuer, before that anie aid can come vnto them from the other banke. The king liked neither of these deuises and persua­sions; but answered, that he would not suffer the English to depart (vnfoughten with) although there were an 100000 against him. At which rash answer, the whole nobilitie was gréeuouslie offended. 20

Wherevpon Archembald Dowglas earle of An­gus (which farre excelled all the others both in yéeres and authoritie) laboured to turne the kings mind with all gentle persuasions, and began to make a more ample discourse vpon the two former coun­sels giuen by the nobilitie. For he shewed that the king had fullie sa [...]isfied the request of the French, in that he had now turned the greatest part of the Eng­lish armie before bent against the French, against himselfe and his owne people; and had so wrought, 30 that those great armies should neither hurt France nor doo anie iniurie vnto the Scots, sith they were not able long to remaine in campe in those cold places, and in a barren countrie vnfurnished of all things (by the calamities of the last warres) and in which there was no corne; and if there were, it could not be ripened (the winter comming on so fast) in those northerne parts of the realme.

And where the French ambassador dooth so much vrge vs vnto the battell, I suppose that the same 40 should not seeme either new or strange vnto vs, that a strange man (which dooth not respect the common euill of the realme, but the priuat commoditie of his owne nation) be ouer lauish in powring out the bloud of other men. Besides which, his request is o­uer impudent, to demand of the Scots that which the French king (a man of singular experience and wisedome) dooth not iudge conuenient for his owne kingdome or dignitie, if we be ouerthrowne. Nei­ther should the losse of his host séeme more light vn­to 50 him (although we are few in number) bicause that all they of Scotland (which excell in force, authoritie or counsell) are assembled here togither, who being slaine, the rest of the realme would soone be a preie to the victor. What? Is it more safe for vs, and more profitable to the eschewing of all danger, for him to fight at this present? No trulie. For if Lewes doo suppose, that the English (by imagined meanes) may be either made needie of monie, or else weried by de­laie; what can be doone more necessarie for the pre­sent 60 state of things, than to compell the enimie to diuide his armie, to the end that we may ease the weight of warre against the French by one part of the host to be sent against vs, and still to hold them plaie as it were alwaies to kéepe them readie to set vpon vs, & by remoouing to giue them cause to folow vs? For so I suppose shall the glorie and shew (which these men I feare rather valiant in words than déeds, doo with their rashnesse so much pretend) be ful­lie answered. For what can happen more honorable to the king, than that we (by the ouerthrow of so ma­nie castels, by the spoile of so manie countries with sword and fire, and by the driuing home of so great booties and preies) haue doone that iniurie to them, as that their countrie shall not by the peace of ma­nie yéeres recouer hir former estate? What greater profit may we looke for by warre, than in so great tumult of warres, with great praise and honor to vs, and with shame and reproch to our enimies, to ob­teine quiet, ioined with gaine and glorie for the re­freshing of our selues? Which kind of victorie (that is gotten more by words than by swords) ch [...]e belongeth to men, and of men speciallie to the lea­ders and capteins, as such a glorie whereof the com­mon souldiers may not challenge anie part.

Which being thus spoken by earle Dowglas, although all they which were present séemed (by their countenance) to giue consent thereto: yet the king (who had with other bound himselfe to [...]ight with the English) receiued these counsels with contrarie eares; and in heat commanded Dowglas to de­part home, if he were afraid of the enimie. Where­vpon he (conceiuing some vnkindnesse, and inward­lie beholding wherevnto all these things would come by the kings rashnesse) foorthwith burst out in teares. After which (as soone as he could settle him­selfe thereto) he spake these few words. ‘If (said he) my former life did not cleare me from the reproch of a coward, I know not with what reason or persua­sion I might cleare or defend my selfe. For trulie so long as this my bodie was able to susteine anie la­bor, I neuer spared to spend the same in the defense of my countries helpe, and my souereignes honor. But since I sée their eares to exclude my counsell (which is the onelie thing wherewith I can now be profitable) I here leaue my two sonnes (who next vnto my countrie are most deare to me) and the rest of my kinred (of whom I greatlie account) as a cer­teine pledge of the truth and loue of my mind to­wards thée, and the common helpe of my countrie. And I pray God that he make this feare of mine to be false, and that I may rather be counted a lieng prophet, than behold those things which I feare will happen vnto vs.’ Which words when the Dowglas had said to the king, he departed thence with his companie. The rest of the nobilitie (bicause they saw they could not draw the king to their mind) tooke that place for battell which was next vnto them, to the end (séeing they were much inferior in number to their enimies, for there were 26000 fighting men in the English armie, as it was knowne by the scouts) to defend themselues with the benefit of the place, and therevpon got the hill next vnto their campe.)

In which meane time, the earle of Surrie, lieu­tenant The power of the north coun trie raised. to the king of England, hauing raised all the power of the north parts of England, came with the same towards the place where he heard that king Iames was incamped, and approching within thrée The English campe in si [...]ht of the Scotish campe. miles of the Scotish campe in full sight of the Sco­tishmen, pitcht downe his tents, and incamped with his whole armie. Although king Iames had great desire to fight with his enimies thus lodged in full view of his campe; yet bicause he was incamped in a place of great aduantage, so as the enimies could not approch to fight with him, but with great losse and danger to cast themselues away, he thought good to kéepe his ground, speciallie bicause all those of King Iames was minded to kéepe his ground. the nobilitie, who were knowne to be of experience, did not hold with their aduise that counselled him to giue battell.

At what time the earle of Surrie had sent an of­ficer Paulus Iouius. at armes vnto him, requiring him to come foorth of his strength vnto some indifferent ground, where he would be readie to incounter him, & name­lie The earle of Huntleie his counsell. the earle of Huntleie, a man for his high valian­cie ioined with wisedome and policie, had in most re­putation of all the residue, affirmed in plaine words [besides that which Dowglasse had before said] that F [...]. T [...]in. [Page 300] nothing could be either more fond or foolish, than to fight at pleasure of the enimie, and to set all on a maine chance at his will and appointment, and ther­fore it should be good for them to remaine there in place of aduantage, and with prolonging the time to trifle with the enimie, in whose campe there was al­readie His persua­sions. great scarsitie of vittels, neither was it possi­ble that they should be vittelled from the inner parts of the realme, by reason of the cumbersome waies for cariage to passe now after such abundance of 10 continuall raine as of late was fallen, and not l [...]e as yet to ceasse, so that in sitting still and attemp­ting nothing rashlie without aduisement, the king should haue his enimies at his pleasure, as vanqui­shed without stroke striken through disaduantage of the place, and lacke of vittels to susteine their lan­guishing bodies.

And suerlie beside the want of vittels, the foule and euill weather sore annoied both parties; for there Foule wea­ther. had not beene one faire day, no scarse one houre of 20 faire weather of all the time the Scotish armie had lien within England, but great cold, wind & raine, which had not onelie caused manie of the Scots to returne home, but also sore vexed the Englishmen, as well in their iournie thitherwards, as also while they lay in campe against the Scotish armie. There was sending of messengers betwixt them to and fro, and the king had sent his quarell in writing vn­the earle of Surrie by his herald Ilaie the night be­fore the battell, conteining as followeth. 30

King Iames his quarell vnto the earle of Surrie.

WHere it is alledged that we are come into England against our bond and promise, thereto we an­swer: that our brother was bound as farre to vs as we were to him, and when we sware last before his ambas­sadors 40 in presence of our councell, we ex­pressed speciallie in our oth, that we would keepe to our brother, if our brother kept to vs, and not else. We sweare that our bro­ther brake first to vs, and of his breach we required him diuers times of amends: and latelie we warned him, as he did not vs yet we brake. And this we take for our quarell, and by Gods grace shall defend the 50 same at your affixed time, which with Gods helpe we shall abide. ¶ Thus was the king verie desirous to trie the matter by battell, al­though the wisest sort of his nobles wished not that he should doo anie thing ouer rashlie.

There chanced also manie things taken (as yée would say) for warnings of some great mischance Prodigious chances. to follow, which though some reputed but as vaine and casuall haps; yet the impression of them bred a 60 certeine religious feare and new terror in his heart. For as he was in councell with his lords, to vnder­stand their opinions touching the order of his bat­tels, there was an hare start amongst them, which hauing a thousand arrowes, daggers, and other kind An hare. of things bestowed at hir, with great noise and show­ting, yet she escaped from them all safe and without hurt. The same night also, mise had gnawne in sunder the buckle and leather of his helmet where­with The buckle leather of his helmet gnawn with mise. The cloth of his tent of bloodie colour. he should fasten the same to his hed. And more­ouer, the cloth or veile of his inner tent (as is said) about the breake of the day, appeared as though the deawie moisture thereof had béene of a bloudie colour.

Herevpon the king keeping himselfe within his tent, the earle of Surrie constreined by necessitie to séeke all waies whereby to traine the king downe from the hill where he was lodged, remooued his campe towards the hils of Floddon, where the king The English campe remoo­ued by the earle. of Scots laie incamped [...] and on the ninth day of September passed the water of Till at Twisell bridge; the rereward going ouer at Milford, put­ting themselues as néere as they could betwixt the Scotish campe and Scotland. King Iames percei­uing the Englishmen to passe the water, iudged that they had ment to win an hill that laie betwixt them and his campe, and therefore to preuent them, he caused his field to be raised, and fier to be set on The Scots campe remoo­ued also. the litter & cabins which they had made of boughs, and so with all spéed remooued to the other hill, be­ing gotten thither yer the English men could per­ceiue him to be remooued out of his former lod­gings, bicause the smoke of the fiers which the Scots had made, couered all the countrie betwixt the two armies.

In the meane while were the Englishmen ad­uanced to the foot of Floddon hill, hauing thereby Aduantage gotten by the ground. gotten double aduantage: for the Scotish ordinance could not much annoie them in marching vpwards vnder the leuill thereof, and they againe might gall the Scots in shooting off at them, as they came downewards vpon them. For king Iames hauing King Iames his prectise. disappointed the Englishmen of the hill, thought ve­relie it should be an easie matter for him to ouer­throw them, which being put beside the place where they intended (as he thought) to haue camped, would neuer abide the countenance of his puissant armie, if he might atteine to ioine with them. Therefore the Scotish armie [after they had appointed the same into thrée wards, whereof (as saith Lesleus) the earle Fr. Thin. of Huntleie and the lord Hume led the right wing, the left had the earle of Crawford and Montrosse; and the king himselfe kept the middle ward, with the earles of Argile and Lennox] making downwards, incountered with the English host néere to the foot of the mounteine called Branxton, and first sir Ed­mund Haward leading one of the out wings of the English armie, hauing with him thrée thousand Sir Edmund Haward was fiercelie as­sailed. men, being fiercelie assailed by the Scots on foot, hauing speares and long weapons, and also by cer­teine horssemen, was in the end discomfited, and his people beaten downe and put to flight, so that being of them for saken, he was constreined to follow. But yet he and diuerse other which escaped, ioined them­selues to the next battell as well as they might. This so prosperous a beginning, who would thinke A good begin­ning had an euill ending. should haue turned to the losse of the Scots part, and aduancement of the English side. But so it came to passe, for king Iames no sooner saw that wing of the English host ouerthrowne and discomfited, but that he déemed how all the whole power of the English­men King Iames deceiued him­selfe and aligh ted from his horsse. had béene fléeing away: and therfore alighting beside his horsse, and commanding those that were a­bout him to follow, prepared himselfe to pursue the chase.

His capteins did what they could by words to re­mooue The capteins good counsell not regarded. him from his purpose, declaring to him the dutie of a prince: which is not rashlie to enter the fight, but to prouide and sée that euerie thing be doone in order: and whereas comming to trie the matter by hand blowes, he can doo no more than another man; yet keeping his place as apperteineth to his person, he may be woorth manie thousands of other. The king nothing mooued with these exhortations, breaking his arraie of battell, with a companie of noble men, rushed forward into the fore ward, where The kings hardinesse marred all. accomplishing the office of a footman, he found the Englishmen not fléeing, but manfullie standing at [Page 301] resistance, so that there was a right hard incounter, and manie arrowes shot on euerie side, and great hurt doone therewith.

At length sir Edward Stanlie with the reregard of the Englishmen came fiercelie downe from the Sir Edward Stanlie inua [...]d the backe of the rere­gard. hill of Branxton, vpon the backe of the kings armie, wherein they fought cruellie on both parts for a long space; but at length the victorie inclined to the Eng­lishmen. For the king himselfe was there beaten downe and slaine, with all that whole battell which first entered the fight. The other part of the Scotish 10 King Iames [...]aine. host, whereof Alexander Hume lord chamberlaine had the gouernance, although he saw where the other The lord chamberlaine [...]ood still. Scotishmen were in danger, and closed in on euerie side, yet would he not once remooue one foot forward out of the place (where he stood) to aid them. Moreo­uer, the lacke of discretion in the king, which would needs run vpon his owne death, amazed the minds of all men, and brought them into such perplexitie, that they knew not what to doo; but looked one vpon another without stirring to or fro, as those that were 20 in despaire now after the death of their king to reco­uer the victorie, which by so strange a chance séemed as it were slipped out of their hands.

Howbeit, the lord chamberlaine bare the most blame, for that he did not cause a new onset to be gi­uen. The lord chamberlaine beareth the blame. But it happened well for the Englishmen: for if king Iames had ordered himselfe wiselie in this battell, or that after he was slaine, a new furie had mooued the Scots to haue renewed the fight in re­uenge of the kings death, as had beene expedient, 30 the victorie vndoubtedlie had béene theirs (as was thought by men of great vnderstanding.) Where­vpon the Englishmen remembring how manifest­lie The English men thanked God for this noble victorie. Gods goodnesse appeared towards them in this battell, confessed themselues long after bound to God for their safetie and deliuerance out of that pre­sent danger. The fight began about foure of the clocke in the after noone, and continued thrée houres, 5000. Buchan. 15000 men slaine. in the which fiftéene thousand men were slaine on both parts: and of that number a third part at the 40 least was of Englishmen (as was crediblie repor­ted) but (as our English writers affirme) there died of Englishmen not past fiftéene hundred.

But yet the Scotishmen hold, that there died more of the Englishmen than of their nation at this field, and that manie thought it was not the bodie of king Iames which the Englishmen found in the field, and tooke it for his; but rather an other Scotish mans corps, called the lard of Bonehard, who was also slaine there. And it was affirmed by sundrie, 50 that the king was seene the same night aliue at Kel­so: and so it was commonlie thought that he was liuing long after, and that he passed the seas into o­ther countries, namelie to Ierusalem to visit the ho­lie sepulchre, and so to driue foorth the residue of his daies, in dooing penance for his former passed offen­ses: but he appeared not in Scotland after as king, no more than Charles duke of Burgognie did ap­peare in his countries after the battell of Nancie, 60 although his people had the like vaine opinion that he escaped from that discomfiture aliue.

But now to returne to the truth of the matter where we left. In the night folowing after this terri­ble battell, the residue of the Scotish armie retur­ned The Scotish men returne [...]ome againe. homewards the same way they came, wasting and spoiling the English borders as they passed. At their comming home, euerie man spake euill of them, for that as towards and naughtie persons, They were re [...]led of their [...]ne people. they neither sought to reuenge the death of their no­ble king, nor yet to succour their fellowes that were beaten downe and slaine before their faces. But namelie Alexander Hume lord chamberlaine was repr [...]ued, as cause of all that mischiefe, which beha­ued himselfe not as a capte [...]ne, but as a traitor or enimie to his countrie. Fr. Thin. Buchan. li: 13 Upon the honor of this victorie, Thomas Haward earle of Surrie (as a note of the conquest) gaue to his seruants this cog­nisance (to weare on their left arme) which was a white lion (the beast which he before bare as the pro­per ensigne of that house) standing ouer a red lion (the peculiar note of the kingdome of Scotland) and tearing the same red lion with his pawes.]

Thus haue you heard how through rashnesse and lacke of skilfull order, the Scotish armie was ouer­come, and that worthie prince king Iames the fourth brought to his fatall end, on the ninth day of September, in the twentie and fift yéere of his reigne, and thirtie and ninth of his age, which was in the yéere from the incarnation 1513. For his poli­tike gouernment and due administration of iustice, which he exercised during the time of his reigne, hée deserued to be numbred amongest the best princes that euer reigned ouer the Scotish nation. All theft, reiffe, murther, and robberie ceassed in his daies, by The sauage people refor­med them­selues. such rigorous execution of lawes penall as he cau­sed to be exercised through all the bounds of Scot­land: insomuch that the sauage people of the out Iles sorted themselues through terror and dread of due punishment to liue after the order of lawes and iustice, where otherwise of themselues they are na­turallie inclined to sedition, & disquieting of each o­ther. To conclude, men were in great hope, that if it had pleased the hie determinate power of almightie God to haue lent to him longer life, he should haue brought the realme of Scotland to such a flouri­shing estate, as the like in none of his predecessors times was yet euer heard of.

There died with him in that infortunate battell, of noble men (beside others of the meaner sort) the archbishop of saint Andrewes his bastard sonne, the bishop of the Iles: the abbats of Inchaffreie and Kilwennie: the earles of Montrosse, Crawford, Ar­gile, Lennox, Glencar, Cathnes, Castelles, Both­well; Arrell high constable of Scotland, Addell, A­tholl, and Morton: the lords Louet, Forbois, Elue­ston, Roos, Inderbie, Saintcleare, Maxwell, and his thrée brethren, Daunlie, Sempill, Borthicke, Bogo­nie, Arskill, Blackater, and Cowin: knights and gentlemen of name, sir Iohn Dowglas, Cuthbert Hume of Fast castell, sir Alexander Seton, sir Da­nie, maister Iohn Grant, sir Dunkin Cawfield, sir Sander Lowder, sir George Lowder, maister Mar­shall, maister Key, maister Ellot, maister Cawell clerke of the chancerie, the deane of Ellester, Macke Kene, Macke Clene, with manie others.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 13. This Iames the fourth was of a firme bodie, of iust stature, of most comelie countenance, and of sharpe wit, but altogither vnlearned, as the fault of that age was. But he did diligentlie applie himselfe to an old custome of the countrie, cunninglie to cure wounds, the knowledge whereof in times past was a thing common to all the nobilitie, being alwaies vsed to the warres. He was easilie to be spoken vn­to, gentle in his answers, iust in his iudgements, and so moderat in punishments, that all men might easi­lie sée he was vnwillinglie drawen vnto them. A­gainst the detraction of the euill, and admonishment of the good, there was such woorthinesse of mind in him (confirmed by the quiet of a good conscience, and the hope of his innocencie) that he would not onelie not be angrie, but not so much as vse a sharpe woord vnto them. Amongest which vertues, there were cer­teine vices crept in by the ouermuch desire to please the people, for whilest he labored to auoid the note of couetousnesse (obiected to his father) and sought to win the fauour of the common sort (with sumptuous feasts, gorgeous shewes, and large gifts) he fell into [Page 302] that pouertie, that it seemed (if he had liued long) that he would haue lost the fauor of his peopie (woone in old times) by the imposition of new taxes. Where­fore his death was thought to haue timelie happened vnto him.)

AFter the death of that woorthie prince king Ia­mes the fourth, slaine at Branxton (as before ye Iames the fift. haue heard) his sonne Iames the fift succéeded him: for after the returne of those that escaped from the said field, the queene assembled the lords and estates 10 of the realme togither at Striueling, where the 21 An assemblie at Striueling 1513. day of September 1513, hir sonne the foresaid Iames the fift, a child of one yéere, fiue moneths, & ten daies of age, by vniuersall aduise and consent was crow­ned king, and his mother the quéene appointed re­gent The king crowned, and the quéene ap­pointed re­gent. of the realme, vsing the counsell of the reue­rend father Iames Beton archbishop of Glascow, the earles of Huntleie, Angus, and Arrane.Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 13. This gouernement the queene obteined by reason of hir husbands testament, who making his last will (be­fore 20 that he went to the warres) did appoint thereby that the whole administration of all things should remaine with hir, so long as she continued a widow: the which though it were against the custome of the countrie (being the first example of a womans go­uernement amongest the Scots) yet it séemed tole­rable to most men (giuen to peace) especiallie since there were not men sufficient at that time for honor and experience to take that charge in hand, by occasi­on of the great slaughter of the nobles at Floddon 30 field, which gouernement she did not long inioy.]

For shortlie after they fell at variance amongest themselues, about the bestowing of those benefices which were vacant by the deaths of those persons A debate. which had béene slaine at the field; by reason whereof, some of them writ letters secretlie into France to The duke of Albanie is sent for. Iohn duke of Albanie, willing him to come into Scotland to be tutor to the king, and gouernor of the realme, as he that was next of bloud to the king, and neerest to the crowne, in case the kings children de­ceassed 40 without issue. He therefore sent monsieur de la Bautie into Scotland, who in companie of the earle of Arrane, the lord Fleming, and Lion the Monsieur de la Bautie is sent into Scotland. herald (which long had béene in France) landed on the west coast the third of Nouember. And shortlie after, the said monsieur de la Bautie deliuered his letters to the queene and lords, who therevpon met at saint Iohns towne, and there by vniuersall con­sent it was accorded, that the duke of Albanie should An assemblie had at Stri­ueling. be admitted tutor and gouernor to the king & realme, 50 and that the same should be confirmed in parlement by the thrée estates which should be kept at Eden­burgh, the thirtéenth day of March next, for the same intent.

To rehearse the troubles and great disquietnesse that chanced, during the minoritie of this king, tho­rough The great disquietnesse reigning in Scotland du­ring the mi­noritie of Iames the fift. lacke of due administration of iustice, and by discord & variance dailie rising amongest the lords & péeres of the realme, a man might haue iust cause greatlie to woonder thereat, and in weieng the same 60 throughlie, no lesse lament the oppression doone to the poore commons in that wicked and most miserable time, when iustice séemed to sléepe, and rapine with all the other sorts and rabble of iniurious violence inuaded hir emptie seat, triumphing ouer all as a conqueror. Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 12. During the times of which disorder, there was (amongest those which preied and spoiled others) a great capteine of the same faction, called Macrobert Struan, who (ouerrunning Atholl and the adioining places) was accompanied for the most part with eight hundred théeues, and sometime more. Which Struan was at length (whilest he spoiled e­uerie man at his owne pleasure, and at that time re­maining with his vncle Iohn Creichton) taken by wait laied for him, and inforced to depart with his life.]

The quéene sent louing letters vnto the king of England hir brother, requiring him of peace. Where­vpon a truce was taken betwixt the two realmes of England and Scotland, for the space of one yéere and a day. In the beginning of Februarie, the king of England, hearing that a parlement should be hol­den in Scotland, for the bringing in of the duke of The king of England wri­teth to his si­ster. Albanie to be tutor, wrote to his sister that she should in anie wise impeach and staie his comming thither; declaring how dangerous it was, not onelie for hir, but also for hir sonne to haue him gouernor, which was to succéed, if hir son were once out of the way. But the chiefest cause that mooued the king of Eng­land to labour, that the duke should haue nothing to doo in Scotland, was (as manie thought) for that he knew how the duke, in fauour of the king of France, would shew himselfe an enimie against England, with all the force he might make or procure.

Now shortlie after that the peace was concluded betwixt him and the king of France, he sent a letter also, requiring him not to suffer the duke to passe in­to Scotland, for the reason first alleged. But not­withstanding the labor that king Henrie made to The duke of Albanie con­firmed tutor by parlement. the contrarie, it was concluded by the states in par­lement assembled in Edenburgh, at the time prefix­ed, that sir Patrike Hamilton, and Lion king of armes should be sent into France, to procure the duke to come into Scotland, being now confirmed tutor and gouernor, according to the lawes of the realme in such cases prouided. Wherevpon, in Aprill then next following they tooke the seas, and passed into France, accordinglie as by the states had béene deuised.

This yéere came a legat into Scotland from the 1514. A legat from Rome. The quéene deliuered of hir second son Alexander. pope, with certeine priuileges granted to the king and realme. The thirtith of Aprill was the queene deliuered of a prince in the castell of Striueling, which was baptised by the postulat of Dunfirmling, and the archdeane of saint Andrewes, and instantlie confirmed by the bishop of Cathnesse, by the name of Alexander. During the time that the quéene lay in childbed, great discord fell out betwixt the lords of the west parts, and the other lords of the realme: but shortlie after the queene called an assemblie at E­denburgh the twelfth of Iulie, where they were all well agréed. And heerewith two of the cleargie were sent into England for peace. And the 28 of the same moneth, maister Iames Ogiluie abbat of Dri­burgh, and sir Patrike Hamilton, and Lion the herald came foorth of France with articles in wri­ting from the king there, and the duke of Albanie; by the which the dukes comming was excused, because the king could not want him, till some end were had touching the warres betwixt him and the king of England, which was concluded in October next in­suing.

This yéere, the sixt of August, the quéene maried The mariage of the quéene mother. The great seale taken from the bi­shop of Glas­cow. Archembald Dowglasse earle of Angus, and imme­diatlie after in saint Iohns towne tooke the great seale from the bishop of Glascow, that was chancel­lor of the realme. Whervpon the said bishop got him to Edenburgh, where manie lords assisted him, and kept out the quéene and hir new husband, so that they might not enter there: whereof great discord rose within the realme amongest the nobles and péeres of the same. In the peace contracted betwixt Lewes the twelfth of that name, king of France, and Hen­rie A peace con­cluded be­twixt Eng­land & France the eight king of England, no mention was made of the realme of Scotland: for the which the Scotishmen thought great [...]lt in the French king, seeing that for his cause the warre had béene attemp­ted betwixt them and England. The same yéere, a­bout [Page 303] the twentie fift of October, William Elphing­ston The deceasse of the bishop of Aberden. bishop of Aberden; and lord kéeper of the priuie scale departed this life at Edenburgh. He had béene a faithfull councellor to Iames the third & to Iames the fourth, by whose helpe he founded and indowed the college in the old towne of Aberden, for the in­crease of learning & vertue, which hath florished with good wits of students euer since, till these our daies. The 20 of Nouember, Le sire de la Bautie receiued the castell of Dunbar in the name of the duke of Al­banie, 10 Monsieur de la Bautie. at the hands of the deane of Glascow bróther to the bishop of Murrey, called Forman. Shortlie after, Iohn Hepborne the prior of saint Andrews then elect archbishop of that sée, besieged the castell of saint Andrews, and wan it by force from the kée­pers of it, which were appointed to defend it in the name of Gawin Dowglasse, wherewith the quéene and the earle of Angus were highlie offended. The twelfth of Ianuarie, being a verie darke & windie night, the earle of Lennox, and the maister of Glen­carne 20 1514. vndermined the nether groundsoile of the ca­stell gate of Dunbreton, & entered thereby into the castell, & so tooke it, putting out thereof the lord Er­skin. The castell of Dunbreton taken. Shortlie after (that is to say) the fiftéenth of that moneth, a great assemblie was made betwixt the earles of Angus and Arrane, the one to haue fought with the other, which was the cause and be­ginning of great trouble that insued.

The same day in Edenburgh were the buls pub­lished, The popes buls publi­shed. 1515. Lesle. which Forman the bishop of Murrey had pur­chased 30 at Rome, for the obteining of the archbishop­rike of saint Andrews, the abbasies of Dunfirme­ling, and Arbroeth, through supplication of the quéene and duke of Albanie. From which buls the prior of saint Andrews appealed, pretending title to the arch­bishops Contention about the in­ioieng of the see of saint Andrews. sée by election and generall gift of the lords of the realme; and her vpon got togither his friends in Edenburgh, as the maister of Hales and others. And on the other part, the lord chamberleine, and di­uerse of the bishop of Murreis friends got the kings 40 letters, by vertue whereof they proclamed the said maister of Hales, and the prior of saint Andrews rebels, with all their assistants, putting them to the horne: wherevpon they were constreined to depart out of Edenburgh. And in Maie following, the pri­or went vnto Rome, there to iustifie his appeale.

The foure and twentith of Februarie, a parle­ment was assembled at Striueling; but because the lords could not agrée amongst themselues, it was proroged till the comming of the duke of Albanie, 50 which was looked for to be in Scotland, in Aprill; or at the furthest in Maie next insuing, as he had sent word by sir Iohn Striueling of the Keir, that was latelie come from him with letters vnto the lords and péeres of the realme. The fiftéenth of Maie, truce was proclamed betwixt England and Scotland, to indure for three yeares, or three moneths (as saith Lesleus) but the same day at six of the clocke in the 1515. Truce be­twixt Eng­land and Scotland. afternoone, the Englishmen entered the borders of Scotland vpon the water of Rule, and forraied the 60 countrie, dooing great hurt therein, notwithstan­ding the truce. The seuentéenth day of Maie, Iohn duke of Albanie, tutor and gouernor of Scotland, arriued at the towne of Aire, with eight ships well The duke of Albanie his arriuall in Scotland. appointed, and furnished with men and all kind of necessarie prouision for his estate.

From thence taking the sea againe, he sailed a­longst the coast till he came to Dunbreton, and there came on land, & on the next day passed foorth to Glas­cow, where all the westland lords receiued him with great semblance of reioising for his arriuall. The six and twentith day of Maie, he was receiued into The duke of Albanie recei­ued into E­denburgh. Edenburgh, a great number of lords méeting him on the way. The quéene also came from hir owne lod­ging and met him, to doo him honor. Sundrie con­ceipts, pageants, & plaies were shewed by the burges­ses, to honor his entrie in the best maner they could deuise. Shortlie after his comming to Edenburgh, there came thither foorth of all parts of the realme, the lords and barons, where they being assembled in councell, he tooke vpon him the gouernement of the realme, which he promised to vse by their aduise, so that they would assist him in setting foorth of iu­stice and good orders, which they vndertooke to doo.

Herevpon was the parlement, which had béene A parlement summoned. proroged till his comming, summoned to be kept at Edenburgh the twelfth of Iulie, in the which diuerse acts were concluded and made; and the lord Drum­mond was adiudged in the dukes mercie, for stri­king Lion king of armes. The duke pardoned him of life and honor, but his lands and goods remained in the kings hands: notwithstanding, he was after­wards restored to the same againe. In this parle­ment also, the duke of Albanie was confirmed by the three estates of the realme tutor and gouernor to the king, the scepter and sword being deliuered to him: his oth also was taken by the lords, and theirs giuen to him, that each of them should be faithfull to others, and namelie to their king and souereigne lord, and also should mainteine iustice to the vtter­most of their powers, for the aduancement of his honor, and suertie of the realme.

In the meane time, whilest this parlement was in hand, the gouernor was aduertised that the king should haue béene conueied foorth of the realme se­cretlie into England: wherevpon he suddenlie de­parted in the night time from Edenburgh, with his men of warre in good order, & came to Striueling, where the king, with his brother Alexander, laie with the quéene; which castell, togither with the kings per­son, and the other within it, were deliuered to him The king de­liuered to the kéeping of cer­teine lords. the third day of August: wherevpon he committed them and the castell to the keeping of foure lords of the realme, whereof the earles of Eglenton and Montrosse were two. The lord Hume, because he had assisted the earle of Angus and the quéene a­gainst The lord Hume de­nounced a re­bell. the gouernor, was denounced a rebell; and the earles of Lennox & Arrane, with manie others, were sent to his houses to seize the same into the kings hands. In the castell of Hume was laid gun­powder by a traine, wherby diuerse of them that en­tered first into the castell were burned.

The lord Hume himselfe got him into England, and sore disquieted the marches, so that no day of truce was holden, neither on the east nor middle marches. The twelfth of August, the quéene, the earle of Angus, and his brother George Dowglas, went from Temptallon vnto Berwike, and from thence passed to the nunrie of Caudstreame; where­vpon aduertisement being giuen to the K. of Eng­land, and his pleasure therein knowne, the six and twentith of that moneth she was receiued by the lord Dacres, & conueied to Harbottell castell, where she remained till she was deliuered of a daughter, called Margaret Dowglasse, afterwards maried to The birth of the countesse of Lennox. the earle of Lennox, as in place conuenient it shall further appeare. There was no Scotishman at this time receiued into England with hir. The gouernor perceiuing the rebellion of the lord Hume, passed to the borders with his Frenchmen, where the sixt of October, the said lord Hume came & submitted him­selfe to the gouernors pleasure, and his brother Alex­ander The lord Hume sub­mitted him­selfe. shortlie after did the same, and they were both deliuered to the earle of Arrane, who was appointed to keepe them in safetie within the towne of Eden­burgh.

But the twelfth of October next insuing, the said earle of Arrane departed from thence in the night [Page 304] season, with those his prisoners, stealing their waies The earle of Arrane stea­leth away. on foot. Herevpon, the gouernor causing the parle­ment to be holden that was summoned to begin the foure and twentith of October, the said lord Hume, maister William Hume, and Dauid Hume, were conuict of treason by all the states, to lose their liues, lands, and goods. This parlement was proroged till The lord Hume and o­ther conuic­cted of trea­son. fifteene daies after, within which time the earle of Arrane was appointed to make appearance, or else it was agreed that they should procéed against him in 10 like maner. And in that meane space, the gouernor went to besiege the castell of Hamilton, where that noble aged ladie, the old countesse of Arrane, daugh­ter The old coun­tesse of Arrane purchaseth hir sons pardon. to king Iames the second, & mother to the earle of Arrane, and aunt to the duke by his fathers side, caused not onelie the castell to be surrendered at the dukes pleasure, but procured also the earle of Arrans peace, which earle, the twelfth of Nouember next in­suing, came with the bishop of Glascow vnto Eden­burgh, and there submitted himselfe to the dukes 20 will.

About the same time, certeine lords tooke part with the earle of Murreie the kings bastard brother, A commotion betwixt the earles of Murreie and Huntleie. and the earle of Erroll, against the erle of Huntleie, and raised a commotion; so that being got into E­denburgh, there was much adoo, & the towne great­lie disquieted. The gouernor lieng in the abbeie, came into the towne, and tooke the earles of Hunt­leie, Erroll, Murreie, and others; and committed them to ward within the castell, while he tried the 30 cause: and finding that maister William Haie be­ing with the earle of Murreie had raised that sturre, he sent the same Haie into France, there to remaine during his pleasure, and foorthwith the said earles were set at libertie. Lion king of armes appoin­ted to go into England with letters to king Hen­rie, was stopped at Caldstreame by the lord Hume, who tooke his letters from him, and kept him priso­ner, till Alexander Humes moother, that remained 40 prisoner in Dunbar, was exchanged for him. The Lion king of armes staied by the lord Humes. eightéenth day of December, Alexander duke of Rosseie the kings brother departed this life at Stri­ueling.

The seuentéenth day of Ianuarie, a truce was taken betwixt England and Scotland, till the feast A truce con­cluded be­twixt Eng­land & Scot­land. of Pentecost next. This truce was agréed vpon at Coldingham, by certeine commissioners, appoin­ted on either part there, to treat for peace. For the realme of Scotland were these: Monsieur de Pla­nes 50 the French ambassador, archdeacon of saint An­drews, maister Gawin de Dunbar, and sir Wil­liam Scot of Baluerie knights. The Englishmen comprised for their part, the earle of Angus and the lord Hume within the compasse of this truce. In the meane time, the earle of Arrane departed from The earle of Arrane eft­soones reuol­teth from the gouernor. the gouernor againe, and repaired to the west parts, where he confederated himselfe with certeine lords, notwithstanding that sir Iames Hamilton, and the lord of Cauder remained pledges for his good de­meanor 60 within the castell of Edenburgh. The earles of Lennox, Glencarne, and other caused the castell of The earle of Lenox furni­sheth Dunbre­ton. Dunbreton and diuerse other to be furnished, and tooke the castell of Glascow with the kings great ar­tillerie that laie within it, and spoiled the same.

The gouernor aduertised thereof, raised an armie & went to Glascow, where, by the labor of the bishop of that place, an appointment was taken, so that the castell was deliuered into the bishops hands. The earle of Lennox came in to the gouernor, and tooke a new respit, and about the beginning of March next following, the earle of Arrane and the lord Hume The earles of Lennox and Arrane take a respit. Forman re­signeth his ti­tle to the arch­bishops see. did the like. Forman the archbishop of saint An­drews, against whome the prior of saint Andrews did stand (as ye haue heard) for that same benefice, to the great disquieting of the realme, by such parta­kings as chanced thereabout among the lords, came now to the towne of Edenburgh, and resigned all the thrée benefices, whereof he had purchased buls of the pope, that is to say, the archbishoprike of saint Andrews, the abbasies of Arbroth and Dunfirme­ling in the gouernors hands, to bestow the same at his pleasure: who by the counsell of certeine lords, so satisfie such as claimed interest to the same, and pa­cifieng of all debates, bestowed them as followeth.

First, the said archbishoprike he gaue to the said Forman with the abbasies of Dunfirmeling, and to maister Iames Hepborne he gaue the bishop­rike of Murrey, and benefices woorth a thousand Bestowing of benefices. marks by the yeare vnto the prior of saint Andrews for a recompense; the abbasie of Driburgh he gaue vnto maister Iames Ogiluie, and the bishoprike of Aberden (then vacant) vnto Alexander Gurdon, and to the archbishop of Glascow called Beton he gaue the abbasie of Arbroth, assigning to the earle of Murrey a large pension out thereof. One of the Fr. Thin. Hamiltons was made abbat of Kilwinning [and George Dundasse was made prior of the knights of the roads.] And thus he bestowed the benefices which had béene vacant euer since Floddon field, vnto diuerse lords, or to their kinsmen, that by such liberalitie vsed towards them, all debates and dis­cords might ceasse, which had happened amongest them, speciallie about the bestowing of the same benefices. This was doone in the moneth of Febru­arie.

Shortlie after, the gouernor, by counsell of the 1515. lords, to the end the realme might come to a perfect quietnesse, and the noble men vnited togither, re­ceiued The earle of Angus and o­thers receiued into fauor. into fauor the earle of Angus, & maister Pa­trike Pantoun secretarie, who for his cause had béene kept as prisoner in Insche gaile. He likewise receiued the lord Hume, and his brother, pardoning them all their offenses past. And in parlement hol­den the fift of Maie, they were restored to all their lands, heritages, fées, and honors. About that time, the lord of Strawen in Atholl committed diuerse great offenses and crimes, for the which he was ta­ken by the earle of Atholl, and beheaded at Logi­raith by the gouernors commission.

All this while, the parlement was not dissolued The parle­ment began a­gaine. but vpon prorogation, and so the same began againe the first day of Iulie, at what time the king of Eng­land, at request of his sister the queene of Scotland, wrote letters to the lords now assembled in parle­ment, The king of Englands letters to the lords. requesting them to expell the gouernor foorth of the realme. But all the lords and states with vni­uersall consent sent Albanie the herald with letters to the said king, excusing them, that they might not in anie wise satisfie his desire therein, the same be­ing against reason and the lawes of their countrie.

In the moneth of September, the gouernor com­manded The lord Hume and o­ther arrested and commit­ted toward. the lord Hume, with his brother maister William Hume, and Dauid Kar of Fernihurst, to be arrested and bestowed in seuerall places, that bet­ter rule might be kept vpon the borders: but they lieng now in ward, sundrie informations were gi­uen vp against them: and therevpon, the eight of October, the said lord Hume and his brother were conuict of treason, for assisting and mainteining of the théeues vpon the borders, and other crimes; for the which he was beheaded: and on the morrow af­ter, his brother the foresaid William Hume was The lord Hume behea­ded. likewise beheaded, and their heads were set vpon the Tolbuith in Edenburgh: Dauid Kar was spared.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 14. Alexander lord Hume left yet three brethren in life, who were all by the iniuries of those times grée­uouslie afflicted with diuerse misfortunes. For George, being banished for the slaughter of a man, [Page 305] remained in England amongest his friends. Iohn abbat of Iedwoorth was banished beyond Taie. Dauid the yoonger brother, which was prior of Col­dingham two yeares after the death of his brethren, was (by Iames Hepborne, the husband of his sister) slaine by a traine, vnder color of a meeting and par­lée, wherevnto he was called; whome all men did pittie, because he was a harmelesse yoong gentle­man, of a singular wit, and fowlie betraied by those of whom he ought not so to haue bin intrapped. 10

Shortlie after, the duke rode to Iedwoorth with a great companie of men, & staied the great robbing & The duke of Albanie visi­teth the bor­ders. Another par­lement. The duke of Albanie se­cond person of the realme. reauing which had béene vsed on the borders, & left there good wardens to kéepe good rule in those parts, and so returned to Edenburgh. The third of Nouem­ber, another parlement was holden, in which it was decréed, that the gouernor should be déemed and re­puted for second person of the realme, notwithstan­ding the claime made by his elder brother Alexan­der Steward, that was begotten on the daughter 20 of the earle of Orkeneie, which was alleged to haue béene first maried to their father the duke of Alba­nie, before he was maried to the earle of Bullognes daughter, on whome he begot the gouernor. Where­vpon this Alexander made protestation to be heire to his father; but they were afterward agréed, and Alexander renounced his title in his brothers fauor, and was made bishop of Murreie, and abbat of Scone. At this parlement, the gouernor required licence to go into France, and to be absent there six 30 The gouer­nor asketh li­cence to go in­to France. moneths: but this sute was not granted till Aprill following.

At the same time was the earle of Lennor put in ward within the castell of Edenburgh, till he had The earle of Lennox in ward. caused the castell of Dunbreton to be deliuered vnto one Alane Steward in the constables name, & then he was set at libertie. In the moneth of December, Monsieur de la Bautie was made warden of the Monsieur de la Bautie made warden of the mar­ches. east marches in stead of the lord Hume, and kept daies of truce: which procured such hatred, that it 40 cost him afterwards his life. In the moneth of Ia­nuarie, the gouernor went to saint Iohns towne, and there held his seat of iustice, where the lord Fle­ming for the time was made great chamberlaine of Scotland, with all the fées thereof. In the yeare 1517, there came ambassadors from Francis the 1517. Ambassadors from France. new French king, to desire, that the ancient league might be renewed betwixt him and the king of Scot­land, their realmes, dominions, and subiects.

For this cause, all the lords of the realme were as­sembled 50 at Edenburgh, where, by them it was con­cluded, that the gouernor himselfe should passe the seas into France; and also that the bishop of Dun­keild, An ambassage into France. the secretarie, and the maister of Glencarne as ambassadors should go thither: the which the thir­téenth of Maie, went a shipboord, and by the east seas sailed thither, and the gouernor tooke ship at New­marke beside Dunbreton the seuenth of Iune, ta­king his course by the west seas, and so passed into The gouer­nor goeth into France. France, where it was agréed, that he should haue 60 remained but onelie foure moneths, he hauing ap­pointed the bishops of saint Andrews and Glascow, the earles of Huntleie, Argile, Angus, and Arrane, to gouerne in his place, whilest he was absent. Al­so he ordeined Anthonie Darcie, or Monsieur de la Bautie lieutenant of the borders.

He also had caused the king to be brought into E­denburgh Gouernors appointed to the kings per­son castell, within the which he should remaine in the kéeping of the earle Marshall, the lords Er­skin, Borthwike, Ri [...]en; of the which, two at least should be alwaies present. The quéene that re­mained as then in England, after she vnderstood that the gouernor was departed towards France, returned to Edenburgh the seuentéenth of Iune, but she was not suffered to sée the king till August fol­lowing: at what time, for feare of the pestilence to be crept into the castell, he was remooued to Crag­miller, The king re­moued. where the queene oftentimes came vnto him; but at length, through some suspicion conceiued, least The doubt which the Scots had in the queene. the quéene might conueie him away from thence in­to England, he was estsoones brought vnto the ra­stell of Edenburgh, in which he was kept after, ac­cording to the order taken in that behalfe.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 9. pag. 386. Much about this time in the which these things were doone, Iohn Gordon (the eldest sonne of that Alexander earle of Huntleie, which for the praise of his singular goodnesse obteined the surname of good) returning out of France (whither a little before he had sailed with the gouernor) was singularlie welco­med and interteined of all men, who going vnto his owne people (in the north parts) was vrged with such grieuous sickenesse that he died therwith, and by his father (to whom he should by course of nature execute the same office) shortlie after buried in the abbeie of Kilrosse, with a goodlie toome erected on him by his said father. The death of which Iohn gaue (for manie causes) manie griefes vnto manie persons: but a­mongst other the chiefest to his father, who liued not long after his sonne. Which Alexander when he died, left the said earledome to his nephue, sonne of his sonne Iohn; who bicause he was but ten yéeres old, was committed to the earle of Angus, to be instruc­ted in all goodnesse of maners answering to the ex­cellencie of that wit wherewith he was indued.

This earle Huntleie adorned with excellent swéet­nesse of maners and pleasantnesse of wit, the earle of Angus would neuer or verie hardlie suffer to de­part out of his companie. For which cause when the erle of Angus, for certeine suspicions of treson was banished Scotland into England, he attempted by all deuises and persuasions to intise the child to haue gone with him: but the yoong boie could not be allu­red with anie flatteries or persuasions to submit himselfe to the least note of reproch, in forsaking his king and countrie. Wherefore when the earle of Angus was departed into England, the child lifting vp his crauing hands to the king, did grant himselfe and all he had to the king and his countrie, whome the king receiued with all kind of humanitie; and prouided that he should be instructed in euerie sort of vertue and learning, that was to be desired in such a prince; bicause the said child was borne of his sisters mariage.

The lords and other nobles highlie offended (as Buchan. lib. 14 well for the death of the lord Hume, as for that they saw Anthonie Darcie lord Bautie the French ad­uanced to greater credit than themselues, and not onelie to be made warden of the marches, but also capteine of Dunbreton, the strongest fort of Scot­land) began to raise tumults in the land. For Wil­liam Cockborne (vncle of Comarch Lancton) who (expelling the gardians of the pupill) did keepe the ca­stell of Lancton, assisted with the helpe of Dauid Hume lord of Woodburne (whose sister the said Cokcborne had maried) first began a commotion in those parts. For when they saw that all means were taken from them openlie to reuenge the sàme, and to set vpon Bautie, they determined to performe the same (with some secret deuise) by lieng in wait for him.

For the castell of Langton or Lancton, being Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 387. kept in the possession of Woodburne (and such as tooke his part against the king) he the said Wood­burne appointed subtill fellows secretlie to enter the castell, and to reteine it in the kings name. After which, this Woodburne feining a counterfeit anger (for he was a man full of all subtiltie) that this castell was so iniuriouslie taken from him, and kept to the [Page 306] kings behoofe, he laid siege to the castell (as though he went about to recouer the same with all the power he could) to the intent that Bautie might be intised to come thither to raise the siege. For which cause Bautie (supposing in truth that the castell had bene kept to the vse of the king) hastening the rescue 1517. thereof, came foorth of the castell of Dunbar to as­semble the men of the countrie to raise the siege, as lieutenant of the borders, he was chased by the said lord of Woodburne and other so fiercelie, that in the 10 Monsieur de la Bautie slaine by the lord of Wood­burne. Fr. Thin. end he was slaine, and foure Frenchmen with him: his head was cut from the shoulders, and set vp in the towne of Duns [vpon the castell of Hume] the nintéenth of Ianuarie.

The lords regents were herewith meruelouslie offended, & chose the earle of Arrane to be warden of the borders in de la Bauties place, who was also chosen to be prouost of Edenburgh: wherewith the earle of Angus was highlie displeased. But the erle of Arrane, not séeming to passe much thereof, tooke 20 George Dowglas the said earle of Angus his bro­ther, and Marke Kar, committing them to ward within the castell of Edenburgh, bicause of the fauor he bare vnto the said lord of Woodburne & his com­plices. Moreouer, for due punishment of the mur­ther of the foresaid de la Bautie, there was a parle­ment A parlement called. called the ninteenth of Februarie next, in the which, Dauid Hume lord of Woodburne, and his thrée brethren, William Cockborne & Iohn Hume, with diuerse other their partakers, were indicted for 30 the besieging of the castell of Langton, the slaughter The lord of Woodburne indicted. of monsieur de la Bautie, and for the setting vp of his head, intercommuning with the Englishmen, and diuers other misdooings.

Immediatlie after the end of this parlement, the earle of Arrane came into the Mers, with a great The earle of Arrane com­meth into the Mers. armie, and hauing with him the kings great artille­rie, ment to haue besieged such places as would haue resisted him. But at his being in Lowder, the keies of the castell of Hume were brought vnto him, which 40 on the next morrow he receiued, and put men within it to keepe it, as he did in Langton and Woodburne, which he receiued at the same time. The master of Hales was also sought for at that time, that hée The maister of Hales. might haue bene apprehended to answer the slaugh­ter of Dauid Hume, prior of Coldingham, whom he had slaine traitorouslie. A litle before this parlement, the bishop of Dunkeld was returned from the The bond of league be­twixt Scot­land & France Capteins Moores. French king with a bond of the league renewed be­twixt Scotland and France. And at that same time 50 was one capteine Moores a Frenchman sent foorth of France, with a certeine number of men, to re­ceiue the castell of Dunbar into his kéeping, which accordinglie he did, the same béeing deliuered vnto him.

The earle of Lennor, who had béene with the go­uernor in France, returned home into Scotland, & 1518. with him came a French herald from the king with letters, and maister Walter Steward abbat of Glenluce came likewise from the gouernor. And a­bout 60 that time, bicause the queene and lords were ad­uertised The abbat of Glenluce. that the French king had contracted new bonds of peace and amitie with the king of Eng­land, without making mention of Scotland, they thought themselues euill vsed, being his confederat friends, and thervpon sent sharpe letters to the king The Scots euill vsed at the French kings hands. of France, and to the gouernor, by Albanie the he­rald: In the moneth of Iune, maister Gawen Dun­bar, archdeane of saint Andrews, and clearke of the register, was preferred to the bishops sée of Abber­den that was vacant by the death of Alexander Gourdon.

This Gawen founded an hospitall in Abberden, and indowed the same with lands for sustenance of The bishop of Aberden a builder. twelue poore men, with a prouost to haue care ouer them. He also builded a faire bridge; with seuen ar­ches ouer the water of Dee beside Abberden, and purchased lands for the perpetuall vpholding there­of. He also builded two stéeples in the cathedrall church, with halfe of the crosse church, and a faire pa­lace for the small prebendaries, called the chapleins. Moreouer, he bestowed manie rich & pretious orna­ments vpon the same church of Abberden, as copes, chalices, and other such like things, which remained there long after. Manie right commendable works were accomplished by this diligent prelat, greatlie to his praise and high renowme; for he spent not the fruits of his benefice in vaine, but on such maner of buildings.

The seuentéenth of Iune, there rose great stur in Edenburgh, by the falling out of the earle of Contention betwixt the erle of Rothes and the lord Lindsey. Rothes, and the lord Lindsey, about the inioieng of the shiriffewike of Fife, by reason whereof, they were put in ward, the one in Dunbar, and the other in Dunbreton. About the beginning of August, the quéene remaining in Edenburgh, vnderstood that The cause of the hatred be­twixt the quéene and hir husband. the earle of Angus hir husband, as then soiourning in Dowglas dale, had taken a faire gentlewoman in those parts, and kept hir as his concubine; for the which act she conceiued such hatred against him, that there was neuer no perfect loue betwixt them after­wards. In the beginning of Februarie, there came a clearke as ambassador from the French king with 1519. Lesle. letters, concerning the concluding of the truce be­twixt Scotland and England, which message the lords made small account of, bicause the king had o­mitted to comprehend Scotland in the league which he lastlie made with England. The seuenth of Iune, 1519. A mad man. a mad man in Dundee slue in his mad fit a ladie of inheritance, a nun, with two other women, the one of them being great with child, and also two men.

The king of England wrote letters vnto the The king of England sée­keth to kéepe the duke of Albanie foorth of Scotland. French king, desiring him to staie the duke of Al­banie, that he might not come into Scotland; and furthermore, he laid ships of warre in the pase vpon the seas to watch for his comming, and to take him by the waie as he should passe. In September the king was remooued foorth of the castell of Eden­burgh vnto Dalkith, for doubt of the pestilence, which was suspected to be in the castell of Edenburgh. And The earle of Arrane. from Dalkith the erle of Arrane rode to Edenburgh to haue bin estsoones elected regent & prouost of that towne: but he missed his purpose, for the townesmen would not suffer him to enter, but repelled him backe, so that diuerse were hurt on both sides.

Herevpon, great dissention rose betwixt the said Dissention betwixt the earles of Ar­rane and Angus. earle of Arrane, and the earle of Angus, bicause of his repulse in that sute: whereby the whole realme was diuided into partakings, so that sundrie slaugh­ters thereof insued, as of the prior of Coldingham, and six of his men murthered, by the lord of Wood­burne at Lamerton, the sixt of October. About the same time, the king returned to the castell of Eden­burgh, and in the towne there were remaining at the same time the earles of Angus, Erroll, and Craw­ford; the lord Glames, and other; the bishops of saint Andrews, Abberden, Orkeneie, and Dublane, with diuerse abbats and other prelats. And in the towne of Glascow was the bishop of Glascows chancellor, with the earles of Arrane, Lennor, Eglenton, and Cassels; the lords Rosse, Sempill, the abbat of Pas­ley, the bishop of Galloway, and other noble men of the west. Thus the lords were diuided, and would not [...]ake anie order for the good gouernment of the com­mon-wealth.

In December; monsieur de la Faiot, and a French Monsieur de la Faiot. clearke called Cordell, with an English herald cal­led Clarenetour, came from the kings of France [Page 307] and England, with an ambassador also from the go­uernor, with a conclusion of peace taken for one yéere, betwixt Scotland and England: who com­ming to Edenburgh, were receiued by the earle of Angus, and the other lords there with him, the which sent for the chancellor & the earle of Arrane to come thither; but they would not come anie néerer than to Linlithgo. The ambassador therefore tooke in hand to persuade, that an assemblie might be had in Striue­ling: but the earle of Angus would not come there. 10 Neuerthelesse, the said ambassadors went thither, where the earle of Arrane and his partakers, as the chancellor and others, receiued them thankfullie, and proclamed the peace, according to the treatie which The peace proclamed. they had brought, and so with courteous answer and great rewards licenced them to depart. But in their returne toward England, the earle of Angus with a great number of men met them at Carlauerok, re­proouing them sharpelie for their demeanor, and for taking their answer of the chancellor, so that they 20 were not a litle afraid, least the earle in his displea­sure would haue vsed some outrage towards them, which otherwise than in woords it should appéere he did not.

In Ianuarie, about the kéeping of a court at Ied­worth, there was raising of people betwixt the earle 1520. Uariance be­twixt the earle of Angus and the lord of Fernihurst. of Angus on the one part, and Andrew Kar the lord of Fernihurst; in whose aid, Iames Hamilton came with foure hundred Mers men: but the lord of Sesseford then warden, assisting the earle of Angus 30 his part, met Hamilton at Kelso with a great com­panie, and when they were lighted on foot, and should haue foughten, the Mers men left sir Iames Ha­milton, the bastard of the earle of Arrane, in all the danger, with a few of his owne men about him, so that with much paine he was horssed, and escaped in great danger vnto Hume, with losse of foure of his seruants which were slaine: and on the other part, there was an Englishman slaine called Rafe Kar, that came in aid of the warden. On the morrow af­ter, 40 the lord of Fernihurst, as baliffe to the earle of Arrane, of that regalitie, held his court at the princi­pall place of the forrest of Iedburgh, and the earle himselfe held his court likewise in an other part of the same land, thrée miles distant from the other.

The thirtieth day of Aprill, the lord of Wood­burne, and maister William Dowglasse, newlie made prior of Coldingham, with their partakers in great numbers, came to Edenburgh to aid the earle of Angus, who was within the towne, against the 50 earle of Arrane, and Iames Beton the chancellor, who were also there. But now by the comming of these succors, which entered by force at the neather bowe, and slue the maister of Mountgomerie, sonne of the earle Eglenton, and sir Patrike Hamilton knight; the earle of Arrane, and the chancellor, were constreined to forsake the towne, & to passe through the north loch. [To reuenge this contumelie, the Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 14. Hamiltons besieged the cell of Marnocke (which is the castell of Cuningham) but they shortlie returned 60 backe without dooing anie thing against them.]

The one and twentith of Iulie, the earle of An­gus being in the towne of Edenburgh, George Hume, brother to the late lord Hume beheaded, came thither with the abbat of Coldingham, brother to the earle of Angus, and Dauid Hume of Wood­burne, and a great companie of gentlemen, and others, and passed to the Tolbuith, where they remai­ned, till the heads of the lord Hume, and of his bro­ther William were taken downe beside the place The lord Humes head taken downe. where they were fastened on a [...]auill, and this was doone in presence of the prouost for the [...]me being. The next day they went to Linlithgo, and from thence to Striueling, in hope to haue found the chan­cellor, and some other of that faction there. But mis­sing of their purpose, they returned to Edenburgh a­gaine, and causing solemne funerall obsequies to be kept in the blacke friers, for them that owght those heads, with offerings and bankets, they afterwards returned home to their owne dwellings, without at­tempting anie other thing for that present.

In Nouember, the duke of Albanie arriued in The duke of Albame re­turneth into Scotland. 1521. Buch. Scotland on the west parts, at an hauen called Gra­wrach, the nineteenth of the same moneth; and on the thrée and twentith he came to Edenburgh, accom­panied with the queene, the archbishop of Glascows chancellor, the earle of Huntleie, and manie other lords, knights, barons, and gentlemen; and within six daies after their comming thither, the prouost and The prouost & bailiffes of E­denburgh de­posed. A parlement summoned. bailiffes were deposed, because they had beene chosen in fauour of the earle of Angus, and other appointed in their roomes. Then was there a parlement sum­moned to be kept at Edenburgh, the six and twen­tith of Ianuarie next following; and on the ninth of Ianuarie, a generall summons of forfalture was proclamed at the market crosse in Edenburgh, wher­in were summoned the earle of Angus and his bro­ther, the prior of Coldingham, the lord of Wood­burne, 1521. the lord of Dalehousie, Iohn Summerwell of Cawdstreme, and William Cockborne of Langton, with their complices, to make their appeerance in the said parlement, to be tried for sundrie great offenses by them committed.

Maister Gawin Dowglasse bishop of Dunkeld, Gawin Dow­glasse bishop of Dunkeld fléeth into England. hearing of this proclamation, fled into England, and remained in London at the Sauoie, where he depar­ted this life, and is buried in the church there. He was a cunning clearke, and a verie good poet: he transla­ted the twelue bookes of the Aeneidos of Virgill in Scotish méeter, and compiled also The palace of ho­nor, with diuerse other treatises in the Scotish lan­guage, which are yet extant. The earle of Angus fea­ring The earle of Angus fea­reth the sen­tence of for­falture. the sentence of forfalture to be laied against him at the parlement, procured his wife (although there was small liking betwixt them) to labor for his pardon to the gouernor. Wherevpon it was agre­ed, that the earle, and his brother George Dowglasse should passe out of the realme into France, and there He and his brother bani­shed. to remaine during the gouernors pleasure: and so they departed into France, and remained there all the next yéere following.

The king of England, hearing that the duke of Albanie was arriued in Scotland, and had taken the rule vpon him, doubting least he should persuade the Scotishmen to assist the French king, against whome, by persuasion of the emperor he ment short­lie to make warre, sent his herald Clarencieux into Clarencieux an English herald sent in­to Scotland. Scotland, to require the duke to depart from thence, alledging, that it was promises by the king of France at the last enteruiew betwixt them, which chanced the summer before, that he should not come into Scotland. And moreouer, whereas the king of England was vncle vnto the king of Scots, he con­sidered with himselfe that by nature he was bound to defend his nephue, as he ment to doo; and therefore he thought it not reason, that the duke being next to The king of England dou­teth to haue the duke of Albanie go­uernor to the king his ne­phue. the crowne to succéed, if ought came to the yoong king, should haue the gouernement of him, least he might be made awaie, as other yoong kings had beene. He further complained, that the earle of An­gus should be sent out of the realme, so that he could not inioy the companie of his wife, sister vnto the same king of England.

Clarencieux had therefore commandement, that Warre de­nounced by Clarencieux against the duke of Alba­nie. if the duke refused to depart out of the realme of Scotland, he should intimate a defiance with open warre against him: which the said Clarencieux did, declaring his message vnto the duke from point to [Page 308] point at Holte rood house, as he had in commande­ment. To whome the duke answered, that neither the The dukes answer. king of France, nor the king of England should staie him from comming into his countrie. And as touching the king, who was as yet yoong in yéeres, he loued him as his souereigne lord, and would keepe him, and defend both him and his realm [...] against all other that would attempt to inuade the same, accor­ding to his conscience, honor, and dutie. And as tou­ching the earle of Angus, he had vsed towards him 10 all clemencie and mercie, notwithstanding his euill demerits, and that principallie for the quéenes cause, whome he would honor as mother to his souereigne lord. This answer being reported vnto the king of England, contented him nothing at all, and there­fore prepared to make warre.

The tenth of Aprill, there came seuen great ships into the Forth, vnto Inchkeith, to haue spoiled the 1522. ships, and inuade the coast there: but they were so stoutlie resisted and kept off, that they were not suf­fered 20 to doo anie great exploit, and so they returned without preie or prise. In this season, Andrew For­man bishop of saint Andrewes deceassed, and bishop The death of the archbishop of saint An­drewes. Iames Be­ton succéeded him. Iames Beton archbishop of Glascow, chancellor of Scotland, was remooued to saint Andrewes, & made abbat also of Dunfirmling, and the archbishoprike of Glascow was giuen a yoong man one Gawin Dun­bar, that was the kings schoole maister. In the mo­neth of Maie, there was great adoo in Edenburgh, A stur in E­denburgh. by the falling out of the seruants of the earles of 30 Murrey and Erroll, with the seruants of the earle of Huntleie, by reason whereof, the whole towne fell to partakings; but the duke comming suddenlie from the abbeie of Holie rood house, staied the matter, and committed she said earles vnto ward within the ca­stell.

The emperor came into England, and persuaded the king there to mooue warres against the French The emperor commeth into England. Scots and Frenchmen banished foorth of England. The earle of Shrewesbu­rie inuadeth Scotland. king, and so not onelie the Frenchmen but also the Scots were commanded to auoid out of England, 40 their goods confiscated, and they conueied foorth of the land, with a white crosse sowed vpon their vpper­most garment. In Iulie, the earle of Shrewesburie was sent by the king of England vnto the borders, with commission, to raise the power of the north parts to inuade Scotland, who vpon the sudden en­tered and came to Kelfo, where he burnt one part of the towne; but the borderers of the Mers and Teui­dale, not being halfe so manie in number as the o­ther, set vpon them, slue, and tooke manie prisoners, 50 and so constreined them to returne into England with small honor.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 4 [...]. The gouernor after this (when he saw the Eng­lish ouerrun all the borders of Scotland) called a parlement at Edenburgh, the 9 kalends of August, to cure the same wound. Beside this, the French fea­ring them selues (because of a prepared and well fur­nished nanie of the English which did euerie waie couer and kéepe the sea) sent manie (and those wise and of excellent knowledge) vnto the gouernor, to re­quest 60 him that he would either by counsell persuade, or by authoritie inforce his Scots to take armor a­gainst the English. After which (the matter being with great consultation and manie reasons tossed in argument to and fro) it was decréed by common consent of the parlement, that a chosen number of souldiers should be prepared, to defend the borders from the inuasion of the enimie, & (the more strong­lie to repell the English force) it was concluded, that the children of such as were slaine in that expedi­tion, should be freed from all charges or troubles that might light on them during their minoritie: and further, that the wiues of all such which had anie lands (during their liues & fell in that conflict) should after the death of their husbands kéepe the same for the terme of fiue yeeres.)

The duke of Albanie, hearing of the great prepa­ration that the earle of Shrewesburie made, to raise an armie of foure score thousand men to inuade Scotland, he likewise (as it was before decréed) sent The duke of Albanie rai­seth an armie to inuade England. vnto all the earles, lords, and nobles of the realme, willing them to raise all such power as they could make in defense of their countrie; which they did. And so being assembled, the duke with a mightie armie of Scotishmen and certeine Frenchmen, with great artillerie, marched forward, till he came to the water of Eske ouer against Carleill: and perceiuing that the English armie came not then forward, he did what he could to persuade the noble men to enter in­to England: but as they were in councell togither about that earnest motion made to them by the duke, a certeine graue personage said to them in this ma­ner.

‘My lards, hither we be come by the commaunde­ment The woords of a councellor of my lard gouernor duke of Albanie, and albe­it we be readie to defend our awne natiue realme, contrarie the inuasioun of our auld enimies of Eng­laund, yet neuerthelesse it séemeth not guid, nor for the wéele of our realme of Scotlaund, to passe with­in Englaund with our armie to inuade the same at this time. And the earnest persuasiouns quhilk the go­uernor makes to vs to doo the same, procéedes ala­nerlie for the pleasure of France. It appéereth to be sufficient inough for vs so lang as the king our soue­reigne lard is within age to defend our awn realme, and not to inuade: otherwise, we may put the haile countrie and nobilitie thereof in hazard of tintsall: for king Iames the fourth brought the realme of Scotlaund to the best that it euer was, and by the war it was brought to the woorst almost that might be: for by that warre, was he and his nobilitie tinte, quhilk Scotlaund sare laments. Wherefore by mine aduise, let vs go to the gouernor, and know of him the cause why he wauld persuade vs to inuade Eng­laund.’

‘Then they all came to the gouernors tent, and the The earle of Arrane decla­reth to the go­uernor the mind of the lords. earle of Arrane, an auncient wise man spake for them all, and said: My lard gouernor, by your will and commaundement, héere is assembled the maist of the nobilitie of Scotlaund with their power, vp­on a pretense to enter within Englaund. My lards héere wauld know the cause and quarrell why this warre is begun, gif it might please your goodnesse, it should well satisfie their minds. The duke studied a little space, and said: This questioun wauld haif bin The dukes answer to the earle of Ar­rane. demaunded yer now; for well you know, that I for verie lufe I beare to the realme of Scotlaund (of the quhilk I haue my name, honor, and lignage) haife passed the seas from the noble realme of France, in­to this realme of Scotlaund. And great cause there was for me so to doo, to bring you to a vnitie, when ye ware in diuisioun, by reasoun whereof, your realme was like to haue bin conquered and destroi­ed. And also the king of Fraunce, by my suites and intercessioun, will ioine with you in aid against the English natioun: and when this warre was deter­minate in the parlement, you made me capteine, au­thorizing me to inuade Englaund with banner dis­plaied. Then was no demaund made of the cause or quarrell, and that I haif doone, is by your assent and agreement, and that I will iustifie. But to answer your demaund, me thinke you haif iust cause to in­uade Englaund with fire, swoord, and bloud, gif ye be not forgetfull, and without you will beare dishonor and reproch for euer. For ye know that this realme of Scotlaund is our inheritaunce, as a portioun of the world allotted to our natioun and auncessors whome we succéed. Then where may there be better warre, [Page 309] than to mainteine this our naturall inheritance? Is it not dailie séene, the great inuasiouns that the Englishmen on vs make, the great manslaughters and murders, with thefts and spoiles that they doo dailie? Is not this one cause of warre? To defend the countrie is the office of a king, the honor of noble men, and the verie seruice of chiualrie, and the dutie naturall of the communaltie: for I thinke it a iust quarrell, gif we might conquer the realme of Eng­laund, and annex it to our owne realme, for the great 10 iniuries and wrongs doone by that natioun to vs and our predecessors. For séene the begining of our habi­tatioun in this Ile of Britaine, the Englishmen and we haue euer bin enimies, and vs haif they euer ha­ted, and yet haue we euer withstand them. Suppose, we at the last battell of Floddoun field by chaunce lost our souereigne lard, & diuerse noble men, quhilk was rather by treasoun of the lard chamberlaine, than otherwise, who would not relieue the kings ar­mie when he might. And yet I thinke we wan the 20 field, quhilk murder all we noble men ought to re­uenge. Therefore I wauld that you suld couragi­ouslie aduance your selues in this quarrell to get ho­nor, and to be reuenged.’

Then one wise man that was president of the councell, answered the gouernor, saieng: ‘My lard, 1522. The replie of a wise coun­cellor. fortune of weir is led by him that all leides, and he striks the strake, we can warke na meracles, & heare are the lards of Englaund readie to incounter vs. And gif we inuade their realme, suerlie they will 30 fight, for their power sall increase dailie, and ours will diminish. And gif God graunt vs the victorie (as I trust he sall) yet haue we not woon the field, for readie comming is the earle of Shrewesburie sa mikell dread in Fraunce (as ye knaw well) with an great puissant armie, and there is na doubt, but the king of Englaund will send or bring another armie gif we suld chance to get the first battell. And gif we get the secound field, that will not be without great losse of manie nobles, by reasoun whereof, the 40 realme shall be weaker. And gif we be ouercommen how manie suld be slaine, God knawes. They that flée are woorthie to be reputed as traitors to the king, and so by wilfulnesse and fule hardinesse, the realme may be in ieopardie to be vndoone. I say, while the king is within age, we aught to mooue na weir, least by weir we may bring him to destructioun.’

Then said the valiant gouernor: ‘Héere is an pu­issaunt The gouer­nors woords to the presi­dents replie. armie of Scotlaund, gif we returne, we sall incourage our enimies. Therefore séene you thinke 50 it not gude to inuade, my councell is that we campe still on the bordures, while we sée what the English­men pretends to doo against our relme.’ To the which the nobles consented, and laie still there in campe certeine daies after. After this conference had be­twixt the nobles and the gouernor, the quéene as then being not with them, but aduertised of all the procée­dings and determinations, sent woord to the gouer­nor, and desired him that there might be a treatie of peace had, and she promised to get the warden of the 60 Means made for peace. English marches to come to the gouernors campe, vpon pledges, whervnto the gouernor condescended. Héerevpon, the lord Dacres, warden of the west The lord Da­cres. marches of England [with Thomas Musgraue] came vnto the gouernors campe, and thither also at that time was the quéene hir selfe come, and so vp­on the eleuenth of September, an abstinence of war was taken and couenanted, that in the meane time the duke and quéene should send ambassadors into England, to treat and conclude a resolute peace.

In the moneth of October next insuing, there were thrée ambassadors sent into England, accor­ding to the agreement in the last treatie, but there were so hard and extreame conditions proponed on the king of Englands behalfe, that the same could not be accepted, as being contrarie to the honor and weale of the realme of Scotl [...]nd, as the Scotishmen tooke the matter. And so those ambassadors returned without agréement or conclusion of peace: wherevp­on followed great trouble betwixt them of the bor­ders of both realmes. The earle of Northumberland The earle of Northumber­land made lord Warden. was made warden of the whole marches, but shortlie after, he began to make sute to be discharged of that office, & ceassed not till he obteined it: and then was The earle of Surreie. The lord marques Dorset. The lord Da­cres. the earle of Surreie made generall warden, and the lord marquesse Dorset warden of the east & middle marches; the lord Dacres continuing still in his of­fice of wardenship ouer the west marches.

About the sixt day of March, the said lords came to the borders, about which time, the duke of Albanie considering that the warres betwixt Scotland and England were irksome to the nobles of the realme, because the same wars were taken in hand chief [...]ie to serue the French kings turne, therefore he passed The duke of Albanie goeth ouer into France. His request. by the west seas into France. And in the beginning of March, where he was verie hartilie and gladlie re­ceiued of the king, his request was onelie to haue fiue thousand horssemen, and ten thousand footmen of Almains, to be transported into Scotland: and doubted not, if he might haue this granted, but that His vaine brag. with that power, and the assistance of the Scots, he should be able to ouerthrow the king of England in battell, or else to driue him out of his realme. But the French king neither beleeued this vaine brag, nor yet might spare anie such power, hauing warre at that time both against England, and the emperor: neuerthelesse, he promised him some aid, wherevpon the duke abode and waited for the same a long sea­son. In the meane while, the lords of Scotland cau­sed 1523. certeine noble men to lie vpon the borders mo­nethlie, in defense of the same against the English­men, dailie looking for support from France. Euerie The borders watched. companie remained their moneths, and then depar­ted home as the custome is, and thus they continued still till September following. Much hurt was doone on either part, and diuerse houses were ouerthrowne and destroied both in England and Scotland.

During which time, the king of France prepared certeine ships, with men, and munition, to passe with the duke of Albanie into Scotland. But the king of England, to catch him by the way, had laid a great nauie of ships in the pase on the seas, as he should make his course. But the duke embarquing himselfe with his people at Brest in Britaine, sai­led The duke of Albanie re­turneth into Scotland. by the west parts of Scotland: and the one and twentith day of September landed at Kirkowbre in the west part of Scotland; he brought with him (beside a good number of Frenchmen) Richard de la Poole, a man of great parentage, borne in Eng­land, and banished his countrie. Whilest the duke was on the sea making saile toward Scotland, the earle of Surreie, with an armie of twentie thou­sand men, entered into Scotland, and comming to Edenburgh, burned the towne and the abbeie. [But Fr. Thin. Lesleus, lib. 9. pag. 407. saith it was Iedwoorth The earle of Surreie in uadeth Scot­land. which the earle burnt.] It was thought they ment to haue passed further, but the Scotishmen assembling themselues against their inuasions, they were con­streined to returne with losse (as some Scotishmen haue written.)

Fr. Thin. In this place, Buchanan (before he commeth to the parlement assembled by the duke of Albanie af­ter his returne out of France) writeth in this sort. Buchanan. lib. 14. We haue shewed (saieth he) how miserable the state of Scotland was the last summer (through the dis­sention which was amongest the nobilitie) by the English (with all kind of slaughter) spoiling the places bordering néere vnto them, and besetting [Page 310] the sea on euerie side, whereby we might be out of hope of all forren aid. For the deuise of the enimie tended to compell the fierce minds of the Scots (a­bated with such euils) to conclude a league with him; wherewith the Scots were not behind (by reason of the French faction) that by the means of the quéene there might be a perpetuall truce taken betwéene them. For when the lord Hume was (by death) taken away, the Dowglasse banished, and all the rest of the nobilitie rather méet for compani­ons 10 than leaders in battels; such as had withdrawen their mind from the French, applied themselues to the quéenes faction.

Wherevpon she (to gratifie hir brother, and to wrest all the gouernement into hir owne hands) did (dissembling hir gréedie desire to rule) persuade them, to deliuer their sonne (almost now past childish yeares) out of the hands of strangers, and them selues from the yoke of other mens bondage. For the queene did well foresée, that preparation and suc­cor 20 was made, and did come against hir husband, whome before she had begun to hate extreamelie. The king of England also did commend and prefer to the Scots the counsell of his sister, by manie let­ters sent, and with faire promises offered; because he had none other mind, but that a perpetuall friend­ship might alwaies remaine betwéene the adioined kingdoms; the which, as he had at other times de­sired; so now he mostlie wished it, not for anie com­moditie to himselfe, but to the end that all men 30 might well perceiue that he would imbrace, defend, and asmuch as rested within his abilitie, séeke the commoditie of his sisters sonne by all the means he might. And if the Scots would persuade themselues to breake the league with the French, and ioine in amitie with the English; they should shortlie well vnderstand, that the king of England did not seeke after souereingtie, glorie, power, or honor; but onelie studied for a concord amongst themselues, & a league betwéene their nations. For which cause, he would 40 bestow his onelie daughter Marie vpon Iames the king of Scotland; by which mariage, the Scots should not be subiect to the gouernement of Eng­land; but contrarie, the English vnder the rule of the Scots. For by that means, besides the quenching of great hatred betweene the nations (and intercourse of merchandize, exchange of mutuall courtesies and ioinings in affinitie) there should be an indissoluble knot made for the honor of the whole Iland.

And with this, they (for England) remembred the 50 profit and disaduantage that might rise to the one from other, by the friendship or hatred of either kingdome, and the benefit that they might looke for from their English neighbours, more than by anie possibilitie they might obteine from their French confederats. For on the one side, the Eng­lish and they were borne in one continent, brought vp vnder the same influence of the heauen, and so like in all things, in toong, in maners, in lawes, in decrées, in countenance, in color, and in lineaments 60 of bodie, as that they rather séeme one than two na­tions. On the other side, the French are not onelie different from them, by naturall soile and clemen­cie of the heauens; but more seuered from them in order and forme of liuing, being further such a peo­ple, as if they were enimies vnto them, they could not greatlie hurt them; and if they be their friends they can not greatlie helpe them. But the English are at hand with men, munition, and monie; when the French, being so far off, are onelie with allure­ments, inforcements, and for their owne commo­ditie drawen to take their part. Besides which, there can be no succor from France but by sea, which the enimie may easilie stop; and so the Scots not able to be succored by them. But from the English they may haue aid by land with speed, and no man can hinder them thereof. Wherefore they should consider how discommodious (for the dispatch of their affairs) and how vnapt (for the defense of themselues) it should be, to hang all the hope of their succor vpon the fauor of the wind, and to place the most suertie of their estate in the vnconstant friendship of the vn­certeine elements. For (if neuer before) yet at this time the Scots might not onlie perceiue in thought but feele in déed what helpe is to be hoped (in present dangers) from absent friends, when that the Eng­lish can not onelie helpe you now, but at this instant doo also kéepe away your promised and long expected aid, which they haue so besieged vpon the sea, that you can receiue no benefit or helpe from them.

After that these things were thus laid abroad for the knitting of the English league, as there were not a few which gaue consent to that motion, so were there manie that stiflie argued to the contrarie. For in that assemblie, there were manie pensioners of the French faction, who (increasing their priuat com­moditie by the publike detriment) did vtterlie ab­hor from all peace; besides whome, there were also some, which suspected the facilitie of promise in the English: especiallie, since the whole estate of Eng­land did then chiefelie hang vpon the backe of Tho­mas Woolseie the cardinall, an euill and ambitious person, and who referred all counsels and consulta­tions to the amplifieng of his owne priuat authori­tie and dignitie; and for that cause, applied that and all other things to euerie blast of fortune. All our men although they were mooued by diuerse reasons (as the varietie of diuerse wits bred diuerse minds) did yet with like endeuor tend vnto one end, which was alwaies to defend the French league; for they denied, that the same sudden liberalitie of the eni­mie, could anie way sort to their benefit; since this was not the first time that the English had vsed that policie to intrap vnwarie men: as did Edward the first, who (swearing and binding himselfe with all bonds of law, when he was chosen an arbitrator to cease the strife of the kingdome of Scotland) did with great iniurie make a king of Scots at his pleasure: and of late also, Edward the fourth king of England (when he had promised his daughter Ce­cilie to the sonne of Iames the third) did (the maid being readie for the mariage) dissolue the same, by taking occasion of warre through our ciuill dissen­tions. According to which, the English doo now al­so seeke none other matter, than (casting a vaine hope before vs to gouerne them, to bring vs into right seruitude; and (when we are destitute of all forren helpe) to oppresse vs with all the power of their king­dome.

Neither is that true also (wherein the chiefest strength of their spéech consisteth) that the aid of our neighbors néere at hand, is better or surer to vs than further friendship. For how may we looke for anie good from those our neighbors, since commonlie a­mongest neighbors there neuer want occasions of dissention; which oftentimes chance bringeth foorth, and the stronger (hauing small or no occasion) will manie times seeke to offer: at what time, he which is greatest in armes, must & will appoint lawes of agréement as seemes best to his liking. Beside, there was neuer yet so sacred or firme a bond of amitie betwéene adioining kingdoms, which was not often­times Where the English haue killed one, the Scots haue murthered ten as the course of their histo­ries will well prooue. broken, either by offered or sought occasions of displeasure & breach: neither is it to be hoped, that the English will absteine from offering violence vnto vs; that haue not spared the bloud of so manie of their owne kings. For the sanctitie of leagues, & the religion of an oth, and the faith of compacts [Page 311] and couenants, are in truth firme bonds of amitie amongest the good: but amongest the wicked, they are nets to intrap others, if occasion of commoditie be offered for breach of them. All which benefits and iniuries, doo dwell in people, whome neerenesse of bounds, conuersation of language, and not vnlike maner of life hath ioined togither.

And if all these things should be far otherwise, yet there be two things which we ought speciallie to foresée and prouide for; whereof, the one is, that we 10 spend not our time in vaine by chiding and disagrée­ment, as persons drawen into diuerse factions; the other, that we reiect not our old friends (for this new aliance) before we haue heard what they can say; especiallie in such a cause (as this) which may not be determined, but by the consent of the parle­ment. Upon which, the French followers did ear­nestlie stand, that there should not anie thing be doone therein; and therefore sent certeine of the French aid as ambassadors about the cause. This 20 thus ended, and the comming of the gouernour spread abroad, the same made manie glad, confir­med the doubtfull thereof, and withdrew others (that were inclined to the English part) from the same opinion they were of.]

The duke immediatlie after his arriuall came to Edenburgh, where he caused all the lords of the realme to assemble in that towne, where he declared the great loue and affection that the king of France bare to the realme of Scotland, insomuch as hea­ring 30 of the slaughters, murthers and burnings, prac­tised by the Englishmen, he thought that he felt the same doone vnto him, reputing himselfe one of their members. And for reuenging thereof, he would bée partner with them as their member: for more cre­dit whereof, he shewed the kings letter, confirming his declaration. He therefore exhorted them to as­semble an armie, in reuenge of iniuries & wrongs doone to them and their countrie; for he had brought with him monie, men, and artillerie to the furthe­rance 40 thereof. Herevpon it was concluded, that the armie should assemble at Dowglas dale the eigh­téenth of October: the which conclusion they kept, and from thence they marched to Caldstreame vpon Tweed, and sent ouer the water certeine of their great artillerie, with a companie of Frenchmen and Scots, by the guiding of Dauid Car; and being Dauid Car. Warke castell besieged. got ouer, they lay siege to the castell of Warke, which was kept by sir William Li [...]e capteine thereof, ha­uing with him a strong garrison of English souldi­ors, 50 and great prouision of artillerie, and all things necessarie: yet at the first assault, the vtter barne­kin was woone, and the said companie of Scotish­men and Frenchmen lay within the same, indama­ging the castell in all they might.

The earle of Surrie and diuerse others of the English nobilitie, with an armie of fortie thousand The earle of Surrie with an armie of fortie thou­sand men. The marques Dorset appoin ted to kéepe Berwike. men, were at Anwike, not far distant from Warke, and the marquesse Dorset was sent with a great companie to keepe the towne of Berwike, for doubt 60 least the same should haue béene besieged. Also in the meane time, a new assault was made to the inner barnekin of Warke, and the same woone likewise as the other had béene before. After this was the ca­stell assailed, and part of it beaten downe with the artillerie lieng on the Scotish side of the water of Twéed. At which breach▪ the assault was giuen, and Warke as­saulted. the same continued, till that through darknesse and lacke of light, the assailants were driuen to retire. Great slaughter was made at that assault on both The Scots and French retire backe ouer the water. sides, but especiallie of them within the house. The assailants ment to haue giuen a fresh assault the next day, being the fourth of Nouember: but a sore and [...]hement storme and tempest of [...] chanced that night, so that they were constreined to leaue off that enterprise, and to get themselues ouer the ri­uer againe vnto the armie, least by the rising of the water of Twéed, they might haue béene cut off by their enimies, before they could haue beene suc­coured.

In the meane time, whilest this siege continued, a number of Scotishmen made a road into the Glendale burned by the Scots. countrie of Glendale within the English marches, and burnt and spoiled diuerse townes, cast downe sundrie piles, and returned without anie resistance: for the earle of Surrie would suffer none of his people so depart from the armie, nor breake order, for feare of more inconuenience. The duke of Al­banie An herald sent. lieng on the Scotish side of Twéed, sent an herald vnto the earle of Surrie, willing him to call to remembrance, how in his absence he had inuaded Scotland with fire and sword: for the which cruell dealing, he required him vpon his honor to come forward, and he would méet him in the confines of both the realmes, and giue him battell. To the which message the earle answered, that he had no commis­sion to inuade Scotland at that time, but it onlie to defend. And (as some haue reported) he caused a secret messenger to passe to the quéene, as then lieng a good way distant from the armie, to mooue for some abstinence and truce, and further to persuade the duke to retire home; which he did, so that by hir labor, a truce was taken for that instant, and afterward A truce. confirmed for a longer time: and thus the duke re­turned with honor (as the Scotishmen report.) This Sée more of this matter in England. 1524. truce was well kept all the next winter following, and no inuasion made, till the moneth of Maie: and then was the erle of Surrie sent againe to the Eng­lish borders, and the lords of Scotland on the other part monethlie laie on their borders by quarters, for defense of their countrie, as the vse is.

On Trinitie sundaie, being the one and twen­tith Scots enter into England of Maie, fiue hundred Scots entered England, to surprise the English merchants, and others, go­ing that day vnto Berwike, where yéerelie on that day the faire is kept; and so by reason therof they met with diuerse of them that went to this faire, and tooke to the number of two hundred prisoners, whom they led with them into Scotland. But Hall saith, that by the comming of the yoong lord of Fulberie to the succors of the Englishmen, the Scots were chased, and lost two hundred of their numbers. On the fift of Iulie, sir William Fenwike, Leonard Musgraue, & Bastard Heron, with diuers other, to the number of nine hundred Englishmen, entred into the Mers, Englishmen inuade Scot­land. and began to spoile and rob the countrie: but they were shortlie compassed about with Scotishmen, & so hardlie assailed, that although they fought vali­antlie a good while, yet by fine force they were com­pelled to giue ground, and séeke to saue themselues by flight, in which two hundred of them were taken Englishmen discomfited. Bastard He­ron sla [...]e. prisoners, and Bastard Heron with diuerse other slaine. Amongest the prisoners, were sir [...] Fen­wike, Leonard Musgraue, and diuers other gentle­men of good calling.

On the seuententh of Iulie, the lord Marwell, 1524. Foure [...]ou­sand saith Hal. and sir Alexander Iordein, with diuerse other Sco­tishmen in great numbers, e [...]red England at the west marches by Caerleill, with displaied banners, The lord Maxwell in­uadeth Eng­land. and began to harrie the countrie, and burne diuers places. The Englishmen assembled on euerie side, so that they were farre more in number than the Sco­tishmen, and there vpon set fiercelie vpon their eni­mies, insomuch that for the space of an houre, there was a sore fight continued betwixt them▪ But the lord Maxwell like a right politike capteine (as of all that knew him he was no lesse reputed) ceassed not to incourage his people: & after that, by the taking [Page 312] of Alexander Iordein & diuers others, they had bin put backe, he brought them in araie againe, and be­ginning a new skirmish, recouered in maner all the prisoners, tooke and slue diuerse Englishmen, so that he returned with victorie, and led aboue thrée hun­dred prisoners with him home into Scotland.

After this iourneie, there was an assemblie of An assemblie of the lords. the lords in Edenburgh, with the duke of Albanie, where some of the lords were of mind that the warre should continue: other thought it not reason, that for 10 the pleasure onelie of France, the realme should su­steine such damage, as it had doone by those three last yéeres wars now passed, and therefore they persua­ded peace. Moreouer, there was also much debating of the matter, touching the age and gouernement of the king; some of the lords holding that he was now of age to take the rule vpon himselfe, and that the gardianship or tutorie of a king expired sooner than of another priuate person. The duke of Albanie per­ceiuing how the lords were diuided amongest them­selues, 20 and neither content with his gouernement, nor willing to mainteine the warres which he had so earnestlie persuaded for the pleasure of France, hée declared to them that he wold returne into France, and so taking his leaue of the nobilitie, went to Striueling where the king was, of whome he tooke leaue, also giuing vnto him such louing and faithfull counsell, as to his knowledge séemed expedient, and so went into the west countrie, where he tooke the The duke of Albanie re­turneth into France. Fr. Thin. seas in September, and sailed foorth into France, 30 [neuer to returne into Scotland.]

The king of England [before the rumor of the departure of the duke of Albanie] hauing in the mo­neth of Iune sent ouer into France, vnto Archem­bald earle of Angus, that remained there vpon the commandement of the duke of Albanie, persuaded him to come from thence secretlie into England, which accordinglie he did; and being safelie arriued in England, king Henrie procured him to passe in­to Scotland, that with the assistance of such lords as 40 The earle of Angus com­meth into England. would be readie to take his part, he might raise war against the duke of Albanie, which sought by all meanes (as the king of England was informed) to destroie him & his: but yer the earle could come into Scotland, the duke was departed toward France. On the six and twentith of Iulie, the king by the ad­uise of his mother, and certeine yoong lords, came from Striueling vnto Edenburgh; and thrée daies after, the quéene tooke the whole gouernment of the king vpon hir, and entered into the castell of Eden­burgh 50 The quéene taketh the go­uernment in­to hir hands. with the king, where they soiourned the most part of the next winter. The prouost of Edenburgh was discharged, whom the towne had chosen, and the lord Marwell was appointed by the queene, prouost in his place. For the performance wherof, there was a parlement also summoned to be holden at Eden­burgh the third day of Februarie next insuing [and A parlement summoned. Fr. Thin. the bishop of saint Andrews and Aberden (as saith Buchanan li. 14.) were cast into prison, who after ga­thering armes (and curssing all others) within the 60 space of a moneth following were reconciled to the king.]

The king of England glad to heare that the duke of Albanie was departed into France, sent into Scotland in ambassage one maister Iohn Magnus, and Roger Ratcliffe esquier, to declare vnto the quéene and lords, that he would be content that a truce might be accorded betwixt the two realmes of England and Scotland, now that the duke of Alba­nie was returned into France, who had beene the onlie procurer of the warres. Herevpon they agréed to take truce to indure for one yéere, and in the meane time they appointed to send ambassadors in­to A truce taken for one yeare. England to treat vpon a continuall peace, ali­ance, and amitie to be had betwixt both the realmes. In this meane while, the earle of Angus came into Scotland: and bicause of the displeasure which the quéene bare him, there insued occasions of great di­uisions within the realme. Notwithstanding the quéene by aduise of certeine lords, sent the lord Gil­bert earle of Cassels, Robert Cockeborne bishop of Ambassadors into England Dunkeld, and doctor Mille abbat of Cambusken­neth, ambassadors into England, in the moneth of December; the which were receiued at Gréenewich by the king of England the foure and twentith of the same moneth: where the bishop of Dunkeld made an eloquent oration in Latine, declaring the cause of their comming, the which in effect was for intreatment of peace, loue, and amitie betwixt the two realmes: and for the more sure establishment thereof, they required that a mariage might be con­cluded betwixt their king & the ladie Marie, daugh­ter to the king of England.

This request was well heard by the king, who therevpon appointed commissioners to common thereof with the said ambassadors. Diuerse articles were proponed by the said commissioners on the king of England his behalfe, and in especiall one; which was, that the king of Scotland should re­nounce the league with the king of France; and that further he should come into England, and re­maine there till he came to perfect age to be maried. Bicause the ambassadors had not commission to conclude so farre, the earle of Cassels returned into Scotland, to vnderstand the minds of the lords and councell in these points, the other remaining at Lon­don till his returne to them againe. Fr. Thin. 1525. Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 414. Upon All saints day there was a great motion of wind, with such stormes and tempests of thunder and lightning which suddenlie arose, that the same (ouerthrowing manie priuat houses in Edenburgh, and the pinacle of the tower of Dauid in the same castell) entered into the quéenes lodging with a great flame, which burnt so vehementlie, and went so farre, that it had almost consumed the same; which storme (ouerthrow­ing the buildings about the chamber of the bishop of Whitchurch) the bishops lodging did yet remaine Candida Casa. safe not touched with the violence of the flame.)

When the day of the parlement appointed to be holden in the Tolbuith of Edenburgh was come, the king, queene, and lords, fearing some tumult in the towne to be raised by the earle of Angus, would not passe foorth of the castell, but kept the parlement within the same. Archembald Dowglasse earle of Angus, and Iohn Steward earle of Lennox, with diuerse others, to the number of two thousand men, came in the night season vnto Edenburgh, bicause they durst not enter the towne in the day time, for feare of the gunnes that laie in the castell. The next day, being the fourtéenth day of Februarie, the said earles with the archbishop of saint Andrews, the bi­shop of Aberden, that by the quéenes appointment had béene kept before in ward, the bishop of Dub­lane, Calene Campbell, the earle of Argile, and di­uerse other lords and barons being in the towne, sent to the castell, alledging that the king was kept as prisoner by the queene, and iustice suppressed, with great damage of the common wealth; and therefore The earle of Angus his request. he desired, that the king might be deliuered vnto them, to be gouerned by the aduise of the thrée states, and if they refused to deliuer him, they would be­siege the castell, and if they wan it, all their liues within should rest at their pleasures, the kings one­lie excepted.

The quéene, by the counsell of the earles of Ar­rane and Murrey, refused not onelie to deliuer the king, but sent them word, that except they did de­part the towne, they would suerlie discharge all the [Page 313] artillerie of the castell against them. Héerevpon, great feare rose in the towne, speciallie among the burgesses, but by the diligence of certeine persons that trauelled betwéene the parties, an assurance was taken on either side for certeine daies. In the meane time, the earle of Angus caused the castell to be forset, that neither meat nor other thing might He fore [...]etteth the castell of Edenburgh. be suffered to be conueied into it, except so much as might serue for the sustentation of the kings owne person. At length, all the parties were agréed, so that 10 the foure and twentith day of Februarie, the king The parties are agréed. came vnto the parlement holden in the Tolbuith in most honorable wise, with the assistance of all the e­states, hauing the crowne, scepter, and swoord borne before him, and from thence he was brought to the abbeie, where he remained.

In this parlement, there were eight lords chosen to be of the kings priuie councell, the which tooke the Councellors appointed. gouernement of the king and realme vpon them, as these: the archbishops of saint Andrews and Glas­cow, 20 the bishops of of Aberden and Dublane: the earles of Angus, Argile, Arrane, and Lennox: the quéene was adioined to them as principall, without whose aduise nothing should be doone. From this par­lement also was the earle of Cassels sent, with an­swer to the king of England; who came to London the nintéenth of March. But bicause the king had knowledge that the French king was taken at the battell of Pauie, he would not procéed in the trea­tie of mariage betwixt the king of Scotland and his 30 daughter, till he had the emperors aduise, whome he affirmed to be his confederat friend: and so renew­ing Truce re­newed. the truce for three yéers and six moneths, the am­bassadors returned into Scotland about the begin­ning of Aprill next insuing, without anie contract of mariage at that time. The agréement betwixt the queene and lords continued not long, for anon after died the bishop of Dublane or Dunkeld (as saith Lesleus) whose benefice the earle of Angus obteined Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 417. of the king for his brother William Dowglas, with­out 40 the aduise of the queene and other lords. Where­vpon the quéene departed and went vnto Striue­ling, leauing the king with the eale of Angus, who tooke the whole rule and gouernment of the realme and king vpon him, and made his vncle Archembald Dowglas treasuror of the realme, and bestowed be­nefices, offices, and all other things, by the aduise of his brother George Dowglas, and the earle of Len­nox, who assisted him.

In this meane time, the archbishop of saint An­drewes, 50 and the earles of Arrane, Argile, and Mur­rey, remaining with the quéene at Striueling, alled­ged that the king was withholden from them by the earle of Angus sore against his will: and therefore they sent vnto the earle, requiring him to deliuer him. But the earle caused the king to giue the an­swer himselfe, that he would not come from the erle The king not in his owne power. of Angus, albeit he would gladlie haue beene out of his hands if he might; as by secret messages sent to sundrie of the lords, and likewise at that time it appee­red, 60 for he willed them by priuie meanes to assemble an armie, and to come & fetch him out of their hands that thus deteined him. Herevpon shortlie after, they raised a power, and comming therewith to Lin­lithgew, The quéene mother in armes. purposing to passe into Edenburgh, that they might get the king out of the earle of Angus his hands: the said earle, with the earle of Lennox and other his assistants being thereof aduertised, came to the field with the kings banner displaied, and brought the king with him, although partlie a­gainst his will.

The queene and such lords as were with hir there in the armie, for the reuerence they bare vnto the kings person, and also fearing the danger that might chance to them if they buckled togither in a fough­ten field, they withdrew themselues to Striueling, and from thence the quéene went into Murrey land with the earle of Murrey, and there remained a long time after. The earles of Arrane and Argile went into the west countrie, and the bishop of saint An­drews to Dunfermling: and then the earle of An­gus tooke vpon him more boldlie the gouernment of the king and realme, and sent to the bishop of saint The great seale deliuered Andrews (who was chancellor) for the great seale, which was deliuered to them that were so sent for it. The nobles of the realme remaining thus at vari­ance, and diuided among themselues, there was small obedience of lawes & iustice. Diuerse slaugh­ters in sundrie parts were committed, great thefts & robberies made by the borderers vpon the inland A diuorse be­twéene the quéene and the earle of Angus. countries. Moreouer, a diuorse this yéere (as some haue said) was sued before the archbishop of S. An­drews, betwixt the quéene, and the earle of Angus hir husband, and then afterwards she tooke to hus­band one Henrie Steward, sonne to the lord of A­uendale, the which Henrie was after created by the king lord of Methwen.

On the foure and twentith of Iulie, the king be­ing 1526. accompanied with the earle of Angus, the lord Hume, the Karres & others, rode vnto Iedburgh, in purpose to haue reformed the misgouernance of the borderers; but after that they had remained there three daies with little obedience shewed towards them, they all returned. And vpon the 29 day of Iulie, at the bridge of Melrosse, the lard of Bo­clouth, The lard of Boclough his enterprise, to take the king from the earle of Angus. accompanied with a thousand horssemen, be­gan to shew himselfe in sight, whose principall pur­pose was to haue taken the king from the earle of Angus and his assistants, being requested and com­manded by the king himselfe so to doo. The earle of Angus incontinentlie sent an herald vnto the lard of Boclough, to know what his intention was to doo; who answered, that he came to doo the king honor and seruice, and to shew his friends and power as the vse is of the borderers.

The earle of Angus, with the lord Hume, and the rest, not being content with this answer, because of the great feud betwixt him and the Humes, and the Kars, sent vnto him a commandement in the kings name to depart, and not to approch néere to the kings presence, vnder paine of high treason. Whervnto he answered, that he knew the kings mind well inough & would not spare for this commandement to come to his graces presence. Which answer receiued from him, incontinentlie the earle of Angus, the lords Fleming and Hume, the Kars, the lard of Sesse­ford, with their friends, alighted on foot; the king re­maining on horsbacke, accompanied with the earle of Lennox, the lord Maxwell, George Dowglasse, and Ninian Creichton, tutor of Sainquhar.

The lard of Boclough lighted also on foot, but be­cause the most part of his men were of the theeues and outlawes of the borders, commonlie called bro­ken men, vpon their first comming to ioining with their speares, they fled, leauing the lard of Boclough with a small number of his owne seruants about him in all the danger: yet they defended themselues verie manfullie, and [...]ue the lard of Sesseford and di­uerse The lard of Sesseford slaine. The lard of Boclough put to flight. other, on the earle of Angus his side: but final­lie, oppressed with multitude, they were put to flight, and foure score of Bocloughes men slaine in the chase. After this, the king returned to Iedburgh, and remained there the space of foure daies, and then re­turned to Edenburgh.

All this while, the king was gouerned and holden against his will, by the earle of Angus and his assis­ters, although he did not outwardlie shew so in coun­tenance, but dissembled the matter as well as he [Page 314] might, yet perceiuing two enterprises to haue quai­led that had béene attempted for his deliuerance, he thought to assaie the third; and héerevpon, procured the earle of Lennox to assemble an armie, with as­sistance of the quéene and hir friends, to helpe to de­liuer The earle of Lennox ga­thereth a pow­er. him from the hands of his enimies. The earle of Lennox did so, and came with such power as he could raise from the westparts vnto Linlithgo. The earle of Angus being aduertised, that the earle of Lennox was gathering men, sent to the earle of Ar­rane 10 for aid, requiring him to come with such power as he could make, and to méet him at Linlithgo. The earle of Arrane immediatlie héerewith gathered a The earle of Arrane ga­thereth a power. power, and with the same came to Linlithgo before the earle of Lennox came thither, who shortlie after comming with his people, approched that towne, vn­to whome the earle of Arrane sent a messenger, re­quiring him to turne and saue his enterprise, assu­ring him, that albeit he was his sisters sonne, he would not spare him, if he held forward vpon his 20 iournie. The earle of Lennox héerewith answered in a great rage, that he would not staie, till he came to Edenburgh, or else die for it by the waie. The earle of Arrane therefore not staieng for the earle of An­gus his comming from Edenburgh, issued foorth of Linlithgo at the west end of the towne, and incoun­tered the earle of Lennox and his companie, where there was a cruell onset giuen on both sides, but sud­denlie the earle of Lennox his companie fled, and he himselfe with the lord of Hunston and diuerse other 30 The earle of Lennox slaine gentlemen were slaine.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 14.The death of which Dowglas the king did great­lie lament, and hearing the clamor and noise that was made in that conflict, did send foorth (but all too late) Andrew Wood (his familiar) to haue succored the Lennox, if by anie meanes he could. After this victorie, the faction of the Dowglasses (to the end that striking a feare in those that were enuious a­gainst them, they might make them alwaies to be in danger to them) began to mooue questions and 40 sutes in law, against such as had borne armor a­gainst the king: for feare whereof some bought their peace with monie, some tooke part with the Dow­glasses, some followed the Hamiltons, and some stiflie standing in the matter, were followed and cal­led into the law. Of which number Gilbert earle of Cassiles (when he was earnestlie pressed by Iames Hamilton the bastard, to yéeld himselfe to the part of the Hamiltons) being a man of great stomach, gaue this answer, that the old league of friendship, which 50 was betwéene their grandfathers (in which his grandfather was alwaies the more honorable and first named) should not make him now so forgetfull of the honor of his familie, that he would séeme to degenerat from his ancestors, and willinglie grant to be vnder defense (which is the next degrée of seruitude) of them, whose head in making an equall league and couenant was contented with the second place of honor.

Wherefore, when the said Gilbert appéered in the 60 law at the day appointed, for the deciding of his cause: Hugh Kennedie his kinsman answered for him, that he was present in that battell, as sent thi­ther by the king, and not as enimie to the king, and he would (if need required) bring foorth the kings let­ters therfore, notwithstanding the Hamiltons frow­ning and fretting against his boldnesse: for the king had written as well to Gilbert (going home) as to manie others, to ioine with Iohn Steward earle of Lennox, who séeing the battell at hand, and that he had not time left to call togither his friends and fol­lowers, did with his present companie (taking his iournie out of the waie) turne to Striueling. Wher­fore (the power of the Hamiltons in that cause some­what suppressed) Iames Hamilton the bastard stirred with great hatred against Kennedie, did procure Hugh Campbell shiriffe of Aire to dispatch him out The death of the earle of Cassiles. of the waie, which he shortlie after did in his returne home. Afterward this Hugh, to the end he might dis­semble his conscience or knowledge of this euill (the execution wherof he had committed to his fellowes) was remaining at the day and time of the same murther, with Iohn Areskine, whose sister was the wife of Gilbert Kennedie.

But she (as soone as she heard of that déed) did with manie bitter woords lay the fault vnto him, because by that fact the noble house of the Kennedies had al­most béene brought to vtter subuersion, had he not left a yoong sonne behind him. This yoong earle, after the death of his father, fled to his kinsman Ar­chembald Dowglasse then the kings treasuror, to whome he committed the defense of himselfe and his familie. This doone, Hugh Campbell was called in­to law for the said déed, who being manifestlie conui­cted thereof, was banished into an other place. Nei­ther did the Dowglasses with lesse bitternesse exer­cise their anger against Iames Beton, for bringing their power to saint Andrewes, which they spoiled, as after appéereth.)

In the meane time, the earle of Angus bringing the king with him, arriued, and had come to the bat­tell, but that the king was not willing to come foorth of Edenburgh in that quarrell (as some haue writ­ten) and therefore made excuses, as he did also by the waie, faining himselfe sicke: but George Dowglas droue and called vpon his horsse verie sharpelie, and constreined him to ride foorth with faster pase than he would haue doone, giuing him manie iniurious woords, which he remembred afterwards, and would not forget them. They went that night to Striue­ling, and shortlie after passed through Fife, searching for the quéene, and the bishop of saint Andrewes; and The quéene sought for because they were kept secretlie in their friends hou­ses, so that they could not be heard of, they spoiled the abbeie of Dunfirmeling, and the castell of saint An­drewes, taking awaie all the moueables which the archbishop had within the same.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 423. In the north parts also, the two families of the Leslées and the Forboises, intangled with mutuall hatred, raised great flames of tumults and parts ta­king: which enimities did after grow to be the grea­ter, because there were dailie manie slaughters of the nobles & other people committed in Mar, Gar­reoth, and Aberden, whilest ech faction labored to de­fend 1526. it selfe against the others. For which cause (when the common-wealth was much deformed thereby, and all iustice seemed almost vtterlie ouerthrowne in those parts) the earle of Angus and other of the no­bilitie (which were of the kings priuie councell) did not ceasse, vntill they had made vnitie betwéene those two families. But in the end (the heire of the For­boises, & the lord Lenturke, hauing by wait killed the noble baron Meldrume, which fauored the Leslées) those buried contentions began againe to be raised from the dead; whose enimities being once againe knowne to the nobilitie (and what hurt might insue thereof to the common state) they attempted all pos­sible means once more to quench that deadlie flame, and afresh to ioine their minds togither in amitie, with this prouiso, that the murtherers of Meldrume should (for punishment of their offense) be banished into France, where the greatest part of them died, after manie miseries and reproches susteined in their pitifull life. Which last league so sincerelie vnited be­twéene the Forboises and the Leslées, was imbraced with such faith ech to other, by renewing thereof with continuall mariages & other courtesies, that it conti­nueth most firme euen vnto this day.

[Page 315] In which north parts also, the inhabitants ( [...]act­lie following their naturall disposition, and partlie 1520. Le [...]eus lib. 9. pag. 423, [...]4, &c. excited by the example of the former times long suf­fered so to be vsed) did in like sort ouerr [...] and spoi [...] all things, by reason of ouer much libertie. But of all other [...]rs ra [...] in those parts, that was the g [...] ­test and most troublesome, which was raised by the Makintosches. Of which vnrulie people, the one familie was called the Glenchattens, and the other was surnamed Makintosches after the head of that 10 kindred; in which, the chiefe was called Lachla [...] Makintosche a man of great possessions, and of such excellencie in singularitie of wisedome, that with great commendation he did conteine all his follow­ers within the limits of their dueties, more than o­thers did. Which constreints (when they could hard­lie beare (as loth to liue in order) hauing so long pas­sed their time licentiouslie) did withdraw the hearts of manie men from him. Amongest whome was Iames Malcolmeson his kinsman (who thirsting 20 after the desire to rule) tooke occasion (by the iniurie of the time) traitorouslie with deceipt to kill this Makintosché; after which (fearing further trouble to insue towards him) he flieth to the Ile (at the lake Kothmurcosie) as a sanctuarie or defense for him. But the rest of the familie of the Makintosches did Kothmurcosie pursue him with such eager minds, that by force ta­king him in the Ile, they woorthilie killed him, and manie of his confederats, guiltie of that wicked­nesse. After which (because the sonne of Makintos­che, 30 for his tender yeares, was not sufficient with feare & punishment to bridle the minds of his fierce subiects) by common consent they chose the bastard brother of the slaine man (called Hector Makintos­che) to be head and leader of that familie, vntill this New tumults [...] that fami­lie. yoong nephue might grow to yéeres, and might wéeld the gouernement of his owne tribe.

Now when when the earle of Murreie perceiued that if the sonne of Makintosche were committed to the rashnesse of a people somewhat fierce and cruell, 40 that he should (on euerie side) be oppressed with ma­nie troubles, he did most godlie (for the care he had of him his nephue being his sisters sonne) prouide, that he should be caried to an other place, to the O­giluies, the childs kin on the mothers side, where he should be well instructed and imbued with the pre­cepts of all learning and vertue. Whereat Hector was greatlie offended, to sée that the child should so subtilie be taken from him. Wherefore (affirming that much of his authoritie was thereby diminished) 50 he attempted (euerie way he might) to get the child againe into his possession, that thereby he might salue and recouer his credit and authoritie. But some there were, which supposed that the great care and labor which he so much emploied (for getting the child into his hands) was to none other intent, but that he might make him awaie, and prepare a path whereby to lead his owne sonne to the gouerne­ment of that familie. Which conceipt being déeplie grauen in the mind of the earle of Murreie, caused 60 him to séeke the preseruation of the child, that by no means he might fall into the hands of Hector.

Wherewith Hector being highlie incensed (and determining to spue out his choler, séeking reuenge by anie kind of means) he did cause his brother Wil­liam The familie of Makintos the raise sedi­tions. & other of his kindred, that ioining their force, they might stronglie vex the earle of Murreie, and spoile his possessions: which they did with so great fu­rie, that ouerthrowing the fort of Dikes, and besie­ging the castell of Tox [...]ewaie, they executed manie cruelties, slaughters, spoiles, burnings, and other mischiefes vpon all sorts of people, men, women, and children, and all such as fauored them. For their hatred not limited against the earle of Murreie, ex­tended further against the familie of the Ogiluies, amongest whome the child was left in custodie fox educations cause. With which mind this Hector and his complices placing their campe at the castell of Pettens, which belonged to the lord of Durneus (one of the familie of the Ogiluies) they did so furr­ [...]ie besiege the same, as the people of the same were in the end forced to yéeld the fort: which when they had entred, they killed foure and twentie of the Ogil [...]es, whom they found therein. Whervpon (their minds being now aduanced with spoiles and happie succ [...]s) they became so proud, as (trusting ouermuch to prosperous euent in all their actions) they neuer set end to their wicked crueltie, vntill the erle of Murreie did with force execute iust iudge­ment vpon them. For when the earle beheld them immoderatlie reioising, in spoiling his lands, and committing other excessiue euils; he obteined of the king and his councell, that he might be [...] the kings deputie and gouernor in that battell, to bri­dle the rage and boldnesse of those in that order spoi­ling the common-wealth.

Wherefore the earle assembling an armie, did with such speedie valu [...]e come vpon them and their countrie, that at the first he tooke almost two hun­dred of their capteins, and committed them to the gallowes. All whose faith was so true to their cap­teine, Woonderfull faith of euill men to their capteine. as (when life was seuerallie promised to eue­rie one man as he was alone lead to the gallowes) there would not anie one of them confesse where their capteine Hector had hidden himselfe. For eue­rie one answered (with bold spirit) that they knew not where he was become; and if so be they did, that yet they would not (by anie paine or terror of death) be induced to breake their faith and to betraie their maister. But hanging not being thought a sufficient reuenge (for such capteins as the earle had taken) there were more gréeuous punishments laid vpon William Makintosche (brother to Hector) because in the beginning he nourished those coles of cho­ler for his brothers cause. For after that this Wil­liam was hanged, his head was chopped off and fast­ned vpon a pole at Dikes, and the other foure parts of his bodie were sent to the townes of Elgin, Fo­resse, Inuernesse, and Alderne, there to be set vp publikelie to the reproch of them, and the example of others.

Now, after all these sturs, Hector (séeing his men were thus dispersed and executed, and that himselfe was excluded from anie other succor) fled to the faithfull helpe of Alexander Dunbar deane of Mur­reie, by whose aduise he goeth humblie and secretlie to the king, beseeching his mercie and fauor to be extended vnto him: for he supposed it better, rather to craue the doubtfull mercie of his lord, than to make triall of the earle of Murreis certeine re­uenge. Wherevpon the king (seeing his humble submission) receiued him into his fauor; and did with all his heart louinglie after embrace him, be­cause he was valiant and wise in warre, and in counsell. But God, whose iustice is alwaies shewed in punishing of wickednesse, would not suffer this filthinesse of crueltie, theft, murther, & spoile (where­with Hector did wickedlie defile his life) to go vn­reuenged with most gréeuous paine vpon the said Hector. For in the citie of saint Andrews, sudden death (than which there can be no greater punish­ment) was laid vpon him by one Iames Spense a priest, who was himselfe afterwards beheaded.

When the earle of Murreie had shewed such re­uenge vpon the fréends of Hector and their compa­nions; the people of the prouince of Glencatten did from thencefoorth kéepe themselues within the li­mits of their duetie: vntill that the sonne of Lach­lane [Page 316] Makintosche came to mans estate and full age. Which yoong man was in his first yeares imbued with such learnings and policie of life conformed therevnto, that when he was imploied about the common-wealth; all the capteins of them (who natu­rallie speake Irish in the furthest part of Scotland) did embrace him as a perfect paterne of all vertue, and an excellent woorkemaister to frame a well orde­red state. Wherefore certeine (not able to susteine the brightnesse of his vertue) did ioine in counsell 10 with such as were néerest of bloud vnto him, and had before laid violent hands on his father, to take his life away by forceable means. Whereof we shall more liberallie intreat in an other place.]

This yeare the king by counsell of the earle of An­gus, Arrane, and others, went with eight thousand men vnto Iedburgh, to set some order amongest the borderers, for the kéeping of better rule: and so on the eight of Iune, the principals of all the surnames of the clans on the borders, came to the king, bin­ding 20 themselues, and deliuering pledges for their good demenors. The seuenteenth of Iulie, there was a great assemblie of the lords at Holie rood house, at 1527. Lesle. what time, there came a simple fellow (to looke vpon) seruant and horskeeper sometime to the earle of Len­nox, who in the midst of a great companie of people Sir Iames Hamilton hint by a des­perat person. in the abbeie close, strake sir Iames Hamilton knight verie desperatlie with a short prage or dag­ger in the bellie shrée seuerall stripes vp to the haft, and yet the said sir Iames died not of those hurts. 30

The man being taken, by & by confessed the déed without repentance, saieng; ‘Phy on the feoble hand quilke wald not doo that thing the heart thought, and was determinat to doo.’ And being inquired what he was, and who caused him to doo the same; he answe­red that he was a seruant of God, sent by him to doo that déed. And albeit he was put to great torture and paines dailie by the space of a moneth, yet would he neuer giue other answer, and so he was hanged, and his head set ouer one of the gates of Edenburgh 40 towne. About the same time, there came out of Germanie maister Patrike Hamilton, abbat of Ferne, brothers sonne to the earle of Arrane, who had béene scholer to Martin Luther, & others there. This man being conuented and examined vpon cer­teine articles, as of iustification, predestination, of frée will, and such like, contrarie to the doctrine taught by the church in that time, because he did af­firme, and constantlie defend them, he was decla­red an heretike and burned. 50 The abbat of Ferne burnt.

The eightéenth of March, the king besieged the castell of Edenburgh, the queene and hir husband Edenburgh casteil besie­ged. 1528 Lesle. Henrie Steward, with Iames his brother being within it. But as soone as the quéene vnderstood, that hir sonne the king was there in person, she cau­sed the gates to be set open, and vpon hir knées be­sought him of grace for hir husband and his brother, and would not rest, till she had obteined the same; but yet they were kept in ward within the castell, till the king afterwards released them. In the yeare 60 following, the king being now come to the age of The king be­ing seuentéene yeares of age, refuseth to be longer vnder gouernement. seuentéene yeares, and of good discretion and wit for his time, would not longer remaine vnder the go­uernement of the earle of Angus and his companie. Therevpon he assembled diuerse noble men of Striueling, & by their counsell sent an herald vnto the earle of Angus & his assistans resiant as then in Edenburgh, commanding them on paine of high treason, that they should depart foorth of that towne, & that none of them should come within foure miles of the court, wheresoeuer the same chanced to lie.

Shortlie after, the king himselfe with two thou­sand men, followed the herald: wherevpon the earle of Angus, both being charged by the herald, and ad­uertised of the kings comming toward the towne, departed thence immediatlie. And shortlie after, the same herald was sent vnto him againe with com­mandement from the king, that he should remaine prisoner within ward in the countrie of Murrey, till the kings pleasure were further knowen: which he would not obeie; wherefore both he and his adhe­rents were summoned to appeare in parlement to be holden at Edenburgh, in September next fol­lowing. In this parlement begun at Edenburgh the sixt of September in this yeare 1528, the earle 1528. The earle of Angus for­faited. The earle of Angus at­teinted by parlement. Henrie Ste­ward created erle of Meth­wen. of Angus, with his brother George Dowglas, his vncle by his father Archembald Dowglas, Alex­ander Drommond of Carnocke, and diuerse other, were by decrée of parlement atteinted, and forfalted for diuerse offenses, and speciallie, for assembling the kings people to haue assailed the kings person: and because he had deteined the king against his will with him the space of two yeares and more, all which time he stood in feare of his life.

In this parlement Henrie Steward the quéenes husband was created lord of Methwen, and made maister of the ordinance. Fr. Thin. Buchanan, lib. 14. Besides which, in place of earle Dowglas was Gawin Dunbar, the kings schoolemaister made chancellor, a good and a learned man, and one in whome manie did desire more ciuill policie; and in the place of Archembald Dowglas the treasuror was admitted Robert Carnicruce, more famous for his monie than his vertue. In this parlement there was onelie one found, called Iohn Bannatine, who fauoring the Dowglas, did boldlie there protest, that whatsoeuer was therin doon, ought by no meanes to be hurtfull to the earle Dowglas; since iust feare of his appearance there, was a iust cause to force him to be absent from thence. With­in a few daies after, a brother of the earles called William, abbat of the monasterie of Holirood died, partlie by sickenesse, and partlie by griefe of mind, being wearied with the present state of things; whose place Robert Carnicruce, a man of base birth, but well monied, did obteine of the king: who had gran­ted vnto him the auoidance of the next spirituall li­uing. At length, the Dowglas out of hope of all good successe, burnt the townes of Constandie and Cranstoune, and so fled to the castell of Tantallon.]

In October following, the king assembled a great companie of men, with artillerie, and diuerse kinds The castell of Tantallon besieged. of munition, to besiege the castell of Tantallon, which the earle of Angus did hold, who aduertised of the preparation made for the same siege, furnished the castell with men and all kind of necessaries, and went himselfe into England. When the siege then was laid about the castell, it was so strong and so well prouided, that it might not be woone for all that could be doone at that season: in somuch that after Dauid Fauconer, principall gunner of the kings Dauid Fau­coner slaine. side was slaine, the king caused the siege to be raised; yet at length (though not till a long time after this) it was deliuered to the king by appointment. Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 14. Be­fore the deliuerie whereof, the king déepelie sware that he would not leaue one aliue to succeed in the inheritance and name of the Dowglasses, so long as he liued and was king.

Wherevpon he came to Edenburgh, where (to the end he might distresse them the more) he determined by the aduise of his councell to send a dailie compa­nie (though no great number) to Coldingham, which should defend the husbandmen from the spoile. Which office appointed to Bothwell chiefe of Louthaine, he did vtterlie refuse; either fearing the power of the Dowglas (wherevnto all the other strength of Scot­land did of late not seeme to be equall) or that he would not (being then yoong) imbrue his hands with the destruction of so famous a familie. Wherevpon, [Page 317] since the king durst not trust the Hamiltons (as friends to his enimies, & being offended with them for the death of Iohn Steward earle of Lennox, nor durst commit the matter to anie of the adioining nobilitie) at length the same came so about, that Calene Campbell (dwelling on the furthest borders of the kingdome, being a man of good estimation for his wisedome, and approoued experience in feats of warre, and for his iustice déerelie loued of the peo­ple) was sent by the king (with great authoritie) to 10 the rebels. Whereby the Dowglasses (being forsa­ken, of the Hamiltons and their other friends) were brought to those extremities, that they were infor­ced to depart into England to K. Henrie the eight, who honorablie and liberallie receiued and inter­teined them. After this, the king (as is said) getting the castell of Tantillone by composition, did scarse kéepe all the couenants of his grant thereof in wri­ting; although he performed this, that Alexander Drumman at the request of Robert Bretton, had 20 licence to returne home into his countrie, a little before which (as it séemeth) when Iames Coluille and Robert Carnicruse were remooued from the court (as persons suspected to fauor the Dowglasses) their offices were bestowed vpon Robert Bretton, then in great fauor with the king and courtiers, and aduanced to the gouernement of manie places.)

The eightéenth of Maie, in the yéere 1529, the earle of Cathnesse and the lord of Sincler, with a great 1529. armie by sea passed into Orkenie, to haue taken that 30 Ile into possession; but the people of the countrie as­sembled The earle of Cathnes pas­seth ouer into Orkenie. at the commandement of Iames Sincler of Kirkewall their capteine, who gaue battell to the earle and his armie with such courage, that he dis­comfited the enimies: the earle with fiue hundred of his men was slaine, and drowned in the sea, vnto the The earle of Cathnesse slaine. The blindnes of the Orknie men. which they were driuen. The lord Sincler and all the residue were taken. The Orkenie men held opinion, that their patrone saint Magnus was séene that day to fight in the field on their side against their eni­mies. 40 In the same moneth on the fiftéenth day, there An assemblie of the lords. was a great assemblie of the lords in Edenburgh, where the king himselfe sate in iudgement. The lard of Hinderland called Cockburne, and one Adam Scot of Tushlaw, who was named king of theeues, were accused of theft, and of receiuing and maintei­ning Kng of th [...]ues. of théeues, slaughters, and other crimes; of the which being conuict, they lost their heads, which were set ouer the Tolbuith of Edenburgh. Execution.

On the same day, the earle of Bothwell was also 50 conuict, for mainteining them and their crimes, and The earle of Bothwell conuict. his life, lands, and goods, were in the kings hands. He was therefore kept in ward within Edenburgh ca­stell, and after sent into Murrey land, & lastlie bani­shed the realme during the kings daies [and remai­ned Fr. Thin. Banished the realme. at Uenice.] Also, the lord Maxwell, the lord Hume, the lards of Balglueth, Fernihurst, Pollort, Iohnson, Marke Kar [with the earle Bothwell] and F [...]. Thin. Other lords conuict, and put in ward. other principall men of the borders, were conuict by assise, and put in ward: by reason whereof, the borde­rers 60 kept better rule euer after, during the kings reigne. [Few moneths after, the king commanded the noble men (before imprisoned, and then to be ba­nished) F [...]. Thin. Buchan. lib. 14. to be restored to libertie, taking pledges for their allegiance. Of which companie, one Walter Scot (killing Robert Iohnstone a théefe of noted crueltie, therwith to gratifie the king) began deadlie enimitie with that familie, to the great hurt of both those kinreds.]

About this season, a landed man named Iohn Iohn Scot fasted fortie daies without receiuing any [...]od. 1 [...]1. Buch. Scot, that had trauelled abroad in the world [ouer England, France, Italie and the holie land, as saith Lesleus] who now being returned into Scotland, (bicause it was bruted in other countries that hée had fasted 40 daies without either meat or drinke) was for triall therof put in Dauids tower in Eden­burgh castell, and diligent watch set vpon him to sée that he had no sustenance to relieue him withall, and so kept for fortie daies, he fasted all that time with­out anie kind of nourishment, to the great woonder of the people. In the summer of this yeere 1529, Ar­chembald 1529. Dowglas, that had béene forfalted (as ye haue heard) came alone to the king while he was on hunting in Striueling parke, & besought his grace of pardon, which he had obteined fullie at his hands, bicause he fauoured him more than anie of that sur­name, if he had not béene (as he was indéed) altogi­ther determined that none of them should remaine within the land at that time, and so he banished Archembald Dowglas banished. him into France, where shortlie after through griefe of mind he departed this life.

In the moneth of Iune, the king with an armie The king com meth to the borders. went to the borders to set order there for better rule to be kept, and to punish such as were knowen to be most culpable. And herevpon he caused fortie and right of the most notable theeues, with their capteine Iohn Armstrong to be apprehended; the which being conuict of murther, theft, & treason, were all hanged Théeues hanged. on growing trees, to the example of other. There was one cruell théefe amongst the rest, which had burned a house with a woman and hir children within it: he A théefe burnt to death. was, burned to death. George Armstrong, brother to Iohn, was pardoned, to the end he should appeath the residue, which he old; so that they were apprehen­ded by the kings commandement, and punished for their misdooings, according as they had deserued. In August following, manie meruellous sights were woonders seene in the firmament. seene about Striueling, as candels burning on the tops of hils in the nights, and in the morning afore sunne rising. Diuerse armed men appeared fighting vpon the ground, which was taken to be a foretoken of some trouble to insue in those parties. The fif­téenth day of August, a great number of people be­ing assembled at the market in Campscenneth, fif­tie & two persons were drowned in the ferrie bote; A ferrie bote drowned. amongst the which were diuerse honest men and wo­men of the countrie.

The first of March, in the yéere 1530, the abbat 1530. An abbat murthered. of Culrose called Iames Inglis, was cruellie mur­thered by the lord of T [...]lliallan and his seruants, a­mongst whom there was a priest called sir William Louthien, for the which they were apprehended, and the said sir William the twentie and seuenth of the same moneth, vpon a publike scaffold in Eden­burgh was degraded (the king, quéene, and a great companie of people being present) and after his de­gradation, he was deliuered to the earle of Argile high iustice, and the next day the said Tulliallan and the same priest were beheaded. This yéere the col­lege The sessions instituted. court of iustice called the sessions was institu­ted in Edenburgh by the king, with consent of the three estates in parlement assembled, and after con­firmed in Rome; in the which are fiftéene councellors ordinarie, eight of them being spirituall persons, of the which the most ancient is president, and seuen temporall men, but so as by this number the chancel­lor of the realme is aboue the president, when he is present. There are also foure councellors extraordi­narie, remooueable at the princes pleasure. In the yéere 1531, I find little doone to make account of, 15 [...]1. for the erle of Angus remaining in England, could not persuade the king of England in his fauor to breake the peace with Scotland, though the same earle earnestlie laboured to bring that to passe.

Fr. Thin. Buch. lib. 14. 1532. The earle of Bothwell, for that he went priui­lie into England (being supposed to haue had secret conference with the earle of Northumberland) he was the 16 kalends of Februarie committed to the [Page 318] castell of Edenburgh, & sir Iohn Sandland knight was sent with authoritie to the hermitage (a castell in Liddesdale) to represse the spoiles and robberies committed there. When of ancient time there had béene no certeine daies and place appointed for the deciding of monie, contentions, or debts amongest the citizens and people of Scotland, Iohn duke of Albanie obteined from the bishop of Rome, that a yeerelie summe of monie (as much as should be suf­ficient to paie the stipend of a few iudges that shuld 10 be appointed therefore) should be leuied of the clear­gie, of euerie one according to his estate and sub­stance. Whervpon Gawin Dunbar bishop of Aber­den for himselfe in the name of the cleargie, appea­led to the said bishop of Rome. Which controuersie continued from the fift Ides of March, vntill the tenth kalends of Maie, at which day the college of the iudges of Edenburgh was established, of whom in the beginning there were many profitable things doone, and law was equallie ministred; but yet the 20 same end did not follow which was then hoped a­mongst them. For since in Scotland there be almost no lawes but such as are decréed by parlement, which are not commonlie perpetuall, but made for a time; and that the iudges as much as in them lieth doo hin­der the making of such lawes: the goods of all men were committed to the arbitrement of fifteene men, which haue perpetuall power therfore, being in truth but tyrannicall gouernment, since their one­lie arbitrements must stand for law. Thus much 30 Buchanan.

But bicause Lesleus treateth in more ample and other sort of that matter; and for that I will not de­priue the reader of the seuerall writings of them both touching one thing: I will also set downe Lesleus words, writing in this order. In this parlement (saith 1533. Lesleus. lib. 9. pag. 437, 438. he) by the consent of the states, it séemed good that the forme of iudgement vsed by our ancestors should be taken away. For where certeine of the cleargie, of the barons, and of the citizens, were chosen euerie 40 yeere to trauell ouer the foure parts of the realme, to giue iudgement of ciuill causes (as they terme it) and of other things intangled with the controuersie of law: and that then it oftentimes happened, either by the ignorance of the iudge that did not atteine to the perfection of the law, or by the malice of them which were corrupted with bribes, that the woorser part had vniustlie the vpper hand against the righ­ter; to which discommoditie this was also ioined, that no cause could be well examined to the vttermost by 50 one man at one time, bicause the iudges were so of­ten changed; whereby it must néeds folow, that seue­rall iudges (hauing seuerall minds and wits) must for one matter giue inconstant & contrarie iudge­ments. Wherefore to take awaie this varietie of iudgements and other discommodities, wherewith the common-wealth was afflicted; it pleased the par­lement by the persuasion of the king, that a certeine defined number of senators (being persons of the greatest knowledge in law) should haue a perma­nent 60 place at Edenburgh, to decide all matters of controuersie, the maner & order whereof we haue set downe in our former booke, saith Lesleus. And I for my part thinke not vnméet for the more explaning thereof, to set it downe in this place out of the same Lesleus.

The companie (saith he) of these men (whom wee Lesleus. lib. 1. pag. 79. call the senat of the publike wealth) receiue none but such, whose praise of vertue and sharpenesse of wit (especiallie in matters of law) dooth aduance them to that place. This court is so apted of the cler­gie and secular nobilitie (as a man may fearme them) that the one part of the laitie dooth answer the other number of the cleargie. Which we thinke to bée doone by the great benefit of God, that the religion and simplicitie of the cleargie may temper the sin­gular wisedome of the temporaltie, obteined by the experience of worldlie causes; and againe, the iudge­ment of the laitie may further and moderate the pure religion and ancient simplicitie of the cleargie. Ouer all these is one chiefe and head (which is a spi­rituall man) who hath the highest place in sentence and pronouncing of iudgement; except the iudge­ment of the chancellor of the kingdome happen to come in place; for then therevnto the Scots giue the chiefest preheminence in all the affaires of the com­mon-wealth. Thus much he.)

In the yéere 1532, sir Arthur Darcie was sent to 1532. Sir Arthur Darcie sent to the bor [...]rs. the borders, who being at Berwike, by the counsell of the earle of Angus then being there, they made a rode into Scotland, and burned certeine places: wherevpon the Scots assembling themselues to de­fend their countrie, made towards the Englishmen, He maketh a rode into Scotland. who retired themselues to Berwike againe. After this were diuerse inuasions made on euerie side vp­on the borders, and ships likewise taken by sea, and yet no warre was proclamed. In September, in the yeere 1533, certeine commissioners of either 1533. realme were at Newcastell, to intreat for a redresse and recompense to be made for burning of townes and villages, taking of goods, casting downe of piles, taking of ships, slaughters of men, and di­uerse other spoiles and iniuries doone, as well by the sea as by the land, from the 23 day of Aprill in the yéere 1532, vnto the day of the méeting of the same commissioners; which dooings were little lesse in ef­fect than had béene vsed in time of open warre, al­though the same was not proclamed. Bicause there­fore that the scathes & iniuries fell out to be so great on both sides, that particular redresse could not bée had, the order thereof was referred to the pleasure of both the princes.

Further it was agréed, that for a perpetuall peace to be concluded, certeine commissioners should be 1534. Lesle. appointed to treat therof at London, as afterwards they did. For the king of Scotland there were sent as commissioners about this treatie, William Ste­ward bishop of Aberden, Robert Reid the abbat of Kinlos, and sir Adam Sterburie knight [or (as saith Fr. Thin. Lesleus li. 9. pa, 439.) Adam Otterburne] the which ac­companied with diuerse other knights, barons, and gentlemen, came to London, and were there right honorablie receiued the 25 of March. After they had béene before the kings presence, there were certeine commissioners appointed by him to treat with them of peace, the which agréed vpon certeine conditions and articles for a peace to continue betwixt both A peace con­cluded. kings during their naturall liues, and one yere after the decease of that prince which first chanced to de­part this world: and so the commissioners returned into Scotland in the moneth of Maie next in­suing.

About the same time were sent into France Da­uid Ambassadors into France. Beton abbat of Arbroth, and Iames Erskin se­cretarie, as ambassadors to require the duke of Uan­dosmes sister in mariage for the king: with which motion the ladie and hir friends were verie well con­tented. Neuerthelesse (as afterwards shall appéere) the king himselfe passing secretlie into France in The king him selfe passeth se­cretlie into France. proper person, when he had once séene the ladie, he li­ked hir not; & so became a sutor to the French king his eldest daughter Magdalen, whome he obteined: wherefore the duke of Uandosmes sister would ne­uer after match hir selfe with anie other in mariage, but professed hir selfe in a house of religion, where she remained the residue of hir life time. The king of England sent ambassadors into Scotland, the bishop of Duresme, sir Thomas Clifford, the prior of Du­resine, [Page 319] and one doctor Magnus, who were honorablie receiued in the moneth of Iulie: and then was the peace before concluded by the ambassadors at Lon­don, The peace concluded with Eng­land. confirmed by the king himselfe, and the charter thereof interchangablie sealed, with the great seales of both the realmes, during the liues of both the prin­ces (as before ye haue heard.)

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 9. pag 439. 1534. The king in those daies did shew such hope of ho­norable vertue in him, that the wisest and the most valiant princes of the world did honor him with the 10 ornaments of their orders: for first Henrie king of England adopted him into the order of the garter, the emperor made him a fellow of the golden fléece, and shortlie after the French king clothed him with the order of saint Michaell. In remembrance of all which (for a note to be left to posteritie) he caused the armes of Scotland, honored with these thrée orders, to be set vp ouer the gate of his palace of Lithquoe, with the ornaments of the honor of saint Andrew, which are proper to the kingdome of Scotland.) 20

The same yeere, the king passed through the north parts of his realme, and caused iustice dulie to be mi­nistred Iustice mini­stred. in places where he came, against offendors. Moreouer, in Edenburgh was great inquisition made, and punishment exercised against such as were detected to hold opinions against the religion then vsed, the king himselfe assistant thereto. Mai­ster Norman Gorleie that was abiured before, and Andrew Stratton that would not renounce his opi­nion, were burned. The shiriffe of Linlitgew, and di­uerse 30 other, that were fled for feare of punishment, were conuict of heresie. Diuerse Englishmen that English fugi­tiues receiued into Scot­land. held against the diuorce betwixt king Henrie, and the ladie Katharine Dowager, fled this yeere into Scotland, and were receiued.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 14. About this time (to conclude a league with Char­les the fift, emperor) this Charles sent Godescall E­rike (to the end the matter might be handled more secretlie) from Toledo (by Ireland) into Scotland, 40 1534. who when he had declared his message to him from the emperor [conteining the iniuries doone to his aunt Katharine quéene of England, & to hir daugh­ter by Henrie the eight, king of England: the cal­ling of a generall councell: the ouerthrow of the Lu­theran heresie (to vse Buchanans woord) and for con­tracting of mariage] the said ambassador did deli­uer to the king the emperors letter, wherein was set downe the offer and choise of which of those thrée Maries the king would take to wife: which were 50 Marie (the sister of Charles) a widow by Lodowike of Hungarie, hir husband slaine by the Turke: Ma­rie of Portingale his néece by his sister Leonara: or Marie of England his coosine germane by his aunt Katharine. Wherevnto the king answered, that the mariage with England should be most profitable, but the same was a thing of vncerteine hope, of greater danger & labour, & of longer delaie than his carefulnesse (being the onelie man left of that line) might well indure. Wherefore of all the emperors 60 kinred, that mariage by manie reasons should be most beneficiall for him, to take to wife the daughter of Christern, king of Denmark, begotten vpon Isa­bell sister to the emperor. Wherevnto for deniall ther­of, Charles did shortlie make answer (at Madrike) that he was affianced to another.)

In the yéere 1535, the pope sent a messenger into Scotland, requiring king Iames to assist him a­gainst 1535. The pope sen­deth into Scotland. the king of England, whome he had decréed an heretike, a schismatike, a wedlocke breaker, a pub­like murtherer, and a sacrileger; and therefore he had declared him to be depriued of the said kingdome, the which he would bestow vpon him, and other ca­tholike princes. In the yéere 1536, the king tooke the sea with fiue ships, without knowledge of the most 1536. part of the lords of his realme, and sailed about the The kings voiage about the Iles. Iles of Skie and Lewes, and the other Iles, and by storme was driuen to take land at saint Ninians in Galloway, & so returned to Striueling, from whence he passed on foot in pilgrimage vnto our ladie chappell of Lauret beside Muskelburgh, and afterward sent for diuerse of his lords, and by their counsell tooke his voiage againe by sea with fiue ships, to passe into France, as he was minded to haue doone the first time: but what caused him to alter his purpose then, we find not. This second time he imbarked at Kirc­kaldie the last of August, and with good and prospe­rous wind he shortlie after arriued in France, there He saileth in­to France. being with him in companie the earles of Argile, and Arrane, the lords Boid and Fleming, with di­uerse other barons, knights, and gentlemen; and be­fore him there were in France the earles of Mur­rey, Lennox, and Cassiles, the lord Erskin, the abbat of Arbroth, and others.

Immediatlie after his arriuall, he rode in secret He rideth to Uandosme. manner disguised vnto Uandosmes in Picardie, ta­king with him but one seruant named Iohn Ten­nent, whome he caused to take vpon him as he had béene maister; and so comming to the duke of Uan­dosme his place, got sight of the ladie who shuld haue béene his wife; but not liking hir, he returned againe without talking either with hir or hir friends: and comming to Rouen where his companie were abi­ding for him, he passed from thence towards Paris, where the Dolphin of France was appointed by the king his father to méet him seuen leagues from the citie, who brought him to the king, who receiued him in such hartie manner, as if he had beene his owne He is receiued into Paris. sonne, and with as much honor as might haue béene shewed to the greatest prince in earth. There were iustes, tourneis, and other princelie pastimes practi­sed and set foorth; in which iustes and other exercises of warlike feates, he shewed himselfe as hardie, cun­ning and valiant, as anie other person within all the realme of France, for the which he wan passing great praise.

In the meane time, he caused his ambassadors and He is a sutor for mariage. the noble men that were with him, to declare vnto the king of France, that the cause of his comming was for mariage to he had betwéene him and the la­die Magdalen, eldest daughter to the king, whome he loued & fauoured aboue all other within his realme. The French king was glad héereof, that the ancient band betwixt Scotland and France might thus with new aliance be confirmed, and therefore declared that he would willinglie giue him his daughter in mariage. But héerewith he let him vnderstand, that his daughter was much subiect to sicknesse, and ther­fore he referred that vnto the king of Scotland his owne pleasure, whether he would haue hir, or his yoongest daughter the ladie Margaret, who was af­ter maried to the duke of Sauoy. This offer of choise being reported to the king of Scotland, he continu­ed in his former purpose, which was, to match with the ladie Magdalen, who was in déed a plesant yoong ladie, beautifull, of good fauour, louelie countenance, and comelie manners, aboue all others within that realme.

Heerevpon the mariage was contracted betwixt The mariage contracted be­twixt the king of Scots and the ladie Magdalen. them, and an hundred thousand crownes of the sun promised with hir in dowrie, with thirtie thousand franks of pension, during the life of king Iames: which monie was deliuered vnto him at his returne homewards, besides manie rich hangings, cupboords of plate, sumptuous apparell, and rich iewels giuen to him and his wife, farre aboue the summe of an o­ther hundred thousand crownes, with two great ships (the one called the salamander) and great plen­tie of artillerie, powder, and other munition. Moreo­uer, [Page 320] all his charges and expenses were borne by the French king, during his being within the realme of France. At the same time also, was the ancient league and bond of amitie betwixt the two realmes of Scotland and France renewed, and the day of the solemnization of the mariage appointed to be hol­den the first of Ianuarie.

In the meane time, great preparation for the same was made, and all the nobles of France sent for to be there at that day. On the which within the church 10 of Nostre dame in the citie of Paris, the king of 1539. The mariage contracted. Scotland openlie maried the said ladie Magdalen, in presence of the king hir father, the king of Nauar­re, seuen cardinals, and diuerse great dukes, mar­quesses, earles, lords, barons, bishops, & others. After the solemnization of the mariage, king Iames re­mained in France, till the moneth of Maie, passing the time with all kind of pleasure and disport that might be deuised for his honorable interteinement. Finallie, the king and his wife quéene Magdalen 20 tooke their leaue of the king of France their father at Paris, about the latter end of Aprill, and so rode to Rouen, where they were receiued with great tri­umph, 1537. Lesle. and from thence they passed downe the riuer to Newhauen where they imbarked, being accom­panied by the admerall of France, and manie other noble men of the realme, appointed by the French king to attend vpon them into Scotland, & so they sailed foorth with pleasant wind and prosperous wea­ther, through the seas, till they came into the Forth, 30 The king with his quéene retur­neth into Scotland. and there landed at the peare of Lieth hauen, the 29 of Maie, in the yeere 1537, where a great number of earles, bishops, barons, & other noble men & gentle­men of Scotland were readie to receiue them with passing ioy and gladnesse, & from thence with great triumph they were conueied to the abbeie of Holie rood house.

This noble ladie with hir louelie countenance and séemelie demeanor, at hir first arriuall woone the loues and hartie good wils of all the nobles & people 40 of the realme, and withall contented so highlie the mind and fantasie of the king hir husband, that there was neuer more hope of wealth and prosperitie to succéed within the realme, than at that present. But fortune enuieng so great felicitie, would not suffer them to continue anie longer time togither: for a­bout the end of Iune she fell sicke of a vehement fe­uer, whereof she departed this life the tenth of Iulie Quéene Mag dalen depar­teth this life. next insuing, and was buried in the church of Holie rood house, for whose death the king was verie sorow­full, 50 & stirred not abroad of a long time after: [whose death (saith Buchanan) was so lamented of all men, Fr. Thin. that then (as he supposeth) began the first vse of moor­ning garments amongest the Scots, which yet at this day, not being past fortie yéeres, is not verie common, though publike orders and manners doo e­uerie day grow woorsse and woorsse.]

In the summer of this yéere, Ione Dowglasse the ladie of Glames, sister to the earle of Angus, was The ladie Glames and hir husband conuict of treason. 1537. Less. apprehended, and likewise hir husband Dauid Lion, 60 and both of them brought to Edenburgh, where they were accused and conuict by an assise, for conspiracie of the kings death: the said ladie was burned, and hir husband hanged. Hir son the lord Glames was also conuict for misprision and concealement of that crime, and therfore forfaiting all his lands, was con­demned to die: but because he was yoong and of ten­der yeeres, the king pardoned him of life, and com­manded him to perpetuall prison, in the which he re­mained so long as the king liued. [This yéere was Bothwell, for that he was ouer familiar with the Fr. Thin. English, banished into France (as saith Buchanan.] Shortlie after, Iohn maister of the Forbois, and el­dest The maister of Forbois he headed. sonne to the lord Forbois, who had maried a si­ster of the said ladie Glames, was at Edenburgh likewise indicted and conuict by an assise, by procure­ment of the earle Huntleie, for the like conspiracie of the kings death, for the which he was beheaded and quartered, and his head and quarters set alost vp­on the gates of Edenburgh. His father the lord For­bois, vpon suspicion of the same conspiracie, was long after kept in prison within the castell of Eden­burgh; but at length when nothing might be prooued against him, he was released and set at libertie.

This yeere, the king in September caused iustices Iustices ap­pointed to sit in diuerse parts of the realme. to sit in the north parts of the realme, and likewise in October; and in the winter following he caused the like to be doone in the south and west parts. The king himselfe was often times present, assisting the lords whome he had appointed his commissioners for the furtherance of iustice, and maintenance thereof tho­rough all parts of his realme. Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 14. pag. 447. The king appoin­ted in assemblie of the nobles, by whose consent an edict was made to confirme the former law, in which all his grants made at Roane in his minoritie were voided and of no authoritie. At what time also by the said persons it was brought to passe by great labor, that the kings patrimonie should be augmented with manie possessions. Wherefore when they percei­ued that the kings charge and dignitie could not be mainteined with so small reuenues, they aduanced his foure sonnes (borne of diuerse women) to the rich abbeies & priories of Melrosse, kelso, Coldingham, Holie rood, and of saint Andrewes, whose reuenues they transferred to the kings coffers so long as he li­ued: by which (perhaps) there came no lesse monie (saith Lesleus) vnto his coffers, than did arise of his kinglie inheritance.)

The king by the aduise of these noble men of his 1538. Lesle. realme, thinking it necessarie for him to match a­gaine in mariage with some noble princesse, sent in­to The king is a sutor for ma­riage to the dutchesse of Longuile. Fr. Thin. France vnto the earle of Murrey, and Dauid Be­ton abbat of Arbroth [whome (as saith Lesleus lib. 9. pa. 447) Paule the third had made a cardinall, & they of France had made bishop of Miropreuse] his am­bassadors there resident, willing them by the aduise of the French king to treat for a mariage to be had betwixt him and the ladie Marie de Lorraine, dut­chesse of Longuile, widow, daughter to the duke of Guise. And being aduertised from his said ambassa­dors, that the king of France, the ladie hir selfe, and hir friends, were well contented therewith, he sent in the beginning of Maie the lord Robert Maxwell, and the maister of Glencarne, well accompanied in­to France, to ioine with his other ambassadors for the contracting of that mariage, the which according to their commission treated thereof, and concluded vpon resolute articles, and so espoused hir by procu­rators, as the vse is amongst such estates, with great triumph in the citie of Paris, whereat the king and manie noble men were present.

After this she was conueied to Newhauen, and there taking the seas, passed through the same till she came to Carell in Fife, where she landed the tenth of Iune; and from thence she was conueied to the new palace in the abbeie of saint Andrewes, being hono­rabli prepared for the receiuing of hir. And there the The mariage solemnized. king accompanied with manie noble men, openlie solemnized and confirmed the foresaid mariage with the said ladie in the abbeie church, with great ioy and triumph. The king with his queene remained there the most part of that summer. And within a few mo­neths after the mariage, she conceiued with child, to the great comfort of the king and the whole realme, for the hope of succession thereby; and therefore gene­rall processions and publike praiers were made tho­rough all parts of the realme, for the prosperous suc­cesse of the same. After that the king had pacified the [Page 321] borders and all other parts of his realme, by exerci­sing of iustice, and trauelling about the same in his owne person through all places (where néed requi­red) so that there was as great quietnesse, rest, and policie vsed in Scotland, as euer was in anie kings Great quiet­nesse in Scot­land. daies before him: yet neuerthelesse there were cer­teine disobedient persons in the Iles.

The king therefore, to bring them to order, caused to prepare a good nauie of ships, and in the moneth of Maie went aboord the same in the rode of Lieth, ha­uing 10 with him the earles of Arrane, Huntleie, Ar­gile, 1539. and diuerse other earles, lords, and barons, with whome he sailed foorth by the coasts of Fife, Angus, The king sai­leth north­wards to the Iles of Orke­nie and others Aberden, Murrey firth, Southerland, and Cath­nesse, till he came to Orkenie, where he landing and all his companie with him, were receiued verie ho­norablie by the bishop Robert Maxwell. Heere they furnished themselues with fresh vittels, and other such things as were necessarie; and taking the seas againe, sailed to the Iles of Skie and Lewes, where 20 Mac Clewd of the Lewes, a principall clan of his kin, was brought vnto the king, who sent foorth also a companie to Mac Clewd Haugh, who came like­wise out of his Ile, and presented himselfe to the king.

From thence the king sailed by the coast of Rosse & Kintaile, to the Ile of Tranternes, where diuerse of the Maconiles, such as the lord Olagarrie, Iohn Moidart, and others (who alledged themselues to be of the principall bloud, and lords of the Iles) were 30 brought also to the kings presence. From thence tra­uelling through the residue of the Iles, Maclane and Iames Maconile of Kinter, being the two principall capteins of the small Iles, came likewise to the king who at length landed at Dunbreton, and sent the The out Iles brought to good order. capteins and ships with prisoners to passe the same waie he came round about the coast, so to come to Edenburgh, where the same prisoners being arri­ued, the chiefe heads of them were kept in ward as pledges for good rule in their countries, and were not 40 suffered to depart so long as the king liued, whereby there followed great quietnesse, and as good obedi­ence to the lawes throughout all the Iles, as there was in anie part of the realme; and as good account and paiment made to the kings controller in his ex­cheker for the lands of the same Iles perteining to the crowne, as for anie part of the reuenues belon­ging therevnto within the maine land. [In this yéere Fr. Thin. (saith Buchanan lib. 4.) were manie taken for Lu­therantsme, wherof some were burnt; nine recanted, 50 and manie were banished: amongest whom, George Buchanan was one, who escaped by a rope out of a window of a chamber.]

Whilest the king was in this voiage, the queene was deliuered of a sonne at saint Andrewes, where­of The quéene deliuered of a sonne. the king being aduertised at his landing, hasted with all possible diligence to the quéene, and shortlie after was the child baptised, and called Iames. The archbishop of saint Andrewes, and the earle of Ar­rane were godfathers, and the quéene the kings mo­ther 60 was godmother. For the birth of this prince, there were bounfiers made through all parts of the realme, with great triumph and giuing of thanks to God for the same. After this the quéene, mother to the king, returned vnto Methwen, where after she had remained a certeine time, a sicknesse tooke hir, of the which shortlie after she departed this life, and was The quéene mother depar­ted this life. buried in the Charterhouse church of saint Iohns towne, by the toomé of king Iames the first. The king himselfe and manie nobles of the realme were present at the funerals, which were kept in most so­lemne and pompous manner.

The same yeare were burnt at Edenburgh for Certeine per­sons burnt for religion. heresie (as it was then taken) a regular canon, two blacke friers, and a secular man. Also two priests were degraded, and condemned to perpetuall prison. The same time there was a graie frier in the citie of Glascow burnt for the like cause, and manie other summoned; and because they would not appeare, they were denounced heretikes. About the same 1539. Lesle. The death of Iames Be­ton archbishop of saint An­drews. time, Iames Beton archbishop of saint Andrews, a man of great age departed this life, and was bu­ried in saint Andrews. Before his departure, he had prouided successors to all his benefices, first to his archbishops sée; and to the abbeie of Arbroth, maister Dauid Beton, afterwards cardinall; and to the abbeie of Dunfermeling maister George Du­rie that was archdeacon of saint Andrews. These men, without anie gainesaieng of the king, entered with his good will into the same benefices, immedi­atlie after his deceasse. This Iames Beton builded a great part of the new college of saint Andrewes, and left great summes of monie and treasure to go through to make an end of the same woorke.

This yeare in the moneth of August sir Iames 1540. Sir Iames Hamilton ar­rested. Hamilton of Finhart knight, remaining as then in the towne of Edenburgh, was arrested by Da­uid Wood controller to the king, who charged him in the kings name to go to ward within the ca­stell of Edenburgh. Which commandement he wil­linglie obeied, thinking himselfe sure inough, as well by reason of the good seruice he had doone to the king, speciallie in reparing the palaces of Striue­ling and Linletgew; as also for that the king had him in so high fauor, that he stood in no feare of him­selfe at all. Neuerthelesse, shortlie after he was brought foorth to iudgement, and conuict in the Tol­buith Sir Iames Hamilton be­headed. of Edenburgh, of certeine points of treason laid against him, which he would neuer confesse; but that notwithstanding, he was beheaded in the mo­neth of September next insuing [after that he had Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 451. liberallie confessed at the place of execution, that he had neuer in anie iot offended the kings maiestie, and that this death was yet woorthilie inflicted vp­on him by the diuine iustice; because he had often of­fended the law of God to please the prince, thereby to obteine greater countenance with him. Where­fore he admonished all persons, that (mooued by his example) they should rather follow the diuine plea­sure, than vniustlie séeke the kings fauor, since it is better to please God than man.]

This summer the quéene remaining at Striue­ling, The quéene deliuered of another son. was deliuered of an other prince, which was baptised in the chappell of Striueling, and called Ar­thur: but within eight daies after, the said prince de­ceassed The two yoong princes departed this life. at Striueling aforesaid. On the verie same daie, prince Iames the kings eldest sonne being at saint Andrews departed this life also, in such wise, that there was but onlie six houres betwixt the time of their departures out of this world; which caused no lesse lamentation through the whole realme, than there was ioy at their births. After this, the queene went vnto saint Iohns towne, where she was hono­rablie receiued with great triumph made by the towne. She was accompanied with the principall The king and queene at A­berden. men of the countrie, and from thence she roade to Aberden, the king then being come vnto hir, where, by the towne and vniuersitie they were receiued with great ioy, triumph, pageants, verses, & plaies, set foorth in the best maner for their pastime. They remained there the space of fiftéene daies, and were highlie interteined by the bishop of that place.

There were exercises and disputations held in all kind of sciences in the colleges and schooles, with diuerse orations made in Greeke, Latine, and other languages, to the high praise and commendation of the maisters & students in that vniuersitie. From thence the king with the quéene returned to Dun­dee, [Page 322] where a costlie entrie was prepared for them al­so, and after they had béene right princelie intertei­ned there, they came to Falkeland. In the moneth of Maie, sir Iohn Borthwike, commonlie called capteine Borthwike, suspected, defamed, and accu­sed of heresie, was summoned to appeare in saint Capteine Borthwike accused of he­resie. Andrews before the cardinall, and diuerse other bi­shops and prelats there present, where (notwithstan­ding his absence) the same being prooued by suffici­ent witnesse against him (as was thought) he was 10 conuicted and declared an heretike. An image was made to resemble him, and at the market crosse of the said citie, as a signe and memoriall of his con­demnation, it was burned, to the feare of others, but he himselfe escaped their hands and got into England, where he was receiued.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 453. The king of Scots (hearing of the maner of the king of England, and how he honored himselfe) tooke in euill part, that the king of England in all generall assemblies of the states of Ireland did call 20 himselfe king of Ireland, when all his predecessors before were onelie intituled by the names of lords of Ireland. For by that new title, king Iames his authoritie did seeme to be diminished, when the king of England did write himselfe king of all Ireland: A small por­tion in déed. whereof a portion by manie ages was vnder the rule of the king of Scots. Yet at length K. Iames did yéeld therevnto; and that the rather, because the king of England vnder this title and authoritie, did not dispossesse the heires of the Scot Makeconell; 30 and other his Scots of those lands which they there inioied in that countrie.]

This yeare the king of England aduertised of the 1541. The king of England sen­deth to the king of Scots. meeting of the emperor, the French king, and pope, at the citie of Nice, doubting some practise to be de­uised there against him, sent to the king of Scot­land the bishop of saint Dauids, & the lord William Howard, desiring him as his most tender kinsman and nephue, to méete him at the citie of Yorke in England, where he would communicat such things 40 with him, as should be for the weale of both the realmes. And therewith the king of England, tru­sting that the king of Scotland would haue fulfilled his desire, caused great preparation to be made at Yorke for the receiuing of him. But albeit the king of Scotland was willing of himselfe to haue passed into England, to haue met and séene his vncle; yet after long reasoning and deliberation of his coun­cell and prelats [especiallie Iames Beton bishop of saint Andrews, and George Crichtoune bishop of 50 Fr. Thin. Aberden (as saith Buchanan. lib. 14.] assembled for that purpose, casting in their minds (as they tooke it) what danger might fall to him and his realme, if he should passe into England, in case he should be stai­ed and holden there, contrarie to his will, as king Iames his predecessor was, hauing no succession of his bodie.

And againe, for that it was certeinelie knowen, that the principall cause, why the king of England required this meeting or interuiew, was to persuade 60 the king of Scotland to vse the like order in Scot­land, as he had doone within his realme of England, in abolishing the popes authoritie, making himselfe supreame head of the church, expelling religious per­sons out of their houses, and seizing the iewels of their houses, their lands and rents, and such like in­formation. And if it chanced the king should attempt the like, they should lose the friendship which was betwixt him, the pope, the emperor, and French king, that were his great friends and confederats. Here­vpon they persuaded him to staie, and by their aduise sent pleasant letters & messages vnto the said king of England, desiring him to haue him excused, for that he could not come into England at that time, hauing such lets and causes of abiding at home, as shortlie he should vnderstand by his ambassadors, whom he ment to send to him, as well for this mai­ter as other causes. And shortlie after sir Iames Leirmouth was appointed to go as ambassador in­to Sir Iames Leirmouth ambassador into England England, as well to make the kings excuse for his not comming to méet the king of England at Yorke; as also to make complaint vpon certeine inuasions made by the borderers of England into Scotland, and also for the vsing of the debatable ground betwixt the two realmes.

But the king of England sore offended that the king of Scots would not satisfie his request, to 1542. The king of England meaneth to make warre into Scot­land. meet him at Yorke (as before is recited, would ad­mit no excuse, but determined to make warre into Scotland, albeit as the Scotishmen allege, he would not suffer the same to be vnderstood, till he had pre­pared all things in a redinesse. In the meane time he sent commissioners to méet with the Scots commis­sioners vpon the debatable ground, to talke for re­dresse to be made of harmes doone vpon the borders, but no good conclusion could be agréed vpon by these commissioners, neither touching the debatable land, nor yet for reparing of wrongs doone by the inuasi­ons. ¶ But that the truth concerning the causes of this war, moued at this present by that noble prince king Henrie the eight, may the better appeare; I haue thought good here to set downe the same, as they were drawen foorth and published in print to the whole world by the said king in a little pamphlet, vn­der this title.

A declaration conteining the iust causes and considerations of this present warre with the Scots, wherein also appeareth the true and right title that the kings most roiall maiestie hath to his souereigntie of Scotland, and thus it beginneth.

BEing now inforced to the war which we A declaration of the iust cau­ses of the war against the king of Scots. haue alwaies hitherto so much abhorred & fled, by our neighbour & nephew the K. of Scots, one who aboue all other for our manifold benefits toward him, hath most iust cause to loue vs, and to reioise in our quietnesse; we haue thought good to notifie vnto the world his doings and behauiour in the prouocation of this war, & likewise the meanes & waies by vs to eschew & auoid it, & the iust & true occasions wherby we be now prouoked to prosecute the same, and by vtterance and divul­ging of that matter, to disburden some part of our inward displeasure and griefe: and the circumstan­ces knowen, to lament openlie with the world the infidelitie of this time, in which things of such enor­mitie doo burst out and appeare.’

‘the king of Scots our nephue & neighbor, whome we in his youth and tender age preserued and main­teined from the great danger of others, and by our authoritie and power conducted him safelie to the roiall possession of his estate, he now compelleth & inforceth vs (for preseruation of our honor & right) to vse our puissance & power against him. The like vnkindnesse hath beene heretofore shewed by other in semblable cases against Gods law, mans law, & all humanitie; but the oftener it chanceth, the more it is to be abhorred, and yet in the persons of prin­ces, for the raritie of them, can so happen but seldome as it hath now come to passe. It hath béene verie rarelie & seldome séene tofore, that a king of Scots hath had in mariage a daughter of England. We cannot nor will not reprehend the king our fathers act therein, but lament and be sorie that it tooke no better effect.’

‘The king our father in that matter minded loue, [Page 323] amitie, and perpetull friendship betwéene the poste­ritie of both: which how soone it failed, the death of the king of Scots, as a due punishment of God, for his vnjust inuasion into this our realme, is and shall be a perpetuall testimonie of their reproch for euer. And yet in that present time could not the vn­kindnesse of the father extinguish in vs the naturall loue of our nephue his sonne, being then in the mi­serable age of tender youth. But we then forgetting the displeasure that should haue woorthilie prouoked 10 vs to inuade that realme, nourished and brought vp our nephue, to atchiue his fathers possession and gouernement, wherein he now so vnkindlie vseth and behaueth himselfe towards vs, as he compel­leth vs to take armor and warre against him.’

‘It is speciallie to be noted, vpon what grounds, and by what means we be compelled to this warre, wherin among other is our chiefe greefe and displea­sure, that vnder a colour of faire speach and flatte­ring words, we be indéed so iniuried, contemned and 20 despised, as we ought not with sufferance to permit and passe ouer. Words, writings, letters, messages, ambassages, excuses, allegations, could not more pleasantlie, more gentlie, nor more reuerentlie be deuised and sent, than hath béene made on the king of Scots behalfe vnto vs: and euer we trusted the trée would bring foorth good fruit, that was of the one part of so good a stocke, and continuallie in appea­rance put foorth so faire buds: and therefore would hardlie beléeue or giue eare to other, that euer al­ledged 30 the deeds of the contrarie, being neuerthe­lesse the same déeds so manifest, as we must néeds haue regarded them, had not we bin so loth to thinke euill of our nephue, whome we had so manie waies bound to be of the best sort toward vs.’

‘And therefore hauing a message sent vnto vs the yéere past, from our said nephue, and a promise made for the repairing of the said king of Scots vnto vs to Yorke, and after great preparation on our part made therefore, the same méeting was not onelie 40 disappointed, but also at our being at Yorke in the lieu thereof, an inuasion made by our said nephue his subiects into our land, declaring an euident con­tempt and despite of vs. We were yet glad to im­pute the default of the méeting to the aduise of his councell, and the inuasion to the lewdnesse of his subiects, and according therevnto gaue as benigne and gentle audience to such ambassadors as repaired hither at Christmas afterward, as if no such cause of displeasure had occurred, speciallie considering the 50 good words, sweet words, pleasant words, eftsoones proponed by the said ambassadors, not onelie to ex­cuse that was past, but also to persuade kindnesse and perfect amitie to insue.’

‘And albeit the king of Scots hauing (contrarie to the article of the league of amitie) receiued and in­terteined such rebels as were of the chéefe and prin­cipall, in stirring the insurrection in the north a­gainst vs, with refusall before time, vpon request made to restore the same; yet neuerthelesse, vpon of­fer 60 made, the said ambassadors to send commission to the borderers, to determine debates of the con­fines in the same, with so great a pretense of amitie, and so faire words as could be in spéech desired, we were content for the time to forbeare to presse them ouer extreamlie in the matter of rebels. Alleit we neuer remitted the same, but desiring to make triall of our said nephue in some correspondence of déeds, condescended to the sending of commissioners to the borders, which to our great charge we did, and the king of Scots our said nephue the semblable.’

‘Where after great trauell made by our commis­sioners, this fruit insued, that being for our part cha­lenged, a péece of our ground plainlie vsurped by the Scots, and of no great value, being also for the samé shewed such euidence, as more substantiall, more au­tentike, plaine and euident, cannot be brought forth for anie part of ground within our realme: the same was neuerthelesse by them denied, refused, and the euidence onelie for this cause reiected, that it was made (as they alledged) by Englishmen: and yet it was so ancient, as it could not be counterfeit now, and the value of the ground so little, and of so small weight, as no man would haue attempted to falsifie for such a matter. And yet this deniall being in this wise made vnto our commissioners, they neuerthe­lesse by our commandement departed as friends from the commissioners of Scotland, taking order as hath béene accustomed, for good rule vpon the bor­ders in the meane time.’

‘After which their recesse, the lord Maxwell war­den of the west marches of Scotland, made procla­mation for good rule; but yet added therwith, that the borderers of Scotland should withdraw their goods from the borderers of England; and incontinent the Scotishmen borderers, the fourth of Iulie entered into our realme suddenlie, and spoiled our subiects contrarie to our leagues, euen after such extremitie as it had béene in the time of open warre, whereat we much maruelled, and were compelled therefore to furnish our borders with a garrison for defense of the same. Wherevpon the king of Scots sent vn­to vs Iames Leirmouth maister of his houshold, with letters deuised in the most pleasant maner, of fering redresse & reformation of all attempts. And yet neuerthelesse, at the entrie of the said Leirmouth into England, a great number of the Scots then not looked for, made a forraie into our borders, to the great annoiance of our subiects, & to their extreame detriment. Wherewith, and with that vnseemelie dis­simulation, we were not a little mooued, as reason would we should; and yet did we not finallie so ex­treamelie prosecute and continue our said displea­sure, but that we gaue benigne audience to the said Leirmouth, and suffered our selfe to be somewhat al­tered by his words and faire promises, tending to the persuasion that we euer desired, to find the king of Scots such a nephue vnto vs, as our proximitie of bloud (with our gratuitie vnto him) did require.’

‘In the meane time of these faire words, the déeds of the borderers were as extreame as might be, and our subiects spoiled: and in a rode made by sir Ro­bert Bowes for a reuenge thereof, the same sir Ro­bert Bowes, with manie other were taken priso­ners, and yet deteined in Scotland without putting them to fine or ransome, as hath béene euer accusto­med. And being at the same time a sursesance made on both sides, at the sute of the said Leirmouth for a season; the Scots ceassed not to make sundre inua­sions into our realme, in such wise as we were com­pelled to forget faire words, and onelie to consider the king of Scots déeds, which appeared vnto vs of that sort, as they ought not for our dutie in defense of our subiects, ne could not in respect of our honor, be passed ouer vnreformed: and therefore put in a readi­nesse our armie, as a due meane whereby we might atteine such a peace, as for the safegard of our sub­iects we be bound to procure.’

‘After which preparation made, and knowledge had thereof, the king of Scots ceassed not to vse his accustomed meane of faire words, which in our na­turall inclination wrought eftsoones their accusto­med effect, euermore desirous to find in the king of Scots such regard & respect to be declared in déeds, as the correspondence of naturall loue in the nephue to such an vncle, as we haue shewed our selfe toward him, dooth require. Wherefore vpon new request and sute made vnto vs, we determined to staie our ar­mie [Page 324] at Yorke, appointing the duke of Norffolke our lieutenant, the Lord priuie seale, the bishop of Dur­ham, and the maister of our horsses, there to com­men, treat, and conclude with the ambassadors of Scotland, for an amitie and peace, vpon such condi­tions, as by reason and equitie were indifferent, whereby the warre might be eschewed, being by sun­drie inuasions of the Scots then opened & manifest.’

‘In this communication betwéene our and their commissioners, after diuerse degrées of commission 10 shewed by the Scots, and finallie one that was by our commissioners allowed, matters were propo­ned for conclusion of amitie, nothing difficill or hard of our part, but so agréeable to reason, as the com­missioners of Scotland said they doubted not, but if it might be brought to passe that the king of Scots our nephue might haue a méeting with vs, all mat­ters should easilie be compounded and determined: wherevpon they left speaking of anie articles of a­mitie, and the ambassadors of Scotland made much 20 outward ioy in communication of meeting. They shewed themselues in words, fashion, and behauior much to delight in it, to reioise in it, and therewith thought it easie and facile to be concluded and ac­complished, and for their part they tooke it then for a thing passed, a thing concluded, and most certeine to take effect, and onelie desired six daies to obteine an­swer from their maister, and our armie, from that time to staie and go no further: wherevnto our com­missioners then agréed. 30

‘After these six daies was sent a commission out of Scotland, with power to conclude a méeting pre­ciselie at such a place, as they knew well we should not, nor could not in winter obserue & kéepe. Where­with when our commissioners were miscontent, the ambassadors of Scotland to relieue that displea­sure, and to temper the matter whereby to win more time, shewed foorth their instructions, wherein liber­tie was giuen to the ambassadours to exceed their 40 commission in the appointment of the place, and to consent to anie other that by our commissioners should be thought conuenient. Which maner of pro­céeding when our commissioners refused, alledging that they would not conclude a méeting with men hauing no commission therevnto: the ambassadors of Scotland vpon pretense to send for a more am­ple and large commission, agréeable to their instruc­tions for appointment of the place, obteined a de­laie of other six daies, to send for the ample commis­sion 50 without restraint of place.’

‘Now after these six daies they brought foorth a new commission, made in a good forme, and without exception: but therewith also they shewed new in­structions, conteining such a restraint as the former commission did conteine, so as the libertie giuen to the commissioners in the commission was now at the last remooued and taken awaie by the instructi­ons, with addition of a speciall charge to the ambas­sadors, not to excéed the same. And thus, first the am­bassadors 60 of Scotland seemed to haue a will and de­sire to conclude on a place seemelie and conuenient, which for want of commission they might not doo, and at the last might haue concluded a méeting by vertue of their commission; and then for feare of the commandement in their second instructions they durst not. And so they shewed their first instructions partlie to excuse their king, who should séeme secret­lie to will more than in the commission he did open­lie professe.’

‘Then with an ample commission from the king, they shewed their secret instructions for defense of themselues, why they procéeded not according to their commission, not caring how much they char­ged therein the king, whose fault they disclosed to dis­charge themselues, trusting that by the benefit of the winter approching, and the time lost in their com­munication, their maister should be defended a­gainst our power for this yéere, without dooing for their part that by honor, right, law, and leagues they be obliged and bound to doo. And in this meane time our subiects being taken prisoners in Scotland, could not be deliuered vpon any ransome, contrarie to all custome and vsage of the borderers in the time of peace and warre: and in this meane time staied a great part of our armie alreadie prested, and in our wages to go forward.’

‘In this time ambassadors (as ye haue heard) as­sembled to talke of an amitie, but concluded none. The treating of amitie was put ouer by communi­cation of a méeting. The communication of méeting was so handled by alteration of commission and in­structions on their behalfe, as it appeareth a plaine deuise onelie inuented for a delaie, which hath giuen vs light, whervpon more certeinly to iudge the king of Scots inward affection toward vs: whose deeds and words well weied and considered, doo vs plain­lie to vnderstand, how he hath continuallie labored to abuse vs with sweet and pleasant words, and to sa­tisfie the appetites of other at home and abroad with his vnkind and displeasant déeds. In his words he professeth an indissoluble amitie, he allegeth kinred, he acknowledgeth benefits, onlie the fault is, that he speaketh another language to all the world in deeds, and thereby so toucheth vs in honor and denegation of iustice, as we be inforced and compelled to vse the sword, which God hath put in our hands as an ex­treme remedie, whereby to obteine both quietnesse for our subiects, and also that is due to vs by right, pacts, and leagues.’

‘We haue patientlie suffered manie delusions, and notablie the last yéere, when we made prepara­tion at Yorke for his repaire to vs. But should we suffer our people and subiects to be so oft spoiled without remedie? This is doone by the Scots, what­soeuer their words be. Should we suffer our rebels to be deteined contrarie to the leagues without re­medie? This is also doone by them, whatsoeuer their words be. Should we suffer our land to be vsurped contrarie to our most plaine euidence, onelie vpon a will, pride and arrogancie of the other partie? This is doone by them whatsoeuer their words be. All these be ouer presumptuouslie doone against vs, and giue such signification of their arrogancie, as it is neces­sarie for vs to oppresse it in the beginning, least they should gather further courage, to the greater displea­sure of vs and our posteritie hereafter. And yet in the intreating of this matter, if we had not euidentlie perceiued the lacke of such affection as proximitie of bloud should require; we would rather haue remit­ted these iniuries in respect of proximitie of bloud, to our nephue, than we did tofore his fathers inuasion.’

‘But weieng that we be so suerlie ascerteined of the lacke thereof, and that our bloud is there frozen with the cold aire of Scotland, there was neuer prince more violentlie compelled to war, than we be by the vnkind dealing, vniust behauior, & vnprince­lie demeanor of him, that yet in nature is our ne­phue, & in his acts and déeds declareth himselfe not to be mooued therwith, nor to haue such earnest regard to the obseruation of his pacts & leagues, nor such re­spect to the interteinment of the administration of iustice, as naturall equitie bindeth, & conseruation of equitie requireth. Which we much lament & be sorie for, & vse now our force and puissance against him, not for reuengement of our priuate displeasure (be­ing so often deliuered as we haue béene) but for re­couerie of our right, the preseruation of our subiects from iniuries, and the obseruation of such leagues [Page 325] as haue passed betweene vs, firmelie trusting, that almightie God, vnder whome we reigne, will assist & aid our iust proceedings herein, to the furtherance and aduancement of the right, which we doubt not shall euer preuaile against wrong, falshood, deceipt, and dissimulation.’

‘Hitherto appeareth how this present warre hath not proceeded of anie demand of our right of our su­perioritie, which the kings of Scots haue alwaies knowledged by homage and fealtie to our progeni­tors 10 euen from the beginning: but this warre hath béene prouoked and occasioned vpon present mat­ter of displeasure, present iniurie, present wrong mi­nistred by the nephue to the vncle most vnnatural­lie, and supported contrarie to the deserts of our be­nefits most vnkindlie, if we had minded the possessi­on of Scotland, and by the motion of warre to at­teine the same, there was neuer king of this realme had more opportunitie in the minoritie of our ne­phue, nor in anie other realme a prince that hath 20 more iust title, more euident title, more certeine title, to any realme that he can claime, than we haue to Scotland.’

‘This title is not deuised by pretense of mariage, nor imagined by couenant, nor contriued by inuen­tion of argument, but lineallie descended from the beginning of that estate established by our progeni­tors, and recognised successiuelie of the kings of Scotland, by deeds, words, acts, and writings conti­nuallie almost without interruption, or at the least 30 intermission, till the reigne of our progenitor king Henrie the sixt, in whose time the Scots abused the ciuill warre of this realme, to their licence and bold­nesse, in omitting of their dutie: which for the proxi­mitie of bloud betwene vs, we haue béene slacke to require of them, being also of our selfe inclined to peace, as we haue euer beene alwaies glad, rather without preiudice to omit to demand our right if it might conserue peace, than by demanding thereof to be séene to mooue warre, speciallie against our 40 neighbour, against our nephue, against him whome we haue preserued from danger, and in such a time as it were expedient for all christendome to be in v­nitie and peace, whereby to be more able to resist the common enimie the Turke.’

‘But for what considerations we haue omitted to speake hitherto of the matter, it is neuerthelesse true, that the kings of Scots haue alwaies acknow­ledged the kings of England superior lords of the realme of Scotland, & haue doone homage and feal­tie 50 for the same. This appereth first in histories writ­ten by such, as for confirmation of the truth in me­morie haue trulie noted and signified the same. Se­condlie, it appeareth by instruments of homage made by the kings of Scots, and diuerse notable personages of Scotland, at diuerse & sundrie times sealed with their seales, and remaining in our trea­surie. Thirdlie, it appeareth by registers and re­cords iudiciallie and autenticallie made, yet preser­ued for confirmation of the same. So as the mat­ter 60 of title béeing most plaine, is furnished also with all maner of euidences for declaration there­of.’

‘First, as concerning histories, which be called witnesses of times, the light of truth, and the life of memorie, and finallie the conuenient way & meane whereby the things of antiquitie may be brought to mens knowledge, they shew as plainlie this matter as could be wished or required, with such a consent of writers as could not so agree vpon an vntruth, conteining a declaration of such matter as hath most euident probabilitie and apparance. For as it is probable and likelie, that for the better administra­tion of iustice amongest rude people, two or more of one estate might be rulers in one countrie, vnited as this Ile is: so it is probable and likelie, that in the beginning it was so ordered for auoiding dissen­tion, that there should be one superiour, in right of whom the said estates should depend.’

‘According wherevnto we read, how Brute, of whome the realme then called Britaine tooke first that name (being before that time inhabited with gi­ants, a people without order or ciuilitie) had thrée sonnes, Locrine, Albanact, and Camber, who deter­mining to haue the whole Ile within the ocean sea to be after gouerned by them thrée, appointed Alba­nact to rule that now is called Scotland, Camber the parties of Wales, and Locrine that now is cal­led England: vnto whom (as being the eldest sonne) the other two brethren should doo homage, recogni­sing and knowledging him as their superior. Now consider, if Brute conquered all this Iland, as the historie saith he did, and then in his owne time made this order of superioritie as afore; how can there be a title deuised of a more plaine beginning, a more iust beginning, a more conuenient beginning, for the or­der of this Iland, at that time speciallie, when the people were rude? Which cannot without continuall strife and variance conteine twoo or thrée rulers in all points equall without any maner of superioritie, the inward conscience and remorse of which superio­ritie should in some part dull and diminish the per­uerse couragè of resistance and rebellion.’

‘The first diuision of this Ile, we find written after this sort, without cause of suspicion why they should write amisse. And according heerevnto we find also in historie set foorth by diuerse, how for transgression against this superioritie, our predecessors haue cha­stised the kings of Scots, and some deposed, and put other in their places. We will heere omit to speake of the rudenesse of the antiquitie in particularitie, which they cared not distinctlie to commit to writing. But some authors, as Antonius Sabellicus, amongst other, diligentlie searching what he might trulie write of all Europe and the Ilands adioining, ouer and besides that which he writeth of the natures, ma­ners, and conditions of the Scots, which who so list to read, shall find to haue béene the verie same in times past, that we find them now at this present: he cal­leth Scotland, part of England, which is agréeable to the diuision aforesaid, being in déed as in the land continuall without separation of the sea, so also by homage and fealtie vnited vnto the same; as by par­ticular declarations shall most manifestlie appéere, by the testimonie of such as haue left writing for proofe and confirmation thereof.’

‘In which matter, passing the death of king Hum­ber, the acts of Dunwald king of this realme of England, the diuision of Beline and Bren two bre­thren, the victories of king Arthur; we shall begin at the yéere of our Lord, nine hundred, which is six hun­dred fortie two yeeres past, a time of sufficient anci­encie, from which we shall make speciall declaration and euident proofe of the execution of our right and title of superioritie euermore continued and preser­ued hitherto. Edward the first, before the conquest, sonne to Alured king of England, had vnder his do­minion and obedience the king of Scots. And héere is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Marian a Scot, writing that storie in those daies, granteth, confesseth, & testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state thrée and twentie yéeres.’

‘At which time Athelstane succéeded in the crowne of England, and hauing by battell conquered Scot­land, he made one Constantine king of that partie, to rule and gouerne the countrie of Scotland vnder him, adding this princelie woord, that it was more [Page 326] honorable to him to make a king, than to be a king. Twentie foure yéeres after that, which was the yéere of our Lord 947, king Eldred our progenitor Athel­stanes brother, tooke homage of Irise then king of Scots. Thirtie yéeres after that, which was in the yeere of our Lord 977, king Edgar our predecessor tooke homage of Kinald king of Scots. Heere was a litle trouble in England by the death of saint Ed­ward king and martyr, destroied by the deceit of his mother in law. But yet within memorie, fortie yeers 10 after the homage doone by Kinald to king Edgar, that is to say, in the yeere of our Lord 1018, Mal­colme king of Scots did homage to Knute our pre­decessor.’

‘After this homage doone, the Scots vttered some péece of their naturall disposition: wherevpon, by warre made by our progenitor saint Edward the confessor, twentie nine yéeres after homage dooue, that is to say, the yéere of our Lord 1056, Malcolme king of Scots was vanquished, and the realme gi­uen 20 to Malcolme his sonne, by our said progenitor saint Edward: to whome the said Malcolme made homage and fealtie, within eleuen yeeres after that William Conqueror entered this realme, whereof he accounted no perfect conquest, vntill he had like­wise subdued the Scots. And therefore in the said yéere, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1068, the said Malcolme king of Scots did homage to the said William Conqueror, as his superior by conquest king of England. Twentie fiue yéeres after that, 30 which was in the yéere of our Lord 1092, the said Malcolme did homage and fealtie to William Ru­fus, sonne to the said William Conqueror: and yet after that was for his offenses and demerits depo­sed, and his sonne substitute in his place, who like­wise failed of his dutie: and therefore was ordeined in that estate (by the said William Rufus) Edgar, brother to the last Malcolme, and sonne to the first, who did homage and fealtie accordinglie.’

‘Seuen yéeres after, that was in the yéere of our 40 Lord 1100, the said Edgar K. of Scots did homage vnto Henrie the first our progenitor. Thirtie seauen yéeres after that, Dauid king of Scots did homage to Mathild the empresse, as daughter and heire to Henrie the first. Wherefore, being after required by Stephan, then obteining possession of the realme, to make his homage; he refused so to doo, because be had before made it to the said Mathild, and therevpon for­bare. After which Dauids death, which insued shortlie after, the sonne of the said Dauid made homage to 50 the said king Stephan. Fouretéene yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord, a thousand one hundred and fiftie, William king of Scots, and Da­uid his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland, made homage to Henrie the seconds sonne, with a reseruation of their dutie to Henrie the second his father. Twentie fiue yéeres after, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1175, William king of Scotland, after much rebellion & resistance, according to their naturall inclination, king Henrie the second then 60 being in Normandie, William then king of Scots knowledged finallie his error, and made his peace and composition, confirmed with his great seale, and the seales of the nobilitie of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealtie.’

‘Within fifteene yeeres after that, which was the yeere of our Lord 1190, the said William king of Scots came to our citie of Canturburie, and there did homage to our noble progenitor king Richard the first. Fouretéene yeeres after that, the said Wil­liam did homage to our progenitor king Iohn, vpon a hill besides Lincolne, making his oth vpon the crosse of Hubert then archbishop of Canturburie, be­ing there present, a maruellous multitude assembled for that purpose. Twentie six yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1216, Alexander king of Scots maried Margaret, the daughter of our pro­genitor Henrie the third, at our citie of Yorke, in the feast of Christmasse, at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in this realme fiftie six yeers. And therfore betwéene the homage made by the said Alexander king of Scots, and the homage doone by Alexander, sonne to the said king of Scots, to Edward the first at his co­ronation at Westminster, there was about fiftie yéeres: at which time the said Alexander king of Scots repaired to the said feast of coronation, and there did his dutie, as is aforesaid. Within twentie eight yéeres after that, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1282, Iohn Balioll king of Scots made his homage and fealtie to the said king Edward the first our progenitor.’

‘After this began Robert Bruse to vsurpe the crowne of Scotland, and to mooue sedition therefore against them of the house of Balioll, which made for a season some interruption in the said homage; but yet no intermission without the termes of memorie: for within fortie foure yéeres after, which was the yéere of our Lord 1326, Edward Balioll after a great victorie had in Scotland against the other fac­tion, and inioieng the crowne of Scotland, made ho­mage to our progenitor Edward the third. And twentie yéeres after that, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1346, Dauid Bruse, who was euer in the contrarie faction, did neuerthelesse in the title of the crowne of Scotland, wherof he was then in possessi­on, make homage to our said progenitor Edward the third.’

‘Within nine yeeres after this, Edward the third, to chastise the infidelitie of the Scots, made warre against them: when after great victories, Edward Balioll, hauing the iust and right title to the realme of Scotland, surrendred clearlie the same to our said progenitor, at the towne of Roxburgh in Scotland, where our said progenitor accepted the same, and then caused himselfe to be crowned king of Scot­land, and for a time interteined it, and inioied it, as verie proprietarie and owner of the realme: as on the one part by confiscation acquited, and on the o­ther part by frée will surrendred vnto him. And then after the death of our said progenitor Edward the third, began seditions and insurrections in this our realme, in the time of our progenitor Richard the se­cond, which was augmented by the alteration of the state of the said Richard, and the deuolution of the same to Henrie the fourth: so as the Scots had some leasure to plaie their vagues, and follow their accu­stomed manner. And yet Henrie the fift, for recoue­rie of his right in France, commanded the king of Scots to attend vpon him in that iorneie.’

‘In this time, the realme of Scotland being des­cended to the house of the Stewards, of which our ne­phue directlie commeth: Iames Steward king of Scots, in the yéere of our Lord 1423, made homage to Henrie the sixt at Windsore, which homage was distant from the time of the other homage made by Dauid Bruse, three score yéeres and more, but farre within the fresh memorie of man. All which homages and fealties as they appéere by storie to haue béene made and doone at times and seasons as afore, so doo there remaine instruments made therevpon, and sealed with the seales of the kings of Scotland, testi­fieng the same. And yet dooth it appéere by storie, how the Scots practised to steale out of our treasurie di­uerse of these instruments, which neuerthelesse were afterward recouered againe.’

‘And to the intent ye may know of what forme and tenure the said instruments he, héere is inserted [Page 327] the effect in woord and sentence as they be made, which we doo, to méet with the cauillation and contri­ued euasion of the Scots, alleging the homage to haue beene made for the earledome of Huntington, which is as true as the allegation of him that is burnt in the hand, to say he was cut with a sickle. And therefore the tenure of the homage is this.’

The forme of the homage.

I Iohn N. king of Scots shall be 10 true and faithfull vnto you lord Edward by the grace of God K. of England, the noble & superiour lord of the kingdome of Scotland, as vn­to you I make my fidelitie of the same kingdome of Scotland, the which I hold & claime to hold of you. And I shall beare to you my faith and fidelitie of life and lim, and worldlie honor, against all men; and 20 faithfullie I shall knowledge, and shall doo to you seruice due to you of the kingdome of Scotland aforesaid: as God so helpe and these holie euangelists.’

‘Now for the third part, touching records and regi­sters, we haue them so formall, so autenticall, so se­riouslie handled, and with such circumstances decla­ring the matters, as they be and ought to be a great corroboration of that hath beene in stories written 30 & reported in this matter. For among other things we haue the solemne act and iudiciall processe of our progenitor Edward the first, in discussion of the title of Scotland, when the same was challenged by 12 competitors (that is to saie) Florentius comes Holandie, Patricius de Dunbar comes de Mer­chia, Willielmus de Uesci, Willielmus de Rosse, Robertus de Pinkeni, Nicholaus de Soules, Pa­tricius Galightlie, Rogerus de Mundeuile, Ioan­nes de Comin, D. Ioannes de Hastings, Ioannes 40 de Balliolo, Robertus de Bruse, Ericius rex Norwe­gie.’

‘Finallie, after a great consultation and ma­ture deliberation, with discussion of the allegations proponed on all parts, sentence was giuen for the ti­tle of Balioll, according wherevnto he inioied the realme. But for confirmation of the dutie of the ho­mage before that time obserued by the K. of Scots, it appeareth in those records, how when those compe­titors of the realme of Scotland repaired to our 50 progenitor, as to the chiefe lord for discussion of the same, insomuch as the authoritie of the iudgement to be giuen depended therevpon; it was then orde­red that the whole parlement of Scotland, spirituall & temporall, & of all degrees assembled for that pur­pose, and considering vpon what ground & founda­tion the kings of Scotland had in times past made the said homages and recognition of superioritie, the said parlement finding the same good & true, should (if they so déemed it) yéeld and giue place, and by ex­presse 60 consent recognise the same.’

‘At which parlement was alleged vnto them, as appeareth in the same records, not onelie these acts of the princes before those daies, and before rehear­sed: but also besides the testimonie of stories, the writings and letters of forren princes at that time reciting and rehearsing the same. Wherevpon the said parlement did there agree to this our superiori­tie, and insuing their determination did particular­lie and seuerallie make homage & fealtie with pro­clamation, that whosoeuer withdrew himselfe from dooing his duetie therein, should be reputed as a re­bell. And so all made homage and fealtie to our pro­genitor Edward the first. And the realme of Scot­land was in the time of the discussion of the title ru­led by gardians deputed by him. All castels and holds were surrendred to him, as to the superiour lord in the time of vacation. Benefices, offices, fées, promotions passed in that time from the méere gift of our said progenitor, as in the right of this crowne of England. Shiriffes named and appointed, writs, and precepts made, obeied, and executed.’

‘Finallie, all that we doo now in the duchie of Lan­caster, the same did our progenitor for the time of the contention for that title in the realme of Scot­land, by the consent of an agréement of all estates of the realme assembled and consulted with for that purpose. At which time the bishops of saint Andrews and Glascow were not (as they now be) archbishops; but recognised the archbishop of Yorke, which exten­ded ouer all that countrie. Now if the Scots will take exception to the homage of their princes as made in warre, and by force, which is not true; what will they say, or can they for shame allege against their owne parlement, not of some but of all confir­med, & testified by their writings and seales; where­vnto nothing inforced them but right and reason, be­ing passed in peace and quiet without armor & com­pulsion? If they say they did it not, they speake like themselues; if they say they did it, then doo they now like themselues, to withdraw their dutie, not so much to be blamed, as to be amended.’

‘Thus appeareth vnto you the beginning of the right of superioritie, with a perpetuall continuance, without intermission within memorie. Certeine o­missions and forbearings vpon the grounds and oc­casions before specified we denie not, whereby they haue manie times sought and taken their opportuni­ties to withdraw the dooing of their duetie in know­ledge of our superioritie ouer them; which to auoid, they haue not cared what they said or alleged, though it were neuer so vntrue, lieng alwaies in wait when they might annoie this realme, not without their owne great danger & perill, & also extreame detri­ment. But as they detracted the dooing of their du­tie, so God granted vnto this realme force to com­pell them therevnto within memorie, and notwith­standing anie their interruption by resistance, which vnto the time of our progenitor Henrie the sixt ne­uer endured so long as it made intermission within time of mind, whereby the possession might séeme to be empaired. From the time of Henrie the sixt, vnto the seuenth yeare of our reigne, our realme hath béene for a season lacerat and torne by diuersitie of titles, till our time; and since also by warre outward­lie vexed and troubled. The storie is so lamentable for some part therof, as were too tedious to rehearse.’

‘Since the death of our progenitor Henrie the sixt, our grandfather Edward the fourth reigned, who af­ter great trauels to atteine quietnes in his realme, finallie in the time of preparation of warre against Scotland died. Richard the third, then vsurped for a small time in yeares, whome the king our father by the strength of Gods hand ouerthrew in battell, and most iustlie atteined the possession of this relme, who neuerthelesse, after the great tempestuous stormes, finding all matters not yet brought to perfect quiet and rest, ceassed and forbare to require of the Scots to doo their dutie; thinking it policie rather for that time to assaie to tame their nature by pleasant con­iunction & conuersation of affinitie, than to charge them with their fault, & require dutie of them, when oportunitie serued not by force & feare to constreine and compell them. And thus passed ouer the reigne of our father without demand of this homage. And being our reigne now foure and thirtie yeares, we were one and twentie yeares letted by our nephue his minoritie, being then more carefull how to bring [Page 328] him out of danger, to the place of a king, than to re­ceiue of him homage, when he had full possession of the same.’

‘Wherefore being now passed, since the last ho­mage made by the king of Scots, to our progenitor Henrie the sixt, 122 yeares, at which time the ho­mage was doone at Windsor by Iames Steward, then king of Scots, as before 56 of these yeares the crowne of this realme was in contention, the trou­ble wherof ingendred also some businesse in the time 10 of the king our father; which was thrée and thirtie yeares: and in our time one and twentie yeares hath passed in the minoritie of our nephue. So as final­lie, the Scots resorting to their onelie defense of dis­continuance of possession, can onelie allege iustlie but 13 yeares of silence in the time of our reigne, be­ing all the other times since the homage doone by Iames Steward, such as the silence in them (had they béene neuer so long) could not haue ingendred preiudice to the losse of anie right that may yet be de­clared 20 and prooued due. For what can be imputed to king Edward for not demanding homage being in strife for that estate, wherevnto the homage was due? What should Richard the third search for ho­mage in Scotland, that had neither right ne leasure to haue homage doone vnto him in England? Who can blame our father, knowing the Scots nature neuer to doo their dutie but for feare; if he deman­ded not that of them, which they would eschew if they might, séeing his realme not clearelie then purged 30 from ill séed of sedition, sparkled and scattered in the cruell ciuill warres before.’

‘Law and reason serueth, that the passing ouer of time not commodious, that the purpose is not allege­able in prescription for the losse of anie right. And the minoritie of the king of Scots hath indured twentie one yéeres of our reigne, which being an impedi­ment on their part, the whole prescription of the Scots, if the matter were prescriptible, is thus dedu­ced euidentlie to thirteene yéere, which thirtéene yéere 40 without excuse we haue ceassed and forborne to de­mand our dutie, like as the Scots haue likewise ceas­sed to offer and render the same: for which cause ne­uerthelesse we doo not enter this warre, ne minded to demand anie such matter now, being rather desi­rous to reioise and take comfort in the friendship of our nephue as our neighbour, than to mooue matter vnto him of displeasure, whereby to alienate such na­turall inclination of loue as he should haue towards vs: but such be the woorks of God superior ouer all, to 50 suffer occasions to be ministred, whereby due superi­oritie may be knowne, demanded, and required, to the intent that according therevnto all things gouer­ned in due order héere, we may to his pleasure passe ouer this life to his honor and glorie, which he grant vs to doo in such rest, peace, and tranquillitie, as shall be meet and conuenient for vs.’

When therefore the king of England had set foorth this declaration of the causes that mooued him to 60 make warre against Scotland, he prepared to prose­cute the same both by sea and land, and hauing rig­ged and furnished diuerse ships of warre, he sent the same foorth to the sea, that they might take such Sco­tish Scotish ships taken. ships as were to returne from their voiages made into France, Flanders, Denmarke, and other countries, whether they were gone for trade of mer­chandize, with which the English ships incountred, tooke 28 of the principall ships of all Scotland, fraught with all kind of merchandize and rich wares, which they brought with them into the English ports.

The king of Scotland aduertised therof, sent with all spéed an herald, desiring restitution of his ships, as he thought stood with reason, séeing no war was proclamed: but the king of England thought it no reason to depart with them so soone, till other articles of agréement might be concluded, and therefore re­fused not onelie to deliuer their ships, but also sent sir Robert Bowes with men to the borders, giuing him Sir Robert Bowes inua­deth the bor­ders. in charge to inuade Scotland, who according to his commission, with thrée thousand men rode into Scotland, and began to burne and to spoile certeine small townes: wherevpon the fraie being raised in the countrie, George Gordon the earle of Huntleie, who was appointed to remaine as lieutenant vpon The earle of Huntleie gi­ueth an ouer­throw to the Englishmen. 1542. Lesle. the borders, for doubt of such sudden inuasions, im­mediatlie gathered a number of borderers, and set vpon the Englishmen, and put them all to flight; sir Robert Bowes, and his brother Richard Bowes, with diuers other, to the number of six hundred, were taken prisoners; and the said sir Robert Bowes and other the principall landed men were kept still in Scotland till after the kings death. This victorie chanced to the Scots, at a place called Halden Rig in the Mers, vpon saint Bartholomewes day, which is the twentie fourth of August.

After this, the king of England sent the duke of Norffolke with the earles of Shrewesburie, Darbie, Cumberland, Surreie, Hertford, Angus, Rutland, and the lords of the north parts of England, with an armie of fortie thousand men, as the Scots estéemed them, though they were not manie aboue twentie thousand, who entered into Scotland the one and twentith of October, and burnt certeine townes vp­on the side of the water of Twéed: but the earle of Huntleie, hauing with him ten thousand of the bor­derers and other, so waited vpon them, giuing them now and then skirmishes and alarms, that they came not past two miles from the water of Twéed within the Scotish bounds at that season.

In the meane time, the king of Scotland being aduertised héereof, gathered a great armie through all the parts of his realme, and came to Sowtraie hedge, where they mustered, and were numbred to be thirtie six thousand men, with the which he came to Falla Mure, and there incamped, determining to giue battell to the Englishmen, as he pretended: howbeit, if the duke had taried longer, as it was thought he would haue doone, if the time of the yéere and prouision of vittels had serued, the Scots would yet haue béene better aduised, before they had ioined with him in a pight field. But true it is, that after the duke had remained there so long as vittels might be had and recouered from anie part, he retired with his armie backe into England, not without some losse of men, horsses, and spoiles, which the Scots vn­der the earle of Huntleie and others tooke from the Englishmen in that their retire, speciallie as they passed ouer the riuer of Tweed.

After the Englishmen were thus departed and withdrawne home foorth of Scotland, king Iames being of an high and manlie courage, in reuenge of harmes doone by the Englishmen within his coun­trie, thought good that his whole armie should passe forward and inuade England, himselfe to go there­with in proper person. And héerein he requested the consent of his nobilitie, who after long reasoning, and good aduisement taken in the matter, gaue answer [by the earle of Murrey] to the king in this sort, that they could not thinke it good that they should passe within England, and to seeke battell, the king him­selfe being with them, considering that his two sons were latelie deceassed, so that he had no succession of his bodie: for in case that they lost the field, as in chance of battell is most vncerteine, then the king of England hauing great substance, might therwith follow the victorie, and put the realme of Scotland in great hazard.

[Page 329] Therefore they thought it sufficient to defend their owne bounds, and to constreine the enimie for feare to leaue the inuasion thereof, as presentlie they had doone; and declared that they were determined to haue giuen battell to their enimies, if they had conti­nued within the realme, and doubted not by the helpe of God, they hauing so iust a cause, and being inua­ded in their countrie, but that they should haue obtei­ned the victorie. The king hearing their determinati­on, albeit his high courage pressed him to inuade; yet 10 the approoued wit of his nobles and councellors cau­sed him to follow their aduise, and so returned with The king br [...]aketh vp his armie. his armie backe againe, the first of Nouember, the armie of England being first discharged, and the duke of Norffolke in his returne towards London.

Shortlie after, the king of Scotland went himselfe in person to the west marches of his realme, where The king go­eth to the west borders. 1541. Lesl. the lord Maxwell was warden, whome togither with the earles of Cassiles, and Glencarne [the lord Fle­ming] and certeine other lords there with him, the 20 king appointed to inuade the English marches on that side, taking with them the power of the borders, and sent also with them Oliuer Sincler [the brother of Rosseline Comarch] and the residue of the gentle­men Oliuer Sin­cler. of his houshold. These earles and lords entering into England on saint Katharines euen, being the foure and twentith of Nouember, began to burne certeine townes vpon the water of Eske. But as soone as the scrie was raised in the countrie, the lord Wharton warden of the west marches of England, 30 The lord wharton. suddenlie raised the power of the countrie, and came to a little hill, where they shewed themselues in sight vnto the Scotish armie.

The Scotish lords perceiuing the Englishmen ga­thered, assembled themselues togither, and inquired who was lieutenant generall there by the kings ap­pointment; and incontinentlie Oliuer Sincler was holden vp on two mens shoulders, where he sheweth The enuie of the lords a­gainst Oliuer Sincler. foorth the kings commission, instituting him lieute­nant to the king of that armie. But howsoeuer that 40 was read, the earles and lords there present, thought themselues imbased too much, to haue such a meane gentleman aduanced in authoritie aboue them all, and therefore determined not to fight vnder such a capteine, but willinglie suffered themselues to be o­uercome, and so were taken by the Englishmen, not The Scots discomfited by the English­men. shewing anie countenance of defense to the contra­rie, and without slaughter of anie one person on ei­ther side.

This rode was called Solowaie Mosse, at the 50 which were taken prisoners men of name, these per­sons following: the earle of Cassiles and Glencarne, the lord Maxwell, the lord Fleming, the lord Somer­uile, the lord Oliphant, Oliuer Sincler, the lord of Craggie, and sundrie other gentlemen, the which were led prisoners to London, where they remained till after the king was dead. The king being in Car­lauerecke vpon the borders not farre from Solo­waie Mosse, when this misfortune fell vpon his men: after he heard thereof, he was merueloustie amazed, 60 the more, in calling to remembrance the refusall made by his nobles, assembled with him in campe at Falla vpon his request to in [...]de England. Héere­with such an impression entered his mind, that he thought with himselfe that all his whole nobilitie had The griefe of the king for the ouerthrow of his men. conspired against him, and therevpon tooke such a ve­hement and high displeasure, increased with a me­lancholious thought that he departed suddenlie from thence to Edenburgh, and after remooued to Falke­land, where he remained as a man desolate of com­fort, being sore vexed in spirit and bodie, and would not permit anie manner of person to haue accesse to him, his secret & familiar seruants onelie excepted.

Now, as he was thus disquieted, newes were brought him that the queene his wife was brought to bed of a faire yoong princesse the seuenth day of The birth of the Scotish queene. December, the which newes he liked verie euill; and added the griefe thereof to his former displeasant­nesse, insomuch that he perceiued the end of his life to approch, and withall said, that he foresaw great trouble to come vpon the realme of Scotland, for the pursuit which the king of England was like to make therevpon against the same, to the end he might bring it vnder his subiection, either by mariage, or [...] some other meane. It was reported that he was disquieted with some vnkindlie medicine: but how­soeuer the matter was, he yéelded vp his spirit to almightie God, and departed this world the foure­téenth of December, in the yéere of our redemption, 1542, the thirtie thrée yeere of his age, and thirtie two of his reigne.

Shortlie after his departure, his bodie was con­ueied into Falkeland vnto Edenburgh in most ho­norable wise; the cardinall, the earles of Arrane, Ar­gile, Rothes, Marshall, and diuerse other noblemen being present, and with all funerall pompe (as was requisite) it was buried in the abbeie church of Ho­lie rood house, beside the bodie of quéene Magdalen, daughter to the king of France, his first wife. There was great lamentation and mone made for his death throughout all parts of his realme, for he was verie well beloued among his subiects. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 460. He was of swéet countenance and courteous speech, graiesh eied, hauing a diuine mind in all whatsoeuer, nei­ther certeine in doubtfull things, nor doubtfull in things of certeintie, auoiding dangers with graue counsels, performing hard matters with great no­bilitie of mind, and foreséeing what might follow with an incredible iudgement: in such fort that hée was neuer vnprouided against the danger of anie thing, or was drawne from it by the difficultie there­of, or was hindered by the obscuritie therein: where­by he might incurre the note either of a rash, feare­full, or slow person.

All which singular commendations seemed to flow out of this spring, that he did not by heat of youth (rashlie) but with great deliberation (soundlie) man­nage the whole affaires of the common-wealth. For as he did chieflie labor that his table might not ex­céed for gluttonie, nor be ouersparing for miserie: so if his apparell were decent, he esteemed not the shew of womanish attire after the courtlie fashion. He was so farre from pride, that he alwaies shewed himselfe offended with the vses thereof. He was an obseruer of iustice, a defender of the law, and a sharpe shield for the innocent and poore: for which cause he was of the nobilitie called the king of the commoners. For he set at libertie the poore oppressed with the tyrannie of the rich, and repressed the rich from spoiling of the poore: all which he did with a certeine seueritie, but yet such, as in the same there appeared a woonderfull gentlenes of his naturall disposition, bicause he sel­dome put anie of them to death, but did either by pri­son or mulct punish the offense. For he was woont to say, that he would neuer take life from anie, but onelie to kéepe the law sound, and for the example of others: and to kéepe downe the boldnesse of such as dwelt about the borders. With these conditions he left the realme plentifullie furnished with riches, and his owne treasurie not emptie, but abundantly stored with gold, siluer and other furniture: for which cause it should not séeme strange, that his death was greatlie lamented of his subiects, to whom he was a perfect patrone, and a louing father.

Of whome also Buchanan lib. 14 writeth, that his vices did almost equall all his great vertues; but that they were rather to be imputed to the ini­quitie of the time than the inclination of his nat [...]re, [Page 330] for the libertie of althings had then dissolued the pub­like discipline, which could not be staied but by great seueritie of correction. And this made him more co­uetous of monie, bicause that he was kept extreame hard when he was vnder the gouernment of others. Whereby, when he came to bée at libertie, he was a­new to furnish all his courts with houshold stuffe, finding his houses emptie, and all things conueied awaie: for his tutors had consumed the kinglie pa­trimonie vpon those whome he willinglie would not 10 to haue receiued it. Besides, for his excesse of women the fault grew by such as were his tutors, who gaue him libertie therto, supposing therby to keepe him the longer in their danger. The nobilitie did not great­lie take his death grieuouslie, bicause he had fined manie, imprisoned more, and caused no small few (for auoiding his displeasure) to flie into England, and rather to commit themselues to the enimie than to his anger.)

THe eternall God calling to his mercie Iames 20 king of Scotland, the fift of that name, Marie Queene Marie. his onelie daughter and heire began hir reigne ouer the realme of Scotland, the eighteenth day of De­cember, in the yéere of our Lord 1542, Francis the first of that name then reigning in France, & Hen­rie 1542. the eight ouer the Englishmen. She was not pas­sing seuen daies old when hir father departing this life, left vnto hir his kingdome, hir mother lieng in childbed in the castell of Lithquo, of which place the lord Leuingston being capteine, had the charge com­mitted 30 The lord Le­uingston. to him, both of the daughter & mother, with the mothers good agreement and frée consent.

Moreouer, immediatlie after the kings death (bi­cause he deceassed without making anie will, or ta­king anie direction for the gouernement either of the realme, or custodie of the yoong queene his daugh­ter) Dauid Beton, cardinall and archbishop of S. Dauid Beton cardinall. Andrews, the speciall minister & factor of the French causes, to the aduancement and continuance there­of, inuented and forged [by Henrie Balfure] a will 40 and testament of the late king now departed, in His forging of a will. which (amongst other things) he established himselfe chiefe regent, adioining with him the earles of Mur­rey, base brother to the king deceassed, Huntleie and Argile, not once mentioning the earle of Lennox then absent in France, nor yet Iames Hamilton earle of Arrane his cousine, being there present in Scotland.

Those that professed the reformed religion, beeing then called protestants, to whome the said cardinall 50 The prote­stants espied the cardinals craftie iug­ling. was euer a cruell enimie and sharpe scourge, espied foorth his vniust dealing in this behalfe, and trusting by the gentle nature and good inclination of the said earle of Arrane, to haue some libertie to imbrace the gospell, set him against the cardinall: so that by the helpe of his owne and their friends, he remooued the cardinall and his adherents from the vsurped roome and authoritie, and therewith was the said earle of Arrane proclamed gouernor and protector of the 1543 Lesle. Fr. Thin. realme. [And therevpon shewing his authoritie, he 60 entereth the kings palaces, as saith Lesleus lib. 10. pa. 464. and vseth the kings treasure, and calleth the officers of the treasurie to account, whereof he retei­neth some, and changeth others at his pleasure.]

This earle of Arrane made a title to haue and inioie that office and roome, as next in bloud to the yong queene, as descended from a sister of K. Iames the third, maried to his grandfather lord Hamilton, in the yere 1475, by reason of which mariage he was created earle of Arrane, as by act of parlement hol­den the same yeere at Edenburgh, it was agréed and ordeined. The king of England that noble prince Henrie the eight, aduertised of the death of the king of Scots, considered with good aduise, that now there was offered a most readie meane and iust occasion, whereby the two realmes of England and Scotland might be brought into one entier monar­chie, without warre or bloudshed, by the mariage of his sonne prince Edward, being then little past six yéeres of age, with the yoong quéene of Scotland.

He therefore being resolued fullie to bring the The king of England tal keth with the lords of Scot­land prisoners for a mariage betwixt his son and their quéene. same to passe, either by quiet meanes or by force, and sending for the erles of Cassiles, and Glencarne, the lords Maxwell, and Fleming, and other prisoners that had bene taken at Soloway mosse, caused them to be conueied vnto Hampton court, where the se­uen and twentith of December they being right curteouslie interteined, he made vnto them an ouer­ture of his purpose and whole intent, proponing the whole matter vnto them, requesting them for their parts, to helpe (with their consents) that a con­tract of mariage might be made betwéene his sonne the prince, and their yoong queene; promising to them libertie without ransome, besides other pleasures and benefits, if they would doo their indeuor to per­suade the gouernor, and other the nobilitie of Scot­land to be agréeable herevnto.

The Scotish earles and lords accepted the kings 1543. Buch. offer, and withall promised to doo their diligence to persuade the rest of the nobilitie in Scotland at their comming home: wherevpon they were licenced to depart, and so comming to Newcastell, remained Duke of Norffolke Buchanan. there with the duke of Suffolke, then the kings lieu­tenant of the north parts, till he had receiued foorth of Scotland certeine pledges of the chiefest of these lords, for performance of their promises. Likewise the king of England sent with them the earle of An­gus, The earle of Angus sent home into Scotland. and his brother sir George Dowglas with his letters to the gouernor, requesting effectuouslie, that they might be restored to their roomes, lands and pos­sessions in that realme.

These lords arriuing at Edenburgh, about the 1543. Lesle. 1542. midst of Ianuarie, declared to the gouernor their message and proposition made by the king of Eng­land, with such efficacie, that the gouernor being per­suaded thereto by their words, sent for the lords and A conuention of the Scotish nobilitie. nobilitie of the realme to come to Edenburgh, to a conuention there, to be holden the seuen and twen­tith of that present moneth: where they concluded that a parlement should be kept in March next insu­ing. And doubting lest the cardinall (being there pre­sent) should go about to persuade the nobilitie not to consent to their desires, they caused him to be put The cardinall committed to ward. in ward within the castell of Dalketh: the lord Seton béeing appointed to haue the custodie of him. About the same time, sir Robert Bowes, and all other the Englishmen that were prisoners, and had béene taken at Halding rig on saint Bartholo­mews Halding rig. day (as before ye haue heard) were sent home by the gouernor into England, and sir Rafe Sadler Sir Rafe Sadler. was sent ambassadour from king Henrie vnto the said gouernor, and other the lords of Scotland, and came thither before the said parlement, to persuade the lords to agree vnto the king his masters moni­tions, trauelling so diligentlie in the matters wher­about he was thus sent, that it was concluded by Ambassadors sent into England. act of parlement, to send ambassadors into Eng­land, for the better satisfaction of king Henries desires.

And so the earle of Glencarne, sir George Dow­glas, sir William Hamilton, sir Iames Leirmouth, and the secretarie being named and appointed there­to, departed in the moneth of March, and comming into England vnto the king, remained there till the latter end of Iulie. In which meane time, such coue­nants, contracts, and promises were had and conclu­ded, passed and sealed interchangeablie, as stood with the pleasure and good liking of king Henrie, so as the [Page 331] mariage was fullie contracted, and a peace conclu­ded The mariage confirmed. for ten yeeres, by authoritie of the aforesaid par­lement. Héerewith also the lord gouernor shewed himselfe to imbrace the reformed religion, causing one frier Guilliam to preach against images, and fruitlesse ceremonies, and gaue libertie that the bible called The new and old testament, should be had in English, & vniuersallie publisht through the realme of Scotland.

Also he commanded not onelie the cardinall (as 10 before ye haue heard) but also ordeined that the quéene mother should remaine in Lithgow with the yoong quéene hir daughter, vnder some manner of safe custodie, and the cardinall to be remooued vnto his owne castell of saint Andrewes, with warders a­bout him to see him safelie kept. Fr. Thin. Iesleus. lib. 10. pag. 465. Not long after, the cardinall was restored to vnhoped libertie, and the earle of Angus, George Dowglasse, and the lord Glames, the heire of Iames Hamilton, with manie others, by the consent of the thrée estates, were who­lie 20 restored to all their goods, and deliuered from the sentence of banishment.

Iohn Hamilton abbat of Passelew, brother of the gouernor, returning out of France (where he had im­ploied himselfe to studie) did (with certeine learned men, as Dauid Paniter, and others, whom he had in his companie) visit the king of England, of whome they were most courteouslie interteined. After which this Hamilton returning into Scotland, was made treasuror of the kingdome, which office he discharged 30 with great commendation, so long as his brother kept the gouernement, whom he did not onelie helpe in counsell for ordering of the kingdome, but also shewed him selfe a valiant and industrious man in the warres against the English, for defense of the kingdome of Scotland. About this time, the earle Bothwell, which was banished, and had remained long at Uenice, did returne into Scotland, whither he was honorablie welcommed, as a person much desired of his friends and kinred.) 40

The realme being thus brought in quief, and vnder good gouernement, the French king sore misliking The French king misliketh of the match with Eng­land. Matthew earle of Len­nox. this new coniunction of the Scots with England, and doubting least the old former bond of aliance be­twixt France and Scotland might thereby be vtter­lie dissolued and shaken off, he sent for Matthew Steward earle of Lennox, then abroad in his seruice in the wars of Italie, and vpon his comming backe from thence to the court, he declared to him the de­ceasse of the late king of Scots, the intrusion of Ar­rane, 50 and the attempts in that realme begun, with all the circumstances from point to point as he knew; and further discoursed with him what wrong he had to be set aside, and displaced from his right of gouernement; and therefore exhorted him to repaire home to recouer the same, offering not onelie to as­sist him with men, monie, and munition, but also to ioine his friends in Scotland with him in aid to at­taine the place of regiment, and to remooue Arrane and others from it. 60

The earle of Lennox héerevpon with commission and instructions deliuered to him by the French king, had also letters from him directed to the lords that were of the French faction, wherin the said king requested them to remaine and continue in their for­mer good meanings towards him, and to assist the earle of Lennox in all things, as should be thought expedient. Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 15. Now, before the earle of Lennox retur­ned out of France, the cardinall had vsed manie persuasions against the English, as well that the Scots set at libertie by the king, should breake their faith with him, as also to draw them to the French faction, and rather to suffer their pledges to receiue what king Henrie would vse vnto them, than by kée­ping promise to the English, to conueie the yoong quéene vnto them.

Wherevpon, when the greater part of those no­bles (whome the matter touched, could easilie find a­nie color for the excuse of their fault) had consen­ted to the cardinals persuasion, onelie one amongest the rest would not yéeld thereto, which was Gilbert Kennedie earle of Cassiles, who could not be draw­en from that constancie (in obseruing his faith) ei­ther by bribes, flatteries, or threats. For he (hauing two brothers pledges for him in England) did open­lie protest, that he would returne to prison, and by no feare laid before him commit such a fault, as that he would redéeme his life with the bloud of his two bro­thers: for which cause he went foorthwith to London, although euerie man spake against it. Wherevpon, the king of England did singularlie commend the constancie of the yoong man, and further (to the end that his vertue might be knowne to all men) did set him at libertie with his two brethren, and sent him home honorablie rewarded.

Now the realme of Scotland being thus in great vprores by means of the quéenes and cardinals fac­tions, whereof the laft drew all (such as he could) to support the French league, they sent ambassadors in­to France, to request the French king to send home Matthew Steward earle of Lennox, as one that was not onelie emulous against Hamilton, but also his deadlie enimie for the slaughter of his father at Limnucho: which yoong Steward (beside his beau­tie and comelinesse of bodie, in the verie flower of his youth; the memorie, carefulnesse, and dangers of his father, a verie popular man, and beloued of the people; the woorthinesse of that familie brought al­most to an end, and that the same was of great pow­er, and linked in mariage with manie nobles) did win and draw the minds of manie men, desirous to helpe him, for the great fauor they bare vnto him.

To the which further procurement of the peoples loue also, there might be ioined, that he was next heire to the crowne by the kings appointment, if he died without issue male; the which king Iames, if he had liued, would haue established by parlement: be­sides which likewise, there wanted not flatterers, which did not onelie [...]re vp his noble mind (now gaping after great things, and vndefended against deceits) to the hope of gouerning of the kingdome for these one and twentie yéeres and more, during the quéenes minoritie, and to the rule and power o­uer his enimies, whereby he might vse reuenge vpon them: but also they promised him to marrie the quéene Dowager: and in the meane time (if anie thing happened otherwise than well to the yoong quéene) that he should obteine the crowne, whereby he should both be king, and the next lawfull heire of Iames Hamilton latelie deceassed, since the gouer­nor was a bastard, and could not onelie by law not looke or hope for the kingdome, but also not so much as hope to be heire to his owne familie. To all which were added the persuasions of the French before mentioned. Wherevpon, the yoong man (whose mind was credulous, being tickled and intised with these hopes) determined to go into Scotland.)

The earle therefore fullie instructed by the French The earle of Lennox pas­seth into Scotland. king, how to deale and procéed, tooke his leaue, and with all spéed taking the sea, directed his course into Scotland, where (after his arriuall) he came to Eden­burgh, in which towne all the lords being assembled togither with the gouernor, he declared to them the effect of his commission from the French king, his request to them, & good affection to mainteine them against England, if in case they would continue the old league with him, and not séeke to make anie new aliance with the king of England.

[Page 332] But perceiuing that the gouernor and his friends were minded to satisfie the king of Englands de­sires, he would not tarrie for a resolute answer, but by the counsell of the earle of Argile, William earle of Glencarne, and others of the French faction, he suddenlie departed foorth of Edenburgh toward the west countrie, highlie displeased (as should séeme) with the gouernor, and taking Lithgow in his way, he conferred with the quéene Dowager (as they ter­med The earle of Lennox con­ferreth with the quéene Dowager. hir) deuising how to assemble the noble men of 10 the French side, to bring hir and hir daughter to li­bertie, out of the danger of the lord gouernor: be­cause it was supposed that he ment to conueie hir in­to England.

About the same time, through practise of the abbat of Pas [...]eie, brother to the gouernor, and others, the 1543. Lesle. The castell of Edenburgh recouered to the gouernors vse. castell of Edenburgh was got out of the hands of sir Peter Creichton, and the keeping thereof commit­ted by the gouernors appointment vnto Iames Ha­milton lard of Stanehouse. But the erle of Lennox, 20 with the assistance of the earles of Huntleie, Mont­rosse, Mentife, Argile, and others of the French fac­tion in August following, conueied the yoong quéene The yoong quéene conuei­ed to Striue­ling. with hir mother from Lithgew vnto Striueling. The cardinall also was there with them latelie be­fore, hauing corrupted his kéepers, & gotten abroad at libertie. Héerewith was a day appointed and pro­clamed for the coronation of the yoong quéene. The earle of Arrane then gouernor, with the earles of Angus, Cassiles, the lords Maxwell, Someruile, and 30 diuerse others, called the English lords, remaining still at Edenburgh, aduertised the king of England of all the drifts of Lennox, and other of that faction, requiring his aduise and counsell how to deale for disappointing of their purposes, that sought to conti­nue the amitie still with France, to the preiudice of peace with England.

The king of England aduertised héereof, as well thus from the gouernor, and other the Scotish lords, as also from sir Rafe Sadler, his maiesties ambas­sador 40 there, doubted greatlie least these lords, in The king of Englands doubt. whose hands the quéene then was, in respect of the fa­uour which they bare to the French king, should con­ueie hir ouer into France: wherevpon he requested the gouernor, and the other lords that fauoured his side, so to deale, that she might be sent into England, there to remaine, till the mariage might be consum­mate betwixt hir and his sonne prince Edward: ha­uing in the meane time such lords of hir countrie a­bout hir to attend vpon hir, and to see to hir bringing 50 vp, as should be thought expedient. To conclude, his maiestie not onelie sent his princelie comfort by waie of counsell and good aduise, but also according to their desire, and as by the duke of Suffolke (his highnes lieutenant thén in the north) it was thought expedient.

Thomas lord Wharton, with two thousand men from the west marches, and the lord Euers with o­ther The lord Wharton. The lord E­uers. two thousand from the east borders, were ap­pointed to enter Scotland, and to ioine themselues 60 with the gouernor, and his friends, to assist them a­gainst their aduersaries. But as they were in a rea­dinesse to march, through the secret labor of the car­dinall, wishing the aduancement of the earle of Ar­rane his kinsman (whome he thought he should well inough frame to be at his appointment) rather than Lennox that was knowne to be of a greater sto­mach, the matter was so handled, what by the cardi­nall and the earle of Huntleie of the one part, and the queene Dowager on the other, that the earle of Ar­rane reuolting from the king of England, came in to the Dowager, and ioined himselfe with the cardi­nall, and other the lords of the French faction: by The earle of Arrane a faith breaker. reason whereof, they all concluded to mainteine him in the estate of lord gouernor, and not to place Len­nox, as their purpose was to haue doone, if Arrane had continued faithfull to the king of England.

Shortlie after, the yoong queene was crowned at The corona­tion of quéene Marie. Striueling, the cardinall taking vpon him to order things as he thought good, appointing the gouernor to beare the crowne as chiefe person, & next in bloud to the quéene, and the earle of Lennox to beare the scepter. After the coronation, a parlement was cal­led A parlement. and holden at Edenburgh, at the which, in pre­sence of the patriarch of Apuleia the popes agent, The patri­arch of Apu­leia. and of the French kings ambassadors, monsieur la Brosse, and monsieur Menage, latelie before come into the realme, the earle of Arrane was newlie confirmed gouernor. And for the sure preseruation (as they pretended) of the yoong queene, it was a­greed by the gouernor and the estates, that the shuld Order for the custodie of the quéene. remaine with the old quéene hir mother in Sterling castell, during hir minoritie, and certeine rents of that seigniorie were assigned for maintenance of such traine as was thought expedient to be atten­dant about hir: and further, the lords Leuingston, Erskin, and Fleming [or (as saith Buchanan) the Fr. Thin. lord Grams, Iohn Areskin, Iohn Lindseie, & Wil­liam Leuiston] were appointed to abide continual­lie with hir, for the better safegard of hir person.

Thus was euerie thing ordered as séemed to stand with the pleasure of the cardinall. Wherevpon the earle of Lennox, perceiuing how vncourteouslie he The earle of Lennox his displeasure. was vsed, to haue his aduersarie thus confirmed in authoritie by the French side, and himselfe reiected, he first sent to the French king, informing him tho­roughlie of the iniuries to him doone, putting him in remembrance of the promises made to him when he departed from him; also the constantnesse of his ser­uice, the hazard he had put himselfe in for his sake: and notwithstanding how he was yet vnkindlie dealt with, that through trust of his promised aid and assistance, he was brought out of credit in his coun­trie, and subiected vnder the commandement and authoritie of his enimie, and wrongfullie disappoin­ted of his right, which he looked to haue recouered, and to haue béene mainteined therein by his support.

In consideration whereof, he renounced his ser­uice, willing him from thencefoorth not to looke for the He renoun­ceth his ser­uice to the French king. same anie more at his hands. Héerewith Lennox ioining himselfe with the earles of Angus, Cassiles, and Glencarne, the lords Maxwell, and Someruile, the shiriffe of Aire, the lard of Drumlanrig, and o­ther of that side, called the English lords, set himselfe against the gouernor, the cardinall, and others of that faction, so that the residue of this yeere was spent in ciuill dissention betwéene them. And héere is to be Ciuill dissen­tion in Scot­land. noted, that a little before that the earle of Arrane re­uolted to the French part, there was arriued in the mouth of the riuer of Cloide on the west coast, fiue French ships arriuing in the riuer of Cloide. ships, which the French king had sent to the aid of his friends in Scotland, vnder the conduction of Iames Steward of Cardonold, and of the forenamed mon­sieur de la Brosse, & monsieur Menage, the French kings ambassadors.

There came with them also the patriarch of Apu­leia, of whome ye haue likewise heard before. They had brought aboord in these ships fiftie thousand crownes, and munition to the value of ten thousand crownes. The earle of Lennox therfore, when he first resolued to turne to the English part, with the aduise of his confederats, seized vpon those ships, got the fif­tie The earle of Lennox seized vpon the French ships. thousand crownes, and the most part of the mu­nition into his hands, and brought it to the castell of Dunbreton, reteining it to his owne vse, where it was sent to haue beene imploid to the maintenance of the French faction, against the king of England, and the lords that leaned to his side.

[Page 333] The earle of Lennox therefore, raising a power of The earle of Lennox rai­seth an armie. men of warre with the assistance of the lords of his faction, came with them vnto Leith against the go­uernor that was then in Edenburgh: but through the diligent trauell of the cardinall, the earles of Huntleie, Murrey, and Argile, the matter was ta­ken vp, and an appointment accorded: so that sir In appoint­ment taken. Pledges deli­uered. George Dowglasse was deliuered as a pledge for his brother the earle of Angus, the maister of Glen­carne for his father the earle of Glencarne, the ab­bat 10 Cassaghole for his brother the earle of Cassiles, to remaine in safe kéeping where it pleased the go­uernor to appoint. The earle of Lennox came vnto Edenburgh to the gouernor, but within six daies af­ter, The earle of Lennox com­meth to the gouernor. He departed from him a­gaine. He fortifieth Glascow. they went both to Lithquho, from whence the earle of Lennox secretlie departed from the gouer­nor without bidding him farewell, and comming to Glascow, fortified the castell.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 468. 1543. Les [...]e. When the gouernor had receiued true intelli­gence that the earle had taken Glascow, he (assem­bling 20 such power as he could make, as well of his friends and followers, as of others, especiallie of the lord Boid) went vnto Glascow, in which place the earle of Glencarne had before placed his armie, to the end there to trie the matter with his enimies. But before the battell, the earle of Lennox had with­drawen himselfe vnto Dunbreton, to gather a grea­ter assemblie, shortlie after to returne to Glascow. The earle of Glencarne, with Tilbarne, Houstone, Buchanan, Macfarlane, Drumquhassile, and other 30 barons and nobles of the Lennox, Ramfrie, and o­ther places adioining, with the citizens, ecclesiasticall persons of all orders, and the other sort of common people, departed out of the towne to the plaine there­of (being a mile from the towne) there to trie the e­uent of battell (before the comming of the earle of Lennox) more in haste than good spéed. Wherevpon the gouernor (perceiuing himselfe to be drawne for­ward to battell) commanded the trumpets to sound to the alarmes. Wherevpon the battels ioined, the 40 hosts began to fight violentlie, and the conflict grew to be extreme on both parts: in which (with great slaughter) they long time fought with vncerteine vi­ctorie.

But in the end (what with the force of his armie, and the incouragement of the capteine) the full con­quest fell to the gouernor, who put his enimies to flight. At what time, of the fauourers of the Lennox there were manie slaine, partlie of the nobles (as the sonne of the earle of Glencarne, and Monniepennie 50 capteine of the footmen) and partlie of the common sort (as the citizens of Glascow, and manie ecclesi­asticall persons.) Besides all which, there had manie more perished, if the gouernor (through his naturall clemencie) had not (when the victorie began to leane towards him) giuen a signe of retreit, & with much spéed saued manie of them. On the gouernors part were few missing, except Cambusketh (the head of that familie) and the baron of Argentine. The go­uernor pursuing this victorie, entered the towne 60 of Glascow, where he vsed (by the persuasion of the lord Boid) woonderfull fauour towards the citizens, (farre beyond their deserts) although that he depri­ued some (of the chiefest condition amongest them) from all the vse and benefit of their goods.

The earle of Lennox remaining at Dunbar, re­ceiued into the castell the earle of Glencarne, and o­thers, which had escaped the battell, who sometime af­ter did rest (being feared with the ouerthrow) from a­nie further turmoiles or troubles. But in the end, they which fauoured the Lennox, doo afresh stirre him to take weapon against the gouernor: wherevpon he dooth restrengthen the towne and stéeple of Glas­cow, determining to gather a new supplie, and once more to cast the dice of war. But the gouernor (min­ding to preuent all his indeuors by wise counsell) did (being accompanied with the cardinall) call to him about Glascow, all the nobilitie of the south parts, and (bringing foorth the hired souldiors) commanded the great péeces to be planted against the enimie. Wherevpon (entering the towne) he besieged the castell and steeple of the church (in which place were both Scots and Frenchmen) and in the end (after a slaughter of some of them) inforced the other to yéeld their forts. After that the castell was thus come into the gouernors hands, he hanged eighteene of the chiefest and best loued vnto Lennox, and permitted the rest to depart at libertie. The earle of Lennox (vnderstanding that his affaires began to wauer, and to obteine such euill successe) dooth send the earle of Angus and the lord Maxwell to the gouernor, to in­treat of peace betwéene him and the earle of Len­nox, the which they laboured with great diligence, ac­cording to the trust reposed in them.]

But the gouernor caused them both to be secretlie The earle of Angus and the lord Max­well commit­ted to ward. conueied from the councell by the backeside of the blacke friers of Glascow, vnto the castell of Hamil­ton, and from thence the earle was sent to Blacke­nesse. The lord Maxwell was kept still in hold at Hamilton, and George Dowglas, and the maister of Glencarne in Edenburgh castell. These persons thus imprisoned stood in great doubt of their liues (as some supposed:) but as diuerse other did suspect, Mens opini­ons for the imprisoning of the earle of Angus. 1544. The earle of Lennox sen­deth to the king of Eng­land. they were rather committed for a colour, than for a­nie euill that was meant towards them. Howsoe­uer it was with them, the earle of Lennox by the aduise of his friends sent the earle of Glencarne, and a gentleman called Thomas Bishop, vnto the king of England with offer of his seruice, and re­quest to haue in mariage the ladie Margaret Dow­glasse daughter to the Earle of Angus, and néece to the said king.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 470. Herevnto the king granted. For the perfor­mance whereof (and the dispatch of other things) he sent the lord Wharton and diuerse others. And on the earles part, the bishop of Cathnes his brother and the earle of Glencarne were appointed, who met at Carleill to performe the agreement. The quéene, the cardinall, and the other of the French faction, did helpe the gouernor all they might, with counsell, power, and monie; because they perceiued that he repented such friendship with England as he had taken in hand by the counsell of Angus and of others. In the meane time there was a parlement assembled at Striueling, in which by common con­sent, the earle of Lennox was condemned of trea­son; wherefore the sentence of banishment was exe­cuted against him, and all his goods with his patri­monie were confiscat to the quéene. Whilest the French king was ascerteined that Lennox had for­saken his faction, & committed himselfe to the king of England, he suddenlie committed to prison Iohn Steward lord of Aubigne baron in France, brother to the earle of Lennox, and depriued the said Iohn Steward of all such honors and offices as he posses­sed in France. For he was generall capteine of all the Scotish lands in France, being either such as had gard of the kings bodie, or bowmen, or men at armes: for the king of France hath Scots in wa­ges of all the orders.

But let vs now returne to the Patriarch, who was honorablie receiued by the cardinall and the bishop of Scotland into the citie of Glascow: during whose abode there, great contention arose betwéene the cardinall and the archbishop of Glascow, who should in that citie be of greatest authoritie and honor. Which in th' end came to this issue, that both families fell togither by the eares, which of them should go be­fore [Page 334] with his crosse borne vpright. For the cardinall archbishop of saint Andrews and primat of the king­dome, did affirme that the archbishop of Glascow should not haue his crosse borne in his owne church, so long as the cardinall was present. Which the ser­uants of the archbishop of Glascow tooke in such dis­daine, that they plucked downe the cardinals crosse and threw it to the ground. Wherevpon, the gouer­nor (vnderstanding the whole matter, and that it was now come from words to swords) made hast to 10 appease this factious commotion, & caused the Patri­arch therwith to be brought to Edenburgh accompa­nied with the clergie, where he remained all the win­ter following. In which towne he was honorablie enterteined and feasted of the quéene, the gouernor, and other of the nobles, whome he requited with the like courtesie.

Amongest these of the nobilitie, the earle of Mur­rey had the Patriarch on a day to a banket, in which this Murrey did shew an honorable thing not accu­stomed 20 amongest others. For where he abounded in store of siluer vessels, yet he commanded his ser­uants to furnish a great cupboord with christall glas­ses brought from Uenice, & that in the midst of din­ner he should ouerturne the cupboord as it were vn­willinglie. Which the seruant at the time appointed did performe. The noise of breaking of which glasses did suddenlie fill the eares of all the companie: and the Patriarch seeing the hurt, was somewhat moo­ued. But the earle making no account of this thing, 30 commanded his man afresh to furnish the same cupboord with as manie and fairer vessels of glasse than the former were, to the Patriarchs great ad­miration. For the Patriarch affirmed that the glas­ses of Muranoe and Uenice did not anie way excell these. Truelie this earle of Murrey was honora­ble, wise, iust, and famous amongest manie prin­ces for his manifold vertues, & manie ambassages most happilie performed amongest them. Who shortlie after this, departing the court, died of the 40 stone at his castle in Turnwaie.

This Patriarch shewed to the gouernor (besides other priuileges that he had from the sée of Rome) his great authoritie, in that he was legat from the popes side, amongest the Scots, as long as he re­mained there. Which office, when he departed to Rome, he procured to be transferred to the cardinall; at what time the Patriarch also in the name of the pope, did promise much helpe, and monie to be sent to Scotland against England. For he studied by all 50 means he could, to hinder the mariage of those two kingdoms: because he suspected thereby, that some alteration might be made in Scotland touching the religion; with the ouerthrow of churches and mona­steries. Now, after that the Patriarch had remai­ned all the winter in Scotland, he departed from thence in March, who as he was honorablie enter­teined in all places, so he spared not to recount to the French king and other princes (whome he visited in his iourneie) the humanitie he found in Scotland, 60 which he also imparted to the bishop of Rome, to the other cardinals, & to the senat of Uenice; not with­out singular praise and honor to the Scotish nation.]

They that were sent, so solicited the earles cause, that in the end the king was persuaded that Len­nor ought of right to haue the gouernement of the realme of Scotland, and to be second person in the fame. And herewith, in consideration how vniustlie not onelie his maiestie had béene dealt with, but also how vnthankefullie and discourteouslie Lennox had béene vsed, both at the hands of the French king, and also of his adherents in Scotland, by the cardi­nall & others: he both thankefullie receiued his gen­tle offer of seruice, & also promised to aid him in his title and all other lawfull causes: and herewith pre­pared The king of England meaneth to aid the earle of Lennox. an armie to passe into Scotland by sea, ap­pointing the earle of Hertford, and the lord Lisle to haue the conduction of the same, who shipping at Tinmouth with their people, arriued in the Forth vnder Werdie castell, a mile & a halfe aboue Leith the third of Maie, the whole nauie conteining aboue The English armie landeth by Leith. the number of two hundred ships. Here at New­hauen, a quarter of a mile from the said castell, they landed their armie of ten thousand men of warre, with great artillerie, and all kind of munition.

The lord gouernor being at that present within the towne of Edenburgh, hearing of their arriuall, went foorth of the towne accompanied with the car­dinall, the earles of Huntleie, Argile, Bothwell, and others, purposing to stop their landing: but per­ceiuing the puissance of the aduersaries to be such, as they could not resist the same, they returned to Edenburgh againe, and sent maister Adam Otten­borne The prou [...] of Edenburgh sent to the earle of Hert­ford. prouost of Edenburgh, and two of the bailiffs to the earle of Hertford, to vnderstand the cause of his comming; and withall offered, that if there were anie iniuries or wrongs doone by anie of the Scots nation, he would appoint commissioners to talke with such as by him should be authorised thereto, for the full answering thereof, & to that effect he would gladlie receiue them into the towne of Edenburgh.

The earle of Hertford answered that he had no The earles answer. commission to talke of anie such matter; but rather to take reuenge of the vniust dealing and breach of promise on those that had falsified their faith. And therefore minding to burne the towne of Eden­burgh, as well as other within that realme, he wil­led the inhabitants and all all those that were with­in the same to come foorth, and submit themselues before him the kings lieutenant, to stand vnto the kings will and pleasure, or else he would not faile to procéed in execution thereof. The prouost answe­red that he would rather abide all extremities, than accomplish his request and desire in that behalfe; and therevpon returned to the towne.

After the gouernor had heard what answer was made to the prouost, he caused the castell to be furni­shed with all things necessarie for defense, and de­parted straightwaies to Striueling. The English armie lodging that night in Leith, marched the next day toward Edenburgh, passing vp the Cannogat stréet to enter at the nether bow, where they found some resistance made by the Scots, so that diuerse were slaine on both parts. Towards night, the Eng­lishmen, after they had continued long in skirmi­shing that day with the Scotishmen, retired to Leith. The next day the whole armie with the great artillerie came forward towards the towne, and breaking open the Cannogat, they entred the towne Edenburgh entred by force. by the same, bringing their ordinance within sight of the castell, purposing to plant the same in batte­rie against it; but the capteine of the castell caused the artillerie within to shoot off at them in so great abundance, & so good measure, that they slue diuerse Englishmen, and dismounted one of their péeces, so Sée more hereof in Eng land. that in the end they were constreined to draw backe their ordinance & retired; but yet in the meane time they set fire on the towne, and burnt the most part of all the houses in the same. They burnt also the Can­nogat Edenburgh burnt. street, and the abbeie of Holie rood house. The gouernor at that present released out of prison the earle of Angus, the lord Maxwell, the maister of Glencarne, sir George Dowglas, and others. Prisoners set at libertie.

In this meane time also there came from the borders by land foure thousand of English horsse­men, vnder the conduction of the lord William E­uers, and his sonne sir Rafe Euers; who ioining with the armie at Leith, scowred the countrie on eue­rie

[Page 335] [...]

[Page 336] treasonable practise in hand, got foorth of the house a­gaine vnto their companie below, leauing the mo­nie behind them, and after made shift to get to their ships, and not before it was high time.

For if they had staied that night, they had béene intrapped by George Dowglas, who with foure thousand men was secretlie drawne thitherwards, and entered the towne of Dunbreton, shortlie after that the earle of Lennox was thus departed, and got to his ships lieng there at hand in the riuer of Clide, 10 downe the which he retired to the sea, not without danger to haue lost the same ships, by reason of the narrownesse of the water: for the erle of Argile be­ing gotten betwixt him and the sea with a great power of men, with banners displaied, hailsed the ships with shot of ordinance from the castell of Din­nune, annoieng the earle of Lennox his passage as much as he could. But he escaping with the Eng­lish gentlemen, and the ships out of danger, tooke ad­uise togither at the Ile of Bute what they were 20 best to doo.

The earle sore mooued to haue béene thus repel­led from Dunbreton, and stomaching the matter sore, to be so discountenanced by his enimie the earle of Argile, with the aduise of the English gentlemen, he returned with them, and with great shew of man­hood tooke land beside the castell and towne of Din­nune, The earle of Lennox lan­deth at Din­nune. where the earle of Argile with seuen hundred men was readie to incounter him, & to kéepe him off from landing: but by the helpe of the shot out of the 30 ships, and great store of botes, the Englishmen lan­ded, slue foure score of the enimies, most part gen­tlemen, and put the residue to flight, with the losse of thrée men onelie on the English side.

This doone, the towne of Dinnune was burnt, and the church spoiled, that was full of goods and orna­ments. When the night approched, by reason the Eng­lishmen The towne of Dinnune burnt. had no powder, nor other prouision on land, the earle with his people returned to shipboord in safetie, howbeit not without offer of skirmish made 40 by the enimies though to their losse, namelie of those that aduanced themselues most forward. About foure or fiue daies after, the earle of Lennox with The earle of Lennox lan­deth againe in Argile. fiue hundred men landed in another part of Argile, and remaining on land a whole day togither, burnt, spoiled, and wasted the countrie: the earle of Argile with two thousand men giuing the looking on, and not once offering the skirmish, so that the earle of Lennox with his souldiers retired to his ships with­out incounter. 50

After this they inuaded the Ile of Kinter, where Kinter inua­ded. Iames Mackonell dwelled, burnt manie places in that countrie, tooke and caried awaie great booties of cattell and other goods. All the coasts of Kile, Car­rike, & Coningham, and likewise of Galloway re­mained in continuall feare, so that oftentimes their beacons were fired, and manie of the noble men constrained to come to the earle of Lennox, suing to him for assurance. In these exploites the earle had with him Walter Macferlane of Tirbat, and 60 Walter Mac­ferlane. seuen score men of the head of Lennox, that spake both Irish, English, & the Scotish toongs, light foot­men, well armed in shirts of male, with bowes, and two handed swords, and being ioined with the Eng­lish archers and shot, did much auailable seruice in the streicts, the marishes, and mountaine coun­tries.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 15. During these things, they which had gouern­ment of Scotish affairs (as the quéene Dowager, the cardinall, and the gouernor) called a councell, in which they decréed that all such of the nobilitie as had force and armor, should be readie to follow the gouernor whither soeuer he went, and there to re­maine with him for the space of eight daies. Short­lie after there assembled eight thousand men, and in the sharpe winter battered the church of Colding­ham, standing in armor a whole day and night to the great toile and wearinesse of the men and horsses. The next day the gouernor, either to accuse his ten­dernesse susteined in the last daies labor of warre, or else fearing the inuasion of the enimie (for he was certified of an armie of men that should come from Berwike) suddenlie (vnknowne to the other nobili­tie) did flie to Dunbar with a few of his owne traine. They which went about to excuse the defame of this flight, reported how he feared that he should haue béene betraied to the English by his host, for hatred which they had conceiued against him for manie of his offenses.

This departure of the gouernor brought great trouble to the armie, & so much the more, bicause the secreter it was (and the reason vnknowne) the more cause it gaue to the rest to feare some further euill. Wherefore the greater part remained in this obsti­nate mind, that euerie one should returne the next way home, and leaue the artillerie at randon. But others (who were more carefull, and would séeme lesse fearefull) doo agrée to stuffe the péeces full of powder, and to breake them, rather than they should fall in the hands & helpe of the enimie. To the which deuise onelie Archembald Dowglas did resist, least he should ad a wicked déed to a wicked flight. Who when he could not staie any man, either by threat, in­treatie, or authoritie, he exclamed with a lowd voice (for euerie one to heare him) that for his owne part he had rather die an honest death, than to haue a se­cure and rich life with such dishonor. ‘Wherefore you my friends consider what you will doo, for either I will bring awaie this artillerie, or I will not returne home with life; wherefore I meane to make this the last end both of my life and glorie.’ When he had spo­ken this, a few (whose honor was deare vnto them) were mooued therewith, but the rest (despairing by reason of the shamefull flight of the gouernor) did scatteringlie depart, wandring whither they thought good, without anie order. The Dowglasse with such companie as he had (placed in good order) followed the artillerie, and brought the same to Dunbar, the horssemen of his enimies in vaine hastening after them behind at their backes. This expedition by the gouernor rashlie begun, and shamefullie performed, brake the hearts of the Scots, and aduanced the minds of the English, who gloriouslie applied the da­stardnesse of the gouernor to their owne glorie.)

To conclude, after the earle of Lennox and his companie had atchiued these enterprises afore men­tioned, he returned towards England, and sent sir Peter Mewtas knight, & Thomas Bishop a Sco­tish Sir Peter Mewtas. gentleman, to aduertise the king of England of his procéedings, who found him at the siege of Bul­longne, where they declared to him the whole circum­stance of euerie thing, as the same had passed in the earles iornie, which the king tooke in verie good part. And vpon his returne into England, after the con­quest of Bullongne, the earle of Lennox was also called home to the court by letters to him directed, he being then at Bristow.

About the middest of Februarie, sir Rafe Eure 1545. Sir Rafe E­uers inuadeth Scotland. commonlie called Euers, lord warden of the Eng­lish middle marches, entred Scotland with a power of foure thousand Englishmen, Irishmen, and assu­red Scots; and comming first vnto Iedwoorth, lod­ged there that night. And therwithall vnderstanding that the gouernor and the earle of Angus were at the abbeie of Melros, about eight miles distant from thence, the next morning he was got foorth so earlie, that he was almost vpon the enimies in such wise on the sudden, that they fled out of their lodgings, [Page 337] and left their beds and all their houshold furniture which they had in store there with them, not hauing time to conueie it awaie at their departure, their warning was so short. Sir Rafe Euers at his com­ming thither, finding them fled and gone, spoiled the towne and abbeie, vtterlie defacing the toomes and He defaceth the monu­ments of the Dowglasses. monuments of the earles of Dowglas, greatlie to the displeasure of the earle of Angus, and those of his linage.

Fr. Thin. B [...]ch. lib. 15 After this (the comming of the English being 10 looked for the next yéere) the minds of the borderers were greatlie troubled, bicause they were hopelesse to atteine anie succor from the gouernor, which vsed the aduise of the clergie, but chieflie of the cardinall. Wherevpon Archembald Dowglas earle of Angus (greatlie mooued partlie with his priuat losses, for he had great possessions in the marches, and in Tiuiot, and partlie to sée his ancestors monuments defaced) came to the gouernor, and fullie laid before him the greatnesse of the danger wherein the realme did 20 stand, persuading him to incounter and resist the same. At what time also (after the gouernour had opened vnto him, that he was forsaken of the nobilitie, and now left alone) the Dowglas shewed that the same happened vnto him by his owne fault, and not by the nobilitie, which would imploie their liues, liuings, and goods, for the defense of the com­mon-wealth. For he contemning their counsell, on­lie leaned to the spiritualtie, who were cowards in warre, and seditious in peace. 30

‘Out of this founteine (saith he) a suspicion (that you dare not trust one another) is growne betwéene you and them, which is the onelie cause why things are no better performed. But if you determine (in great affaires) to take the aduise of them (who will not refuse to spend their bloud therein) I doubt not but that we shall be able to execute as great mat­ters as euer our ancestors did: but if we shall (by our flouth) permit the enimie to take all things from vs, then of necessitie will folow, that either they shall 40 shortlie banish vs, or bring vs into perpetuall ser­uitude: the inconueniences of anie of which cannot well be spoken. As touching our selues I know that thou art suspected to be a coward, and I a traitor, which reproch if thou thinke to purge (for thou canst not auoid it) prepare to cleare the same, not with painted speaches, but with bloudie weapons.)’

Wherevpon the gouernor and the said earle (sore aggreeued to be thus foiled at the Englishmens hands) assembled togither [vnder the leading of 50 Fr. Thin. Norman Leste son of the earle of Rothseie] all such forces as they might recouer, so that they had quicklie got them about fifteene hundred men, wher­of eight hundred at the least were gentlemen. Who hearing that the Englishmen were retiring to­wards Iedworth, they met them at a place called Pannier hugh, or Broomehouse, where both the par­ties alighting on foot, ment to trie the quarell by plaine force of hand. But as they were redy to ioine, the assured Scots, to the number of seuen or eight 60 hundred reuolted vnto the part of their countrimen, by reason whereof, after a right sharpe and fierce con­flict, the Englishmen in the end were constreined to flie, whome the Scots right egerlie pursued, slue sir 1544. Lesle. Buchanan. Rafe Euers, the lord Ogle, sir Brian Leiton, and other gentlemen & souldiors to the number of eight Sir Rafe E­uers & others slaine. hundred. They tooke also about two thousand priso­ners, with certeine péeces of artillerie and other munition.

This victorie fell to the Scots the seuentéenth day of Februarie, the report whereof was right displeasant to the English nation, but speciallie the losse of that worthie gentleman sir Rafe Euers was greatlie bemoned, and that euen of the king himselfe, for the noble prowesse and great loialtie which at all times had béene found in him. His ser­uice His seruice against the Scots. had beene such in these wars against Scotland, that he had brought the more part of the Scots with­in twentie miles space of the English borders, vnto the obeisance of the king of England, although at length they holpe to worke his confusion, as before ye haue heard. ¶ Of this gentleman & his singular Abr. Fl. seruice in the field, I omit here to speake, bicause he was imploied otherwise, besides Scotland: where­fore I remit the readers to the twentith yere of king Henrie the eight, where to his high commendation this gentleman is recorded.]

Fr. Thi [...]: Buchan. lib. 10. pag. 478. The occasion of the English ouerthrow (as saith Lesleus) and the Scots victorie, were chieflie by these meanes. First they fought vpon equail ground, and with vnequall helpes. For the Scots with the sunne on their backs (being declined toward setting) came foorth of a narrow & marish place, and set vpon the English (at the side of an hill which was betweene them) hauing the sun in their faces, by which meanes they could neither well perceiue what number the Scots had, nor with their gunnes hurt anie of the Scots. But those that fought in the first battell, wherevnto was ioined (a feare not in vaine) which they had conceiued of the Scotish march-men, who in great number hauing red crosses (the note of the English) ran vp and downe hither and thither to sée the euent thereof.)

About the same time that the victorie before men­tioned chanced to the Scots, Robert Corncorse bi­shop of Rosse departed this life, to whome succéeded Death of bi­shops. Dauid Pantane, secretarie to the gouernor and pri­or of saint Marie Ile. In Aprill, William Steward bishop of Aberden likewise deceassed, and maister William Gordon chancellor of Murreie, vncle to George erle of Huntleie, was by the cardinals sute promoted to that sée, greatlie to the displeasure of the earle of Angus, that labored to haue preferred an o­ther thereto. For this and other causes, the cardinall was greatlie in hatred of the Dowglasses.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 479. About that time, the king of England by prise & preies persuaded the Flemings to take sixteene of our ships harbored in the hauen, and to conuert the commodities (wherewith they were fraught, being verie costlie) to their owne commoditie. By means whereof at one time we had warres with two nati­ons, England and Flanders. But sith the Flemings did not the same maliciously for hatred to the Scots, but carefullie for the loue vnto the English, as the Scots did certeinlie know, they shewed none other token of enimitie to the Flemings, but that they forbad them to fish on their coasts, and did sometime intercept their ships, without further iniurie doone vnto them.)

This yéere also, Montgomerie, otherwise called 1545. Buch. Monsieur de Lorges sent into Scot­land. monsieur de Lorges, knight of the order of saint Mi­chaell, was sent by the French king with foure thou­sand Frenchmen into Scotland to assist the Scots a­gainst England. He landed at Dunbreton, & came in good order to Edenburgh the thirtéenth of Maie: he brought with him from the French king the order of saint Michaell, to inuest therewith the lord gouer­nor, Knights of saint Micha­els order. the earles of Angus, Huntleie, and Argile. Her­with also was an armie of Scots raised, and ioining with the Frenchmen, they approched the borders, where they laie for a season: but the earle of Hert­ford An armie of Scotslieth on the borders lieutenant generall of the north parts comming downe, tooke such direction for the safe kéeping of the English borders, that after the Scots had laine there in campe a certeine space without atchiuing a­nie great enterprise, though some notable exploit was looked for to haue beene attempted by them at that present, they brake vp their armie & went home.

[Page 338] Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 480. This castell of Dunbreton was at that time so carefullie kept by the captein therof, that he determi­ned neither to deliuer it to the gouernor, nor to anie Englishman, nor to anie Scot. Wherevpon, the go­uernor fearing least it should fall into the hands of the English, prepare to besiege the same; the newes wherof comming to Glencarne, he signified the same vnto Lennox, affirming, that if he would come thi­ther, he should shortlie obteine the castell. The king of England reioising of that newes, prepareth two 10 ships, and in the meane time sent the bishop of Cath­nesse into Scotland, which should foorthwith be recei­ued into the castell. Wherefore the gouernor making the more hast, commeth to Dunbreton togither with the cardinall, and the earles Huntleie, and Argile, laieng present siege to the same, which was strong­lie doone, and the castilains pressed to great extremi­tie by the slaughter of manie people. But at length by the policie of the earle Huntleie, it was so agréed, that the castell (which was by nature inexpugnable) 20 should be deliuered. Which the gouernor receiued (with certeine conditions) and honorablie intreated the capteine for the singular discharge of the trust committed to him: and therewithall he restored the bishop of Cathnesse, brother to the earle of Lennox to his bishoprike, which before he had lost by his go­ing into England.)

The sixteenth of September, thrée or foure hun­dred Scots, with Maxwell, Lochinuart, and Iohn­stone, aided with the Frenchmen, attempted to en­ter into England on the east borders: but the Eng­lishmen 30 Frenchmen and Scots o­uerthrowne. perceiuing where they were about to passe by a certeine streit, they set vpon them with their ar­chers, discomfited them, sleaing, & taking to the num­ber of seuen score of them. Among other that were taken, one of the sonnes to the lord Hume, with a French capteine, and George Elphinston archer of the corps to the French king, were accounted chiefe. Also on the west borders, Robert Maxwell eldest son to the lord Maxwell, was taken in a rode made by The lord Maxwels son taken prisoner him and others, into the English confines on that 40 side; although at an other time certeine Englishmen making a rode into Scotland were distressed, the more part of them being taken or flaine. At a parle­ment holden at Linlithquho, begun there the twen­tie eight of September, and continued till the first of October, Matthew earle of Lennox, and Thomas bi­shop of Utheltres, were for falted, and all their lands and goods giuen awaie and annexed to the crowne.

In this meane time, the king of England desirous to haue the seruice of the Iles of Scotland for sun­drie 50 great causes and respects, mooued the earle Len­nox to deale with them to that end: which he did. And his trauell tooke such effect, that the Iland men were contented to rest at the king of England his deuoti­on, The earle of Lennox pro­cureth them of the Iles to [...]erue the king of England. partlie for that they were in a manner sworne e­nimies to the earle of Argile, and his familie; and partlie for that they doubted the king of Englands puissance, if he should attempt to inuade those par­ties: and againe, bearing an old speciall fauour to 60 the earle of Lennox and his house, hauing an anci­ent bond of aliance and amitie with the same, they were the more readie to satisfie his motion. Héere vp­on, they elected amongest them a lord of the Iles, the next of bloud: a title long since verie odious to The lord of the Iles elec­ted, being one of the Maco­neis. the state of Scotland, and by the inducement of the earle of Lennox, he was contented as the king of Englands pensioner, to receiue two thousand crownes of him yéerelie, with certeine rich apparell of cloth of gold and siluer from the said earle.

The first proofe he attempted to shew of his ser­uice in the king of Englands behalfe, was this. Ha­uing instructions thereto from the earle of Lennox, vnder colour of conference for matters touching the estate of the countrie, he had suborned one of his aliance and seruants, called the clane Reginald, to Clane Reg [...] ­nald sleteth the lord Lo­uet. intrappe the earles of Argile and Huntleie. And al­though they escaped verie narrowlie, the lord Louet an ancient baron, & great friend to those two earles, was slaine by the said clane, togither with seuen hundred of his kinsmen and friends: insomuch that there remained not but one yoong boy of that linage to succéed in that lords lands [which is before more Fr. Thin. fullie handeled out of Lesleus.]

After this, the lord of the Iles, with six thousand men imbarked in certeine vessels, passed ouer into The lord of the Iles in­uadeth Ca­r [...]ke. Carrike, harried and burnt the lands of the earle of Cassiles, then a great enimie to the king of Eng­land. In this voiage he got great spoiles, and slue manie of the enimies. After which enterprise so at­chiued, he came with his power by sea, and landed in Ireland, where the earles of Lennox and Ormond He commeth into Ireland. were, with twelue hundred Irishmen, appointed to ioine with him, that with their whole power they might inuade the earle of Argiles countries, & conse­quentlie the maine land of Scotland at the broad side. But before the preparation could be made rea­die for that iorneie, the new lord of the Iles deceas­sed, whose buriall in Ireland to honor the earle of He departeth this life. Lennox, stood the king of England in foure hundred pounds sterling.

But now to returne vnto the dooings on the bor­ders betwixt England and Scotland in this season. Ye shall vnderstand, that after the armie of Scot­land was broken vp, the earle of Hertford by vertue of his commission, raised an armie in the countries of the further side of Trent northwards; so that when the same was assembled togither, with such stran­gers as were then in the kings wages, they were in all of horssemen and footmen twelue thousand figh­ting But eight thousand, as some say. men. With this armie garded with great store of artillerie, munition, and all manner of furniture necessarie, the earle of Hertford entered Scotland, The earle of Hertford in­uadeth Scot­land. and marching to Coldingham, past vp by the water of Twéed, and burnt a great part of the Mers, and Tiuidale, the abbeies of kelso, Melrosse, Driborne, and Iedworth, with townes & villages, to the num­ber of fiue score.

Howbeit, he entered not farre within the said countrie beyond the said water, but kept alongest néere to the same, and returned backe without anie incounter: for after the Scotish armie was broken vp, it was not like they would assemble againe, and so the earle of Hertford taking the time that serued his purpose, sore indamaged the Scotish borders at that present. Manie other small inuasions were made, as well by the one part as the other, and some skirmishes fell out betwixt them, sometime to the losse of the Scotish, and sometime of the English, ac­cording to the course of warre.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 15. Much about this time, or rather before, Robert Maxwell the sonne of Robert (a yoong man of singu­lar vertue) was taken by the English. Besides which there was nothing doone woorthie the memorie, but that in the beginning of the next winter Montgome­rie returned into France. After this, the cardinall leadeth the gouernor about the néere countries, vn­der colour to reconcile such parts as were at dissen­tion: then they came first to Perth, where foure men were punished for eating flesh on forbidden daies: from thence they went to Dundée called Toadune (to vse the name of the place, as Buchanan hath) to punish (as they said) such as vsed the late new testa­ment of Luthers translation. Thither came also Pa­trike Greie (the head of a noble familie in those parts) accompanied with a good traine, togither with the erle of Rothseie, being before that commanded to be there by the gouernor, after the pacifieng of the o­ther [Page 339] tumults. But the cardinall (supposing it small safetie to receiue at one time two such noble and fac­tious persons addicted to the restored religion, into the towne) wrought with the gou [...]rnor that he and they might go backe to Perth.

The next morning, when those two noblemen (redie for the iourneie) vnderstood that the gouernor was on his waie towards Perth, they presentlie fol­lowed him. Who being come in sight, did strike such feare into the cardinall, that the gouernor com­manded 10 them to sunder themselues, and seuerallie to enter the citie: which they did. Wherevpon the next day they were both committed to prison. But Rothseie being shortlie deliuered, Greie (whome they hated more, and feared most) was kept longer in that restraint. But before they parted thence, it séemed good to the cardinall to abate the strength of Ruthwen capteine of the towne. For which cause, the gouernor taketh his office from him, and be­stoweth the same vpon Kinfane Comarch, neighbor 20 and kinsman to Greie. For this Ruthwen was a great enimie to the cardinall, and much fauored the restored religion: as likewise was Greie, who af­ter the same sort did not beare a friendlie mind to the cardinall, nor to his religion.

By reason whereof, the cardinall supposed, that if he might set them (by this meanes) together by the eares (sith manie of both parts would ioine for de­fense of the chiefe of their families) and that if anie side had the woorse (as both must be diminished) that 30 then he had by so much abated the power of one of his enimies. Upon which occasion the gouerne­ment of Perth (which had by manie descents remai­ned in the familie of the Ruthwens) might be thus translated to Kinfane. Thus the new capteine was sent with a power to subdue the citizens by force, if they would not willinglie obeie: as it séemed that they would not; because they tooke it with some griefe, to haue (in this new capteine) the old liber­tie of voices (in choosing of their gouernor) taken 40 from them. The besieging of the towne being there­fore diuided into parts, Greie (which had wholie ta­ken the matter on him) attempted the ouerthrow thereof, from the bridge of Taie. The other band (hauing laid their artillerie along by the riuer ouer against the towne) did inuade the open side of the said Perth.

But because the swelling of the sea did not an­swer their deuise, they came not in time to doo anie thing therein. Greie assalting it by the bridge (which 50 Ruthwen hauing receiued, and conueied the aid in­to the next houses, would séeme to leaue vngarded) when he saw no armed men stirring, did (without all feare) enter further into the towne, where he was so sharplie set vpon by Ruthwen, and his com­panie (suddenlie and vnlooked for breaking out of the houses vpon them) that euerie one hastened to spie some place by which he might flie awaie. But the multitude confused and driuen into a streict, did 60 let one an other thereof. For they behind, thinking to breake in amongest the other, did hinder the first that they could not flie: in which vnorderlie multi­tude, manie were troden vnder foot, and thrée score were killed with the sword.

The cardinall (although against his mind) hauing heard of the victorie of Ruthwen; yet he did not greatlie lament the slaughter made of his aduersa­ries. After this, the cardinall hauing thus suffici­entlie progressed to Angus: he led the gouernor after the fouretéenth of December to saint An­drews, to the end (if it were possible) to bind the gouernor more firmelie vnto him. For although before he had the gouernors sonne as pledge with him; yet (as often as he remembred the eagernesse of the Scotish nobilitie, the strength of his enimies, and the inconstancie of the gouernor) he greatlie feared, least the said gouernor should with like light­nesse be drawen to assist his enimies, as he had béene led to take his part.] During the time whilest they were at S. Andrews, the cardinall caused in the Lent season all the bishops & prelats of the realme to assemble at the towne of saint Andrews, where a learned man, named maister George Wischart, that had béene in the schooles of Germanie, was ac­cused of heresie, which he had (as was alleged against him) publikelie preached, and priuatlie taught in Dundée, Brechin, and diuerse other parts of Scot­land, since his returne home. This matter was so George Wis­chart a learned man burnt. vrged against him, that he was conuict, and burnt there in the towne of saint Andrews during the time of that conuention or assemblie.

Fr. Thin. When these things were thus doone, the cardi­nall, although he greatlie trusted to his riches; yet because he was not ignorant what were the minds Buchanan. lib. 15. of men, & what spéeches the common people had of him) determined to increase his power with new deuises. Wherefore he goeth into Angus, and ma­rieth his eldest daughter (as saith Buchanan) to the earle of Crawfords sonne. Which mariage was so­lemnized with great preparation, almost answera­ble to kinglie magnificence. During which time, the cardinall vnderstanding by his spies, that the English did prepare to inuade the Scotish borders on the sea (and speciallie did threaten those of Fife therewith) returned to saint Andrews, and appoin­ted a day to the nobilitie, and such as dwelled about the sea coasts, to assemble togither to prouide in common for the defense thereof, and to prepare re­medie for that hastened euill. For the easier and bet­ter performance whereof, he had determined, togi­ther with the lords of that countrie, to haue sailed himselfe about the coasts, and to haue defended such places as were most conuenient.

Amongest others that came vnto him, there was a noble yoong gentleman called Norman Lesle, sonne to the earle of Rothseie, whereof we haue spo­ken before manie times. This man (after that he had manie times emploied his valiant and faith­full diligence in the behalfe of the cardinall) grew to some contention with the said cardinall for a priuat cause, which for a time did estrange both their minds the one from the other. This same contention did Norman (being thereto induced with manie faire promises) afterwards let fall. But certeine moneths following (when he returned to demand the performance of such liberall promises) they began to grow from common spéech to brallings, and from thence to bitter tawnts & reproches, not fit to be vsed by anie of them both. Wherevpon they departed with the gréeued minds of euerie of them. For the cardinall being intreated more vnreuerentlie than he would or looked for; and the other threatning that being ouertaken by deceipt, he would reuenge it: they both returned discontented to their owne peo­ple. Wherevpon Norman, declaring to his parta­kers the intollerable arrogancie of the cardinall, they easilie agréed all to conspire his death. Where­fore, to the end that the same might be lesse suspec­ted, they departed in sunder afterward. This Nor­man accompanied onelie with fiue of his owne traine, entred the towne of saint Andrews, and went into his accustomed Inne and lodging; tru­sting that by such small traine he might cunninglie dissemble the determination of the cardinals death. But there were in that towne, ten of those which had consented to this conspiracie; which closed in secret corners, some in one place, and some in an other, did onelie expect the signe which was to be giuen vn­to [Page 340] them to execute this deuise. With which small companie this Norman feared not to aduenture the déath of the cardinall in the same towne, furni­shed in euerie place with the seruants and friends of the cardinall.]

Wherevpon the thirtéenth of Maie, the cardinall being within his castell of saint Andrews, certeine of his owne friends (as he tooke them) that is to say, the said Norman, lord Lesleie, William Kirkan­die, the yoong lord of Grange, and Kirkmichell with 10 sixteene chosen men, entered the castell verie secret­lie in the morning, tooke the porter, and all the cardi­nals seruants, thrusting them out of the place by a posterne gate. And that doone, passing to his cham­ber where he laie in bed, as he got vp, and was ope­ning his chamber doore, they slue him, and seized vp­on the artillerie and munition, wherewith that for­tresse The cardi­nall of saint Andrews murthered. was plentifullie furnished, and likewise with rich hangings, houshold stuffe of all sorts, apparell, copes, iewels, ornaments of churches, great store 20 of gold and siluer plate, beside no small quantitie of treasure in readie coine.

Sir Iames Leirmouth, prouost of saint Andrews, assembled all the people of that towne for the rescue of the cardinall, after he heard that the conspirators were entred the castell; but they shewed the dead bo­die of the cardinall ouer the wals, as a spectacle to the people, and so they made no further attempt, sith they saw no meane how to remedie or reuenge the matter at that present. The cause that mooued the 30 conspirators thus to kill the cardinall, was thought to be partlie in reuenge of the burning of maister George Wischart, fearing to be serued with the same sawce, and in the end to be made to drinke of the same cup. Partlie it was thought they attemp­ted it through counsell of some great men of the realme, that had conceiued some deadlie hatred a­gainst him.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10 pag. 481. But Lesleus also, writing of the causes of his death saith, that they were diuerse: as the seuerall 40 tormentors seuerallie framed euerie one a part for his owne excuse. For Norman & Iohn did com­plaine, that they were wronged by him with no small iniurie, because that the cardinall had not recom­pensed him for the losse he susteined; when the car­dinall had restored to Colwine lord thereof (before through the cardinals counsell banished by the king) the castell and possessions of Easter wemes; which the king had after giuen to the said Norman. The lord Grange affirmed that he reuenged himselfe, be­cause 50 he was remooued by the cardinals aduise from the office of the treasurorship; which (being granted by the king to him) he had discharged with great profit to the realme, & honor to himselfe. And Kirkmichell did also say that he was dispossessed by the cardinall of some other (I cannot tell what) possessions. All which causes were but veiles which they spread a­gainst the wind and report of so wicked and shame­full a deed. For vpon the fact, Norman being vexed with remorse of conscience, did not onelie labor to 60 pacifie the anger of such, that (either by bloud or be­nefit) were tied to the cardinall with all kind of du­ties: but did also, to shun the danger thereof, passe into France, and there by valour (in the seruice of Henrie the second king of France) endeuored to wipe away that note of infamie, which he had cast vpon his familie. All which notwithstanding, both he and others (some after one sort, and some after an other) were worthilie punished for their wickednes.]

The same euening that the cardinall was slaine, the old lord of Grange, maister Henrie Balnauis, one of the councell of the realme, and sundrie gentle­men of the surname of the Meluins, Iohn Knocts and others, to the number of seuen score persons, entred the castell to their support, taking vpon them to keepe it against the gouernor and his partakers. Not long after, the gouernor, considering that his deere cousine the cardinall was thus made awaie, as­sembled the great lords of the realme, as the earle of Angus, Huntleie, Argile, and others, by whose ad­uise he called a parlement, and forfalted them that 1546. The slaters of the cardinall forfalted. had slaine the cardinall, and kept the castell of saint Andrews.

Herewith also he raised a power, and besieged the same castell, planting diuerse péeces of great artil­lerie against it. But it was so stronglie furnished with all maner of artillerie & munition by the cardi­nall The castell of saint An­drews besie­ged. in his life time, that they within cared little for all the inforcements that their aduersaries without could aduance against them. Wherevpon, after that the siege had continued the space of three moneths, the gouernor was glad to take an appointment with them within, to the end he might get out of their The siege rai­sed. hands his eldest sonne, who was remaining with the cardinall at the time when he was murthered, and so kept by them that did the murther, till now they agréed to deliuer him to his father, with condition that he should raise his siege.

They deliuered also the dead bodie of the cardi­nall, after it had laine buried in a dunghill within the castell, euer since the day in which they slue him. [The gouernor did name the abbat of Paslew his Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 1 [...]. pag. 483. brother to the bishoprike of saint Andrews, and gaue the abbeie of Arbroth (being before granted to Iames Beton kinsman to the slaine cardinall) to George Dowglasse bastard sonne to the earle of An­gus: which things were afterwards occasions of great troubles in the realme.] In the yeare next insuing, king Henrie the eight departed this life, af­ter 1547. The king of England de­ceassed. whome succéeded his sonne Edward, the sixt of that name, king of England, France, and Ireland: Shortlie after, that is to say, the last of March, Fran­cis the French king deceassed, and his sonne Hen­rie, The death of the French king. the second of that name succeeded him; who at the desire of the gouernor of Scotland, appointed Leone Strossie prior of Capoa, a knight of the or­der of Malta, with a nauie of 16 gallies, fraught with men of warre, and munition, to passe into Scotland, to helpe to win the castell of saint An­drews.

The gouernor in the meane time with an armie passed to the west borders to besiege the castell of Langham, the which was kept at that present by Michaell Wharton, hauing then with him but six­teene Englishmen, who neuerthelesse abid thrée or foure daies siege, and seuen canon shots, and so yéel­ded the house to the gouernor: and hereby was the peace broken, first by the Scots, euen as the Eng­glishmen could haue wished. Moreouer, at the same time, the erle of Rothous then returned out of Den­marke was acquit by an assise (as they call it) of earles and lords, of an accusation wherewith he was charged, as confederat and partie with them that had murthered the cardinall.

Whilest the gouernor was thus passed with his armie to the west borders, he was aduertised that the prior of Capoa was arriued, and [against the Fr. Thin. wils of such as were against it] entred into the The castell of saint An­drews besie­ged by the French. towne of saint Andrews: wherevpon the gouernor, with all the nobilitie that were then about him, ha­sted thither to assist the prior, and so the siege was stronglie laid about the castell there. The prior cau­sed certeine péeces of artillerie to be drawen vp, and mounted on the top of a church, which was higher than the castell; so that those peeces shot plump into the castell, that none durst shew themselues on the wals, or abroad in the yard within the castell. He caused also certeine canons to be drawen with en­gins, [Page 341] néere to the verie wals of the castell, which bat­tered the same in such sort, as the ditches were néere hand filled with the rubbish and stones of the wals that fell downe.

Moreouer, the gallies at an high water appro­ched on the riuer side so neere to the castell, that with shot of canons and other artillerie, they sore annoied them within, and slue diuerse. The defendants per­ceiuing themselues thus besieged on all sides, & not able long to hold out, put foorth a token vpon a 10 speares point, to signifie that they desired parlee, which was granted, and certeine of them comming foorth, were admitted to talke with the gouernor, the queene, and the prior of Capoa. They offered to ren­der the castell, so they might depart, and haue their liues saued with bag and baggage.

But this would not be granted, the gouernor vtterlie refusing it; at length he was content to par­don The castell of S. Andrews [...]lded. them of their liues, if the French king should thinke it good, else to stand to his pleasure. The spoile 20 of the castell was giuen to the Frenchmen, who vp­on the surrender entring the same, left nothing be­hind him that might serue them to anie vse in ta­king it away. All the principall men within it were led to the gallies, and conueied awaie into France prisoners at the French kings discretion. Diuerse of them were committed to sundrie prisons on the coast of Britaine, and others were appointed to row in the gallies till the yeare 1550, in which the pri­soners we set at libertie, and the others that were in 30 the gallies were redeemed by their friends for cer­teine summes of monie.

Thus was the castell of saint Andrews rendred the nine and twentith of Iulie, fourtéene daies after the arriuall there of the prior of Capoa, whereby his The prior of Capoa. great valiancie, well knowen afore that time, was so renewed, as his praise for his spéedie dispatch and good successe therein was much aduanced. Shortlie after, the duke of Summerset, heretofore in this booke named earle of Hertford, vncle by the mother 40 vnto the yoong king of England, and admitted go­uernor The duke of Summerset protector of England. of his person, and protector of all his realms, dominions, and subiects, minding the aduancement of the yoong king his nephue, thought good with all spéed to procure the consummation of the mariage, betwixt him, and the yoong quéene of Scots.

But perceiuing that the same could not be brought to passe without force, he séemed loth to let passe the opportunitie of time then offered (as he tooke it) to serue his purpose; and therevpon by aduise of 50 councell leuied an armie with all expedition, and came to Berwike, about the latter end of August, and in the beginning of September entred Scot­land with the same armie, conteining seauentéene He entreth Scotland with an armie or eighteene thousand men, which was diuided into three principall wards, the vant-gard led by the va­liant earle of Warwike, the battell by the duke of Summerset himselfe, and the rere-ward by the lord Dacres of the north.

There were certeine wings and troopes of men of 60 The order of the English armie. armes, demilances, and light horssemen, and also of harquebusiers, that attended vpon these thrée wards, garded with diuerse péeces of great artille­rie. The lord Greie of Wilton high marshall of the armie had the generall conduction of the men of armes and demilances. Sir Francis Brian, lieu­tenant of the light horssemen, with eight hundred of them was appointed to the vant-gard. Sir Peter Mewtas capteine of fiue hundred hagbutters, and sir Francis Fleming maister of the ordinance, with a thousand light horssemen, were appointed to the battell. And sir Richard Manners, with six hundred light horssemen, attended vpon the rere-ward.

In this order marching through the Mers, and Louthian, they came at length vnto a place called Buckling Braies, neere to the Forth side, in which The English fleet. riuer the English fleet was arriued, and laie before the towne of Leith, but now by order giuen came backe from thence, and lay néerer to the armie. The gouernor of Scotland aduertised of the comming of this armie of England thus to inuade Scotland, with all diligence sent abroad solemne summons The gouernor raiseth an ar­mie. for the leuieng of a new armie foorth of all parts of the realme; supposing thereby to be sufficientlie fur­nished and inabled for the incounter; happen when it should; the contrarie part (no doubt) being likewise opinioned, and both hoping, or greedilie gaping af­ter the glorie of victorie.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 485. For the gouernor did attempt at this time that which is accustomed to be vsed in the greatest dan­gers of the countrie: which was, that he sent out messengers through all the realme, who carieng a fierie crosse in their hands, should make signe (and declare) aswell to the laitie, as to the churchmen; that all they which were aboue sixtéene yeares old, and vnder sixtie, should presentlie (with their armor) re­paire to Mussilborow, and there be readie to defend the libertie of the countrie; who accordinglie came to Mussilborow (within lesse than two miles of the place where the English armie came to incampe, lieng at Preston) & placed themselues at Inuernesse ouer against their enimies.]

Here we haue to vnderstand, that the Scots light horssemen oftentimes would come pricking almost within their staues length of the Englishmen as they marched, whouping and shouting, to the end they might traine them foorth from their strength, and with railing words would still be in hand to pro­uoke The goodnes of the Sco­tish horsmen feared of the Englishmen. The lord Greie desireth to incounter the Scotish horssemen. them thereto. But the duke of Summerset, doubting the goodnesse of the Scotish prickers, gaue secret commandement, that no offer of skirmish by the Scotish horsmen should be taken. But at length the lord Greie of Wilton, not able to beare such bold presumption in the Scots, aduenturing (as he tooke it) ouer rashlie, and more than stood with their owne suertie, made sute to the duke of Summerset, that if they continued in such brauerie, it might be lawfull for him to set them further off.

The duke at the first by no meanes would assent thereto, telling the lord Greie, that his desire procee­ded more of a iolitie of courage, than of anie know­ledge of the enimie, and séemed to defend the good­nesse of the Scotish horssemen: but when the lord Greie persisted in his sute, and the earle of War­wike assisted his request, the duke in the end yéelded thereto. Herevpon when the lord Hume with the Scots the next time (which was on the Fridaie the uinth of September) came foorth to offer the skir­mish after their woonted maner, the lord Greie ta­king with him certeine bands of horssemen, both men of armes, demilances, and also light horsmen, diuided them in troopes, appointing the Spanish and Italian hagbutters on horssebacke to kéepe on a wing, and to gard the hindermost troope of the English horssemen.

He also gaue order to the leaders of euerie troope, that to which soeuer the enimie should once offer, in Order giuen by the lord Gr [...]ie. anie wise, that no answer by skirmish were made them, but after they had drawne them to their accu­stomed plaie and proffer of charge, that troope that it was offered vnto, presentlie vpon the enimies wheeling about should throughlie giue it them; and that so giuen, the next troope presentlie to giue it in the face: and so (as occasion required) both those troopes wholie togither to helpe other without brea­king. The Scots comming forward, pricking and whouping after their old woont, the Englishmen for­bare a great while, till at the last, foure or fiue hun­dred [Page 342] of them came scattered vpon the spurre, with a maruellous shout within a stones length of the for­most troope.

These thinking then to haue whéeled about, mai­ster Nicholas Gainesford, the leader of that troope, and lieutenant of the lord Greies band of his men Nicholas Gainesford. of armes of Bullongne, cried; A charge, which as spée­dily on the English part as vnlooked for of the Scots being giuen, from charging at that time in sport, the Scots were driuen to gallop awaie so fast as their 10 horsses might beare them, losing of their companies The Scots horssemen put to flight. that were taken and slaine, to the number of eight hundred and more (as some haue written) [at what time the lord Hume (as saith Lesleus lib. 10. pa. 486) Fr. Thin. falling from his horsse, was grieuouslie wounded, and caried to Edenburgh, and his eldest sonne was taken prisoner] but yet, as diuerse of the English­men aduentured too farre in following the chase, they were distressed, and sundrie of them taken prisoners, among the which were some of their capteins, as sir 20 Rafe Bulmer, Thomas Gower, & Robert Crouch, English cap­teins taken. each of them hauing in charge the leading of seue­rall bands of light horssemen. ¶ Thus much for this Fridaies skirmish, wherein the chiefest force of the Scotish horssemen was defeated, to the great discou­ragement of the rest.

Fr. Thn. Buchan. lib. 15. The English armie remaining still at Pre­ston, did from a hill behold the number of the Scots, who (supposing that they saw a greater number than in truth there was) assembled in the meane time to 30 consult of the estate of their affaires. And therevpon sent letters to the Scots, desiring that if they might obteine anie thing by iustice, that they should rather end the warre with couenants than with canons. ‘The effect of which letters tended to this end. That the English did greatlie intreat the Scots, first to remember that both armies were christian men, to and of whome (vnlesse they vtterlie forget their pro­fession) there should nothing be more welcome nor desired than peace & tranquillitie, and nothing more 40 detestable than warre and vniust force. Besides this, that the cause of this present warre did not grow of couetousnesse, hatred or enuie, but from the desire of perpetuall peace, which could not be better or more firmelie established by any means, but by the league of matrimonie (being promised and confirmed by the publike consent and pledge of the nobilitie) with those conditions which were more beneficiall for the Scots than the English, being such as did not call them into seruitude, but into a felowship and liberall 50 imparting of all their fortunes each to other. For so much more should that mariage be commodious to the Scots than to the English, by how much the hope of profit, and the feare of iniuries should bée greater from the stronger to the weaker.’

‘Wherefore they should chieflie consider (and in this kind) this to be their greatest reason, that since that their quéene was of necessitie to be giuen in ma­riage by the Scots, and that the same necessitie was not to be auoided; and the moderation therein verie 60 hard: that the onelie power to choose hir a husband was left vnto the publike councell or parlement. And if they would choose (to their quéene) a husband for the publike profit and dignitie: of whome could they better take choise, than of a king their neigh­bor, borne in the same Iland, néere of bloud, instruc­ted in the same lawes, brought vp in the same ma­ners and language; not their superior onelie in ri­ches, but almost also in all commodities and orna­ments of externall things, and such a person which did bring with him peace, concord, amitie, and the for­getting of all old iniuries? But if they call to them anie other (differing from them in language, ma­ners, and lawes) to take the kingdome: let them thinke with themselues, what and how manie dis­commodities will grow thereby, and to what euill counsels they shall indanger themselues: the which they may learne by the example of other nations, be­ing farre better to be taught it by the misfortunes of others, than to féele the smart thereof by their owne experience.’

‘Wherefore (as touching themselues) if they shall not perceiue the Scotish nation to be estranged from this amitie and concord, they would mitigate somwhat of their former promises (which by law they might chalenge) and be contented that the maiden queene should be brought vp amongst them, and bée alwaies in their power, vntill the time that nature should inable hir fit for mariage, and vntill such time as she might choose hir a husband by the aduise of the nobilitie. And that in the meane time (vntill the same might be performed) that both the nations should ab­steine from warre: and that also the quéene (during that time) should neither be conueied into anie strange nation: nor that they should conclude anie pact or couenant with the French, or anie other for­reine prince touching hir mariage. The which if the Scots would most holilie and handfastlie promise, the English would foorthwith depart with a quiet armie. And further, that if the English had commit­ted anie hurt or spoile (since they came into the coun­trie) they would recompense the same by the iudge­ment of good men.’

These letters thus sent, the gouernor did impart vnto a few, and of those especiallie to Iohn his bro­ther bishop of saint Andrews (taken vnto him in place & authoritie of the slaine cardinall.) These two aduanced with great hope of victorie, were the cause that these letters were suppressed, bicause they feared that if the equall conditions of peace were knowne abroad, the most part would willinglie incline to the same quiet aduise. Wherefore they procured a false rumor to be spread through the host, that the English men were come thither with determination to take awaie the quéene by force, and by strength of armes to bring the whole kingdome into their subiection. For the gouernor being faint spirited by nature, had chosen vnto him foure such other councellors (like vnto himselfe) in the affairs of warre, by whose com­mand & becke all things were performed. Of which number were his three kinsmen, Iohn archbishop of saint Andrews, the abbat of Dunfermling, George Durie, with Archembald Beton; and the fourth was Hugh Rigs, a lawier, rather famous for his grosse bodie and foolish conditions, than anie know­ledge in militarie affaires. These foure had so puffed vp the gouernor (inconstant by his owne nature, and changing his counsell by the wind of euerie rumor) that he would with stopped eares heare all other mens opinions. In the meane time, his friends ha­uing spread a feined tale (through the Scotish host) by him deuised, the Scots ran in all hast to their weapons, whose vnaduised spéed was in the end the cause of their vnfortunate procéedings, as after shall appeare.)

For being true (as the Scots haue reported) that The Scots meant not to haue giuen battell. the gouernor, and the nobilitie of Scotland meant not to hazard battell within their owne realme, but rather to lie still and defend their ground, if the Eng­lishmen should come forward to giue them battell there. The Englishmen aduertised thereof, the mor­row after this great skirmish, raised their field ve­rie earlie, purposing to take an hill called Pinkhill, where they might place their ordinance, and to shoot The purpose of the Eng­lishmen. into the Scotish campe, whereby they should force the Scots to dislodge from their ground of aduan­tage. The gouernor and the Scotish lords, beholding their enimies thus marching forward, thought best [Page 343] to staie their enterprise, and therefore suddenlie, not­withstanding their former determination, rushing foorth of their campe, passed forward to incounter their enimies.

They were diuided into thrée battels; Archembald The ordering of the Scotish battels. Dowglasse earle of Angus, with certeine lords with him, led the vant-gard; George Gordon earle of Huntleie, and his friends the rere-ward; and the go­uernor accompanied with the earle of Argile and the rest of the noble men, were in the maine battell. The 10 Englishmen hauing got the hill, and perceiuing the Scots to come forwards with great hast, staied for their comming: but the Scots were so rash and ha­stie, passing first through the water in their armour, and so vp towards the hill, that continuing their march with such speed, as they seemed rather to trot, than to keepe anie ordinarie marching pase, before they could come to ioine with the Englishmen, they were almost out of breath.

Howbeit, the earle of Angus, and the other in 20 the vant-gard, boldlie abid the charge of all the Eng­lish horssemen, and so rigorouslie reincountred them, The English horssemen beaten backe. that slaieng and beating downe no small number both of men and horsses, they put the rest to flight; so that no small part of them retired backe in such dis­order, that they ran thorough the rankes of the foot­men in the fore-ward, wherwith such feare entered a­mong the Englishmen, that (as hath béene reported) they had vndoubtedlie fled, if the manfull courage of the earle of Warwike had not béene shewed at that 30 present, according to the woonted valure of his often The valiant­nesse of the earle of War­wike. approoued prowesse, whereby he caused them to staie, and relie themselues againe.

In the meane time, the battell and the rere-ward of the Scots aduanced forward with great courage. But there was a gallie & two pinesses of the Eng­lish fléet, which from the sea shot so terriblie at the The gallie and two pin­nesses. Scotish armie, that the same was not onelie sore galled and indamaged thereby, but also staied, that they could not come easilie forward. And héerewith 40 the English vant-gard incouraged with the comfor­table woords and behauior of the earle of Warwike, and other the capteins, made towards the Scotish vant-gard againe: the which not able of it selfe to re­sist, retired in good order to the great battell of Scot­land. Wherevpon, the multitude fearing, by reason they saw them in the fore-ward thus retire (albeit in good order) that all had béene lost, gaue backe, and tooke them to flight; whome the Englishmen follow­ed amaine, slaieng the Scotishmen downe on heaps 50 in passing great numbers. Manie were also drow­ned in the water of Undereske, through the which they tooke their flight.

The earle of Huntleie and the rere-gard stood still with their ensignes and banners, till the chase was past by them: but at length were driuen to make a­waie as well as the rest, and the earle himselfe in the The earle of Huntleie ta­ken prisoner. retire being taken on foot, well clad in gilt armour inameled, was led prisoner to the lord protector. Di­uerse other men of name, barons, and knights, were 60 taken prisoners. There were slaine no small number of personages of good account. Among other, the lord Fleming, the maister of Erskin, the maister of Gra­ham, Men of name of Scots [...]aine. Fr. Thin. the maister of Meffine, the maister of Ogiluie, the maister of Leuingston, the maister of Rosse [the maister of Argendale and Meffane] the lard of Lo­chinwar, the lard of Glencarnocke, & others. [There were taken prisoners diuerse noble men, the lord Zestrie, the earle of Huntleie chancellor of the realme, and others, as saith Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 487.]

The next day, the English armie remooued to Leith, where the prisoners were put into a church, di­uerse of them being sore wounded. But the earle of Huntleie, entering bond for them that they should well and trulie paie their ransomes, agréed [...]pon be­twixt them and their takers, or else to come and pre­sent themselues prisoners in England by a certeine day, they were suffered to depart. The earle of Huntleie en­tereth bond for his coun­triemen. Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 15. The calamitie of which bloudie day, there were not a few which did impute iustlie to happen to the Scots, because they did arrogantlie reiect such honorable and beneficiall peace, and did hope (if they obteined the victorie) to haue vsed more crueltie to their owne people than vnto the English, either because they would (as I my selfe coniecture) reuenge old quarels, or else haue vsed extremitie against such as secretlie misliked this conflict with the English.)

The gouernor escaping from the battell, came to The quéene remooued from Striueling. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 487. Striueling, where the quéene regent was, togither with hir daughter the yoong queene. Héere, by the counsell and aduise of the earle of Angus [Argile, Rotesen, and Cassiles] and diuerse other lords that were also withdrawne thither after the battell, they were conueied to the countrie of Menteith, where they remained in the abbeie of Inch Mahome [deli­uering Fr. Thin. the yoong quéene to hir mother, Erskine and Leuingstone to be kept there] till the English armie was departed out of the realme, and then they re­mooued againe, and came to Striueling. [After that Fr. Thin. the gouernor had deliuered the earle out of prison at Edenburgh] the English nauie wan the Ile of saint The Ile of saint Colmes Inch woon by Englishmen. Colmes Inch [in the meane time] and did sundrie o­ther exploits by sea, as in the English historie it may appéere.

Moreouer, the earle of Bothwell, whome the go­uernor The earle of Bothwell. had before kept in prison, and was the night after the battell set at libertie, repared to the duke of Summerset, with diuerse other lords and gentlemen of Louthian, whilest he laie at Leith, offering them­selues to be at the king of Englands commande­ment, and so were assured from receiuing hurt or da­mage by the English power. The duke of Summer­set 1547. hauing remained at Leith eight daies, burnt a peece of it, and demanding the castell of Edenburgh, The English armie retur­neth home­wards. but could not obteine it, departed thence the eight­téenth of December homewards the next waie, ouer the mounteins of Soutreie, comming the third day before the castell of Hume, where they did so much by Hume castell rendred to the Englishmen. countenancing to win that fortresse, that within thrée or foure daies after their comming thither, it was surrendred.

This castell being woone, & a garrison left there­in to kéepe it, they remooued to Rockesburgh, where within the compasse of the ruinous wals of an old castell, they built a fort; & after returning into Eng­land, left a conuenient garrison to kéepe it. They got also about the same time a strong fortresse, called Fast castell, standing néere to the sea side, and placed Fast castell woone by them. Broughtie crag woone. a garrison within it. And moreouer, in this meane time, their fléet by sea wan the castell of Broughtie crag, and put in like manner a garrison within it to kéepe the same (as in the English historie it may fur­ther appeere) and in what sort also all the chiefest lords and gentlemen of the Mers and Tiuidale came in, and submitted themselues to the duke of Summer­set, vpon assurance had and giuen.

Furthermore, whilest the duke of Summerset with his armie did thus inuade Scotland on the east part, it was ordeined by the said duke, and other of the councell to the king of England, that Matthew earle of Lennox, and Thomas lord Wharton, then warden of the west marches of England, should with a power inuade Scotland on the west side, to the end that there should not anie of the west borders nor countries come to assist the gouernor against the duke of Summersets armie, but be driuen to re­maine at home to defend their owne countrie. Here­vpon, there was an armie leuied, to the number of [Page 344] fiue thousand footmen, and eight hundred light horsse­men, with which power the earle of Lennox and the lord Wharton entering Scotland the eight of Sep­tember, incamped the first night vpon the water of Eske, and marched the next day through the nether part of Annandale, till they came to the castell of Milke, a fortresse of good strength, the wals being fouretéene foot thicke. The castell of Milke yéelded

Capteine of this castell was one Iohn Steward, brother to the lard thereof, who vpon the approch of 10 the earle of Lennox, yéelded the house to him, with­out anie shew of resistance, Wherevpon, Ferguse Graham, brother to Richie Graham of Erske, was appointed with a garrison of souldiors to keepe that castell to the vse of the yoong king of England, and was afterwards confirmed capteine there with fif­tie light horssemen, by appointment of the duke of Summerset, & the councell; so that during the wars, he remained there to the great annoiance of the Scots, enimies to England, and preseruation of the 20 countrie thereabouts to the king of Englands vse.

On the twentith of September, the earle of Len­nox, and the lord Wharton, incamped néere to the towne of Annand, and on the morrow after appro­ching néerer to the fame, gaue summons vnto the capteine therof, called Lion, of the house of Glams, who with an hundred Scots [whereof Maxwell and Fr. Thin. Iohnstone, and Cokpull (as saith Lesleus lib. 10. pa. 489. being parcell] kept the church and stéeple of An­nand, being péeces of themselues verie strong and mightilie reinforced with earth: they within there­fore 30 refused to yéeld, and valiantlie defended them­selues. The greatest péeces of artisterie, which the Englishmen had there at that time, were certeine double and single falcons, wherewith they beat one­lie the battlements, till they might with certeine en­gines approch hard to the wals, and vndermine the The church of Annand vndermined. same, so as the roofe of the church was shaken downe, and a great number of them within the church slaine and crushed to death. Such as escaped fled into the 40 stéeple.

Two of the Englishmen that wrought about the [...]ines, were slaine: but at length, the capteine moo­ued by persuasion of the earle of Lennox, to whome he claimed to be of kin, rendered the stéeple to him, with himselfe, and 96 Scots souldiors, with conditi­on The stéeple yéelded. to haue their liues onelie saued, and the capteine to remaine prisoner, and to go into England. Im­mediatlie vpon their comming foorth of the steeple, fire was giuen vnto the traines of powder in the 50 mines, and so both the church & steeple were blowen vp into the aire, & raced downe to the ground. This The church and stéeple of Annand blowen vp with powder. doone, they burnt the towne (after they had sacked it) and left not one stone standing vpon an other, for that the same towne had euer beene a verie noisome neighbour to England.

The Englishmen had conceiued such spite to­wards this towne, that if they saw but a péece of timber remaining vnburnt, they would cut the same in péeces with their bils. The countrie herewith was 60 striken in such feare, that the next day all the Kilpa­trikes and the Iordeins, the lards of Kirkmichell, A­pilgirtht, The Scots that came to assure them­selues. Clo [...]urne, Howmendes, Nubie, and the Irrewings, the Bels, the Rigs, the Murreies, and all the clanes and surnames of the neather part of Annerdale, came in, and receiued an oth of obei­sance, as subiects to the king of England, deliuering pledges for their assured loialtie. The residue that would not come in and submit themselues, had their houses burnt, their goods and cattell fetched awaie by the English light horssemen, that were sent a­broad into the countrie for that purpose.

These things thus executed, the earle of Lennox, and the lord Wharton, returned backe into England with their prisoners, booties, and spoiles, receiuing great thanks and commendations by gentle letters on the fiue & twentith of September, from the duke of Summerset, then lieng at Rockesburgh, about fortifieng of that place. The gouernor perceiung thus that without the assistance of France he should not be able to resist the Englishmen, hauing now got such foot hold within the realme of Scotland, re­quired The gouer­nors su [...] to the queene Dowager, and to the French am­bassadors. the queene Dowager, and monsieur Doisell, liger ambassador for the French king, to persuade with him by letters, to send an armie into Scotland, to the aid of his friends there.

The quéene and monsieur Doisell, perceiuing a readie waie prepared to bring that to passe which they most desired (which was, to haue the quéene of Scot­land ordered in all things by the French kings ad­uise) they vndertooke to procure an armie out of France, according to the gouernors desire, if he with the states of the realme would agrée that the quéene The quéene Dowager promiseth aid out of France with conditi­on. might be sent into France, and a contract made for hir bestowing in mariage, as stood with the French kings pleasure. The gouernor condescending héere­vnto, assembled the states, and by their aduises, pas­sed certeine couenants to the effect aforesaid, & sent the same in writing by certeine messengers into France.

The French king gladlie accepting this message, The gouernor sendeth into France for aid. Broughtie crag besieged by the gouer­nor. prepared a nauie of ships and gallies to transport an armie into Scotland the next summer. In the meane time, the gouernor laied siege to Broughtie crag, and the duke of Summerset, as well for meane to cause the Scots to retire that siege, as also for the annoiance of Clidesdale, apperteining to the gouer­nor and the earle of Angus, and other Scots that would not come in to the obeisance of the king of England, appointed the earle of Lennox to make a new inuasion into Scotland, and to vse for triall of their fidelities the helpe of two thousand Scotish light horssemen, that were alreadie assured & sworne to serue the king of England in all such exploits in which they should be imploied.

The earle of Lennox desirous to aduance the king of Englands affaires, and hauing receiued letters from William earle of Glencarne, with promise of his assistance, and likewise of his father in law the earle of Angus, the lard of Drumlanrig, and those lards and gentlemen of the countries of kile, Con­ningham, Renfre [...], and Lennox, entered Scotland The earle of Lennox ente­reth into Scotland. about the twelfth of December, accompanied with Henrie Wharton, second son to the lord Wharton, with two hundred light horssemen, of the garrisons in Scotland, and comming first to Dunfreis, where the generall assemblie was appointed of the two thousand assured Scotish light horssemen, when the musters should be taken, he found scarse thrée hun­dred, and those for the more part of the broken coun­tries of Annandale, Ewisdale, Esdale, and Lides­dale.

The earle of Glencarne came thither in déed, but The earle of Glencarne his double dealing. vnder a counterfet shew of good meaning, where in truth he ment nothing but craft to discouer all the earle of Lennox his purposes: who perceiuing his double dealing, and finding no such forces readie to assist him, as he looked for, and moreouer, mistrusting the loialties of the maister of Maxwell, & the gentle­men Now lord Harries. of Nidesdale, meaning (as he tooke it) to intrap him, and deliuer him to the quéene Dowager, and the lord gouernor, stood in some perplexitie what way The earle of Lennox in doubt what to doo. should be the best for him to follow, thinking it not to stand with his honor to returne, without atchiuing some enterprise.

The earle of Glencarne had shewed to him two letters written by the lard of Drumlaurig, signifi­eng, The lard of Drum [...]rig. that if the earle of Lennox came, accompanied [Page 345] onelie with Scotishmen, he would both serue him and honor him in the best wise he might: but if he brought those Englishmen in his companie, he would not onelie refuse to aid him, but also raise all the power he might make, either by his friends or o­therwise, to resist him, and proffer him a repulse. The earle thus perceiuing that he was in danger to be betraied among them, and that there were all the deuises practised that might be to staie those that should come to the deuotion of the king of England, 10 dissembled the matter with Glencarne, and other that were suborned to betraie him; pretending to The ea [...]le of Lennox dis­sembleth with dissemblers. them, that he would follow the course of their deui­ses.

But in the meane time he got togither the Eng­lish 1547. Buch. capteins that were appointed to attend him, and also such Scotishmen as he knew he might trust. And meaning to scourge Drumlanrig, & to cut him short, for that he was the chiefe instrument to staie all the Scotishmen in those parties from entering 20 friendship with the Englishmen: he gaue secret warning to all the capteins & leaders about nine of the clocke at night, that they should be readie with their men to mount on horsbacke at the sound of the trumpet, and kéepe with them the earle of Glen­carne, the maister of Maxwell, the lards of Clos­burne, Kirkmichell, and others the gentlemen of Ni­desdale and Annandale.

He sent foorth six hundred chosen horssemen vpon sound of the trumpet, at twelue of the clocke at 30 Horssemen sent foorth to scourge Drumlanrig. night, vnder the leading of Henrie Wharton, and o­ther the capteins of the garrisons, who in the daw­ning of the next morrow, arriued neere the place of Drumlanrig, where they appointed foure hundred of They harrie the countrie a­bout Drum­lanrig. their horssemen to passe to the forraie, who raised fire, and burnt two miles in length, both townes and vil­lages on ech side, euen hard to the gates of Drum­lanrig, spoiling the houses of goods and riches, woorth to the value of two thousand marks, got thrée thou­sand shéepe, two thousand herd of great cattell, be­side 40 nine score horsses and mares.

The Annandalers laden with spoile and cattell, being in number foure hundred men, departed with their preie homewards. The lard of Drumlanrig, li­eng all this while in ambush with seuen hundred men, forbare to breake out to giue anie charge vpon his enimies, doubting least the earle of Lennox had kept a stale behind: but now after he perceiued that the most part of the enimies were departed, and that the residue of the gentlemen & capteins of the Eng­lish 50 horssemen were withdrawing towards Dunfre­is, Drumlanrig pursueth the Englishmen. being not past six score men, he fiercelie followed after them with his power, in hope not onelie to o­uerthrow and distres them, but also to take the earle of Lennox at Dunfreis.

Maister Henrie Wharton and those six score horsse­men, retiring beyond the water of Nith, and percei­uing that Drumlanrig and his men entered the wa­ter rashlie to pursue them, returned, and gaue such a desperate charge vpon them, that Drumlanrig and 60 his companie were scattered and put to flight: yet He is put to flight. Drumlanrig himselfe, although there were some speares broken vpon him, through the goodnesse of his horsse escaped. Two gentlemen of his surname and traine, that were in no small estimation with him, were staine, and six score prisoners taken, and led to Dunfreis. The terror of this ouerthrow, and the brute of the earle of Lennox his entrie thus made into Scotland, caused the gouernor to leuie his siege from Broughtie crag, and with speed to The siege of Broughtie cr [...]g raised. come from thence, the better to defend his countries of Clidesdale, and Dowglasdale. Sir Andrew Dud­leie, capteine of Broughtie crag, bare himselfe verie valiantlie, in defending the castell during this siege, so that the Scots certes lost diuerse hardie persona­ges: and among other, Gawen Hamilton, the go­uernors kinsman, was slaine at the same siege.

Moreouer, the prior of Whiterne by his letters and messengers, offered himselfe to obeie the king of The prior of Whiterne. England: and the inhabitants of the burrough and hauen townes of Wigton and Kirckowbre, the knights of Loghinwar and Garleis, the lard and tu­tor of Bombie, the lard of Cardines, & all the gentle­men of Annandale, Nidesdale, and Galloway, euen to Whiterne, being foure score miles in length from Caerleill, through the inducement of the foresaid pri­or, and of the knights of Loghinwar and Garleis, (for the sauour they bare to the earle of Lennox) with­in two daies after the discomfiture of Drumlanrig, came vnto Dunfreis, and there receiued an oth to be true to the king of England, and afterwards went with the earle to Caerleill, leauing the countrie in good quiet, and the king of England acknowledged for lord of Galloway, Nidesdale, and Annandale, by the inhabitants thereof.

And after that the forenamed persons had remai­ned The Scots deliuer pled­ges. for a space at Caerleill, they deliuered pledges, but especiallie for Iohn Maxwell, & returned home to their countrie, as assured men & subiects to the K. of England. In this meane while, the gouernor ha­uing held siege before the castell of Broughtie crag, by the space of thirtie daies, and now retiring from thence (as before ye haue heard) by the aduise of the principall lords about him, he caused maister Iames Haliburton, tutor of those parties, to raise cer­teine companies of horssemen, and appointed him Iames Holi­burton. Capteine Leirmouth. with capteine Leirmouth (whome he left in Dun­dée with certeine footmen) to defend the countrie a­gainst the Englishmen, if they issued foorth of Broughtie crag, to atchiue anie enterprise anie where néere thereabouts.

The duke of Summerset by aduise of the residue 1547. Lesle. of the councell in England, minding to bridle the Scots that refused to come in & submit themselues to the king of England, tooke order [with the lord of Fr. Thin. Forts built. Wilton, who (as saith Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 491.) re­mained in Scotland from the fourth Ides of Aprill, vntill the tenth kalends of Iune] for the building of one fort at Lauder, and an other at Hadington, as in the English historie it may appeare. And further 1548. it was appointed also, that about the end of Febru­arie, the earle of Lennox and the lord Wharton, with seuen hundred English horssemen, beside the assu­red Scots horssemen, and about foure or fiue thou­sand The earle of Lennox and the L. Whar­ton inuade Scotland. English footmen, should by the west borders in­uade Scotland: they according to their commission set forward, and the first night came to Louch [...]a­ben, and there lodged.

The next day they marched to Dunfreis, and whilest they remained there, the earle of Angus be­ing come to Drumlanrig, by messengers entred some talke with his sonne in law the earle of Len­nox. The dissimu­lation of the earle of An­gus. But sith it was perceiued that this was doone, rather to intrap the earle of Lennox, or rather at the least wise to driue time, vpon consultation had with the maister of Maxwell, the lard of Cloesborne, and others the gentlemen assured of Nidesdale and An­nandale; it was concluded, that the townes of Mor­ton, Dusdere, and others, néere adioining togither in those parts, should be burnt; to the end that the earle of Angus might so be drawen to the field, and caught by some one meane or other.

About midnight therefore, the forraie being set foorth, vnder the leading of maister Henrie Whar­ton, to the number of twelue hundred light horsse­men, Maister Hen­rie Wharton. the maister of Maxwell, now lord Herries, and the residue of the assured men being amongest them kept forward, and in the morning the earle of [Page 346] Lennox, and the lord Wharton marched foorth with the footmen, till they came ten miles beyond Dun­freis. And where the earle of Angus was drawen to the castell of Drumlanrig, vnder pretense to com­mune with his sonne the earle of Lennox (but mea­ning to intrap him) if it were possible, he was so in­uironed by the English footmen yer he could haue The earle of Angus put to flight. sufficient warning, that he was forced to flée onelie with fiue persons in his companie. But now the English horssemen being come to Dusdere, eight & 10 fortie miles within the realme of Scotland, hauing passed sundrie great riuers, they set that towne on Dusdere set on fire. fire.

But the maister of Maxwell, with the other Sco­tish gentlemen and light horssemen borderers, to the number of foure hundred, being in companie of the English horssemen (as before ye haue heard) had contriued the destruction of the Englishmen afore hand. And the better to woorke their feat, they had procured (as ye haue heard) the earle of Angus to 20 come vnto Drumlanrig with a chosen power of men for that purpose. There were also vpon euerie hill about, great numbers of Scotish footmen, with speares and lancestaues to assist the earle of Angus and his complices against the Englishmen. The lard of Drumlanrig with a number of chosen horsse­men was aduanced forward in sight of the Eng­lishmen, as they were busie in firing the towne of Dusdere.

The assured Scots therefore, thinking the enter­prise 30 to be suerlie inough conueid for their contriued purpose, openlie vpon the field neere to Dusdere, hoising vp a blacke pensill vpon a speares point for a The reuol­ting of the as­sured Scots. token, reuolted wholie, and ioined themselues to the lard of Drumlanrig and other their countrie men, & thrust in betwixt the English horssemen & footmen, to the great perill of distressing aswell the one as the other. For making toward the place where the earle of Lennox, and the lord Wharton were comming forward with their footmen, néere to the old castell of Dauswinton, sometime the house of the Cumins, 40 they bruted it abroad, that the English horssemen A false ru­mor spred. were quite ouerthrowen.

The earle of Lennox, beholding the maner of his aduersaries, lighted on foot from his horsse, willing the lord Wharton to doo the like; for this day (said he) I will die a true Englishman. At length the Eng­lish horssemen fetching a compasse in retiring backe from Dusdere, came néere to the place where the earle and the lord Wharton were ranged in order of 50 battell: and thinking no lesse but that their horsse­men had beene ouerthrowen, were readie to march backe towards Dunfreis. But their horssemen thus comming in, and perceiuing how the matter stood, gaue a right valiant charge vpon the Scots, that stood countenancing the footmen, and readie to take the aduantage, if they might haue driuen them through shrinking backe into anie disorder.

But such was the violence of the shocke giuen at that instant, with great manhood (vndoubtedlie) by 60 the English horssemen, that the Scots were there­with put out of arraie, scattered, & quite put to flight; the lord of Drumlanrig being taken prisoner, cor­rupted The Scots put to flight. his taker, and so got away. The maister of Maxwell escaped in great danger of life, for he had sundrie speares broken on him in the chase as he fled awaie. There were yet taken that day of the Scots to the number of foure hundred, beside sundrie that were drowned in the water of Nith. Amongest the prisoners were these men of name; the abbat of new abbeie, Christie Irrewing of Bonshaw, a brother of the lord of Hempsfield, & manie other gentlemen of name. Dunfreis was rifled and spoiled, as the earle of Lennox and the Englishmen returned thi­ther, Dunfreis spoiled. and a martiall court appointed there for execu­tion of pledges; but yet suspended and staied, till the councels pleasure might be knowen in that be­halfe.

There were at the first euill news spread abroad, and certified to the court of England of this iornie, how the earle of Lennox and the English armie was ouerthrowen, so that it was by order appointed, that the earle of Derbie, the Lord Scroope, and Coniers, with their powers should repaire to the west borders to garnish the same for defense against the enimies: but vpon the true report how the matter had pas­sed, made by maister Henrie Wharton, and one Bi­shop a Scotishman, sent in post for that purpose, that appointment was staied; and maister Wharton was at that time made knight, and the said Bishop richlie rewarded for bringing so good news. Here­with were letters directed downe from the councell to the lord Wharton, for the execution of certeine pledges, that is to saie, the maister of Maxwels Pledges exe­cuted. pledge, being one of his néerest kinsmen of the house of the Herries, also the warden of the Greie friers in Dunfreis, the vicar of Carlauerocke, and diuerse other which were executed at Carlill. In this meane time were the forts at Lawder and Hadington built, the castels of Yester and Dawkith woone, all the mils burnt within foure miles of each hand of Edenburgh, and other exploits atchiued by the Eng­lishmen, as in the historie of England is more at large expressed.

But now the French king, hauing prepared an 1548. Buch. 1547. Lesle. A nauie pre­pared at Bre [...] in Britaine. armie readie to come into Scotland, caused the same to draw downe to Brest in Britaine, where the ships and gallies were rigged and made readie to passe therewith into Scotland. The chiefe leaders of which armie were these, which had charge chieflie to command in the same: monsieur de Desse lieute­nant generall, monsieur Dandelot coronell of the The chiefe capteins of the French armie that came into Scotland. French footmen, the countée Reingraue coronell of the Almains, monsieur de Malleraie, monfieur Doisell, Pietro Strozzie coronell of the Italians, monsieur Etauges capteine of the horssemen, sir Nicholas de Uillegaignon a knight of the Rhodes (or rather Malta) capteine of the gallies, and mon­sieur Duno commissarie of the artillerie: with di­uerse other woorthie personages, and men of appro­ued valiancie. These capteins with their powers being imbarked at Brest, sailed alongst by the east seas, and at length about the middest of Iune came into the rode before Leith, where they landed their people and ordinance. [A little before whose arriuall Fr. Thin. into France (as saith Lesleus, libro 10. pag. 491.) Chapelle Bironne landed in Scotland, accompa­nied with other nobilitie of France, to giue good counsell to the Scots answerable to the time, which was (to please their eares therwith) that there should a greater armie shortlie come out of France, to suc­cor their extremities.]

Afterwards, with the aduise of the gouernor, and other of the Scotish lords, the French power went Hadington besieged. to besiege Hadington, and comming thither, incam­ped themselues in places of aduantage about the towne, cast trenches, planted their ordinance, bat­tered the rampires, and kept them within streictlie besieged on each hand, vsing all the waies they could deuise to constreine the Englishmen to yéeld. They forbare yet to giue a generall assault, bicause they would not hazard (as they haue reported) the losse of Why the Frenchmen forbare to giue an as­sault. so manie men as might haue béene slaine and mai­med thereby, to the great weakening of their power there, hauing not meanes to supplie it when they would.

And yet they had a great armie of Scots with them for a season, and had made the breaches so rea­sonable, [Page 347] that with small paine they might haue en­tered by the same if the force of the defendants had not sufficed with handblowes to haue beaten them backe, as no doubt there was no want of good wils in them so to haue doone, if the Frenchmen h [...]d put the matter in triall: yet during this siege, they with­in st [...]d in great necessitie of things be hoouefull for the defense of the towne. Wherevpon sir Henrie Wharton with a band of light horssemen of the west borders, and others, came and put into the towne a 10 certeine number of men with powder, and other ne­cessaries, greatlie to the reliefe of the besieged, & no lesse displeasure of the Frenchmen and Scots, that were not aware of this enterprise till it was doone in the night season, by the good and fortunate conducti­on of them that had the conueiance thereof.

But after this, there came a power of English horsmen to the number of little lesse than two thou­sand denulances, light horsmen, & harque bussiers on The English horssemen o­uerthrowne. horsbacke, vnder the leading of sir Robert Bowes, 20 sir Thomas Palmer, sir Henrie Wharton, capteine Gambo a Spaniard, and others; the which aduentu­ring ouer rashlie within danger of the whole French power, were ouerthrowne and chased: sir Robert Bowes, & sir Thomas Palmer, with a great num­ber of other capteins, gentlemen and souldiers be­ing taken prisoners, besides those that were slaine. Yet after this ouerthrow of those horssemen, the French remooued their siege from the places where they had first planted it, and lodged further off from 30 the towne, continuing there; till at length by an ar­mie sent foorth of England vnder the conduct of the erle of Shrewsburie, the lord Greie, and others, they The earle of Shrewsburie [...]eth the siege from Hadington. were constreined to retire from thence, as in the English historie ye may find more largelie expres­sed, to the which for the further report of the euents chancing during that siege, I referre the reader.

But this is to be remembred, that whilest the siege remained at Hadington, by a conuention or assem­blie of the lords it was decréed, that the quéene shuld 40 be sent into France. And therevpon monsieur de Uillegaignon, with foure gallies departing from Sir Nicho­las [...]e Uille­gaignon. Leith, made semblance as though he would haue sailed into France: but hauing passed the mouth of the Forth, he turned his course on the left hand to passe alongst the shore northward by the Germane seas, that compassing the land on the east side, hée might passe about by the Iles of Orkeneie, and so by the west Iles, till he came to Dunbreton where the yoong queene laie. This iournie he fortunatelie at­chiued, 50 the same neuer before (to mans remem­brance) being made or attempted with gallies. The French gallies com­passe about the realme of Scotland by Dungesbie head. 1547. Lesle.

At his arriuall & conuenient landing at Dunbre­ton, he found all things readie prouided, necessarie for the imbarking of the quéene, that he might con­uey hir into France, for the accomplishment wherof he had taken that iournie in hand. Herevpon she be­ing brought aboord into the kings owne gallie, wher­in monsieur de Brezze was also appointed to be a­boord with hir, as he that had beene sent with expresse 60 Monsieur de Brezze. commandement to sée hir conueied into France, [with the lords (as saith Lesleus lib. 10. 494) of Are­skine, and Leuingston, the ladie Fleming, with cer­teine Fr. Thin. noble maidens named after the yoong quéene, as Marie Leuingston, Marie Fleming, Marie Se­ton, and Marie Beton] who togither with Uillegaig­non shewed such diligence in atchiuing that enter­prise, The yoong quéene of Scots con­ueied into France. that finally they arriued with prosperous wind and weather in the hauen of Brest in Britaine with that yoong quéene, béeing as then betwixt fiue and sir yéeres of age.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 494. From thence being accompanied with the nobi­litie of that prouince, she kept hir right course to the kings palace of S. Germins in the towne of Lai­on, where she was receiued with great preparation, & there taried the comming thither of the king, at that time pacifieng the sed [...]ons and turmoiles in the inward parts of France. When the king was come, bée gladded all men with his presence, and prouided that there was a large houshold, as well of the noble men and women of Scotland, as of others appointed to the yoong queene, which he still increased (as the quéene grew more in yeeres) vntill such tune as she might be maried.

But now to returne to the dooings in Scotland concerning the warres there. After that the siege of Hadington was raised by the English armie, as be­fore ye haue heard the Frenchmen therevpon reti­red themselues vnto Muskelburgh; and choosing forth The French­men incampe at Muskel­burgh. a plot of ground for their aduantage, kept them­selues within the same. And herewith there came to them fifteene thousand Scotishmen to assist them, so that when the Englishmen came forwards to assaile them, they found them so stronglie imbattelled, that (whether their commission did not so farre extend, or whether they had no liking of the match) they for­bare Sée more hereof in England. to set vpon them in that ground of so great dis­aduantage for the assailants, and so returned backe to Hadington, and after homewards, hauing furni­shed the towne with new supplies of men, munition, and vittels sufficient.

Here is to be noted, that the English fléet ente­ring into the Forth, was readie to haue aided the ar­mie by land, as occasions might haue beene offered. The lord ad­merall of England. But the lord admerall perceiuing no likelihood of battell by land, tooke vpon him to atchiue some other enterprises, and first comming to Brent Iland, set certeine ships on fire there, of the chiefest in the ri­uer; and saluting the towne of Leith as he passed by with canon shot, he determined to land some of his men on the north side of the Forth, to make some spoile within the countrie of Fife. But Iohn Ers­kin The lard of Dun. lard of Dun, as then somewhat diseased, and re­turned home from the campe, caused such dailie and nightlie watch and ward to be kept, that this enter­prise could not be so secretlie conueied by the Eng­lishmen, but that the same was perceiued, and so The English men repelled at saint Me­nets. preuented, that vpon their landing they were forced to retire with losse: and happie was he that might first get againe to shipboord.

Fr. Thn. Buchan. lib. 15. For Iames Steward, brother to the queene (hearing of this tumult) came thither in hast with the common people of saint Andrews, and some other few citizens which were remaining in the towne, to whome the neighbors about did also ioine them­selues, vnderstanding the cause of that assemblie. The English being now come on land, about twelue hundred, stood in warlike sort readie for the battell, and with the feare of the artillerie (which they dis­charged out of their ships) did easilie cause the rude multitude to flie awaie. But this Iames Steward (by litle and litle suppressing the feare of such as fled) did (with such violence) rush vpon his enimies, that foorthwith he ouerthrew them, put them to flight, compelled them to returne to the sea with great slaughter, when also manie of them (as they fled to their ships) were drowned, besides thrée hundred that were slaine, and one hundred taken.)

The earle of Shrewsburie being come backe from Hadington vnto Dunglas, order was giuen for the building of a fort there, as in the English historie further may appeare. And in the meane time mon­steur de Desse, remaining in campe at Muskel­burgh, hearing that the English armie was remoo­ued homewards, & how diuerse new bands of hors­men and footmen being left in Hadington, were readie to come foorth to skirmish abroad vpon sight of the enimie; he tooke aduise, to trie if he might [Page 348] draw them foorth to their losse, and therevpon was monsieur Dandelot, and the Reingraue appointed to choose foorth a thousand of their lustiest footmen, the which with thrée hundred horssemen were conueied and laid close in ambush, behind a little hill not farre from the towne.

This doone, a few horssemen were drawne foorth to draw the Englishmen out of the towne to skir­mish with them. The Englishmen were no sooner aduised that the enimies were there at hand in the 10 field, but that all their horssemen issued out of the towne backe with certeine footmen, and streight had the French in chase; who retiring, mainteined the skirmish, of purpose to make the Englishmen more earnest to come forward. But immediatlie as mon­sieur de Desse saw his time, he gaue signe by sound of trumpet to the footmen to breake foorth, who togi­ther with the horssemen gaue so fierce an onset vpon the enimies, that they were incontinentlie discom­fited: The English men put to the woorsse at a skirmish néere to Hadington. and fleeing toward the towne, were followed 20 by the French euen hard to the walles; diuers were slaine, and aboue an hundred taken prisoners.

After this, monsieur de Desse raised from Mus­kelburgh, and comming to Leith set in hand to forti­fie that towne. The marshall Strozzi, and monsieur Leith for­tified. Dandelot, with diuerse other capteins imbarking themselues in the gallie that yet remained, tooke their course to returne to France. One of the same gallies (they being eight in number, beside a foist and a brigandine) was taken by an English ship 30 A gallie taken called the falcon, as she passed through the narrow seas at a place named the Southfurlong, she being alone, and (as it chanced) hindermost of all the com­panie.

After the departure of monsieur Dandelot, mon­sieur de la Chappelle de Biron remained coronell of the French footmen in Scotland. As for the furni­ture on the water, there remained now but foure gallies vnder the guiding of one capteine Bach an Capteine Bach. Italian, a man of great experience and approoued 40 skill. For ye must vnderstand, that before the ariuall of the English nauie & armie to the succors of them in Hadington, monsieur de Mallerie viceadmerall Monsieur de Mallerie vice admerall of France. of France returned home with the fleet of ships that had brought the French armie into Scotland. In what sort the lord Greie of Wilton afflicted the coun­tries of Tiuidale and Liddesdale, after the returne of the earle of Shrewsburie, is partlie touched in the historie of England.

About the same time, there chanced a mutinie to 50 rise betwixt the Scots and the Frenchmen in Eden­burgh, by reason that a French souldier fell a qua­relling with two or thrée Scotishmen; and falling to­gither A fray betwixt the French souldiers, and the townes­men of Eden­burgh. by the eares, diuerse Scots that came to de­part the fraie, would haue had the Frenchman to prison; but other Frenchmen being there also pre­sent, would not suffer the Scots to take him awaie. Wherevpon arose a great tumult and stirre among them, insomuch that there were diuerse slaine on both parts, namely Iames Hamilton lard of Stan­house, 60 knight, capteine of the castell, and prouost of the towne of Edenburgh, with his sonne; and mai­ster William Steward one of the quéens seruants, besides sundrie other. For the Frenchmen doubting some contriued commotion against them, assem­bled togither in order of battell in the streets; so that before the matter might be appeased by the capteins that shewed their diligent endeuors therin, they had inough to bring it to passe as they wished.

The beginner of this businesse was hanged the same day in the market place of Edenburgh, where he began first to pike the quarell. Monsieur de Desse, to shew that this variance had not procéeded so farre as the brute thereof gaue foorth (for it was rather in­creased ye may be sure than diminished) vndertooke an enterprise in hand to win the towne of Hading­ton by a camisado, but in what sort they missed their The French­men giue a ca­misado to Ha­dington, & are beaten backe. purpose, and how they were well beaten backe, and sent away by the valiant manhood of the English capteins and souldiers then within the towne, yée may read further thereof in the English historie. There were seuen score (some say three hundred) slaine in the base court.

But now, forsomuch as I haue said nothing of Broughtie crag besieged by the earle of Argile. Vlpian Ful. Broughtie crag, sithence the lord gouernor raised his siege from thence, ye shall vnderstand, that (as some haue written) shortlie after the earle of Argile came thither with an armie of his Irish Scots, and besieged it. But when he saw he could not preuaile, he tooke truce with them within for a time, and be­fore the same was expired, there came new succors to the Englishmen: so that the earle of Argile (by reason his people had remained there the full terme of their bounden & ordinarie seruice) was constrei­ned He raiseth his siege. to leaue his fiege, and suffer the Englishmen to become maisters of a little hill, where afterwards they builded a fort. And now in the latter end of this The fort buil­ded by the Englishmen at Broughtie crag. yéere, they purposed also to haue fortified Dundée, and to haue kept the same with a garrison of souldi­ers; but hearing that monsieur de Desse with his Frenchmen was comming thitherwards, they a­uoided Dundée aban­doned of the Englishmen. the towne of their owne accord, hauing first spoiled the houses, and after set them on fire.

The Reingraue with two bands of his Almains, and monsieur de Etauges with his companie of horssemen were sent before, who comming to Dun­dée, and finding the Englishmen gone, incamped there, staieng till monsieur de Desse was come, that followed at hand with the French footmen. Within two daies after, they going foorth to view the fort, were in danger to haue beene caught yer they could get backe againe. For the Englishmen and Lance­knights that were there with them (part of Conrad Phennings bands) issued foorth, and droue them to retire, not without danger to haue béene distressed, if the Reingraue had not vsed the greater policie in The Rein­graue. retiring the troope. To be short, monsieur de Desse, to stop the Englishmen from entering anie further into the countrie on that side, left seuen ensignes of Frenchmen, & two ensignes of Scots within Dun­dée, Dundée for­tified by the Frenchmen. with artillerie and pioners to fortifie the towne, & to keepe it in safetie from the Englishmen. This doone, he returned to Edenburgh, and sent the resi­due of his people abroad into the countrie, to lodge in townes and villages here & there, as was thought most expedient, for the better refreshing of them af­ter their long trauell.

Fr. Thin. 1548. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 498. While these things were in dooing, the gouernor of Scotland sent the lord Carneigeie knight (and se­nator) ambassador to the protector of England, which should for ransome (as the custome is) demand deli­uerie of the earle of Huntleie being prisoner: which if he could not obteine, that then he should request this libertie, that his wife and children might come vnto him into England. Wherevnto the protector answered, that he would not set the earle frée, vntill the warres were ended: but for the companie of his wife, he was content to grant it for certeine daies; with this prouiso, that he should not withdraw him­selfe by anie means from the custodie of Rafe Uane (corruptlie by Lesleus called Wane) who had taken him in the warres. Wherefore, when the ambassador was returned into Scotland, Huntleie was com­mitted to certeine kéepers, who should carie him from London to Morphet, distant twentie and foure miles from the borders of Scotland. Now whilest the earle dooth there looke for his wiues comming to him, he thinketh vpon escape, and to come to hir. For [Page 349] he had agréed with George Kar, that he should one night priuilie bring to him thither, two of the swif­test horsses that he could get to flie awaie vpon them. According wherevnto Kar was readie out of the borders of Scotland with such horses as he knew would serue the turne, wherof one was for the earle, and the other was for his man.

The erle prepareth a supper for his kéepers, where­vnto they were solemnelie inuited, and to plaie at cards with him to passe awaie the tediousnes of the 10 night. At length (as though he had plaied inough at cards) he left off, but earnestlie desired his kéepers that they should continue on their game. During which, the earle (going vnto the window, and looking out) did by a secret signe (for he could not well dis­cerne anie thing, it was so extreame darke ouer all the element) easilie vnderstand that all things were readie for his iournie. The earle then doubtfull (be­ing sometime in good hope, and sometime in feare) thought vpon manie things, which he mustered to 20 himselfe: and at length vnaduisedlie (as doubtfull men are woont to doo) burst out in these speeches; ‘Oh sorrow, all these things be a hinderance vnto me, the sharpenesse of the winter night, the doubt of my weake force and helpe, the let of an vnknowne way, and the want of a faithfull guide: God prosper the iourneie.’ His kéepers hearing him speake to him­selfe, asked him what those secret spéeches might sig­nifie: to whom the earle (knowing that he was guil­tie of his fault) answered, that those words were v­sed 30 as a prouerbe amongst the Scots: and first had their beginning by the old earle Morton, vttering the same in the middle of the night when he lay in dieng. Whervpon (to the end that his kéepers should not haue anie suspicion of his determined flight) he sitteth downe againe to cards.

After which suddenlie he rose from them, as vr­ged by loosenesse of his bellie to vnburden nature, by which occasion he foorthwith (accompanied onelie with his seruant) leapeth foorth, found the horsses rea­die 40 furnished for himselfe and his man, got on them, & with speedie iournie did flie to the borders of Scot­land. When he was passed ouer the riuer of Twéed, and had a little refreshed himselfe from the labor of his iournie in the house of Kar, he went the same night (being Christmas éeue) to Edenburgh, where he was ioifullie & honorablie receiued of the quéene, the gouernor, his wife, and his other friends, with an vniuersall gladnesse of the whole multitude of the towne. As soone as his kéepers perceiued that he 50 was gone, they spéedilie run to horsse, and (doubtfull which way to follow) they séeke him here, and there, and euerie where, but all in vaine, for the diligence of the erle put them out of all doubt for obteining him. Whose flight was not onelie a fréedome to himselfe, but also to manie other noble prisoners, who (vpon the assurance of his faith and word) were permitted to depart into Scotland. The gouernor therefore, to congratulate with the earle for his returne, restored vnto him the chancellorship, and the rule of manie o­ther 60 prouinces which he had before his captiuitie. For which cause when he had remained a while at Eden­burgh, he returned to the north parts of Scot [...]d, where spéed [...]e and easilie he appeased all the tumults of those people.)

On saint Stephans day at night, the castell of Hume was scaled, and [...] out of the English­mens Hume castell recouered by the Scots. hands. One of the surname of the Humes, a man of threescore yeers of age, was the first that en­tered on the wall, sleieng one of the watchmen that kept his wa [...]e on that side. [...]. Thin. Buchan. li. 15. 1549. Lesle. Notlong after, when the cap [...]ine of Falkecastell had [...] the h [...] ­bandmen ad [...]ing, to bring thither, (at a [...] day) great store of vittels, the yoong men there a­bouts hauing that occasion, assembled thither at the day appointed, who taking their burdens from the horses, and laieng them on their shoulders, were re­ceiued (after they had passed the bridge, which was made ouer two high rocks) into the castle, where (laieng downe that which they brought) they sudden­lie (by a signe giuen) set vpon the keepers of the gates, slue them, and (before the other Englishmen could be assembled) possessed the other places, wea­pons, and artillerie of the castell, and then receiuing the rest of their companie into the same (through the great and open gate) they wholie kept and inioied the castell for their countrimen.)

About the same time, the Reinsgraue returned in­to 1546. The Reins­graue retur­neth into France. Mo [...]sieur de Etauges ta­ken prisoner by the Eng­lishmen. France, leauing his fiue ensignes of Almains behind him, vnder the charge of capteine Retonze, a good man of warre and of great experience. Also monsieur de Etauges was taken in a skirmish at Broughtie crag, as I haue noted in the English hi­storie: & about the same time, there landed at Dun­breton foure bands of souldiers, Prouancois and Gascoignes, bringing monie with them to paie the souldiers their wages, behind as then for the space of three moneths. Sir Iames Wilford also was taken Sir Iames wilford taken about the same time by the Frenchmen, in a skir­mish at Dunbar (as I haue also noted in the histo­rie of England.) Not long after, monsieur de Desse was appointed by the queene Dowager, to go vnto Iedworth, to preuent that the Englishmen should not fortifie there, whereof she stood in some doubt.

Immediatlie vpon his comming thither, the lard of Fern [...]hurst requested him to helpe to recouer his castell of Fernihurst out of the Englishmens hands, which they had taken from him and kept, greatlie to the annoiance of all the countrie there abouts. Mon­sieur de Desse taking with him monsieur de Disell, and monsieur de la Chapelle de Biton, hasted thither with the chiefest part of his armie, sending before certeine capteins with their [...] to surueie the house; who at their comming thither, vsed such dili­gence in following the offered occasion, that they both repelled their enimies that came foorth to giue them the skirmish; and pursuing them with great ri­gor, wan the li [...]s of the house vpon them, forcing the capteine and souldiers to retire within the dun­geon, and kept them so short therein, that they had opportunitie to mine an hole though the wall, of such largenes, as a man might easilie enter by the same.

Héerewith a great number of Scots hauing bro­ken open the gate of the base court, where the The castell of Fernihurst woone by the Frenchmen. Frenchmen were busie to assault the dungeon, burst in on heapes, vpon desire to be reuenged vpon the Englishmen, and namelie of [...] capteine, who (as they said) had doone them manis great displeas [...]es. The capteine perceiuing this, and [...] if he fell into the Scotishmens hands he should die for it, he presented himselfe at the hole which the Fre [...]en had made, and yeelded himselfe to n [...]eur de Dus­sac, an [...]la Mouthe Rouge, the minding to [...] him as became men of war to; would haue led him our of the prese: but suddenlie a [...] behind him, whose wife (as was repor [...]) he had [...], [...]ote off his head so iust from the shoulders, that it The crueltis of the Scots. leapt foure or fiue yards quite from the [...]odie. Manie other cruell parts the Scots seeme [...] to sh [...] against other Englishmen, taken h [...]e at [...] they excused the matter by the [...] dealings of the Englishmen towards them before that [...].

Monsieur de Desse returning to I [...]worth, aided by the furtherance and counsell of the Scots, ceassed not in occasions of aduantage to attempt new en­terprises against the Englishmen, as time and oppor­tunitie seru [...]: and [...]ong other exploits, the castell The castell of Cornewall [...]. of Cornewall (an old house [...] after the ancient [Page 350] maner of fortifieng) was taken by the Frenchmen, and spoiled of all things woorth the bearing awaie. Also capteine Cobios a Frenchman, hauing a band Capteine Co­bios. of fiftie light horssemen Scots seruing vnder him, on a night had a faire hand against a number of English horssemen, whome he charged so on the sud­den, as he saw them out of order, that he easilie dis­comfited them, and tooke more prisoners (whome he brought to Iedworth) than he had persons in his companie to assaile them. 10

Monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron, was sent foorth A road made by monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron. by monsieur de Desse, with the companie of horsse­men that belonged to monsieur de E [...]auges then prisoner, and fiue hundred footmen beside Scots, to make a road into England: which enterprise he at­chiued in burning townes and villages, and retur­ned without anie great losse susteined at that time. Within two daies after his returne to Iedworth, monsieur de Desse dislodged from thence, & taking Another made by monsieur de Desse. Fourd castell woone. with him foure field péeces, and all his men of war, 20 entered into England, tooke the castell of Fourd and burnt it, with ten small villages in the countrie thereabouts, situat within halfe a mile ech of other. There was one tower yet parcell of that castell of Fourd, which was kept by Thomas Kar, so that the Thomas Kar Frenchmen could not win it, for they had no time to staie long about it, remoouing that night ouer the water, & incamped there within the Scotish ground.

As the Scots and Frenchmen executed these en­terprises, they were coasted by certeine light horsse­men; 30 but neuerthelesse the Frenchmen returned in safetie to Iedworth, hauing sore indamaged the English borderers by that road: insomuch as it was thought, the Scots (which were with them at that road) gained at that time, by pillage and booties to the value of nine thousand crownes. The English­men Scots gaine by spoile. sore gréeued, that the Frenchmen lieng thus in Iedworth, should in such wise addresse one enterprise after an other against them, so greatlie to their an­noiance, assembled a power togither at Roxburgh, 40 purposing to haue assailed the Frenchmen in their campe at Iedworth.

But monsieur de Desse hauing warning thereof, Monsieur de Desse fléeth out of Ied­worth for feare of the Englishmen. departed from thence first to Melrosse, and after fur­ther off within the countrie, fearing to be constrei­ned to giue battell. Which he could not haue doone without manifest losse of his féeble armie, hauing not past fiftéene hundred footmen, and fiue hundred horssemen able to haue doone seruice: for such was the miserie, which they had in manner continuallie 50 su [...]ined through want of vittels, and other necessa­rie helps during the time of their incamping at Ied­worth, that what through sickenesse and hurts recei­ued in assaults and skirmishes, no small number of them were dead, and manie other so féeble, that they The misera­ble state of the Frenchmen in Scotland. were not able to aid themselues; insomuch that now being got out of danger, they thought themselues happilie escaped.

Shortlie after, in the beginning of the summer, the Englishmen arm fiue and twentie saile of men of 60 warre, the which arriuing at the Basse, néere to the mouth of the F [...]th, assailed by faire and pleasant words to haue persuaded the kéepers of the castell, there standing on the height of a great recke, to haue yéelded the place into their hands. But perceiuing their persuasions would not be regarded, they tooke their course vp into the Forth, and finding in their waie foure ships of Frenchmen and Scots, seized vpon them as a wished preie: and the morrow next insuing, at the verie breake of day, they came before Leith, and saluting the towne with canon shot, [...] ­mained there at anchor ten or twelue daies, in which meane while they landed their people at Inskith, and Inskith forti­fied by the Englishmen. began to fortifie with all diligence. But before the place could be put in anie strength, the ships depar­ted from thence backe towards the sea, and left in the Iland foure ensignes of Englishmen, and one ensigne of Italians, to defend the pioners and the Iland against the Scots and Frenchmen, if they should attempt to assaile them.

After the English nauie was thus departed, mon­sieur de Desse, and the queene mother being at E­denburgh, determined with all diligence to imploie all such forces as they might make about the recoue­ring of the Ile, before the fortifications begun by the Englishmen should be brought to anie perfection. Heerevpon, monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron, im­barked La Chape [...] de Biron. in the gallie of monsieur de Uillegaignon, rowed foorth to view the maner of the Englishmens dealing within the Ile, which he did in such effectuall wise, that approching within harquebuse shot, he brought knowledge with him not onelie of the state and whole circumstances of their buildings, but also of the perfect number of their ensignes, and the qua­litie of the men of warre that serued vnder the same.

At that present also, monsieur de Thermes latelie before arriued at Dunbreton with an hundred men of armes, and two hundred light horssemen after the manner of France, and one thousand footmen, was come to the quéene, busie now to further this enter­prise. She had got togither within Leith hauen all the botes that belonged to all the créekes & hauens of the Forth: so that on thursdaie after Trinitie sun­daie, The diligence of the Scotish quéene. euerie thing being prepared readie for the pur­pose, in the morning by the breake of day the quéene was come to Leith, to sée the imbarking of the men of warre appointed that day to trie what successe for­tune would send them. There was no diligence wan­ting, neither among the Scots nor Frenchmen, to bestow themselues abroad, & the comfortable woords The forward nesse of the souldiers. of the quéene greatlie incouraged them thereto, be­holding them, and deuising with monsieur de Desse and the other capteins, till they were all set forward.

Uillegaignon with his gallies passed on before to kéepe the Englishmen occupied, so as they should not perceiue the Frenchmens meaning: but they Insaith as­saulted by the Frenchmen. discouering the vessels at their setting foorth, concei­ued streightwaies what was intended: and there vp­on prepared to keepe the enimies off from landing, so that vpon the Frenchmens approch, they saluted them with arrowes and harquebuse shot verie hot­lie: yet at length by fine force the Scots and French­men got on land, and droue the Englishmen and I­talians backe from the sea strond vp to the higher ground, where they stood at defense on a plumpe togi­ther, dooing their best to defend the place against the assailants.

But finallie, their generall named Cotton, being Capteine Cotton gene­rall of Ins­kith and o­thers slaine. slaine with George Applebie esquire, a capteine of an ensigne of footmen sent foorth of Derbishire, and one Gaspar Pizoni, that was capteine of the Italians, beside diuers other gentlemen, and the most princi­pall men of warre and souldiers among them: the residue were constreined to retire vnto a corner or point of the Iland, where they were taken without further resistance, although before they had made ve­rie stout defense, hurt and staine diuerse Scots and Frenchmen, both at their landing, and also after they were entered on land. Among other, monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron was striken through the hand Monsieur de la Chap [...] hurt. with an harquebuse shot, and his burguenet beaten so into his head, that his friends that were about him, were▪ faine to conuei [...] him into one of the gal­lies to be dressed of his hurts by a surgian. Also a gentleman named Desbo [...]ies, which bare the said [...]sieur de la Chapelle his cor [...]nell ensigne, was slaine with a pike by the hands of the forenamed Cotton the English generall.

[Page 351] Thus was Inskith recouered out of the English­mens Inskith reco­ [...]ed by the Frenchmen. hands, after it had beene in their possession by the space of sixtéene daies, the more to the high con­tentation of monsieur de Desse, for that at the same time he stood vpon his discharge and returne into France, being appointed to surrender vp his place to monsieur de Thermes, latelie before arriued (as ye haue heard) with commission to receiue the same. So that monsieur de Desse, to end his charge with Monsieur de Desse retur­neth into France. the glorie of this atchiued enterprise, estéemed it 10 much to stand with his honor: and no doubt with the swelling humor of the glorie thence redounding he was blowen vp; as in cases of victorie it commeth to passe in them that make a good hand: whereas the vanquished (God wot) are contrarilie qualified.

Shortlie after, he returned into France with the gallies, and monsieur de Thermes succéeded in his Monsieur de Thermes succéedeth in his place. place for the generall conduct of the French armie in Scotland. Who by the aduise of the gouernor, and other of the Scotish lords, determined with a siege 20 volant to kéepe the Englishmen in Hadington from vittels and all other reliefe. First therefore, after that Desse was departed towards France, mon­sieur de Thermes with his Frenchmen and some Scots incamped at Aberladie, where they began the foundation of a fort, so to impeach the Englishmen A for [...] buil­ded at Aberla­die. from setting on land anie vittels there, to be conneid from thence to Hadington, as before they had doone.

In this meane time, the Englishmen had increa­sed their numbers of Almaines, and other stran­gers, and not onelie furnished their forts with new 30 supplies of men; but also had an armie in the fields which lay most an end at Dunglas, and one while besieged Hume castell. But after they saw them­selues disappointed of the meane, whereby they sup­posed to haue recouered it, they raised from thence, and spoiled the most part of Tiuidale and other the marches there about; in reuenge (as they alleged) of the disloialtie and breach of promise proued in the as­sured Scots. Generall of this armie was the earle of Rutland, lieutenant at that present of the north 40 parts, a noble man, right valiant, wise, well aduised, The earle of Rutland. and staied in his dealings, verie honorable and cour­teous in all his demeanor.

He was accompanied with capteins of good esti­mation and approoued prowesse, as sir Richard Ma­ners, sir Francis Leake, sir Iohn Sauage, sir Tho­mas Holcroft, sir Oswald Wulstrop, & others. He so behaued himselfe in that dangerous time of the vprores and rebellions of the commons, through the 50 more part of the realme of England; that although the appointed forces against Scotland were staied, and turned to the suppression of the rebels, to the in­couragement (no doubt) both of Scots and French­men in Scotland, yet they were so fronted and kept in aw by that armie vnder the earle of Rutland, that they rather lost than gained in this season at the Englishmens hands.

At one time the same armie, vnder the conduct of the said earle, passing foorth with a conueie of vittels 60 vnto Hadington, came so suddenlie vpon the Frenchmen where they laie in campe, that whether through default of their scouts, or other negligence vsed by them, or through the great diligence and pro­uident forwardnesse shewed by the Englishmen, the Frenchmen were in such hazard to haue béene vtter­lie The French­men in danger to haue béene distressed. distressed, that if the Englishmen had not doub­ted more, than by anie was thought néedfull, they might haue ouerthrowen, taken, & slaine the French­men handsmooth (as was supposed) at their pleasure. But the Englishmen euen at their first comming in sight of them (as it stood with the reason of warre, sith by the aduenturing rashlie oftentimes in such cases too late repentance easilie insueth) staied, the better to conceiue of that which they had to doo. Wher­by the Frenchmen had leasure to march their waies a maine pase, till they were got out of danger: for after they once beheld all the troops of the English horssemen almost at their elbowes, and herewith the battell of the Almaines suddenlie appearing on The French­men retire. the hill top readie to come downe vpon them, it was no need to bid them packe awaie.

The Scotish light horssemen comming on the backe of the English armie, perceiued where the Al­maines (to make them readie to giue battell) had throwen off their clokes, and left the same (with all their baggage and stuffe which they had about them) in kéeping of none but of their women and boies: where vpon those Scotish horssemen, not minding to suffer such a preie to escape their hands, came gallo­ping in, and tooke all the best stuffe they could lay hold vpon, and returned in safetie, before anie eni­mie The baggage of the English Lansquenets spoiled by the Scotish horsse men. could come backe to the rescue. The Almains were in no small chafe for the losse of their garments and other necessaries; but there was no helpe then to séeke remedie in that behalfe: for the Scots were withdrawen and got quite out of danger.

The English armie, after that the Frenchmen were thus fled and gone, passed foorth to Hadington, with their cariages laden with vittels, to the great comfort of them within that fortresse, standing in Hadington vittelled. great necessitie before this conueie came. This summer also, and a little before the vittelling thus of Hadington, vpon knowledge had that Iulian Ro­mero Iulian Ro­mero distres­sed. with his band of Spaniards, whereof he was capteine, seruing the king of England, was lodged in Coldingham, six miles distant from Berwike: certeine bands of Almains and Frenchmen came thither vpon the sudden, and surprising the Spani­ards before they were aware of their approch, set vp­on them in their lodgings, tooke, and slue in maner the whole number of them.

Things passing in this wise in Scotland in the summer of this yeare 1549, the Englishmen were 1549. not onelie in the meane time sore troubled with com­motions raised by the commons of that realme; but also with the warres which the French king made a­gainst them, within the countrie of Bullognois, so that they had not meanes to imploie their forces a­gainst Scotland as they had determined to haue doone; as partlie before, and more largelie in the hi­storie of England is mentioned. By reason whereof, anon after Michaelmas they gaue ouer the kéeping Hadington raced and left by the Eng­lishmen. of Hadington, and raising their fortifications there, they returned into England to the great reioising of Louthian, to whome that towne had giuen occa­sion of great troubles and calamities. Upon the gi­uing ouer thus of Hadington, the gouernor and the quéene Dowager were aduanced, in hope to reco­uer againe all that the Englishmen held within the bounds of Scotland.

But first it was thought good to assaie the win­ning of Broughtie crag; for it sounded (as was thought) greatlie to the diminishing of the estima­tion, aswell of the Scots as Frenchmen, that the English should kéepe foot so far within the realme, in despight of their whole puissance. Herevpon mon­sieur 1550. de Thermes about Candlemasse, hauing all things in a readinesse for the siege, came thither, and did so much, what with shot of canon to make bat­terie, and other meanes of inforcements, that gi­uing Broughtie crag woon by the French­men. the assault both with Scots and Frenchmen, they entred the fort the twentith of Februarie by fine force, so that all those within were either taken or slaine. Whervpon those English also that kept the castell, rendred vp the same without further resi­stance, amongest other prisoners: sir Iohn Lutte­rell the capteine was one.

[Page 352] In this meane time there were certeine commis­sioners appointed betwixt the two kings of Eng­land and France to commune of a peace: but be­cause A treatie for peace. they continued long in their treatie yer they could agrée, the Scots and Frenchmen surceassed not in occasions of aduantage to pursue the warre, so that comming before Lowder they besieged that fortresse, & skirmishing with the Englishmen that issued foorth, to incounter them, droue them in at the gates with some losse on either part. And this doone, 10 the French held them within so strcictlie besieged, that if peace had not béene the sooner concluded, sir Hugh Willoughbie capteine of that fort must néeds Sir Hugh willoughbie. haue yeelded through lacke of shot, & other necessarie things seruing for defense; which were spent, so that they were constreined to vse their pewter vessell in stead of bullets. But as it fortuned, a peace was ac­corded, A peace con­cluded. passed, and confirmed, that verie selfe time betwixt the two kings of England and France, through the diligent and orderlie trauell of the com­missioners 20 The names of the commis­sioners ap­pointed to treat of peace. appointed to deale therein, whose names insue.

First for the king of England, the right honora­ble Iohn earle of Bedford, knight of the garter, and lord priuie seale; William Paget lord of Beau­desert, knight also of the garter; sir William Peter knight, chiefe secretarie to the said king; & sir Iohn Mason knight, secretarie to him for the French toong. For the French king were appointed Fran­cis de Montmorance, lord of Rochpot, knight of the 30 order of saint Michaell, and lieutenant for the same king of Picardie, in absence of monsieur, de Uan­dosme; Gasper de Colignie, lord of Chastillon, knight also of the order, and capteine generall of the footmen of France, and the said kings lieutenant generall in the countie of Bullogne; Andrew Guil­lard lord Mortier, knight also of the order, and one of the same kings priuie councell; and Guillaume Bouchettell lord of Sassie, knight likewise of the order, & secretarie of the estate of the finances. [And 40 for the Scots (as saith Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 506.) Fr. Thin. D. Painter bishop or Rosse.]

Among other articles comprised in this peace, it was couenanted, that all such forts, castels, and The articles of the peace. places as the Englishmen held in anie part within the Scotish dominions, should be deliuered and re­stored to the Scots; and that the forts of Dunglas, Roxburgh, and Aimouth, which the Englishmen had built and raised out of the ground, should be raced and throwen downe, to auoid all occasions of new 50 controuersies that might grow by reason of kéeping or defending the same: so as the peace now conclu­ded, might in all points be firmelie and truelie kept and obserued, aswell betwixt England and Scot­land, as England and France, and betwixt all and euerie the subiects of the same realmes, both by sea and land. Monsieur de Mourret was sent into Scot­land with the copie of this peace, by whose means it Monsieur de Mourret. was proclamed anon after Easter about the begin­ning 60 of Aprill, and euerie thing vsed and ordered ac­cording to the articles of the agréement concluded.

In Maie the Frenchmen and Almaines were im­barked at Leith in sixtéene French ships, and cer­teine Scotish ships, and departed from thence in­to The French­men returne home. France. A few there were, as Nigropellice and Saint Falcise, capteins of light horssemen, with o­thers that passed through England, and so home into their countrie. Moreouer the marquesse de Maine, The mar­quesse de Maine. after duke Daumals comming ouer into England about the same time for an hostage, passed after­wards through the realme into Scotland, to visit his sister queene Dowager, and shortlie after returned. They mourned both for the death of their father The death of the first duke of Guise. Claud de Loraine, the first duke of Guise, who de­ceassed the eightéenth of Aprill this present yeare 1550.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 507.Now when the French departed out of Scot­land; there were manie Scots appointed vnto them; partlie, to defend them from pirats, if they should of­fer them anie iniurie in the streict of the British sea, and partlie for honors cause to bring them on their iournie into France. By whose departure Scotland was fréelie deliuered from all forren soul­diers, except certeine Frenchmen, who remained still in the countrie; because they had the Ile of Ins­keth and the castell of Dunbar committed to their charge, which afterwards they did most faithfullie discharge. Monsieur de Thermes, Chappellie, and diuerse other capteins of France, remained also in Scotland (after that the others were imbarked to be gone into France) for pleasures cause, and to sée the countrie; who (trauelling ouer Scotland, and behol­ding the cities, searching the castels, and marking the bulworks of defense) did constantlie affirme, that in the whole world they neuer saw forts and townes more pleasantlie placed, or more naturallie defended. In séeing whereof they consumed the time with great pleasure, vntill the moneth of December, in which they all went into France with the quéene Dowager.

Thus, as there was peace (by the departing of the Buchanan lib. 15. French) with forren nations, which continued three yeares: so was there within the wals and king­dome warre and dissention amongest the Scots; which was most perillous and troublesome. For they which were the chiefe rulers (as the gouernor and his brother the archbishop of saint Andrews and others) did vse all things with extreame cruel­tie & couetousnesse. For the archbishop, being giuen to all libertie, followed by law his pleasures in all things, as though it had béene permitted vnto him. For first, as a presage of his following tyrannie, he permitted the slaughter of William Chreichton to go vnpunished, the same William being slaine in the gouernors house (if not within his owne sight) by Robert Semple: next followed the death of Iohn Maluill an old man of Fife; who next vnto the gouernor was most accounted of by him, as chie­fest of his familiars. This Iohn had his letters (which he wrote to an Englishman, to whome he did commend a capteine his friend) intercepted. In which, although there were not anie suspicion of anie fault, yet was the author of them punished with the losse of his head. Whose patrimonie made his death seeme the more vile; because the same was giuen to the yoonger sonne of the gouernor. The hurts of these wicked parts did perteine to few, the enimie there­of to manie, and the example vniuersallie to all. For by reason of this vnskilfull gouernement of the kingdome, and the slo [...]th of his life, which offended the common people; the gouernor began to be had in contempt almost of all men.]

In September following, the quéene Dowager accompanied with the earls of Huntleie, Cassils, Marshall, Southerland, and diuerse other of the Scotish nobilitie tooke the sea, and sailing to France The quéene Dowager sai­leth into France. landed at Diepe: she was conueied thither by the prior of Capoa, & Leon Strozzie, sent and appoin­ted with six gallies to haue the conduction of hir. From Diepe she remoued to Rone, where the king then laie, of whome she was right courteouslie recei­ued, and had such attendance and seruice doone vnto hir, during the time of hir tariance there, as stood with the dignitie of hir person, and was answerable to the minds and expectations of hir traine; to the high praise likewise of the king and his court in that behalfe.

The causes of the quéene Dowagers going into [Page 353] France were, that now hauing disposed all things at Buchanan. lib. 15. Lesleus lib. 10 pag. 508. home in Scotland, she might renew the old league in France, she might sée hir daughter and hir other friends; and procure the gouernement of the realme to hir selfe. For the ambitious and subtill woman did thinke in hir mind, that the gouernor by his euill demeanor would soone be put out of his office, and that she might easilie find means to be substituted in his place. But before hir shipping into France, and whilest they were preparing, the earle of Huntleie 10 commanded William Makintosche (chiefe of the fa­milie of the Glenchattens, and his followers) to be apprehended (for a conspiracie secretlie begun a­gainst 1551. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 508 him, whilest he was the kings deputie in those north parts) and from thence (being first depriued of all his goods) caried him to Strachbolgie, where he was beheaded. Which fact (greatlie offending the minds of the earle of Cassils, and others that fauored the Makintosche) did so stir them against Huntleie, that a commotion and tumult had béene raised by 20 them, vnlesse the wisedome of the quéene had appea­sed the furie of their minds.

For although the quéene certeine yeares after, had vndoone the sentence of proscription for the goods of Makintosche (restoring the same with the possessions and inheritances vnto the sonne of Makintosche) and thereby had seemed to cut awaie the cause of dissention betwéene Huntleie and them: yet the kindred and friends of the Glenchattens (not suffe­ring so great an iniurie to their familie to go vnre­uenged) 30 did secretlie (but eagerlie) pursue the same with great contention of mind. Wherefore entring the castell of Pet by deceipt, they apprehended Lanchlane Makintosche, and (condemning all his followers to banishment) did cruellie kill him (as Lanchlane Makintosche apprehended. the betraior of the head of his owne familie) because they supposed, that he ministred and blew the cole that fired Huntleie, to make the said William Ma­kintosche out of the waie.

A little before which, the maister of Ereskine, and 40 Henrie Senclere deane of Glascow were sent in­to Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 509. England; who at London did anew confirme the peace concluded before with the English; from whence they passed into Flanders, to make the like league with the low countries, which they did re­new, to the great reioising of both nations; although in the beginning of the treatie there grew great and contentious questions for the restitution of the ships of Flanders and Holland (whereof the Scots had taken manie in the warres) notwithstanding that 50 the Scots had alleged, that they did not offer anie violence to those of the low countries, before that they (by the persuasion of the English) had offered wrong to the Scots, in deteining their ships and merchandize

Thus much digressed from [...]he quéene Dowagers going into France, wherevnto afresh to direct our pen, we say; that being at Rone, the king did there openlie make shew of hir welcome vnto him by di­uerse arguments. Amongst which, this was not the 60 least: that (besides other shews, honorable triumphs, & manie courtesies shewed to the Scots) calling a chapter of the knights of the order of saint Michaell, he admitted the earle of Huntleie and other chiefe lords of Scotland deere to the queene, and fauored by him, into the said order. Which honors and pleasures séemed the more augmented, in that the yoong quéene of Scots was there present, adorned with such sin­gular beautie, as was not easilie to be spoken, by the iudgement of Lesleus. After that they had thus spent some time in delights of courtesie, to feed the mind and eie, the king of France, the two quéens of Scotland, and the other nobles, departed from thence to Paris; where they were with great triumph of the citizens most ioifullie receiued. At what time a­gaine, the French king shewed such humanitie to Huntleie, and the other Scots; that he séemed for euer most firmelie to bind them vnto him. After that they spent some daies there at Paris, the king with that companie remoued to Blesies; where he remained all the winter.

Now the quéene Dowager, thinking the time Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 510. and place fit for the executing of the cause of hir com­ming into France, and vsing therein the aduise of the duke of Guise, and the cardinall of Loreine (hir brethren) openeth the same vnto the French king, shewing that amongest others, the chiefest cause to take that iournie, was to require his opinion, tou­ching the gouernement of the kingdome of Scot­land: and to know, if it pleased him that the helme of the same kingdome should be committed to hir rule. Which if he misliked, or deemed the contrarie; that yet she would wholie rest on his determination. The which matter pleased well the king, but yet with this promise; if the gouernor without anie tumult or raising of quarrels would giue it ouer.

Wherevpon the quéene, to bring euerie thing a­bout as she desired, did persuade the king to con­firme the dukedome of Chatelerault in France, vn­to the gouernor, before granted to him and to his Buchanan. lib. 16. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 410. heires, & to make his eldest son erle of Arraine chiefe capteine of the bands of Scots in France. And further, to giue the earledome of Murreie to the earle of Huntleie (kinsman to the gouernor) and to his heires; the earledome of Rothseie to his sonne, which had maried the kinsman of the said gouernor; the whole earledome of Angus, to the earle thereof; and the erledome of Morton, to the sonne of George Dowglasse. All which he should procure likewise to be confirmed by such, as should be gouernors of the yoong quéene. These things now doone, the French king carefullie receiued the yoong quéene of Scots into his protection; vntill she should come vnto more sufficient yeers, able to confirme all these gifts; the which if she refused then to doo, the French king wold then bestow as large possessions on them in France.

In the meane time the gouernor had sent Car­negie knight and senator into France, who should in the name of the Scots giue great thanks to the king for the aid which they receiued out of France, against the Englishmen. After this the French king did liberallie open the determination of the queene mother of Scotland to the bishop of Rosse (then am­bassador for the Scots in France) to Robert Car­negie, and to Gawin Hamilton (to whom, as was said, the abbeie of Kiluinin was giuen in commen­dam) to the end that the same which was at the first secretlie consulted betwéene the king of France & the quéene Dowager, might now openlie be con­sidered among the Scots which were in France: declaring further, that he desired nothing more, than that the quéene mother should susteine the parts and place of the queene hir daughter, in the administra­tion and gouernement of Scotland, sith the same mostlie stood with reason and equitie; and that he (the better to win the gouernor to yéeld therevnto) had giuen the gouernor the dukedome of Chatelerault, to his sonne the capteinship of all the Scots in France, and manie other liberall benefits to manie other of his kinsmen.

And to the end that no deceipt might be supposed to be hidden vnder this liberalitie, the French king willed the ambassadour to take possession of all these things in the dukes name. Robert Carnegie hauing his errand, returned into Scotland; & short­lie after, the bishop of Rosse was appointed ambas­sador, who at length with much adoo did wring from the gouernor a consent to part from his authoritie, [Page 354] and to applie himselfe to the will of the French king: which thus in the end obteined, the bishop of Rosse goeth againe into France, to aduertise the king what he had doone. Wherevpon the king considering his painfull & faithfull seruice, did reward him with the abbeie of Labseie in France.

Whilest these things were in dooing, Edward Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 511. the sixt, king of England, did send the marquesse of Northampton, & other of the nobler sort of ambassa­dors to Henrie the second, king of France, then so­tourning 10 at Blesies, to moue him to giue his daugh­ter Blois. in mariage to the king of England. At what time there were [...]anie martiall games and pastimes shewed before the king, in which the English ioining the Scots with them as companions of their sports, did beare a part, and wan the garland (from the o­thers) to their singular commendation. The summer next following, the French king accompanied with the quéene mother of Scotland and other of the no­bilitie, did with great pompe enter Turon, Aniow, 20 Nants, and other cities of Britaine, which he had not before seene since he atteined the crowne. After cer­teine moneths consumed in those iournies, he retur­ned to Founteinblew.

But the quéene Dowager of Scotland, taking hir courteous leaue and farwell of the French king, Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 512. hir daughter, & of other the nobilitie, departed from the court, and with easie iournies came to Iamiestie: where re [...]ng a certeine time, she had the plea­sant companie of hir mother the duches of Guise, 30 and hir other friends to their great ioy: but that the shewed a certeine griefe (for hir father latelie decea­sed) which somewhat diminished the sweet pleasure of that méeting. Now when the quéene Dowager had remained almost 12 moneths or more in France, honorablie interteined, bountifullie feasted, louing­lie saluted by hir friends and kinred, and hauing ob­teined a willing grant of the effects of hir request, the Scots doo vrge hir to hasten hir returne into Scotland, preparing at Paris all things necessarie 40 therevnto.

Wherefore departing thence, and comming a­gaine to Rone, the quene mother mooued and per­suaded Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 512. the nobilitie about the taking of hir iournie through [...] into Scotland. By occasion wher­of, loosing their ships from Newport, they passe the seas, and happilie landed at Portesmouth, a famous port of England. The knowledge of which arriuall comming to king Edward the sixt, he presentlie sent thither the earle of Southampton, and the lord Wil­liam 50 Howard to interteine hir: who receiued hir with singular ioy and courtesie, and conueied hir through Hampshire, Sussex, and Surreie (three pro­uinces of England) to Hampton court, where the king as then remained; from whence (after that the had béene there most honorablie receiued) she came along the riuer of Thames to London, and landed at Poules wharfe in the after noone, and from thence rode to the bishop of Londons palace by Poules, and there lodged. 60

The fo [...] of Nouember, she rode in hir chariot to the kings palace of the Whitehall, accompanied with the ladie margaret Dowglas, the three dutches­ses, of Suffolke, Richmund, and Northumberland, and diuerse other great ladies and gentlewomen, both Scotish and English. At the court gate the Hir receiuing at the court. dukes of Northumberland, and Suffolke, and the lord treasuror were readie to receiue hir. And at hir entering into the hall, the king stood in the vpper end thereof, and the erle of Warwike holding the sword before him. She at hir approching to him, knéeled downe, and he courteouslie tooke hir vp, and kissed hir; and taking hir by the hand, led hir vp into his owne chamber of presence, & after into the quéenes chamber of presence, where he kissed all the ladies of Scotland, and so departed for a while.

She dined on the quéenes side that day with the king, his seruice and hirs comming both togither; the kings being placed on the right hand of the table, and hirs on the left. What plentie of all maner of costlie meates and drinks there was, and [...]at rich furniture of plate and all other things was shewed to set foorth the feast, it were superfluous to write. All the ladies both of England and Scotland dined in the quéenes great chamber. After dinner the king shewed hir his gallerie and gardens, with all other commodities of the place. And about foure of the clocke, he brought hir downe againe by the hand in­to the hall, where he first receiued hir, and there kis­sing hir, she tooke hir leaue, & returned to the bishops palace from whence she came.

Fr. Thin. And here I must not forget what Lesleus hath set downe in this place for the defense of his people, in not deliuering the yoong quéene of Scots to the English, to haue entered the mariage bed of king Edward the sixt. Whose reasons although they may (the first ground of the warre considered, with the consent of the Scots parlement to that mariage, and the willingnesse of the English to haue caused them to performe their promise without battell) bée well answered, as matters that not verie greatlie defend the cause: yet I will not anie way say anie thing of him (being a man estranged from vs in re­ligion, but learned, wise, of great experience, a faith­full seruant to his mistresse, and a graue bishop of Rosse) but set them downe plainelie as he writeth them, leauing the same to the iudgement of others, sith I meane not in anie thing to derogate from them, or arrogate vnto our selues more than is due. Thus therefore he writeth.

When the quéene (saith he) of Scots was come Lesleus lib. 10, pag. 113. to London, the king of England sheweth vnto hir his treasurie, openeth the monuments, laieth abroad the antiquities of the kingdome, and laboured by manie other such kind of means, that he might pre­pare himselfe a passage (with the open notes of cour­tesie) to obteine the good will of the queene. For he af­ter persuaded hir with manie spéeches, that she shuld giue hir daughter vnto him, as it was before de­créed by the Scotish nobilitie: which he prooueth by manie arguments to be most beneficiall vnto both nations. When on the contrarie part (if she were gi­uen vnto the French kings sonne) it should not be profitable either to the Scots, which should giue; or the French, which should receiue hir to wife. There­withall adding this vnto it, that there should alwais be continuall hatred, and deadlie enimitie betwéene him and that person which should marrie hir.

Wherevnto the queene both presentlie and wise­lie answered, that the cause of hir daughters mari­age to be solemnized with the French, was onlie by reason of the protector of England, which so bitterlie pursued the Scots with such earnest warre as then was made against them. For it was vnaduisedlie doone of him, to séeke to compell by force of battell a woman, which is to be allured to the mariage bed with faire promises and flattering spéeches. Where­vnto she ioined, that the Scots were so vehementlie pressed by him, that they were inforced to craue aid from the French: for the more speedie & easie obtei­ning whereof, they were vrged to leaue the yoong quéene of Scots in France for a pledge. Wherefore she greatly grieued that the matter was so fast knit vp by the necessitie of time, otherwise than the Eng­lishmen would haue had it. But yet, she would la­bor the French king by hir letters and messengers, with all the diligence that she might, to sée if hir tra­uell and furtherance could doo anie thing with him [Page 355] therein. Thus much Lesleus, and so againe to the matter.)

The firt of Nouember, the queene Dowager de­parted from London toward Scotland, riding from Poules through the citie, passing foorth at Bishops gate. The duke of Northumberland, the erle of Pen­broke, and the lord treasuror brought hir to Shordich church, and there tooke their leaue of hir. The duke of Northumberland had an hundred men after him with iauelins, whereof fourtie were gentlemen clad 10 in blacke veluet cotes garded with white, & hats of blacke veluet with white feathers, and chains of gold about their necks. The earle of Penbroke had six score men well appointed also, with blacke iauelins and hats with feathers, and the lord treasuror had an hundred gentlemen and yeomen with iauelins in like maner, well apparelled: which thrée companies of horsmen furnished the stréets on either side, from the crosse in Cheape, to Birchen lane end, as the pas­sed that waie. 20

The shiriffes of London had the conduction of hir to Waltam towne end, where she lodged that night: and in euerie shire through which she passed, the shi­riffe, with the gentlemen of the same shire, receiued hir, and gaue their attendance on hir, till she came to enter into the next shire, where the shiriffe and gentle men there receiued hir: and that order was obserued till she came to the borders of Scotland, and all hir charges for meat and drinks, aswell for hir selfe, and whole traine, as also the prouision for their horsses, 30 was borne and allowed by the king. [Besides which, (as saith the same Lesleus) Richard Shelleie, now Fr. Thin. maister of the knights of Malta in England, and Edward Dudleie baron, were appointed to attend on hir all the waie through England, from London to Edenburgh, where she was honorablie recei­ued by the earle Bothwell, and the lord Hume.] The earle of Huntleie, and diuerse other of the Scotish lords returned home by sea, the said earle landing at Montrosse, about the latter end of December. 40

Fr. Thin. Leslus lib. 10. pag. 513. After that the quéene was arriued in Scotland, the labored euerie waie to stop all occasion of dis­sention; and that these bralles which were risen a­mongest the nobilitie in the time of the warres, and were not yet fullie quenched, might grow no further, to bring the common wealth (alreadie much impai­red) into new troubles. Wherefore, by the aduise of the gouernor, of the earles of Huntleie, Angus, and Argile, and by the quéenes trauell, the controuersies mooued about the archbishoprikes of saint Andrews 50 and Glascow, the bishoprikes of Dunkeld and Bre­chine, the abbeies of Aberbrothie, Inchechafrie, and other benefices, were ended: by bestowing some of them vpon noble mens children, and some vpon such persons as woorthilie deserued them.)

Doctor Wanthop, whome Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 514. calleth Robert Warhope, a Scotishman borne, The archbi­shop of Arma­chane. archbishop of Armachane, so nominated by pope Paule the third, and after created Legatus à latere by Iulius the third, deceassed this yéere in Paris, the 60 1551. tenth of Nouember. This man was blind from his infancie, but yet gaue himselfe so to studie, that he was first made doctor of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of Paris, and after atteined to such estimation in the court of Rome, that he was by the foresaid popes aduanced (as before ye haue heard.) So that it is to be presumed, that the sufficiencie of his learning, (whereto he must néeds aspire altogither by the eare) (sith he was quite depriued of the benefit of fight) coo­pled with other good qualities of mind, were means to preferre him first into the popes fauour, and then to promotion of his bestowing.

This yeere in the moneth of Iune, the quéene Dow­ager, and the gouernor, went into the north parts of 1552. Scotland; and at Innernes, Elgin, Bamf, Aberden, and Perth, the gouernor sat in iustice for redresse of wrongs doone are by iustice redressed. wrongs, and administration of righteous lawes and orders. And afterwards they repaired to the west parts, and sat likewise in iustice at Dunfreis, Glas­cow, Lanricke, and in other places of that countrie, where diuerse were put to their fines for transgres­sing the lawes, but few or none touched by corporall punishment. Which was but a slender course taken in reforming enormities, and little better than im­punitie; though in leuieng of the fines (perhaps) a proportion were vsed: for by that meanes manie an offense was redéemed by monie, and iustice was lit­tle better than bought and sold, as at a publike mart.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 515. After this, they returned to Edenburgh, where all things requisite for the establishing of iustice were confirmed by the counsell of the nobilitie, and of the wise senators. Wherevpon, when nothing sée­med to want for the setling of a perfect peace through all the realme, but this, that certeine of the inhabi­tants of the east limits (accustomed to spoiles) did by driuing booties of cattell from the borders of Eng­land, séeme to offer new occasion of warre. At this time, the gouernor goeth to Iedworth, and remooued such magistrats as had negligentlie gouerned their owne prouince, or dispatched the generall affaires of the kingdome: where taking pledges of euerie familie, he made them after that time in better qui­et. Wherevpon a long time following, there was a mutuall peace betweene England and Scotland. A­bout which time also, the protestants religion making breach into the doctrine of the Romans, there was a prouinciall councell kept at Bithquoe, where the Caluinists with their doctrine were condemned and accurssed; and all things decréed in the councell of Trent vnder Paule the third, were established, with manie other néedfull lawes made to purge the cor­rupt manners of the clergie.

In which meane time, Dauid Panter or Painter 1552. (for I find both written) being a man of great lear­ning, and famous by great experience, hauing faith­fullie consumed seuen yeeres in France, in the ser­uice of an ambassador legier, came out of France to Iedworth: where, when he had declared to the go­uernor (in the assemblie of the nobilitie) the reason, order, and meane which he vsed in accomplishing of his office; he was greatlie commended of all men. And for that he had so diligentlie, wiselie, & trustilie performed that great charge, he was with great so­lemnitie consecrated bishop of Rosse, in the presence of that assemblie. At which time also, the gouernor Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 516. did dub into the order of knighthood certeine borde­rers, who had deserued well of the common-wealth, to the end that their vertue adorned with such hono­rable recompense, might be more inlarged toward the care of their countrie. Amongest which persons so aduanced, these were the chiefe: Ceffurd and Ferni­hurst, Andrew Kar of Littleden, Couldinknols, Greinherdie, Balclenche, with manie other valiant men.)

In this iorneie (wherein the gouernor was thus The quéene mother séeketh to be gouernor the iustice) the quéene secretlie trauelled with the lords, both spirituall and temporall, to haue their con­sents to be regent of Scotland, immediatlie after hir daughter the quéene came to sufficient yéeres, and that the time of hir tutorship were accomplished, or sooner; if the lawes of the realme would so permit. And to assure hir selfe of their good wils in this be­halfe, the contracted sundrie priuie bands with them, making large promises of great rewards vnto eue­rie of them. To conclude, this matter was so hande­led 1552. Lesle. 1553. The gouerne­ment is resig­ned vnto the quéene. by hir and others, to whome the committed the dooings therein, that in the yéere following, the go­uernor agréed to surrender vp the gouernance into [Page 356] hir hands, hir daughter the yoong queene being not yet full twelue yeeres of age.

The gouernor was promised not onelie a full dis­charge and a Quietus est of all his dooings, as well for receipt of monie, iewels, & other things, during the time of his gouernement, but also a confirmation of the heritable gift of the dukedome of Chatelerault: likewise an other confirmation of all gifts and resti­tutions by him made, during the time he had exerci­sed the office of gouernor. And foorthwith the queene 10 Dowager sent into France, to get all these things dispatched, with such assurances of writings vnder hands and seales, as was expedient, and to be sent home into Scotland for his securitie in all things.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 517. 1552. But before the gouernor had consented to the queenes demand, there was great contention about the matter: for she well vnderstood that he would not depart with his office, before the time that the yoong quéene had atteined to the age prescribed for hir full yeeres. For it is ordeined by the law of the 20 kingdome, that the king shall not remaine anie lon­ger vnder tutors, than to the age of fouretéene; & the quéene (as it is in other women) at the yéeres of 12, at which times they may appoint procurators, which shall haue the gouernement of the kingdome vntill their full age. For which cause, the yoong quéene chose amongst other (as after shall more appéere) the quéene Dowager to be one: wherevpon, the quéene Dowa­ger challenged the gouernement vnto hir selfe, for that hir daughter was certeine moneths aboue 30 those yeeres of twelue. Against which the gouernor did [...]flie contend, constantlie affirming that the yoong quéene did not excéed the age of eleuen yéeres.

Whervpon the quéene, to take from the gouernor all starting-holes and other shifts, dooth vrge the cu­stome of that kingdome, and the obseruation of those lawes to be, that they must reckon the yeere in which the Scotish king or quéene is yet vnborne in their mothers bellie, to be part of that number of twelue or foureteene; in which they may appoint gouernors 40 to rule vnder them. Which the gouernor perhaps did seeme to confesse for the king, but that the same was true for a quéene it did not appeere; sith it séemeth to be wrought by Gods high prouidence, that the king­dome of Scotland was alwaies héeretofore by ma­nie ages gouerned by kings, and that a woman did ueuer before this time (especiallie one within age) challenge that kingdome vnto them, although the male line (as appéered from the Bruses to the Stew­ards) descended from the women, haue sometime 50 possessed the sterne of Scotland.

But in the end, saie or doo what he could, the go­uernor did surrender his place (as after shall more plainelie appéere) vntill which time we will pursue the orderlie course of things doone in this place: which is, that whilest the gouernor & the queene mother were in this discord for the regentship of the realme, manie Les [...]eus lib. 10. pag. 519. seditious persons (taking occasion thereby with hope to scape vnpunished) did renew the memorie of old iniuries. For heerevpon it happened, that manie of 60 1552. the familie of the Kars did (at Edenburgh) with great boldnesse vtterlie slaie Balcleuche the knight. Besides which, the yoonger sonne of the lord Ruth­wen or Rewen, did publikelie thrust through and slea Sundrie slaughters of the nobilitie. Iohn Chartrusse a noble and a valiant yoong man, for deadlie hatred (as was thought) betwéene those two families. Yet it was spred abroad, that the chie­fest cause why Ruthwen did kill Chartrusse, was for that Ruthwen (being called into sute of law by the other) distrusting his cause, and supposing that it would passe against him by iudgement, had none o­ther remedie to relieue the matter, than that verie day to kill Chartrusse. Which matter was the occasi­on of making this law, that whosoeuer with force or armes did either pursue or abate, recouer or lose in anie action, should not onelie be punished for the rashnesse of the fact, but also should haue the matter foorthwith (euen in that moment of time) iudged a­gainst him.]

This yeere, the sixt of Iulie, Edward the sixt of that 1553. name, king of England, departed this life, after whom succéeded his sister Marie, eldest daughter to K. Henrie the eight. [Touching whose regiments, Abr. Fl. sith this historie requireth matter appropriate vnto it selfe, we will saie little in this place, remitting the readers to the conuenient course of time wherein they flourished and vaded. Onelie this is woorthie the noting, that the realme of England was not so much in hir time afflicted with exquisite troubles of barbarous persecutors, to the diminishing of Gods seruants, and the increasing of satans synagog, as it was like to haue triumphed vnder the glorious title of the victorious gospell, if God had not (for the vnwoorthinesse of the English people) taken the yoong king awaie. For the prosperous beginning of his gouernement foretold an happie procéeding, and a blessed ending. But to returne to Scotland.]

Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10▪ pag 520. About this time, Norman Lesle, who (as you heard before) had fled for the death of the cardinall Beton bishop of saint Andrews into France (where he then was imprisoned) being now set at libertie, did priuilie conueie himselfe into Scotland. Which vnderstood of the gouernor, he fined all those that 1554. had receiued him into their house, & compelled Nor­man to flée to Denmarke, for feare that (if he were taken) he should suffer extreme punishment. But when he knew that there was no place of safetie for him in that countrie, wandering ouer manie pro­uinces, he came at last into England, in the reigne of Edward the sixt; of whome, with the rest of his companions, he was most courteouslie receiued, with yéerelie pensions out of the excheker or com­mon tresurie assigned vnto them for their mainte­nance, according to their estates.

But after that king Edward was departed the world, they all were also commanded to depart the realme, to whome (earnestlie vrging that their pensi­ons might be paied to them in an other place where they should remaine) the duke of Norffolke did pub­likelie say in the councell, that it séemed not iustice, that a catholike prince should paie anie pensions to such as had murthered a catholike cardinall. With which answer the said Norman was almost stroken dead, and being then wearied with the griefe of his exile, went againe into France, and there by king Henrie (by the meanes of the baron Brunstone, whom this Lesle had sent before to request the same) he was made capteine of the Scotish light horsse­men in France. This man did so valiantlie, woorthi­lie, and honorablie behaue himselfe in warres, which the French king had (with Charles the fift then em­peror) on the borders of Flanders, that he was al­waies formost in the front of the battell, to assault the enimie; hoping by that meanes to wipe awaie the blot of the cardinals slaughter, and more firmelie to bind the French king vnto him.

But after certeine light skirmishes (which he hap­pilie performed against the enimie) following the battell at Renton (a towne in Picardie) most hotlie, and drawing néere within danger of the enimie, he was so wounded with a shot, that he could hardlie re­turne to his companie: but being relieued by his owne souldiers from the hands of the enimie, he was caried to Montrulle, where he shortlie after died, greatlie repenting him of his former wicked fact, and greatlie abhorring the other authors thereof, as furtherers of him therein. Towards whom (after his death) the French king was yet so louing (for the [Page 357] singular fortitude of mind that was in him) that he procured all such of his Scots (as returned from the warres with Brunstone) to be receiued into their owne countrie, and restored to all their goods and possessions.]

In lent all the lords of the realme of Scotland as­sembled at Striueling, where all the couenants and The coue­nants and ar­ticles are per­fected. 1555. Buch. 1554. A parlement. Edenburgh castell deliue­red to the lord Erskin to keepe. articles of agreement, betwixt the quéene and the go­uernor, were perfectlie and fullie concluded, and ther­vpon a parlement appointed to be holden in Eden­burgh, 10 the tenth of Aprill next insuing: and in the meane time the gouernor deliuered the castell of E­denburgh vnto the lord Erskin to kéepe, as it were by waie of assurance for his part, that all things at that parlement should be accomplished, according to the points of the agréement made by full consent. The lords then assembling in parlement at Eden­burgh, on the said twelfth day of Aprill, all the coue­nants of agréement had & made betwixt the quéene The quéene made gouer­nor by parle­ment. Dowager and the gouernor were presented & read, 20 touching the dimission and giuing ouer of the gouer­nors authoritie, confirmed by the quéene hir selfe in France, with consent of the king of France hir hus­band, the duke of Guise, and the cardinall of Lor­rain hir curators, with a gift of the dukedome of Cha­telerault vnto the gouernor, vnder the great seales The gouernor made duke. of France, and others, to whome it apperteined.

After this, there was read a confirmation of the thrée estates of Scotland, touching the premisses, in which they bound themselues to warrant the queenes 30 discharge made to him, & to establish him as second person of the realme [& to haue the gouernement of the castell of Dunbreton (as saith Buchanan] with o­ther Fr. Thin. things conteined in the contract: to the which there in open parlement all the estates subscribed, and put therevnto their seales. Which doone, the go­uernor gaue vp his office of tutorship, in presence of the said estates, the queene mother, & monsieur Doi­sell The gouernor resigned his office vnto the quéene. being there present, who receiued the same in the quéenes name, at that time remaining in France. 40 And herewith presentlie was a commission shewed, giuen by the quéene of Scotland in France, with consent of hir curators, making the quéene Dowa­ger hir mother, regent of hir realme: which office she The quéene giueth the go­uernance of the realme vn­to the quéene mother. tooke vpon hir, and was thereto admitted by the e­states of the realme. Then was the parlement new­lie authorised in the quéenes name, with consent of hir curators, and in name of the quéene regent.

Fr. Thin. Where is to be noted, that as at the first they which had the administration of the common-wealth 50 vnder the king of Scotland in his minoritie, were first called gardians, and then gouernors: so now be­gan they to haue a new title for the same, to be called regents of Scotland, not before accustomed among the Scots, which name hath euer since remained to all such as execute that place (euen in our age) du­ring the minoritie of Charles Iames the sixt, now ruling the scepter of Scotland. In which declination of things (as before you heard) to the gouernement Buch. lib. 16. of the French, the Scots could neuer be persuaded 60 that the castell of Edenburgh should be deliuered to the rule of strangers: fearing that if the quéene should die without issue, that then the French would there by tyrannie settle themselues. Wherefore the same was committed to the defense of Iohn Ares­kine, which he should not deliuer to anie, but to one of the order, and of the nobilitie and parlement.

About this time, the quéene regent sent George Gordon earle of Huntleie to apprehend Iohn Mudi­ard Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 522. Buchan. lib. 16. (or Muderac, as saith Buchanan) chiefe of the fa­milie of the Reginaldins, a notable théefe, & one that was fraught with most wicked déeds: which iournie it is supposed that Gordon did not verie faithfullie discharge. Wherefore, when he returned without the dispatch thereof, in not taking of that man, he was committed to prison vntill the day appointed, where­in he should answer the cause. Whose friends in the meane time (to mitigate the enuie against him for the same) did spred false rumors thereof, laieng all the fault in the familie of the Cathans: for they said that the same was hindered by them for the malice that they bare vnto the Gordons: which speeches did one­lie rise almost vpon this occasion.

Whilest the quéene prepared for hir iournie into Scotland, Gordon did cast into prison William (the head of the familie of the Cathans) a yoong man li­berallie brought vp with the earle of Murreie for kinreds sake, being sisters son to the said earle; for none other cause but for that he would not yéeld him selfe to the protection of him. Gordon therefore grie­ued at this man, did not thinke it safetie to leaue him frée and at libertie behind him, when he should go in­to France with the quéene, although he could find no fault to laie to his charge woorthie anie punishment. Wherefore (by his friends) he persuaded the yoong man (ignorant of all deceit) that he should yéeld him selfe into his protection and tutorship: for so by that one meanes, both the fame of the one and safetie of the other might be prouided for, which the yoong man did accordinglie.

Wherefore Gordon being now lord ouer the life and death of this William, did (dissembling his ha­tred to him) breake with his owne wife to execute the yoong and giltlesse man in his absence, supposing thereby to transferre all the malice which should rise thereof vnto the fact of his wife, as not doone by his consent. Which fell out quite contrarie: for when eue­rie one knew the subtill wit of Gordon the earle of Huntleie, and that his wife (a chosen and rare wo­man) had passed all the rest of hir life within the bounds of womanlie modestie; they were all easilie persuaded, that he alone was author vnto hir of that wicked counsell. Wherevpon, Gordon being now cast in prison for that fact, there was (in a councell holden by the regent) great contention and varietie of opinions, touching the punishment which he should haue. For some would haue him banished in­to France for certeine yeares, & some would onelie haue an excessiue mul [...] to be laied vpon him.

Both which opinions were reiected by the chiefe of his enimies, Gilbert earle of Cassiles. For he, per­ceiuing by the present state of things, that peace would not long continue betwéene Scotland and France; did vtterlie withstand his banishment into that countrie. For he would not haue that man (be­ing so subtilie and vnconstantlie witted, proud, and desirous of reuenge, of and vpon such as were e­mulous, or backbiters against him) to be a firebrand and capteine to those French, who (he was assured, for their insolent pride) would haue warre with the Scots. For although he thought, that of right he ought to be punished, yet he did not iudge, that anie domesticall euill was so much, or the punishment thereof should be thought so great, that they should accustome the French to shed the Scotish bloud. Wherefore at length his punishment was agreed vpon (as after shall appeare) in renouncing of all his right to the earldome of Murreie, & other things.

The quéene hauing the disposition of all things, did at hir pleasure change all the officers, and made the earle of Cassils treasuror, & Ueilmort a French Officers are changed. man controller; also an other Frenchman called monsieur Rubie, kéeper of the great seale, as vice­gerent in place of the earle of Huntleie, who was chancellor and then in ward; [and Iames Machill re­gister, Fr. Thin. and the abbat of Couper keeper of the priuie s [...]ale, as saith Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 521. Bonald gouernor of the Iles.] These mens counsell and mon­sieur [Page 358] Doisels she vsed principallie in all things. The earle of Huntleie being to be deliuered out of ward, did for his punishment renounce his title to the earl­dome The earle of Huntleie re­nounced ma­nie things. of Murreie; whereof he had a gift in heritage. Also he renounced his interest vnto the farmes of Orkeneie and Sheatland, and to the earledome of Mar, and of the quéenes lands of Straits Die: and further was contented to go ouer into France, there to remaine for the space of fiue yeares. But yet af­terwards the quéene was contented, that he should 10 still remaine within the realme, for the which he gaue to hir fiue thousand pounds in monie.

Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 522. About the same time Marie the quéene of Eng­land, and the regent of Scotland, thought good to haue a peace betweene both nations, and that their commissioners should méet to determine all contro­uersies. At whatime for the Scots, were Robert of Kinwardie, and Iohn Bellenden of Achnowle knights: and for the English, were Thomas Corn­wallesse, 1551. and Robert Bowes knights. At what time 20 there were lawes made touching fishing, aswell in the sea, as in certeine other limited riuers; by which all occasions of contention was taken awaie from both nations. Richard Norton, a man of great counsell in prosperitie, and of great stomach in ad­uersitie, being capteine of Norham castell in Eng­land, was at that time cause of the making of this law for the commons; That if anie Englishman The law for fishing. from a Scot, or a Scot from an Englishman, did by force take away anie fish that was taken; that he 30 should paie the mulct of twentie shillings for the same: beside other punishments of the common law.

Further it was agreed, that whosoeuer by force of Couenants for seamen. tempest, or for anie other cause, were driuen into Scotland or England, he should not by anie pre­tense be staied; but he might fréelie by land or sea, either on horssebacke or on foot returne home. Pro­uided, that he had the testimonie of the next maister of the port, or of the next towne, to witnes the cause 40 of his arriuall; and that during the time of his abode in such a countrie, he attempted nothing against the lawes of the kingdome. Not manie daies after Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 523. this, Henrie Sinclere deane of Glascow, senator, and vicepresident of the high court, did returne in­to Scotland out of France; being a man greatlie 1555. familiar with Iames the fift, aswell for the singula­ritie of his wit, as the excellencie of his learning.

But in the time of the gouernor, the courtiers (not greatlie estéeming such wisedome & learning) 50 made no account of him, although the quéene Dow­ager, and diuerse of the nobilitie held him in great honor; aswell for his deepe studie in the best arts, as for his rare knowledge of the publike lawes and an­tiquities of Scotland. This man, vpon his first re­turne, was foorthwith both author and persuader to and of the bishop of the Orchades chiefe president, and to the other senators; that there should be new lawes made for the short ending of sutes in law; for the obseruation of a right course of iudgments, 60 and for the taking awaie of all euill customs. In the making & tempering whereof, he was of so great iustice; that such things as were set downe in the law, were more holilie and perfectlie brought to their ancient forme than they had béene before.

The reason is readie; to wit, aswell for that in equall deliuering law to all men: as in pleading, there was by his meanes more diligence vsed by the magistrats, aduocats, scribes, and officers; in cutting awaie vaine and superfluous formes and or­ders: which ministred occasion, that their sutes did long hang in court, before they could be determined. At this time also the marquesse of Maine (being after made duke of Almaine) who in the meane time with manie other nobles of France, had remained Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 524. pledges in England, did (hauing licence therevnto) come into Scotland to sée his sister, accompanied with sir Thomas Stewkleie of England now knight; who after he had remained some daies with his sister in pleasure & delight, discharged his faith, and returned againe into England.]

In Iulie was a parlement held at Edenburgh, 1555. A parlement. in the which manie acts and statutes were made, right profitable (as was then thought) for the com­mon-weale of the realme. Amongest which, to passe ouer the rest, these séeme woorthie to remaine chroni­cled Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 524. to posteritie. First, that none of the citizens (in the feasts of Whitsuntide, or anie such times, in whith their hirelings are accustomed to go foorth) should assemble armed, to cast foorth the husbandmen after the old maner. Secondlie, that the inhabitants mée­ting togither, should no more assemble vnder a certeine colour of gaine, which for exercise of the bo­die (as it was supposed) was holden after the exam­ple of one (I can not tell who) Robert Hood a wild or vplandish man. Thirdlie, that there should be no priuat leagues contracted betwéene subiects. Which lawes did after bring great peace, ease, and quiet to the publike state.

In the verie same yeare 1555, in the eight ka­lends Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 525. Buchanan. lib. 16. of August, fell the mariage of Marie queene of England with Philip king of Spaine in the citie of Winchester. Wherefore ambassadors were sent from the quéene regent to Philip and Marie, to con­gratulat their mariage. Besides which, these am­bassadors did require a renewing of the league, and that commissioners should be appointed to méet the next summer in the borders, to end all controuer­sies. In the meane time, whilest the quéene regent did administer the affaires of south Scotland, Iohn Steward earle of Atholl was sent into the north parts with a chosen companie, to breake the force of Iohn Mudiard or Muderace. At what time this earle vsed such courtesie and counsell in pacifieng, and such celeritie and wisedome in executing of things; that he brought the seditious Mudiard (impatient to haue anie gouernor) to the quéene, to whome the said Mudiard did willinglie yéeld himselfe, his children, and his kindred.

To which man, the queene (in respect of singular clemencie, and pietie to all men, according to the disposition of hir nature) did wholie remit all his of­fenses, with this condition; that he should faithful­lie remaine prisoner in the castell of Meffens, and in the towne of Perth. But as the fox (as the pro­uerbe is amongest vs) cannot liue without his star­ting holes; so this Mudiard and his companions, imbued with more than foxlike conditions, did (de­ceiuing their keepers) returne to their owne caues, and afresh trouble all the north Scotland with their raised seditions and spoiles. Which things inforced the quéene, that she did go into those parts, to hold iustice of oires: in which she might bridle the euils of wicked men, and purge those prouinces from all the roots of sedition.

Wherevpon, in the moneth of Iulie, the quéene accompanied with the earles of Huntleie, Argile, Rothes, Cassils, and Marshall; the bishop of Aber­den and Rosse, M. Doisell, Rubie, and others, went 1555. Buch. 1556. H. B. to the towne of Inuernesse, in which citie (the faults known by publike accusation) there was iust punish­ment taken vpon the offendors. And because there Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 527. Buchan. lib. 16. were manie hidden in the higher and mounteine countries, which by their absence fled the punish­ment; she commanded the heads of the mounteine families, that they should bring their guiltie coun­trimen and kindred to iudgement, according to the law established by Iames the fift; with a great [Page 359] paine set vpon the chiefe of those families; if the o­ther did stiflie resist, & would not come into iudge­ment.

Wherevpon it followed, that sundrie of diuerse families, that were by contempt departed awaie, did come to publike iudgement. Where manie, and those not of the meanest sort, paied the punishment for troubling the peace; amongest which, one Grant a baron being commanded to bring Iames Grant and diuerse other wicked persons before the iudges, 10 did prouide to bring their dead heads, when they could not take their liue bodies. The earle of Cath­nes also, because that being warned thervnto, he did not bring his people before the iudges; was first committed to prison in Inuernesse, then at Aber­den, and lastlie at Edenburgh, from whence he pur­chased his libertie with a great masse of monie.

Mackeie in like sort, head and chiefe of the tribe of Strathnauerne & of Glencone, being called to iudgement (for that he had often wasted the countrie 20 of Southerland next adioining) did contemne the precept. Wherevpon the quéene prouided a great ar­mie, which vnder the erle of Southerland brake into Strathnauerne, where he possessed all the places of doubt, least anie hole might be left for the théeues to passe awaie from thence. Wherevpon Mackeie, when he saw himselfe so beset (as that no place of flight was left him) yeelded himselfe to Hugh Kene­die, who led him to the quéene, by whom he was com­mitted to prison at Edenburgh a long time, but they 30 of Glencone put in pledges, & (being committed to safe and strong prisons) were reserued to the iudge­ment of the quéenes pleasure.

After this, the queene leauing Inuernesse, and progressing the prouince of Rosse, she came to El­gine, Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 528. Bamf, Aberden, and the chiefe places there­abouts, diligentlie to inquire of the misdemeanor of those people. At what time she did temper the rigor of law with such courtesie, that she punished the of­fendors by fine, and not by death. From thence shée 40 came to Dundée, and to saint Iohns towne, obser­uing the same cause and course of hir comming. When she had thus passed ouer the summer in brin­ging the mounteine people to their dutie, she sent the earle of Huntleie to ioine with the bishop of Rosse and Orkeneie, and to Hugh Kenedie; to whom she did substitute a better and more commodious forme of dispatch of their affaires by others: who should receiue the libels and accusations of priuate persons, and diligentlie to inquire of them, in the 50 townes of Inuernesse, Elgine, and other places. By whose diligence it came to passe, that all those countries (being reduced to the rule of iustice) were made the more quiet.

Here I will not (saith Lesleus) now declare how honourablie & sumptuouslie the queene in all hir pro­gresse was receiued (without anie charge to hir) of the péeres, bishops, and other nobles and gentlemen of Scotland, sith the Frenchmen (which were then present with hir) haue opened to other nations as 60 well as to their own people (with singular commen­dations to the Scots) the gorgious shew of this Scotland, being a most woorthie signe of the fauour they bare to the queene.] In the meane time there C [...]mmissio­ners sent. were sent commissioners to the borders, as the bi­shop of Dunblane, the lard of Lethington, & maister Iames Macgill: where doctor Tunstall bishop of Durham, & certeine others for England met them at Duns, and remained there till the queenes com­ming Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 527. backe foorth of the north in September next following.

This yéere was a parlement hold [...]n, in which the lards Brimston, Or [...]ston, and Grange, with mai­ster A parlement. Henrie Balnaues, and others, which were for­falted Gentlemen restored. in the gouernors time, were restored. At the same time the queene, by the counsell of monsieur Doisell, and Rubie, and certeine of the nobilitie of Scotland, requested that a new order might b [...] A yéerelie tax to be leuied is proponed. made, whereby euerie mans substance should be put in an inuentarie, and according to the rate thereof to paie a yéerelie taxation, to be put and kept in the treasure-house till warres began, and that then men of warre might be waged, therewith to lie vpon the borders, and none in that case to be charged to come from their owne houses, but when anie great armie came foorth of England to inuade Scotland.

Diuerse of the great lords were agreed to this This taxati­on is not granted. 1556. ordinance: but the most part of the barons hearing thereof, assembled togither in Edenburgh, to the number of two hundred & aboue, and sent the lards Iames Sandlandie of Calder in Louthian, and Iohn of Wemis in Fife, to the queene and lords, be­séeching them not to set such new taxations vpon them, for they could not beare such burdens; but would defend the realme, as before time their elders had doone, not meaning to put their goods in inuen­tarie, as if they should alreadie make their last will and testaments: and be past all hope of inioieng their temporall goods, as persons not to liue longer in the world, but to take their farewell, and giue o­uer all that they had by law of fatall necessitie not to be auoided. Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 16 [...] ‘Adding further, that their elders did not onelie defend themselues, and their goods a­gainst the English, when they were of farre greater power than they now be; but did also manie times make further inuasion vpon them into their owne countrie. For which cause, they being not anie iot now so degenerat from their ancestors, that they wold not, when néed required, bestow their substance and life in defense of their countrie.’

‘And as touching the hired souldiers, it was a thing full of danger, to commit the state of Scot­land to men without substance, or without hope of aduancement, and to such as for monie will dare to doo anie thing, being a thing apt to kindle their déepe couetousnesse, and to minister occasion to them to attempt other matters. But to the end all other things may the better be looked vnto, let them more remember the déerenes of their countrie, than their owne estate or condition. For will anie man beleeue, that hired souldiers will more valiantlie fight for strangers, than the owners will fight for the defense of their owne? That a little hire or wages readie to be abated in peace, will greatlier incense the minds of the common people; than goods, chil­dren, wiues, and temples, will mooue the hearts of the nobilitie?’

‘Wherevnto may be ioined, that this matter per­teineth to the highest good of the kingdome of Scot­land, and that the same is of farre more importance than that it should be communed of at this time, and in the tender age of our yoong queene. Besides which the greater part of men doo suspect and feare, that the same new order for warre is vnprofitable, and such as cannot be performed without some commotion of the Scotish nation, especiallie sith so great sums of monie can hardlie be wroong out by tribute impo­sed on the same Scots, as may suffice to nourish a hired armie to defend the borders. Wherefore it is to be feared, least the end of persuasion grow to this point, that it doo not rather open a gap to let in the e­nimie, than to be a barre to kéepe them backe. For if the English, after this example, being a farre richer nation, shall gather a much greater summe: who doubteth, but that they may with lesse trouble to the cōmon people, susteine an armie twise as great as that of the Scots, & such as shall not onelie enter the borders, but rush euen into the verie bowels of the [Page 360] kingdome of Scotland?’

‘For the other part of the oration, I cannot tell whether it be better to suppresse it in silence, or to deli­uer it (saith Buchanan) to common eies & eares. For I doo heare (writeth he) manie which doo murmur and aske who shall gather this monie? How much thereof shall be necessarie to and for the hired souldi­ors, and how much to be left in the hands of the trea­suror? There be manie things which put vs in great hope, that no such thing shall be established for the especiall goodnesse and temperancie of that woorthie 10 princesse (in whose hand the whole gouernment now resteth) dooth incourage vs, that we shall not bée so taxed. But yet when we remember the outward déeds of others, and our owne at home, which haue before time béene doone; we cannot so gouérne our selues, but that we must feare the same hereafter to fall vpon vs, which we haue alreadie felt.’

‘But letting these things passe, which perchance we vainlie feare, let vs come to those things in which 20 our ancestors did place their chiefe helpe (for mainte­nance of their libertie) against the weapons of their aduersaries. Robert the first of that name (in com­parison of whome none of the Scotish kings were counted more wise, and without all doubt none more valiant, as we all confesse) did not onelie profit his subiects whilest he liued, but also after his death: for when he laid at point to surrender his life, he gaue this admonition, that we should neuer make con­tinuall peace, nor long truce with the English. For that man (by nature and by vse of long time exerci­sed 30 in both fortunes) did well perceiue, that such as li­ued in idlenesse and slouth, had their stomachs and minds abated, and their bodies weakened with de­lights of pleasures, and that couetousnesse and le­cherie did spring vp as it were in vntilled ground, when seuere discipline and sparing was quenched, which made them also to be vnpatient of labor, and to hate battell, whereby their strength being dimini­shed, they should easilie giue place to their enimies.’ 40

After that these two noble men had said thus much, the regent fearing tumultuous insurrections if she perseuered in this exaction, left off anie further to pursue this tax, and is (in often acknowledging hir error) said to haue vsed this spéech; That some of the best of the Scots, and not she, were authors and workers of the same. By which words manie supposed that she ment the earle Huntleie, a man of a sharpe wit, latelie deliuered out of prison, and rather readie to reuenge the iniurie receiued by re­streint of his libertie, than mindfull of anie benefit 50 shewed vnto him in his deliuerance. Wherfore when he saw the regent bent to this one thing to inure the Scots with taxes and paiments of monie: and fea­ring least hir power being ouermuch increased, that she would abate the strength of the nobilitie, dimi­nish their authoritie, and call the whole gouernment of Scotland into the hands of hir people, it was sup­posed that he gaue hir counsell answerable to hir disposition for the gathering of monie which she had 60 then in hand, being in déed the part of an enimie to hir, bicause he knew that the Scots would not paie anie tribut, nor be so obedient vnto hir as they had beene before. There were also some that supposed this deuise to grow from Dauid Painter bishop of Rosse; for he being a man of rare wit, and no lesse learning, was with manie benefits tied to the Ha­miltons, and was not anie waie estranged from their counsels and kinreds.

In this yéere, an ambassador of Muscouie going into England with a great ship, & another bote, was 1557. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 328. cast on land by sudden tempest of the sea in the coast of Buchquane, a prouince in the north part of Scot­land; who hauing lost all his goods by shipwracke, was saued himselfe, and some of his companie, be­cause they lighted on a rocke, where he & they might saue their liues. The inhabitants did liberallie in­terteine this strange man, and brought him to E­denburgh to the queene, who would not permit this new ghest to want anie thing so long as he remai­ned with hir: and further, commanded and procured, that his goods lost by sea, and come into the hands of the people, should be faithfullie restored to him a­gaine, appointing moreouer the lord Hume for ho­nors sake to accompanie him to Berwike.

This yéere also in the moneth of Iulie was Hoter Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 529. Traberne sent ambassador (from Anna duke of Ol­denberge, and Delmensore, and earle of Emden) out of east Frisia into Scotland, to require that the ancient couenant of an hundred yéeres made be­twéene the Scots and the people of Emden (which by course of some yéeres past, was now of no force) might now againe be renewed. Which being gran­ted & solemnelie established, both those nations from that day did liue togither in mutuall & perfect friend­ship. After this, warres arising betweene England and France, quéene Marie of England, fearing least the Scots would be stirred at the motion of the French to attempt something against England, Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 529. sent ambassadors to the regent, to require that some of the Scots might with hir people méet on the borders, to treat of matters belonging vnto them both.

Wherevpon in the moneth of Iulie, the procura­rators for both the kingdomes met at Caerleill, whi­ther for the Scots came Robert Reid bishop of Ork­neie, Henrie Seintclere deane of Glascow, Robert Carnegie knight, senators; and the lord Harries, at that time president of the west borders. For the English did come Tunstall bishop of Durham, the lords Dacres, and Wharton; amongst whome there was talke for peace, and recompense of such iniu­ries as were committed by both the nations. In the meane time a certeine Frenchman landed at the west part on Scotland, and declared to the quéene the warres betwéene England and France, dest­ring hir to make warre vpon the English. Where­vpon the quéene sent for the lords to commune with 1557. The queene regent desi­red warres. them at Newbottell, where she opened to them di­uerse wrongs doone on the borders by Englishmen, and how no redresse could be got: wherfore she requi­red that warres might be mooued against England in reuenge of those iniuries, although the bishop of Orkeneie was the same time at Caerleill in talke An assemblie at Caerleill. with Cutbert Tunstall bishop of Durham and o­thers, commissioners for England. The principall cause that mooued the queene regent to seeke to The occasion why the quéen regent desired to haue war. make war against England, was for that the Eng­lishmen aided the Emperor in fauor of his sonne king Philip against the French king, bicause their quéene had taken to husband the same king Philip, and sent the earle of Penbroke ouer with an armie to ioine with king Philips power.

It was thought therefore, that if the Scots inua­ded the English borders, it might cause them to call backe their power foorth of France to defend their owne countrie. But the Scotish lords would not The Scotish lords refuse to take warre in hand. Haimouth is fortified. Inuasions are made into England. consent in anie wise to begin anie warres: which their dealing when monsieur Doisell perceiued, hée spéedily went to Haimouth beside Berwike, and for­tified the same with all diligence, making inuasions into England. Wherevpon the Scotishmen in their owne defense were constreined to make warre, and the erle of Huntleie was made lieutenant vpon the borders, who came thither; and remaining there by the assistance of the Frenchmen, made sundrie inua­sions and rodes into England, burnt diuers townes and villages, and cast downe manie stone houses,

[Page 361] [...]

[Page 362] nobilitie, that maie honor the mariage with their pre­sence, and that (hauing publike authoritie therefore) may fréelie and according to law, dispose of those things which are accustomed to fall in such matters and affaires.

The which if you shall doo, I promise that hereafter they shall liberallie vnderstand how acceptable they shall be to me: and how that you shall receiue all the fruit and benefit which shall arise of my sons ma­riage (for the performance whereof, by reason of his 10 sufficient age, we will shortlie prouide) which said cō ­moditie shall not onclie now remaine to you that be present, but also most abundantlie with great plea­sure shall continue to your posteritie. For sith both our and your people of France and Scotland shall be so firmelie conioined (as we hope) by this mutuall knot of mariage, and our affaires with yours, and yours with ours, shall hang the one vpon the other, as it were by a certeine mutuall linke and knot, that both we (being out of the danger of such as would di­minish 20 and ouerthrow our states) maie for euer in­ioy such quiet as we did neuer hope to doo before this. From our castell of saint Germans, the fourth ka­lends of Nouember. 1557.

Subscription, A little below: By the king, Henrie: De Laubespine.

Upon the reading of which letters in the parle­ment, by the consent of the whole estates, there were 30 elected and chosen Iames Beton archbishop of Glas­cow, Robert Read bishop of Orkeneie, George Le­sle earle of Rothes, Gilbert Kennedie earle of Cas­siles, Iames Steward prior of saint Andrewes [the Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 533. Fr. Thin. queenes bastard brother] George lord Seton [cap­teine of Edenburgh] Iames Fleming, and Iohn Erskine lard of Dun [gouernor of Montrosse] am­bassadors and commissioners to go into France, and Ambassadors sent into France to consummate the mariage betwixt the quéene of Scotland and the Dolphin of France. 1558. there to contract mariage betwixt Marie quéene of Scotland, and Francis Dolphin of France, and to 40 solemnize the same mariage. Wherevpon, sufficient commissions and instruments were made to them by the estates of the parlement, and they accepting the same, made preparation for that iournie, and de­parted in the moneth of Februarie foorth of the rode of Leith, and with great winds & boisterous stormes came into France, loosing in their iournie one of their ships, with men and horsses before saint Ebbes head, in the Forth of Scotland, and an other with great riches & manie gentlemen, with the capteine 50 called Waterton in the rode of Bullongne. Two ships lost.

The ambassadors themselues neuerthelesse esca­ped, and comming safe vnto the French court in the moneth of March, were honorablie receiued of the king at Paris, where the contract of mariage was made, and thr [...]e score thousand franks assigned in The assigne­ment of the Scots quéens dowrie. dowrie to the queene of Scotland, & thirtie thousand franks of yéerelie pension, with manie rich iewels. There was also a perpetuall bond of league conclu­ded betwixt France and Scotland, and great prepa­ration 60 made for the mariage, which was solemnized in Paris with great triumph and assistance of all the cardinals, dukes, earles, barons, lords, and bishops of the realme, in the church of Nostre dame, the 24 of Aprill in that present yeere, 1558.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 16. After the solemnitie of this mariage, the legats of Scotland were called into the councell-house of the French king: at what time the chancellor of France delt with them, that they should represent the crowne and scepter, and other ornaments of the kingdome, to th' end the husband of the yong queene might be crowned king also of Scotland Where vn­to the ambassadors did shortlie make answer, that they had no such thing giuen in charge to them After which, the cardinall said; ‘We desire nothing more at your hands at this time, but that which lieth in your power to performe; which is, here now to confirme by writing that you will hereafter, forward, approoue & worke that this honor (which now we iustlie demand) maie be granted to the Dolphin, when the same shall be talked of in the parlement of Scotland. Which re­quest (when it séemed full of impudencie) they suppo­sed best more constantlie and sharpelie to reiect.’

‘Wherefore they answered, that their ambassage was restreined within certeine bounds, which they neither could nor would excéed. But and if they had beene sent with frée libertie of their ambassage, that yet it were not the part of faithfull friends (as the French professed to be) to require that which could not be granted without certeine and assured danger and infamie of treason, though danger of life were absent from it. All which notwithstanding, in all ho­nest things which might well be granted they would yéeld vnto the French, ioined vnto them by so manie necessarie occasions. Wherefore they requested the French that they would not in their demands excéed the limits of modestie.’

Whervpon the ambassadors being dismissed from the court, foure of the chiefe of them (before they departed home) which were these, Gilbert Kennedie, George Lesse, Robert Read, and also Iames Fle­ming, all men of singular vertue and loue to their countrie, besides manie other of the companie, died there, not without mistrust of poison. It was also be­léeued, that Iames the queenes brother had receiued the same draught: for (although he were of a better composition of bodie, stronger constitution of com­plexion, and of more youthfull strength, whereby he escaped death) he had alwaies after a continuall and dangerous infirmitie of his bellie whilest he liued, of the death of all which shall be somewhat more said héereafter. Thus leauing the Scotish lords ambassa­dors there in France for a time, we will returne to shew what happened betwixt the Scots and English­men at home, where the warres were pursued, to the losse or little gaine of both parts.]

About Whitsuntide, sir Henrie Persie with di­uerse bands of the countrie garrisons, & sir George Bowes then marshall of Berwike, with sundrie bands of the garrison of that towne, passed foorth in­to A rode into Scotland. Scotland, they being in all about seuen or eight hundred horssemen, and two thousand footmen. They burnt the townes of Duns and Langton; and ha­uing Duns and Langton burnt. got togither a great number of cattell, retur­ned homewards. The Scots that laie in Kelso; and other places, kéeping their quarterage on their bor­ders (for the realme, as ye haue heard, was quarie­red, euerie part kéeping their turne, as the manner is) assembled togither to the number of two thou­sand horssemen (or few lesse) and three bands of foot­men, hasting foorth to defend the countrie. And per­ceiuing where the Englishmen were, followed and coasted them as they returned with their bootie, till they came to Swinton, where they ouertooke them, and skirmished with them sharplie as they were pas­sing through the towne.

The Scotish footmen beat backe part of the Eng­lishmens The Scots assaile the Englishmen at Swinton. shot into their battell, and preassed verie forward in hope to be assisted by their horssemen, the which (as ye haue heard) ouermatched greatlie the English horssemen in number: but the fight grew somewhat hot, and the more vnto the disaduantage of the Englishmen, forsomuch as their shot & pow­der began to faile them, by reason the mistie mor­ning had made much of their powder da [...]kish, so that they could haue no vse thereof. But héerewith sir Henrie Lée, capteine Read, and others, being in the battell, behaued themselues verie stoutlie, causing [Page 363] the footmen to staie, and boldlie to abide the enimie: & heerewith procured the horssemen to giue a charge in such conuenient time, as if the same had béene pro­tracted, it might haue turned verie euill to the Eng­lish side.

But now as well the horssemen as footmen plai­eng their parts, the Scotish horssemen abiding with­out the towne in troope (while their footmen were in The Scots horssemen flée. skirmish) fled awaie, leauing their footmen to be slaine and spoiled of the Englishmen, and yet those 10 foo [...]m fought if out right manfullie: so that if the Scots horssemen had doone their parts so well as the footmen, it was like to haue gone harder on the English side than it did. But now the Scotish horsse­men not entring the fight, their footmen were inclo­sed by the Englishmen: for those that were in the fore-ward, and were passed by, returned, and com­ming behind their enimies, holpe to beat them downe, so that few or none of the Scots or French­men The Scots footmen slaine. (whereof there were some few amongest them) 20 escaped, but were either taken or slaine.

Amongest others, capteine Cullane, and cap­teine The lord of Keith with o­thers taken prisoners. Kenedie, two chiefe leaders of the footmen were taken: diuerse of their horssemen also in the retire were taken, amongest whome William lord Keith, sonne to the earle Marshall of Scotland was the chiefest. But this victorie was not atchiued with­out losse of diuerse Englishmen. Amongest other one Pell, ensigne-bearer to sir Iohn Markhams band of footmen was slaine. Also master Edrington 30 a capteine of light horssemen was taken prisoner by M Edring­ton taken. the lard of Edmonston, at the first charge giuen vp­on the Scotish horssemen, and led awaie without rescue. Beside the manfull prowesse of sir Henrie Persie, and the other English capteins before men­tioned, the forward valiancie shewed that day of sir William Brereton, and Thomas Markham, that Sir William Brereton. led his father sir Iohn Markehams band of footmen, also of Rafe Ellerkar a capteine of horssemen, are not to be forgotten, who with diuerse other capteins 40 & souldiers behaued themseues in such wise at that present seruice, as their dealings therein deserue speciall memorie.

Moreouer, at an other time the Scots & French­men entring into England, the Scotish horssemen, to the number of a thousand or thereabouts, passed foorth to burne and forraie the countrie: but the earle of Northumberland, & his brother sir Henrie Per­sie, assembled togither a power of horssemen: and sir Henrie Persie méeting with them at Grendon, 50 set vpon the Scots and chased them ouer the water of Twisell, vnto the foot battell of the Frenchmen: The Scots put to flight at Grendon. who retiring to the riuer of Twéed, passed ouer the same at Chapell Fourd, where they were assailed both by certeine foot bands of the garrison of Ber­wike, that were come foorth to aid the earle, and al­so by the horssemen: so as diuerse were drowned in the riuer before they could get ouer.

But after they were once got to the further side, they put themselues in order of battell againe, and 60 retired in a squadron verie stronglie, susteining lit­tle or no hurt at all, notwithstanding that the erle of Northumberland (being then come) and his brother sir Henrie Persie, with the rest of the capteins and The good or­der of the Frenchmen in their retire. gentlemen of the countrie, pursued them ouer the water for the space of two miles, skirmishing with them still as they marched awaie, but could doo them no harme, because they kept themselues in so good order, & the English footmen were not able to reach them. Wherevpon the English horssemen suffering the Frenchmen to depart, left them, and passing in­to the countrie, burnt long Ednam, and diuerse Lōg Ednam burnt. other hamlets and villages, and so returned. Di­uerse Scots that day at the ouerthrow and chase of their horssemen were taken prisoners, as the lord The lord Greie of Scotland ta­ken prisoner. Cawmils woone by the Englishmen. Greie, and others.

And after this, the Englishmen wan the strong pile of Cawmils, wherein were sixtéene French­men that defended it for the time verie stoutlie, so that it cost the liues of diuerse Englishmen, before they could take it. Shortlie after, there was a fore skirmish at Halidon hill. For whereas the most part of summer it was ordeined, that euerie daie cer­teine bands of souldiers should ward on the same hill, to giue libertie to the inhabitants of Berwike, to mow and carie in their haie; they continued for a time without anie trouble offered by the Scots or French, so that the warders standing in no doubt of the enimies, vsed out of their armor to shoot, bowle, quait, & exercise such like games of pleasure. Where­of the Scots & Frenchmen being aduertised, came one day from Aimouth in so secret wise, that they were drawen verie néere to the Englishmen, yer they had anie warning of their approch.

This approch as it was priuie, so was it like wise sudden, insomuch that before they could be got into order, the Scots and Frenchmen were almost at their elbowes; and falling in skirmish with them, handled them verie roughlie: although sir William Brereton, sir Iohn Markeham, maister William A sore skir­mish vpon Halidon hill. Drewrie, Cutbert Uaughan, and other the capteins of the Englishmen did behaue themselues right manfullie, bringing their men in order, incoura­ging them, and dooing what apperteined vnto har­die and skilfull warriors. But yet three times that day the Scots and Frenchmen put them from the higth of the hill, till at length sir Iames Croft com­ming from Berwike, vsed such diligence and po­licie in the matter, that the Scots and Frenchmen were repelled and constreined to retire, withdraw­ing backe into Aimouth, after they had continuedin skirmish from one of the clocke till it was past foure with no small losse on both parts.

After this, the earle of Bothwell, lieng on the bor­ders The earle of Bothwell. as lieutenant, according to the order for the time of his quarterage, entred on a day into Eng­land, and sent his forraie to burne Fenton towne, kéeping himselfe in ambush at Haltwell Sweire. Sir Henrie Persie aduertised that the Scots were thus entred, got togither a thousand horsse, and ma­king foorth to defend the countrie, set vpon the earle at the aforesaid place of Haltwell Sweire; but some Haltwell Sweire. feare entring into the hearts of the Englishmen, by reason of certeine shot which the Scots had there with them, fled, and were pursued by the Scots o­uer the water of Till. There were taken aboue six score Englishmen, amongst whom capteine Ering­ton, The English men put to flight. and capteine Kar, that had the leading of light horssemen, were two: beside diuerse other men of good account in seruice, as one Uaughan a gentle­man and such like.

About this time, whilest the lord Eure commonlie called Euers, remained capteine of Berwike, one Kirkaudie cousine to sir William Kirkaudie lard of Grange, chanced to be taken prisoner into Ber­wike; and afterwerds being ransomed, at his com­ming home to Aimouth, he made report that he had beene too streictlie vsed, during the time that he re­mained prisoner, at the hands of the said lord Eure. By reason wherof, vpon chalenge made by Grange to fight a combat with the lord Eure, the matter The lard of Grange chal­lēgeth the lord Eure. grew to this issue; that where their degrées were not equall, Rafe Eure brother to the lord Eure vnder­tooke (in his brothers behalfe) to breake a staffe with the lard of Grange vpon the side of Halidon hill at a day appointed: where they met, either of them bring­ing twelue gentlemen with them, to sée the triall of this chalenge performed.

[Page 364] But when they came to haue their armor & wea­pons viewed, the truth is so, that Grange was ar­med in a cote of plate, and a cura [...]e alo [...]t vpon it: wherewith some fault was found, because maister Cure was clad onelie in a single cote of plate, with­out anie other péeces of armor for defense of his bo­die. But yet such was the great courage of the said maister Eure, that he would not refuse the chalenge, notwithstanding his aduersaries aduantage of ar­mor. The lard of Grange and maister Rafe Eure ran one against ano­ther. Wherevpon they ran togither, and brake both 10 their staues; and as it fortuned maister Eure was hurt in the flanke. The warre being thus pursued betwixt England and Scotland, beside the incoun­ters and roads which are before mentioned, there were two great roads made into Scotland; the one by the earle of Westmerland, and the other by the earle of Northumberland: the lord Talbot being there, & hauing the leading of certeine demilances.

Moreouer, it was thought good by the English­men, not onelie to annoie the Scots by land, but al­so 20 by sea. Wherevpon sir Iohn Clere with certeine Sir Iohn Clere slaine in the Ile of Orkeneie. ships of warre sailed foorth alongest the coast, till at length he arriued at the Iles of Orkeneie; where going on land about an enterprise, & staieng longer than was requisit, he was incountred by his aduer­saries, and slaine with manie of his people, which were there on land with him. But though the Scots had good successe in that part, they susteined great damage on the west side of the realme, by a iournie which the erle of Sussex then lord deputie of Ireland 30 attempted against them. For the better vnderstan­ding whereof ye shall note, that after the lord Clin­ton high admerall of England had burnt the towne of Conquest in Britaine, there were seuen ships of warre appointed to passe into Ireland, as the Marie Willoughbie, the New barke, the Sacret, the Ger­falcon, and thrée other that were merchants, and ap­pointed that yeare to serue the quéene of England in hir warres.

There were also beside those seuen ships of war, 40 two vittellers appointed to attend vpon them. Sir Thomas Cotton was ordeined their admerall, and one Southweke of Douer was assigned to be their viceadmerall. Now vpon their arriuall in Ireland, the earle of Sussex hauing also prepared thrée o­ther The iournie of the earle of Sussex into the west parts of Scotland. ships, with sufficient and necessarie prouision for his iourneie, imbarked with so manie soul­diers as conuenientlie might be bestowed aboord in that fléet, conteining twelue saile in the whole; and departing toward the west of Scotland, land­ded 50 in a part of the countrie called Kentire, with as manie souldiers and mariners as might be spared Kentire. out of the ships, leauing them furnishd with com­petent numbers for their safegard; and being got to land, he passed foorth into the countrie, & burnt two houses that belonged to Iames Maconell chiefe go­uernor of those parts, & a great enimie to the Eng­lishmen. Iames Ma­conell.

He burnt also diuerse townes, villages, and ham­lets belonging vnto the said Maconell, with great 60 store of corne and other things which came in their waie. The Scots oftentimes skirmished with the Englishmen, but durst not aduenture to ioine with them in battell, they kept so good order by the earle of Sussex his politike and valiant conduction. There were a sort of Scots gotten into a bo [...] meaning to haue fled, but being apprehended by the English­men, they were executed. Finallie, after the earle had remained there on land, in burning and spoiling the countrie for the space of thrée daies, he retur­ned to his ships, and in safetie went aboord againe with his men: and making saile to the Ile of Ar­rane, The earle of Sussex burnt the Ile of Ar­rane. entred the hauen called Amalasche, and lan­ding at that place, burnt the countrie, and after went to Cumber, where he likewise burnt and [...]ar­ried that Ile.

This doone, he meant to haue gone into two other Ilands, Ila and Iureie: but the winds grew so ter­rible Foule wea­ther. with tempests and foule weather, that they lost one of their ships; and some of the rest were so rent & spoiled of their tackle and furniture, as they esca­ped in great hazard of being cast awaie also. There were six and twentie mariners drowned, the which perceiuing the ship to be in danger of sinking, sled into the boate, and so perished: the other that re­mained in the ship were saued, as maister Francis Randoll, and others. By reason therefore of such foule weather, the earle of Sussex was constreined to returne into Ireland, arriuing in Cragfergus▪ The earle of Sussex retur­neth into Ire­land. where he landed with his souldiers: and appointing the ships to returne into England, he passed by land vnto Dublin, spoiling the enimies countries by the waie, and taking from them a great preie and bootie of cattell; notwithstanding the painfull passage that he had to make through the cumbersome waies, bogs, and woods, without reliefe of all necessarie things in that so troublesome a iournie.

Thus far for those yeares warre in the daies of Marie quéene of England, betwixt the Englishmen and Scots: whereof sith I haue found none that hath written anie thing at all, I haue yet set downe these od notes, as I haue learned the same of such as had good cause to know the truth thereof, being eie-witnesses themselues of such enterprises and ex­ploits as chanced in the same warres; namelie cap­teine Read, capteine Wood, capteine Erington, capteine Gurleie, and capteine Markham; with o­thers, which of their courtesie haue willinglie im­parted to me the report of diuerse such things, as I wisht to be resolued in. Which accordinglie (so far as my remembrance hath serued) I haue here deliue­red, to the end the same maie giue occasion to others (that maie happilie light vpon more full instructi­ons) to impart to posteritie a more perfect discourse, where otherwise the matter might peraduenture wholie passe in forgetfulnesse.

And now to returne vnto the Scotish ambassa­dors that were sent into France, for the conclusion of the mariage betwixt their quéene & the Dolphin. After that the same mariage was consummat, and euerie thing ordered and brought to passe according to the effect of their commission; in the moneth of August they tooke their leaue of the French king, The ambas­sadors died almost all. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 538, 539. the quéene, and nobilitie there, to returne home­wards into Scotland: albeit few of them came home, for the bishop of Ork [...]neie departed this tran­sitorie life in Diepe, the fiftéenth of September; the earle of Roths deceassed there the ninth of No­uember; the earle of Cass [...]ls lord treasuror departed in the same place the fourteenth of Nouember; and the lord Fleming deceassed in Paris the eightéenth Thrée came home againe. of December. And so onelie the archbishop of Glas­cow, the prior of saint Andrews, and the lard of Lard of Dun. A parlement. Dun returned into Scotland in October. After whose comming, there was a parlement summoned by the quéene, to be holden in Dcember next.

[In August, Archembald Campbell erle of Argile, Fr. Thin. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag 539. whose wit was singular in dispatch of the affaires aswell of peace as of warre, was made high iustice of Scotland; and in France was aduanced to the title of a knight of the order of saint Michaell. Few daies betweene these things departed this life the bishop of Brechin, and Andrew Durie bishop of Whitechurch. To the one did succéed the abbat of Candid [...] C [...]. Couper, in place of the other came Alexander Gor­don archbishop of Athens by the quéenes benefit. Dauid Painter or Paniter bishop of Ros, & Iames Steward, whome Iames the fi [...] (being illegitimat [Page 365] father vnto him) had made abbat of Melrosse and [...] [...]ed also t [...]s yeare. Whose monasteries the queen [...] did [...] with giu [...] vnto the cardinall Guise; long after which followed also the death of the ab­ [...] of [...]. At this verie time manie pro­di [...]us [...]ghts▪ [...] I w [...]ll not [...]ere rec [...]e, being [...] by [...] [...] appeare by a marker of such om [...]ous [...]hings; whereof these verses were made:

[...] est [...], qu [...] [...]
[...]. 10

In September there was a parlement holden at Edenburgh, in which the acts of the former [...] in France about the mariage of the queene of Scots [...]. [...]. to the [...]) were con [...]ed. At what time the Do [...]phin of France by his ambassadors did [...] request, that the crowne (which they [...]) should be giuen vnto him by the de­cree of the [...]tes, whereby he might be called king of Scotland as long as the quéene liued. The queene also iudging it a point of honor, to h [...]ape all 20 [...] of glorie which she could vpon hir husband, as one that by a certe [...]e inclination of mind did ver­ [...] fau [...]r him; gaue in charge also to the ambas­dors, that they should earne [...]lie follow the same cause amongest the Scots. And to the end to draw the [...] the more easilie [...]nto hir opinion; she drew the matter into certeine articles, deliuered to the am­bassadors with more ample instructions touching the same: the [...] of all which was this.

First, diligentlie to beat into the Scots with what 30 disposition of mind the Dolphin was affe [...]ed toward them. as well as his father, who held the Scots in that account as he did his owne people, and so al­wa [...]s would haue them: which good mind of the French towards the Scots to be pla [...]e without a­ [...] dissimulation, it maie well appeere as well by the cou [...]nants established for the mariage, as also by the benefits which he hath not onelie bestowed vpon the Scots and Scotland in generaliti [...], but also in par­ticularitie vpon certeine especiall Scots, of his 40 owne frée will, almost without the request of anie bodie. And that they should also further la [...]e abroad, what helpe the queene and Scots haue had of th [...] woorthie cardinall of Lorraine, & the duke of G [...]se the quéenes vncle. All which the ambassadors them­sel [...]s (as they haue fullie proued) did well vnder­s [...]and.

Secondlie, where the quéene dooth thinke that she is greatlie benefited with manie honors by so great a king, but especiallie in this, that so mightie a 50 prince hath taken hir into the [...]owship of the holie [...]ed, by which there can not anie other commoditie grow to the king than the reuenues of the kingdome which he hath purchased with his great charge and la­bor: and that the quéene considering all this (with great grife o [...] mind) dooth séeke by [...]hat meanes she might at least expresse some small token of a thanke­full mind for so manie benefits (because if she should not doo s [...]me thing, no small blot would séeme to be imputed to the queene and the Scots) it came into 60 hir mind to thinke by what meanes she could requite some part therof, which she could doo (as she thought) if at the least she did but honor hir husband with the king [...]e title, & giue vnto him the mariage crowne of Scotland.

This thing therefore the quéene hir selfe dooth ear­nestlie desire, and dooth courteou [...]ie request all the e­stat [...]s of Scotland, that the same maie be established by the voices of the full parlement▪ and that they will command some thrée or foure of the chiefest nobilitie honorablie to carie the ensignes of the kingdome to him, that at the least by this token of loue, the king & the best of the court maie well perceiue, with what re [...]ence [...]nd with what dutie they fauour the king hir husband.

And to the end that this request of the quéene, for the ra [...]enesse of the example, should not [...] anie doubt in the mind of the nobilitie, and t [...] [...]old [...] as it were in suspense, it was giuen in charge also to the ambassadors, that they should in ma [...]er point with their finger, that manie ages past▪ the queene of Naples did not onelie for loue she did [...] vnto him, adorne the duke of A [...]on hir [...] ▪ with the [...]are name of a king; but did also by the consent of the nobilitie, giue him rule and gouernement o­uer the same kingdome. The like [...]ereof was al­so doone in our memorie by the queene of Spaine to hir husband the archduke of [...], & by the queene of Nauarre to the duke of Uandos [...]e.

But if that the Scots be mooued by the example of the English, who haue excluded Philip king of Spaine, that then the ambassadors should [...] w [...]pe awa [...]e that doubt, if they admo [...]th th [...] Scots that the English are not [...]d to the Spaniards with that firme and néedfull band as the Scots are to the French, both which nations haue one priuileg [...], ma­gistrats to gouerne, and one fellowship and parti­cipation of the administration of all the things in either kingdome. Whervnto they must further adde that it was so far off, that the English should [...]ape anie fruit or commoditie by the Spaniards that the king of Spaine himselfe did (as it were) wring from the English all the commoditie he could, to performe his affaires out of the realme. And fur­ther, that the English being out of a [...] hope for their queene to haue an [...]e iss [...] by the same mariage, they would not grant vnto it, when there is a certeine and full hope left to the Scots, that issue may come of this marriage.

Besides all this, let it be opened vnto the Scots, what great benefit maie redound vnto them by this signe of a thankefull mind. For it maie so [...]appen, that if the king Dolphin shall feele himselfe [...] a­sed with this title of honor by the Scots, as a note of their good fauour to him, that he ma [...] [...] vp his Well [...]shed to [...] a fr [...]g. father the king of France, that he will not by anie meanes permit the quéene of Scots his wife to be excluded from the kingdome of England, after the [...]ot so lik [...] as tha [...] [...] of [...]. death of quéene Marie, who was not like to liue long being [...]ore troubled with the dropsie.

These things and manie others were giuen in charge to the ambassadors (com [...]n out of France) to declare to the parlement of Scotland. Which being thus declared to the sta [...]es and the quéene regent, with might and maine s [...]eking the furthering there­of; at length it was granted that he should be king during the life of the quéene. For which cause Gil­lesper Campbell earle of Argile, and Iames Ste­ward, bastard brother to the yoong quéene, being pri­or of S. Andrews, were named to e [...]ute their con­sent vnto the Dolphin, to declare him king, and to inuest him with the ornaments thereto belonging, and further to shew the readie minds of the Scots toward him, not onlie in this but in all other things: by which anie honor or profit might anie waie rise vnto him.

But whilest these men doo prepare all things for such a iournie, certeine factio [...]s persons did beat in­to their eares, how heauie a iournie that would b [...] vnto them. For it would happen, that [...] they were busie in prouiding for small things abrode, they should by delaie corrupt, or by absence cleane ouer­turne matters of greater importance at home. For they did know how the subtill [...]it of Iames, and the great power and strength of the earle of Argile would be missing in those new things which were in hand amongst these of the religion: for which they neuer left off intreating and persuading, vntill they [Page 366] had wholie staied them from that iournie.

During these affaires, Marie quéene of England Buch. lib. 10. died, and that woorthie ladie Elizabeth succeeded in hir place. Immediatlie wherevpon, the yoong quéene of Scots bare hir selfe as heire to that kingdome, and caused all hir hangings, bedding, vessels, and o­ther houshold stuffe to be stamped and marked with the title and armes of the kings of England. And although France were then miserablie afflicted in chalenging the dominion and gouernment of Mil­lane, 10 Naples, and Flanders; yet they would needes heape euill vpon euill, and adde therevnto the title of England, as being vnto them a verie scorne and mockerie (as Buchanan tearmeth it.) Neither did the wiser sort of the French looke into that matter: for the Guises, who at that time gouerned all things, did consent to this error of the Scotish quéene, bicause they would thereby séeme to haue gotten to them­selues a singular honor in adding the title of Eng­land to the French name. 20

The regent hauing now gotten a consent (as be­fore you haue heard) of the matrimoniall crowne to be bestowed vpon the husband of the yoong quéene of Scots, began after a sort to put on a new mind: for by little and little she conuerted that old and accep­ted courtesie, into commanding arrogancie; and the gentle answers wherewith she was woont to ap­pease all parts, were turned contrarie. Which before she durst not doo by reason of the present state, which then was such, as she feared not to promise what she 30 would not haue to be performed, bicause she had not then obteind the grant of the matrimoniall crowne: but now hauing all things after hir owne mind, she vsed other conditions, and other spéeches. There was also a parlement appointed at Striueling in the sixt Ides of Maie.

And bicause she was heard oftentimes to saie, that she would not suffer the maiestie of the chiefe go­uernement to be cast downe from the seat thereof, but wold restore it to the former place. By which sai­engs 40 manie were admonished of some troublesome tempest to follow. Wherevpon diuerse came to in­treat hir for the protestants, amongest which for the dignitie of his name, to make the matter to be more easilie obteined, there were sent Alexander Cu­nigame earle of Glencarne, and Hugh Campbell shiriffe of Aine, a woorthie knight, before whom the regent could not refraine hirselfe, but burst foorth into these woords.

‘These men (saith shee) sith they haue preached 50 not verie sincerelie, shall be banished, though you andyour ministers resist against it.’ And when they re­plied, beséeching hir that she would remember what she had often promised: she answered, that the per­formance of promise is to bée chalenged of prin­ces, so farre as it séemeth commodious for them to performe it. Wherevnto they replied, that they there­fore renounced all dutie and obedience vnto hir, and did further forewarne hir of the great mischiefes that would flow out of this founteine: with which an­swer 60 shée being stroken more than shée looked for, said in the end, that she would both thinke on it and them.)

In Iulie and August, there was a conuention of all the prelats and cleargie holden at Edenburgh, An assemblie of the cleargie. Fr. Thin. in the which certeine men & women of Edenburgh were accused of heresie, and abiured at the towne crosse with faggots on their backes: [wherevpon (as saith Lesleus lib. 10. pa. 538.) were great tumults rai­sed at Edenburgh, for the appeasing whereof, the lord Seiton was made gouernor there.] In this assem­blie it was required, that the common praiers Cōmon prai­ers to be had in the vulgar toong. might be read in the Scotish toong in churches, with certeine other articles of reformation, whereof the answer was deferred till March, in which moneth a prouinciall councell was appointed to be holden at Edenburgh. The second of March, the said prouinci­all A prouinciall councell. councell of all the prelats and clergie of Scot­land began, wherein diuerse articles were proponed Requests made by the laitie. by the temporaltie; as to haue the praiers and admi­nistration of the sacraments in the Scotish lan­guage, the election of bishops and all beneficed men to passe by the voices of the temporall lords & people of their diocesses and parishes, with diuerse other re­formations: all the which the bishops refused to grant, where through there arose shortlie after great trouble in Scotland.

The queene regent caused summons to be giuen 1559. Iohn Knox with other are summoned. to Iohn Knox, Iohn Wullocke, Iohn Dowglas, and Paule Meffane, to appeare at Striueling the tenth day of Maie: and for lacke of appearance they were denounced rebels, and put to the horne. Wher­vpon the said Iohn Knox being in Perth, persuaded the maister of Lindseie, the lards of Tulibardin, Dun, Pettarrow, and diuerse other being there as­sembled, with the burgesses of the townes of saint Iohns towne and Dundee, to pull downe the ima­ges Images and frier houses pulled downe. and altars in all churches, and to suppresse the houses of friers, & other religious places. Who after a sermon made by him to that effect, the same tenth of Maie they began in saint Iohns towne, and cast downe the abbeie of the Charterhouse, the Blacke and Carmelite friers, called the Tullelum [and so Fr. Thin. cleane, that (as saith Buchanan) within two daies there was left no signe thereof almost to be séene] and reformed all other churches thereabouts, brea­king downe the images and altars in Fife, Angus, Mernis, and other parts there next adioining.

The queene regent being aduertised thereof, sent for the duke of Chatelerault, and diuerse other of the nobilitie, as the earles of Atholl, Argile, Marshall, The quéene regent came to Perth. and others, who came with hir to Perth, otherwise called saint Iohns towne, hauing with them two thousand Frenchmen [to whome also repaired (as Fr. Thin. saith Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 548) the archbishop of saint Andrew and Glascow, the bishops of Dunkeld, and Dunblane, Iames prior of saint Andrews, the ab­bat of Cowper and Dunfermeling, with manie o­ther chiefe of the cleargie] who entered the towne vp­on appointment of the lord Ruthen capteine thereof, and so receiuing it, gaue it in keeping to capteine Iames Steward, and capteine Cullane, with their bands of men of warre. In the meane time the erle S. Andrews. of Argile, and the prior of saint Andrews, left the quéene in Perth, and went to saint Andrews, ioi­ning themselues with the other, and made reforma­tion of the churches, casting downe altars, images, houses of friers, and abbeies in that towne, and in Cowper, and other places thereabout: and assem­bling Cowper. a great companie of countrie men, came to Londros, Balmeare, & Cowper, to make resistance against the Frenchmen that were in Falkeland with the quéene [come thither from Perth, after that Fr. Thin. she had left in Perth six hundred men vnder the charge of Iames Steward cardinall, & Iames Cul­lane.] But when they should haue met on Cowper Two armies were pacified, moore in battell, the duke of Chatelerault, the earle Marshall, and others, laboured betwixt them, so that the battell was staied, & the queene with the French­men returned vnto Edenburgh.

The earle of Argile, the prior of saint Andrews, and their assisters came to saint Iohns towne and Saint Iohns towne be­besieged. besieged it, till it was to them surrendered. The erle of Huntleie was sent to them from the queene to treat with them of some accord, but he profited not. At the same time a certeine number of persons of the townes of Dundée & Perth, came to the abbeie Scone abbei [...] burnt. of Scone, and spoiling the church, burnt it with the [Page 367] most part of the house, the earle of Argile, and the prior of saint Andrews being with them in compa­nie. After this they went to Striueling, and to Lith­quo, The friers in Striueling destroied. where they caused the houses of the blacke friers and graie friers to be throwne downe. From thence they passed to Edenburgh where the quéene hearing of their comming, departed with the Frenchmen vnto Dunbar, the duke of Chatelerault, and the erle The quéene departed from Edenburgh. of Huntleie being with hir in companie.

The earle of Argile and his companie, called the 10 lords of the congregation, were receiued into Eden­burgh by the bailiffes of the towne, where the places of the blacke and graie friers were suddenlie ouer­throwne, & the Church a field, and Trinitie college, The frierhou­ses ouer­throwne. and saint Giles church were reformed, and the ima­ges and altars pulled downe. The lords remaining thus in Edenburgh [apprehended Robert Richard­son Fr. Thin. (as saith Lesleus) that was gouernor of the pub­like treasurie, tooke the keis by force from him, ente­red the abbeie] the coming house, tooke the coining i­rons, 20 seized vpon the quéenes mooueables, which they found in the palace, and kept the same. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 551.Whilest these things were thus doone at Edenburgh, Max­well lord Harries gouernor of the west marches, which at that time was deteined prisoner in Eden­burgh castell, did priuilie get out of the same by a rope hanged to the wall, and hauing spéedie horsses, departed to his owne companie, shortlie after ioi­ning himselfe to the lords of the religion.]

Monsieur Doisell and the Frenchmen came from 30 Dunbar to the links of Leith, accompanied with the duke of Chatelerault, the earles of Huntleie, Both­well, Two armies pacified. Mourton, and others. And the lords of the con­gregation came foorth of the towne of Edenburgh of purpose to haue giuen battell to the Frenchmen, al­beit they were not sufficient partie to resist them. But the erle of Huntleie trauelled betwixt them, by whose meanes there met twelue on euerie side, who a­gréed vpon certeine articles, and so the quéene and Frenchmen entered into Leith, and foorthwith began 40 Leith fortified to fortifie it.

The articles of agreement betweene the regent and the lords of the reformed religion.

1 FIrst, that all the souldiers of the reli­gion, and such as did belong to them, Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10 pag. 553. Buchanan. lib. 16. should depart from Edenburgh, and 50 leaue the same to the gouernement of the queene: with this prouiso, that the citizens should either remaine, or depart at their pleasure.

2 Item, that those of the religion should restore vnto the magistrats wholie and trulie all such sums of monie, or other pretious things, which they had ei­ther priuatlie taken, or by open force spoiled from the magistrats.

3 Thirdlie, that the quéenes palace, which they of the religion did possesse, with all the furniture and or­naments 60 thereof, should be deliuered vp againe to such as should be appointed therefore.

4 Fourthlie, that they of the religion should not depart, before they had committed the lord Ruthwen and Pettarrow (whome they promised to put in pled­ges for their credit and good dealing) to the keeping of such as were on the quéenes part.

5 Fiftlie, that all men should acknowledge the gouernement of the king and the quéene to be law­full, which before they had gainesaid by the pretense of religion: and that they should faithfullie obeie the regent, and the old lawes of the kingdome, except such decrees as perteined not to religion.

6 Sixtlie, that they should not by anie meanes trouble the catholike priests and ecclesiasticall per­sons, or hinder them from quiet gathering and inioi­eng their rents, tithes, and profits, vntill the fourth Ides of Ianuarie.

7 Seuenthlie, that they should not from hence­foorth violate or deface churches, religious houses, or anie other holie places.

8 Eightlie, that euerie man might at Eden­burgh professe and vse what religion he would, which they commonlie called the libertie of conscience.

9 Ninthlie, that the quéene regent should faith­fullie prouide, that the preachers of the reformed reli­gion should not be molested or hurt, either by hir, or by anie of the catholike gouernors. Both parties be­ing thus satisfied with these conditions, the French entered Leith.]

Shortlie after this, the duke of Chatelerault, part­lie Duke Chate­lerault taketh part with the reformers of the churches. through persuasion of the earle of Argile his si­sters sonne, and the Westland lords, and partlie be­cause he vnderstood that his son the earle of Arrane was fled foorth of France to Geneua for the religion, he tooke part with the lords from that time foorth a­gainst the aduise of the bishop of saint Andrews, and diuerse other his friends. This yeere in Iune, Henrie King Henrie was hurt and died. the king of France, at the triumph of the mariages betwixt the king of Spaine and his daughter, and duke of Sauoie and his sister, was wounded in iusts at the tourneillis in Paris by the count Montgo­merie, and died of the hurts the tenth of Iulie next insuing, being the eleuenth day after he was woun­ded. Then Francis his sonne, that had maried the Francis the Dolphin suc­céeded his fa­ther. quéene of Scotland, was crowned king at saint De­nis, and annointed at Reimes in September fol­lowing.

Fr. Thn. Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 554. In the moneth of September, Croke a noble man of France was sent to the regent, to comfort hir in the kings name; declaring vnto hir that an ar­mie was preparing to come into Scotland, vnder the leading of the marquesse of Albufe or Elbufe (as saith Buchanan) and that in the meane time with all spéed some troopes of men should shortlie be there with monie, and other defenses of warre. And to the end that nothing should want to further hir, the king would shortlie send certeine noble men into Scot­land, which should counsell hir in these troublesome affaires. Besides which, he brought letters out of France from the king and the queene, to the prior of saint Andrewes, in which they rather sought to in­cline his mind by courtesie to obedience, before that they would inforce him therevnto by warre. Which letters being by Lesleus turned out of French into Latine are by me thus deliuered in English, with the answer of the prior to the same.

Francis king of France to Iames prior of the monasterie of saint Andrewes.

AFter that I vnderstood by certeine let­ters, Lesleus lib. 11. pag. 554. & by the common report of all (my coosine) that Scotland did flame in euerie part with tumults and seditions, it is strange to sée how greatlie I was astonied thereat. But when I heard that you (to whome my dead fa­ther, my déere wife, and my selfe, haue giuen so manie large benefits) should be forgetfull of them all liberallie bestowed, and become the author, head, and nourisher of this fire of contention and bralles; I could not be persuaded that you would so farre di­gresse from that office and dutie of pietie, which you haue alwaies made shew to beare vnto the quéene.

‘But if the thing were so, as the common fame dooth report of you, I did verelie thinke that the pro­mises and flattering woords of others had intised you to this deceipt, onelie to take the fault vpon you; for [...]

[Page 369] ‘their worthie force in taking vpon him the defense of those things.’

‘Wherefore he would not haue the king or quéene to thinke that their authoritie is touched, when he la­bored to pull awaie the deuises of the papists. From which onelie thing sith he supposeth the honor of God, the glorie of the king and queene, and the helpe and health of his countrie to be conteined therein) he will not be withdrawne by the force of anie man, nor be in [...] for all the threats of the king and queene, 10 untill be haue wholie c [...] awaie the branches of su­pr [...]on, and vtterlie pu [...]ed vp the roots thereof.’

Cr [...]kes had scarse performed his ambassage for which he came, as before you haue heard) in deliue­ring these letters: but foorthwith al [...]ded at Leith [...] a Frenchman, with foure troops of soul­diers, with a great masse of monie, & other furniture needfull for the warres: whome after a [...] daies the regent sent backe againe into France, to require of the king, that foure other companies of souldiers 20 might be sent ouer, which might with those (a [...]die now in Scotland) supplie the number of twentie en­signes: to whome also it were expedient to ioine a hundred horsmen, which number she affirmed would s [...]ce to pacific all the tu [...]ts in Scotland, so that foure ships well appointed might alwaies lie in the hauen of Leith, to watch the port. Of all which if the Scots were prouided, by the benefit of the king) and that the comming of hir brother the marquesse of Albu [...]e were haste [...]ed, she promised then to bring all 30 things to an end.

Besides which, she did also signifie vnto the king, that the Scots of the reformed religion, for the in­crease of their fa [...]tion, had secretlie growen in league with some of the no [...]litie of France, who did dail [...] send letters and messengers to the Scots, to incou­rage them not to leaue off from their attempts; pro­mising also vnto them that they would [...]inder (by all the meanes they could) that no great ar [...]ue should be made out of France against them: and 40 moreouer, in that the Scots had sent ambassadors to Germanie, and into Denmarke, for religions cause, to require aid from thence, but their chiefest and prin­cipall hope did rest [...]as saith Lesleus [...] in England.]

During these things, the duke of Chatelerault and the lords of the congregation sent to the quéene [...]. whereof we will speake more héereafter, beseeching [...] to leaue off from making of forts within the realme. But she would not grant so to doo: wherfore they assembled their whole forces in Edenburgh, and 50 besieged the towne of Leith in October: the quéene and Frenchmen, with the bishops of saint Andrews, [...]th besieged Glascaw, Dunfreis, the lord of Seton, and diuerse o­ther Scotishmen being within it. But the French­men of warre issued foorth of Leith, and met néere to the abbtie of Holie rood house, with the Scotish lords and their companie, where manie Scotishmen were The Scotish­men are van­ [...]ed. staine, & the rest chased into Edenburgh: the French­men also following them vnto the gates of Eden­burgh, had entred, if those within the castell had not 60 shot off the ar [...]llerie at them, to staie the slaughter and pursute.

In the time of this siege, the yoong lard of Le­thington, secretarie to the quéene, being with hir in Leith left the towne, & secretlie departing, got him to the lords, and holpe greatlie afterwards to ob­teine aid out of England. After this, the quéene and The queene ca [...] to E­ [...]gh. Frenchmen came to Edenburgh, which was peace­ablie rendred to them, where they remained all that winter. About the same time, Nicholas Pelue the bishop of Amiens, monsieur de la Brosse, & two do­ctors [...] men sent in [...] Scotland. of diuinitie, came to Scotland in September, and [...]a Brosse was made lieutenant of the French armie, monsieur Martigues coronell of the footmen. And with them came a great companie of French souldiers vnto the queene regent, so that then the French power was thirtie fiue hundred good man of warre, besides two bands of Scotish souldiers, vnder the leading of capteine Anthon [...]e Kenedie, and Iames Steward of Cardonald.

[...]. The Frenchmen being thus entered France, [...] of the chiefest of the nobilitie were assembled at Edenburgh, of whome there was a day required of bearing to be giuen to la Brosse, and to the bishop, affirming that they were sent thither as ambassa­dors. To whome it was answered, ‘that they did not seeke peace (as they did dissemble) but threaten war: for otherwise to what end were i [...] to bring armed sol­diers to dispute thereof: For the Scots were not se ignorant of the state of things, that they would com­mit them selues to that deciding of matters, in which they might be compelled to accept conditions an­swerable to the mind of the aduersarie. But if a­mongest weapons it pleased them to make peace, they would also prouide, that they would not rather seeme to be drawne there vnto by compulsion, than quietlie led by reason. For if they did trulie & from their heart require that in déed which they séeme in w [...]ds, they would discharge those strange souldiers, and meet (as they haue often d [...]e in other places) vnarmed, as to a thing that by woords and reason is to be decided, and not by swoords the strength to be compassed. And thus much for the ambassadors.’

‘Now you haue heard before of the battell of Leith, the besieging and the regaining of Edenburgh; tou­ching which, because it is omitted before in the reci­ting of the things doone in those places. I thinke it not a [...]sse (though it come a little out of course) to set it downe [...]as Buchanan hath placed the same [...] n [...]t after the spéeches vsed to those ambassadors.’ Thus therefore he writeth touching the defense of Leith. [...]. ‘These noble men [...]meaning those at Edenburgh [...] did write to the queene much after this maner, That they did greatlie maruell, that the regent prouoked with no iniuries, did so soone depart from the former couenants; and expelling the ancient inhabitants of Leith, and placing there a colonie of strangers, she would in that place build a castle to the destruction of the lawes and liberties of the realme, and to the danger of the liues of them all. Wherefore they did earnestlie intreat [...]ir. that she would desist from this thing rashlie attempted [...]against the faith of hir promise, the publike commoditie, and the laws and li­berties of the kingdome) least she inforce them by necessitie to praie in aid of the whole people.’

‘Besides which also, they which were assembled at Edenburgh, did write to the same effect, about a moneth after that they had dispatched the other let­ters, adding these petitions to the same last letters; That ouerthrowing the new fortresses, she would command all the strangers and hired people to de­part out of the towne, to the end that it might be frée for all men (according to iustice) there to traffike and vse their mutuall trade of buieng & selling one with an other. The which if she refused to doo, they would take it for a sure token, that she ment to bring this kingdome into seruitude; against which euill they would prouide all whatsoeuer remedie that they could. Within thrée daies after, the quéene sent Ro­bert Forman chiefe herald to answer the matter, with instructions and commandements deliuered to him in these words.’

‘First of all, you shall shew vnto them, that no­thing could happen vnto vs more contrarie to our opinion, than that there should be anie other hauing authoritie here, besides my daughter and hir hus­band my sonne in law, vpon whome all our authori­tie dooth depend; that the former acts of the nobeli­tie, [Page 370] and this present request, or rather commande­ment dooth well declare, that they acknowledge no other superioritie; and that their demands (or rather threatnings) with what shew of words soeuer they be cloked, are sufficientlie enough knowen vnto vs, as no new things. Againe, you shall require of the duke of Chastelerault, that he call to mind what he hath promised to vs by his words, and to the king by his letters. Which was, that he would not onelie hear­ken to the kings commandement; but also woorke, 10 that his sonne the earle of Arrane should not at all ioine with those tumults of the countrie, and whether the things which he now dooth, are the performance of his promises.’

‘To their letters also you shall answer; that we haue openlie shewed our indeuor to bring things to quiet; that we will grant to anie thing, which maie not resist the pietie due to God, and dooth not fight with their duetie towards their king and quéene, and that I did neuer so much as once thinke of the ouer­throw 20 of their lawes and libertie; and much lesse, so­much as dreame of conquering the kingdome by violence. For to whome, or for whome should I séeke the kingdome, when my daughter dooth alreadie possesse it? Touching the defense and fortifieng of Leith, you shall aske them this; whether that we at anie time haue attempted anie thing that waie, be­fore that they with manie assemblies, and at length with conspiracie among themselues, did openlie shew that they would shake off the lawfull gouerne­ment, 30 and before that they at their pleasure troubled the whole publike state (vnknowledge to vs, who held the place and authoritie of the chiefest gouernor) strengthened their factions with strong cities, and made league and couenants with our ancient eni­mies?’

‘And to omit other things, what cause can they (in the end) bring foorth, whie it was lawfull for them to reteine an armie at Edenburgh, to inuade the go­uernors of those affaires? And that it is not lawfull 40 for vs at Leith for our owne defense and safetie, to haue anie other gard about vs? Truelie they séeke this therin, that we should labor to shun their furie (as hitherto we haue doone) by continuall and dailie change of places. Is there anie thing in their let­ters that mentioned their dutie to the right magi­strate? Dooth there lie open anie waie for the resto­ring of concord? Or doo they shew anie token that they would haue these seditions pacified, and that they would all things should be reduced to their for­mer 50 state?’

‘Let them cloke this with what colour they will of publike commoditie; yet it is manifest that they thinke and seeke nothing lesse. For if they had one­lie staied vpon a concord, we haue often shewed them a waie therevnto. Neither are they ignorant that these French had (by the commandement of their king) béene long before dispatched out of Scot­land, vnlesse their dooings had béene the cause of their staie. Wherefore, if they will yet now offer 60 anie honest conditions which may induce vs to hope; and that (the maiestie of the gouernement alwaies saued sound) maie declare that they will modestlie and obedientlie obeie their superiors: we will re­fuse no means to restore a concord & quiet amongest them and vs, nor omit anie thing that maie tend to the publike commoditie.’

‘Neither are we alone so affected towards them, but also their king and quéene; who hath sent vnto them a woorthie knight of the order of the scallop shell, and one of the chiefe of the ecclesiasticall order, with letters and commandements touching the same: whome they did so contemne, as that they would not vouchsafe them answer, no not so much as hearing. Wherefore, you shall demand, and command the duke, the nobilitie, and all others of what condition soeuer, that they depart in sunder; or otherwise, that they shall not be kept togither, vnlesse it be by strength of armes. To all this the next day, which was the thrée and twentith of Oc­tober, the nobilitie answered after this order.’

‘We easilie vnderstand by your letters and com­mandements sent by the herald, how obstinatlie you be euillie minded against pietie towards God, the publike commoditie of the realme, and the com­mon libertie of vs all: all which things we must & doo defend, as of right we ought. Wherefore, from hencefoorth we doo suspend and forbid your gouerne­ment, in the name of the king and quéene, or by what other name or title you doo vsurpe the publike administration of the kingdome; as persons cer­teinlie knowing, that those things which are now doone by you, doo with the mind of those princes fight against the publike safetie of this realme.’

‘And as you doo not estéeme vs lawfull subiects of those princes & of this kingdome, to make a publike senate or councell: so we doo not acknowledge you for a regent to execute supreme authoritie; speciallie sith the gouernement (if you haue anie such commit­ted vnto you by the princes) is for most iust & weigh­tie causes forbidden you: and that in the name of the same princes, whose councellors we are borne to be, chiefelie in matters which perteine to the safetie of all the people. And although we haue determi­ned not to flee anie danger, in deliuering of that towne, in which you haue placed strange and hired souldiers against vs: yet for the reuerence which we beare vnto you, as vnto our quéene mother; we earnestlie with all faithfull intreatie beséech you, that you depart from thence; whilest the cause of publike commoditie dooth inforce vs to recouer that towne by weapons’

‘Besides which, we further request, that you will leade them out of the towne with you, within foure and twentie houres; if there be anie which doo chal­lenge vnto themselues the names of ambassadors, either to decide controuersies, or to gouerne the af­faires. For it is but equitie that we prouide for the safetie, and willinglie spare the bloud of all those hired souldiers, aswell for the ancient amitie which hath béene betwéene the French and the Scots, as for the mariage of our quéene with their king: which friendship we would rather should be increa­sed than diminished. The same day also, the said herald declared at his returne to the regent, that the day before it was persuaded in an assembled coun­cell of the nobles and the other commons; that all the déeds and saiengs of the regent did onelie tend to verie tyrannie.’

‘Herevpon, there was a decree made to take the gouernement from hir: so that the whole com­panie subscribed, as to a most iust matter: and that there they did forbid anie ambassage, giuen or sent to hir by hir sonne in law and hir daughter: further, commanding hir to execute no gouerne­ment, vntill the generall assemblie of a parlement to be appointed by them in such place as they should thinke conuenient. The fiue and twentith daie, the lords of the religion sent an herald to Leith, to will all the Scots to depart the towne within foure and twentie houres, and to separat themselues from the subuerters of publike libertie.’ Thus much Bucha­nan of this doone about the state of Leith, before the nobilitie besieged the same (as is before set downe.) And so againe to the order of the historie.]

The lords of Scotland, perceiuing the French­men The lords s [...]d for aid vnto the quéene of England. incresed, so that they by their owne forces onlie were not able to resist them, sent William Metel­lan [Page 371] to Elizabeth the quéene of England for assi­stance, to expell the Frenchmen. Which the queene of England granted, not onelie for to serue the Sco­tishmens turne; but speciallie for the suertie of hir owne realme and state, which as then was thought to stand in danger of trouble, in case the French­men were suffered to remaine in Scotland: consi­dering the euill dealing of the French king and his councell in some points alreadie shewed. The queene of England therefore sent the duke of Norffolke to 10 Berwike, whither came to him the earle of Argile, They had their request gran [...]ed them. 15 [...]. B [...]ch. 1559. Lesle. the prior of saint Andrews, Harris the maister of Marwell, Robert Carnegie, and the yoong lord of Lethington, secretarie, & made agréement to haue aid of England, to the effect aforesaid.

And for sure kéeping hereof, the Scotish lords deliuered pledges into England, there to remaine during the life of the king of France, and one yéere Pledges sent into England after his deceasse. The pledges were these: Dauid Hamilton, sonne to the duke of Chatelerault; an o­ther 20 called Colme Campbell, cousine to the earle of Argile; Robert Dowglas, brother to the prior of S. Andrews; and the lard of Lochleuin, and a sonne of the lord Ruthwen. About the same time, Iames Lord Hamil­ton taketh part with the er [...]e of Argile. Hamilton earle of Arrane, eldest sonne to the duke of Chatelerault, and capteine of the Scotish compa­nie of men of armes and archers in France, being fled for religion secretlie to Geneua, from thence came by the conuoie of maister Randall English­man into England: which at his comming into 30 Scotland he performed, and ioined himselfe with the earle of Argile, and other lords in the cause afore­said.

The duke of Chatelerault, the earles of Argile, Arrane, and others, came to the towne of Glasow, The towne of Glascow is taken. and caused the images & altars to be taken downe, seizing the bishops liuing into their hands, and tooke the castell of Glascow perteining to the bishop, and put certeine gentlemen into it to kéepe it. Whereof the Frenchmen being aduertised, marched forward 40 to Glascow, to the number of fiue thousand men: the bishop of Glascow, the lords Sempill, Seiton, Ros, and diuerse others with them, tooke the castell againe, and staieng one night of the towne, returned on the next morrow to Kirkintulloch, and from thence to Lithquo and Edenburgh.

After their returne from Glascow, a certeine number of Frenchmen went to Striueling, and pas­sing by the bridge ouer the water of Firth, came in­to Fife, in purpose to haue gone vnto saint An­drews, 50 and to haue fortified the towne. But they be­ing in Kingcorne, there assembled togither in Fife the earles of Arrane, and Rothes, the prior of saint Andrews, the lord Ruthwen, the master of Lindsie, and diuerse other, hauing with them no great num­ber: but yet they dailie skirmished with the French­men, Certeine Frenchme [...] [...]ine. and would not suffer them to come from the sea side; where diuerse Frenchmen were slaine, and one of their capteins, with thirtie of his souldiors, and few Scotishmen, or in maner none: except that 60 the earle of Southerland, who chanced to be with them at the pricking, was sore hurt and maimed in the arme with the dredge of a caléeuer shot.

As the Frenchmen were in their progresse, at the mouth of the water of Leuin in Fife, there arriued [...]60. Lesle. in their sight a nauie of ships: which at the first ken­ning they tooke to be French ships, but shortlie after perceiuing them to be the English nauie, they retur­ned with great diligence to Burnt Iland, where they passed the ferrie of Kingcorne in botes and craiers The towne Burnt Iland [...] fortified. to Leith, and instantlie began to fortifie that towne, casting great trenches about it, and making great blockehouses for their defense, as preuenting such perils as otherwise might haue befallen them, and vsing remedies in due time, by warl [...]ke policie of present deuise, to prouide against afterclaps. The English ships came to the rode of Leith, where they An English na [...]. cast anchors, the fourth Ides of Ianuarie.

Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 563. 1560. Fr. Thin. In the meane time, whil [...]st th [...]se of the religion had almost destroied all m [...]nasteries, certeine ba­rons of Merne, partlie for hatred to the catholike religion (as the Romish cleargie tearmeth it) and partlie blinded with desire of pr [...] (as in all assem­blies of battell there will be some) ouerthrew the monasterie of the Carmelite friers in Aberden. Who going about also to haue spoiled the monaste­ries of the Trinitie, and of the friers Min [...]s, were hindered thereof by the lord Lesle, and the baron of Buchquhane, at the commandement of the earle of Huntle [...]e. Notwithstanding which, they could not be so sufficientlie repressed, but that they went to old Aberden (for so they call that place in that towne, which is beautified with the bishops palace, the ca­nonrie, and the vniuersitie) and would haue assaulted the magnificent and statelie church thereof. But to This Lesle is now called bishop of Ros and compiled an historie of Scotland in Latine, prin­ted at Rome. kéepe them from the same, the bishop, & Iohn Lesle (the officiall of that place, the one by counsell, the o­ther by preaching, and both by the aid of the earle of Huntleie) did their indeuor, at what time the Leslées put them besides their purpose.]

The queene regent hearing of the arriuall of the English, sent vnto the viceadmerall of that fléet, named maister Winter, requiring to know of him, for what cause he was come into those waters. This gentleman addressing himselfe to accomplish the commandement imposed and laid vpon him, came face to face to the said viceadmerall, and with coun­tenance, wherein appeared tokens of inward cou­rage, put foorth his demand as he was inioined. The viceadmerall answered, that he had beene abroad on the seas seeking after pira [...]s, and in case anie of them came thither, he was ar [...]iued there in the Forth to wait on them: where as the principall cause in déed was to impeach, that no Frenchman should land there in case anie came foorth of France, and also to kéepe them that laie in Inskith from vit­tels, and that no Frenchman should passe by sea forth of Leith.

Lesleus lib. 1 [...]. pag. 564. Fr. Thin. Wherevpon the quéene regent did send No­ualle the king of Frances orator in that realme, to request the queene of England, that she would call hir ships home againe, and that she would not send aiding souldiers to the lords of the religion (whome Lesleus neuer tearmeth by anie other name than sectaries and seditious persons) whereby the peace might be broken with the French, and so occasion of warre giuen. Wherevnto hir maiestie answered (with no lesse care of hir kingdome than became the maiestie of so good a mother to haue of hir children) that she had no such mind as to make warre. But bi­cause that she certeinlie vnderstood, that great troops of Frenchmen did dailie land and increase in Scot­land, for what cause she knew not: she could doo no lesse than place souldiers in diuerse forts and ha­uens, which might defend the English from the ma­lice or hurt of such strangers, if they should attempt anie thing. Neither would she suffer that hir people should set foot in Scotland, vnlesse that they were prouoked there vnto by iniuries offered them.]

About the same time, the quéene regent, hearing A Scots he­rald sent to the duke of Norffolke. that the duke of Norffolke was come to Newcastle as generall lieutenant of the north, sent an herald with a letter to him, in which letter it was signified that the herald had credit to declare further matter than was conteined in the same letter. But when hée was demanded what he had to say, he denied to haue anie credit at all. Wherfore William Flower, then Chester herald, and now N [...]rreie king of armes, [Page 372] was sent vnto the quéene, who comming to Holie An English herald sent to the quéene of Scots. rood house néere to Edenburgh, was receiued by sundrie heralds, & so was had to one of their houses, and there kept for that night. The next day after hee had dined, he was brought to the court, and at his entering within the gates, there were a number of harquebussiers readie with their péeces that dischar­ged and shot off the same.

At his comming to the presence of the quéene, he with dutifull obeisance deliuered his letters, and af­ter 10 the same had béene read, he was demanded what credit he had to vtter. Wherevpon he declared, that the duke of Norffolke, being the quéenes maiesties lieutenant in the north parts of England, maruelled greatlie that she would send an herald with letters, and write therein how she had giuen credit to him; and yet when he was demanded to vtter his credit, he should confesse that he had none. The quéene herewith called for the herald, to vnderstand whether he had credit or not: who denied to haue anie at all. 20 Wherwith the queene séemed to be somwhat abashed, but neuerthelesse she brake foorth and said, that she maruelled greatlie that the queene of England should send hir ships into hir riuer, without giuing hir knowledge aforehand.

Chester answered thereto, that where it was cer­teinlie knowne, that the French king had prepared to send a power of men of warre into Scotland, without aduertising hir thereof; she could not but thinke that dealing verie strange, and therefore had 30 in verie déed sent certeine of hir ships, with vittels for prouision to be laid within hir townes and castels on the frontiers. Which ships by tempest being dis­persed, might happilie be driuen into the riuer there, albeit he had not spoke with anie of them since there comming forth. But yet (as he had heard by others) they had béene verie vncourteouslie vsed: for com­ming in after that maner for succor, the canon had béene bent against them. Herewithall the count Martigues a forward cap­teine, but an vntrue pro­phet. Martigues standing by, began to speake verie stout 40 words vnto Chester, alleging that where it was per­ceiued well inough, that the queene of England ment to make war against his maister the French king, he trusted she should gaine as little thereby, as his sister had doone in breaking with hir father Hen­rie the late French king. Chester herevnto answe­red, that he thought to haue found but one regent in Scotland, to whome he should need to make an­swer: wherevpon Martigues was commanded to silence. 50

All this while the quéene had talked with Chester in the Scotish toong. And bicause he did not so well vnderstand hir, he began to speake in the French language: whereat the quéene séemed greatlie to re­ioise, & so began againe to discourse with him of hir griefs; and he on the other part made hir answer as fell best to purpose. And at length, when he was de­manded what further credit he had; he declared, that where she had requested a safe conduct for monsieur le Brosse to passe through England into France, if 60 she would sée him safelie conueied to Berwike, he durst assure hir of a sufficient safe conduct for his safe passage through she quéene his mistresse realme: but at length, there was another gentleman com­mended to him, in lieu for la Brosse, that was his cousine. And now when Chester shuld take his leaue, he declared that he had not beene courteouslie dealt with: for since his comming thither, he could not be suffered to passe anie where abroad out of his chamber, but at meale times. And therefore if anie of hir messengers should come into the quéene his mistresse dominions, he would procure (if he might) that they should tast of the like interteinment. But the queene seemed not to vnderstand that he had bin in anie wise so hardlie dealt with, she wing that shée was not well contented therewith; and so Chester tooke his leaue, and returned backe into England, without anie reward for his paines taken in that iournie, at the hands of the Scotish quéene: how so euer she liked of his message.

In the meane time, there was an armie prepa­red 1560. An English armie. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 565. in England, of seuen or eight thousand men, who were sent into Scotland; the lord Greie of England being appointed generall, who came to the linkes, beside the towne of Leith, on saturday the sixt of Aprill. Before they pitcht downe their field on the said linkes, monsieur Martigues, coronell of the French armie, issued foorth of Leith with nine hun­dred They were backed with 500 pikes which kept aloofe. harquebussiers of Frenchmen, to a little knoll called the Halke hill, where a sore, continuall, and hot skirmish was begun betwixt the Englishmen and Frenchmen, with hagbuts, caléeuers, and pistolets, which skirmish continued fiue or six houres, in the which there were manie slaine on both parties, and diuerse hurt. At length Martigues was forced with his companie to retire backe to the towne of Leith, and the Englishmen pitched downe their campe, and planted their ordinance beside the said hill.

The lord Greie being in Muskelburgh, sent to the The lord Greie sent vnto the quéene. quéene regent, that laie as then in the castell at E­denburgh, desiring an abstinence of warre for foure and twentie hours, that in the meane time he might send some of his councell to declare to hir the cause of his comming with that armie, and to commune of such things as might stanch the shedding of bloud. The queene granted herevnto, and sent an herald to Leith, to cause the said assurance to be taken: but yer he came to the towne, the skirmish aforesaid was begun with forwardnesse inough of both sides.

In this meane time, the lord Greie sent sir George Men are sent to speake with the queene mother. Howard, and sir Iames Crofts to the castell of E­denburgh, to speake with the quéene to that effect: who had long conference with hir vpon the blocke­house at the vtter gate of the castell, during the time of the skirmish; where they declared, that the occasi­on of the comming of the armie, was for the cause aboue mentioned, desiring the queene to procure the The French­men to depart the realme. Frenchmen to depart the realme of Scotland: and they promised in that case to returne againe into their owne realme, and neither to disquiet French­men nor Scots. Whervpon the quéene tooke time to be aduised till the next day, that she might consult with the principall personages within the towne of Leith, requiring that it might be lawfull for hir to send to them to that effect, which was granted.

The next day she sent one Drummond a trum­petter, or herald (as saith Lesleus) with a letter to monsieur de la Brosse, to the effect aforesaid, direc­ting him to passe to the English campe, and to get a guide with him to go to the towne of Leith, as was agreed: and there was one appointed to go with him. But immediatly after his departing from the Eng­lish campe, he was suddenlie called backe againe, and his letters taken from him, was commanded to repaire to the castell of Edenburgh to the queene, The English are desirous to reuenge the iniuries doone vnto them. and to declare to hir that they would not haue anie talke, but would be reuenged on the Frenchmen, for the slaughter of their men the night before. Thus the parlée ceassing, the siege was inforced with right sharpe pursute, and strong defending on either part.

The Englishmen cast trenches vpon the south­east side of the towne, and raised a litle mount which they called mount Pellam after the capteins name, and placed their ordinance aloft thereon: but bicause it was so farre from the towne, they did not so much scath thereto as they intended. The lord Greie, lieu­tenant A trench c [...]t to little pur­pose. of the English armie, lodged (during this [Page 373] siege) within the towne of Lestalrike, in the deanes house, and the most part of their demilances and o­ther horssemen laie in the same towne. The footmen with their capteins lodged in hales, tents, and paui­lions, vpon the south and southeast side of the towne of Leith, and diuerse Scotish lords incamped with them in the fields, as the earles of Argile, Arrane, Morton, and Glencarne; the lords Boid, Ogiltree, the prior of saint Andrews, the maister of Maxwell, and others. The duke of Chatelerault, and diuerse 10 with him remained in Holie rood house: and with the queene in the castell, the bishop of S. Andrews, the bishop of Dunkeld, the earle Marshall, the lord Erskin capteine of the castell, maister Iames Mac­gill clearke of the register, the prouost of Dunglas, called maister Abraham Chreichton, and diuerse others.

On Easter éeuen, capteine Wood, and capteine Dethicke, seruing on the sea vnder maister Winter the English admerall there, were appointed by him 20 to passe vp the riuer to Blackenesse, who with their bands going aboord into a barke prepared for that purpose, sailed forward: and on Easter day in the morning, presenting themselues before the castell, it was yéelded to them by certeine Frenchmen that The castell of Blackenesse woone. were within, and therevpon it was deliuered to the kéeping of Iames Hamilton, an ancient gentle­man; and capteine Wood, being set on shore, came to the campe before Leith by land. On blacke Mon­day, the Frenchmen, issuing foorth of Leith, set vpon 30 the Englishmen in their trenches, and did much harme: as in the English historie it further appea­reth. Sée more hereof in England. During the siege thus afore Leith, the quéene regent was sore vexed with sickenesse, but neuerthe­lesse, she continued to labor for agréement, not ceas­sing Lesleus. lib. 10. The quéene laboured for an agréement. to send to the lords for to haue the matter taken vp. And for the better accomplishing of hir desire, she procured the earle of Huntleie to come foorth of the north, who tooke vp his lodging in Edenburgh, and 40 tooke great paines to treat betwixt the quéene and lords for some agréement: but when he perceiued his trauell to be in vaine, hée returned into the north againe, and left the siege lieng still as hee found it.

In this meane while, the Englishmen, lodging on the southside of the towne beside mount Pellam, battered with their great artillerie at the parish Saint An­thonies stéeple [...]aten downe. church of Leith, and at saint Anthonies steeple, in which the Frenchmen had laid certeine péeces of ar­tillerie, and at length beat it downe: but perceiuing 50 they could not doo anie great hurt to the walles on that side, they cast new trenches vpon the south and southwest side of the towne, and raised a mount there, naming it mount Summerset, & placed there­on Mount Summerset. certeine péeces in batterie, and so beat the wals, that a great part thereof was ouerthrowne, and a breach made. Wherevpon the Englishmen & Scots on a morning came with their ladders, and presen­ting themselues to the assault, found the breach no­thing 60 reasonable; so that although they egerlie prea­sed forward to enter the towne, yet they were fierce­lie beaten backe with great slaughter and bloudshed They are bea­ten backe. on both parts, but namelie of the assailants.

The Englishmen, perceiuing that they were too rash in assaulting the towne, being not assaultable, deuised other shifts to obteine their purpose, raising an other mount of earth on the west side of the wa­ter of Leith, and named it mount Falcon. Aloft on Mount Fal­con. this mount, when it was brought vp vnto a great heigth, they planted their great artillerie, which con­tinuallie beat into the towne, sore annoieng them within, but speciallie beating the houses and places by the shore side, so that none might go vp nor downe the towne on that part, without danger to be slaine with shot from that mount. The Frenchmen, during the time of the siege, manie times issued foorth to­wards the sands, and sometimes towards the tren­ches, so that sundrie sore skirmishes chanced betwixt the Englishmen and them, with the slaughter of di­uerse, both of the one part and the other. Amongest other of them within, there were slaine two Scotish men of name, to wit, capteine Kenedie, and yoong Henrie Drummond: and of them without, there was slaine a Scotish gentleman, called the lard of Cleisch.

The English armie was throughlie furnished with vittels foorth of all parts of the realme, and that vpon reasonable prices: but the French within the towne The towne of Leith vnpro­uided of vit­tels. could get none, more than they had prouided before the comming of the English armie, which when it be­gan to faile them, they were constreined to eat their owne horsses, whose flesh seemed to them in that ne­cessitie more delicious, than before that time anie maner of venison. Those within Inskeith also were in great necessitie of vittels: but yet neither they within the one place, nor they within the other, would render their strength, looking still for aid foorth of France. Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 568. Whilest these things were doone in Scot­land, the French king, to shew how he fauoured the pope, and how farre he maligned the reformed lords of Scotland▪ sent his ambassadors Iohn Babone a Burdseie knight, and that eloquent man Anthonie Muret of France to pope Pius the fourth of that name, to yéeld all the dominions of France & Scot­land at the popes commandement.

In the meane time, the quéene regent, perceiuing hir sicknesse so to increase, that she looked for present death, sent for the duke of Chatelerault, and all the The quéene sent for the lords. lords of Scotland that were in the towne of Eden­burgh, and in the campe: who came vnto hir altogi­ther into the castell of Edenburgh, where ‘she made The quéenes oration vnto the nobles. vnto them a graue and pithie exhortation, persua­ding them to vnitie and concord with their ancient friends of France; and now more stedfast to them than at anie time before, by reason of the mariage of the quéene their good souereigne, with the king of France. And héerewith she brake out into certeine woords, to dissuade them from the amitie contracted with the Englishmen, declaring that the English­men aided them not for anie other respect, than for their owne turne and commoditie. Moreouer, for hir owne part she said, that she fauoured the weale of the realme of Scotland, as much as France; conside­ring she had the honor to be queene and regent there­of, and hir daughter heritable quéene of the same.’

‘Furthermore she said, that if she had attempted anie thing that séemed or appéered to the noble men contrarie therevnto; the same came to passe rather for lacke of wisedome and iudgement, than for want of anie good will: and if it pleased God to prolong hir daies, she would be glad to amend that had beene doone amisse: and if he called hir to his mercie, she praied them most hartilie to acknowledge their dutie vnto the queene their souereigne, and to mainteine their ancient amitie with the king and realme of France, & to make some good accord with the French that were within the towne of Leith, who would gladlie accept the same, to the end that as well they as the Englishmen should depart this realme. For A mistrustfull mind. she feared greatlie (as she said) least if the French­men departed, the Englishmen would still remaine, and subdue the land to their obedience: and therefore she besought all good Scotishmen to haue respect to the libertie and weale of their countrie.’

After she had talked thus a good while with manie teares, she desired the lords to forgiue hir in anie thing wherein she had offended anie of them, during the time of hir being in Scotland, which they gladlie [Page 374] seemed to doo: and on the other part, she forgaue them with all hir hart (as it appéered) all offenses which they had committed against hir: and thus diuerse of them wéeping, she tooke euerie of them by the hand, and so they taking leaue of hir, departed, and retur­ned The quéene taketh hir leaue. into Edenburgh, and to their campe. Whilest the siege thus laie before the towne of Leith, diuerse great troubles rose in sundrie parts of the realme, and speciallie betwixt the earle of Huntleie, and the The earle of Huntleie and Atholl are at variance. earle of Atholl, so that there was taking of priso­ners, 10 and ouerthrowing of houses on either part, and great preparation made, and armies put in a readi­nesse to inuade either others countries.

But this businesse was pacified by the trauell and The matter is pacified. good mediation of maister Alexander Gordon, then postulat of Gallowaie, maister Iohn Lesle officiall of Aberden, and William Lesle the yoong lard of Buchquhan, who agreed them for all matters in con­trouersie, & caused them to go to either others house. [During which siege of Leith also, the earle Both­well, 20 Fr. Thin. Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 571. and Sarlalouse, then capteine of the souldiers, and gouernor of the castell of Dunbar, did at Dun­bar with manie light excursions intercept manie of the English and Scots going to Leith, whome they ransomed for a great summe.]

At the same time, one maister Donald Frasher, archdeacon of Rosse, tooke the bishops castell of the The castell of Rosse taken. canonrie of Rosse, and kept the same against mai­ster Henrie Sincler, then bishop there, and the chie­fest men of authoritie in that diocesse, as Machenzée, 30 Balnagoun, Foulis, and the shiriffe Tramercie, who assembled about the same, and besieged the castell, where great force was vsed, both by them without to The castell is besieged. win it, and of them within to defend it. The bishop be­ing then resident in Cromercie castell, hearing that the house wold not be gotten without great slaugh­ter, thought it against his conscience, his profit, and honor, to win it in that manner: and therefore sen­ding for maister Iohn Leste, officiall of Aberden, and maister Alexander Dunbar, subchantor of Mur­reie, 40 by their labour and diligent treating in the mat­ter, the bishop by reasonable appointment recouered his castell of them that held it against him. The castell was restored againe.

The French king, vnderstanding in what distresse his men remained that were besieged within Leith, and perceiuing himselfe not able to send an armie to succour them within the time that their necessitie re­quired, thought good to trie if the matter might be taken vp: and to that effect sent two ambassadors, the earle of Randon, and monsieur Monluc bishop of 50 Ambassadors sent. Monsieur Monluc bi­shop of Ua­lence. Ualence, who declared to the quéenes maiestie of England, the cause of their comming; which was, to desire hir to retire hir armie foorth of Scotland, vpon some such reasonable conditions as might be agréed vpon. And heerewith they declared that they were sent to the quéene, and not vnto the subiects of Scot­land: for it was not méet that the king should send to his owne subiects (as they were by the mariage of their quéene) to require peace, or to condition with them for agreement. 60

The quéenes maiestie of England therefore sent sir William Cecill knight, hir principall secretarie, An ambassage sent by the quéene of England. and doctor Wotton deane of Canturburie and of Yorke, one of the priuie councell, with the French ambassadors into Scotland. Whilest they were yet vpon their iournie, the quéene regent (whome they thought to haue found aliue, and to haue vsed hir helpe as an instrument to haue furthered the treatie to some good end) consumed partlie through melan­cholie, thought, and grieuous displeasure, and partlie with long and incurable sicknesse, departed this life in the castell of Edenburgh the tenth of Iune, in the yéere of our Lord 1560. The Scotish quéene mother departed. Fr. Thin. Hir bodie was first con­ueied into France, to the monasterie of Feschampe, which is in Normandie, from whence it was caried Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 569. 1560. The praise of the queene Dowager. to the abbeie of S. Peter at Rhemes in Champaig­nie (whereof hir sister was then abbesse) in which it was after most honorablie buried.] She was a wise and verie prudent princesse, and in hir time had lear­ned good experience of the nature and inclination of the nobilitie and people of Scotland.

During the time that she was regent, she kept good iustice, and was well obeied in all parts of the realme in Orkeneie, and the westerne Iles. And if she had to hir owne experience ioined the councell of the nobles and wise men of the realme of Scotland, without following the aduise of strangers, there had béene neuer question nor debate betwixt hir and the nobilitie, as some deemed. But because that others, and namelie, monsieur Doisell, and Rubée, were ad­ioined to hir by the estates of Scotland, who dailie pressed hir to deuise new alterations of lawes, im­positions, taxations, and such things as were not in vse in Scotland: therefore the estates and people of the land did grudge, although not for anie misliking they had of hir, who suerlie deceassed, to the great griefe and lamentation of the whole number of the estates and people of the realme.

The death of that noble princesse made the French men within Leith, and also the ambassadors more dis­couraged than otherwise they would haue béene. The ambassa­dors came to Edenburgh. But neuerthelesse these foure ambassadors of Eng­land and France comming to Edenburgh, entered in conference among themselues, vpon articles pro­poned as well for reliefe of the Scotishmen, as for the weale and suertie of the quéene of England and hir subiects. Wherevpon certeine lords of Scotland were admitted to talke with them also: and after They haue conference. Peace is con­cluded. 1559. Buch. long treatie, a peace was concluded the tenth of Iu­lie, in the yéere of God 1560, with certeine articles touching as well Scots and French, as English­men. The effect whereof heere insueth.

Articles of the peace.

FIrst, it was agréed, that all the French­men Articles of the peace. should depart foorth of the realme of Scotland by sea into France, & to that effect should imbarke and make saile French soul­diers depart the realme. within the space of twentie daies next following: and because the Frenchmen had no ships, the Eng­lishmen should lend them ships, and certeine of the Frenchmen remaine as pledges in England, till the same ships were returned.

2 Item, that they should render the towne of Leith they should render it. Leith, and the Frenchmen to haue their munition, bag, and baggage, to conueie awaie with them at their pleasure, and that the wals of the towne should be throwne downe and demolished.

3 Item, they should cause monsieur Charlebois The sort be­fore Dunbar to be raced. The English men should depart also. capteine of Dunbar, to demolish and race the fort which they had built before the castell there.

4 Item, that the Englishmen should raise their siege and depart foorth of Scotland: after the depar­ture from thence of the Frenchmen, and racing of the wals of Leith and Dunbar.

5 Item, that there should be made an act of obli­uion, An act of ob­liuion to be made. in which the queene of Scotland, with consent of the French king hir husband, should forget and burie in obliuion all attempts made by the lords of Scotland against their authoritie, from the tenth day of March 1558, to the first day of August in the yéere of Grace 1560. And for confirming thereof, a parlement should be holden in Edenburgh, in the moneth of August next insuing, in which parlement the same should be ratified and allowed by the aduise of the estates of the realme of Scotland.

6 Also it was agréed, that there should be a com­mission A parlement to be kept. [Page 375] sent from the French king and the quéene of Scotland, to hold the same parlement to the effect a­foresaid.

7 Item, that the quéene of Scotland and king of France should cause to blot out and put awaie To put awaie the armes and claime of England. the hearing of the armes of England out of their scutchens.

8 Item, it was agréed, that there should remaine still in the Ile of Inskith thrée score Frenchmen, and Possession to be kept with souldiers. as manie in the castell of Dunbar, to kéepe (as it 10 were) possession to the queenes vse.

The whole number of the Frenchmen (a few ex­cepted that passed through England) went aboord the English ships in Iulie, and sailed into France, and The French­mē depart out of Scotland. in companie with them went the bishop of Glascow and the lord Seton. The Englishmen departed also, and in their way caused the fort of Dunbar to be raced, as by the agréement of the peace it was ap­pointed. A parlement was holden in August, and the 20 A parlement. act of obliuion ratified by the states, & a confession of faith published in the same: it was concluded also A confession of faith publi­shed. to send ambassadors into England, which was doone. And shortlie after, the lords summoned the princi­pall learned men of the realme foorth of the vniuer­sities Learned men called. of saint Andrews, Aberden, Glascow, and other parts, to giue a reason of their faith.

And amongest other of Aberden that tooke vpon A disputation. them to dispute with Iohn Knox, Iohn Wullocke, and maister Goodman [were Iohn Lesle (doctor of 30 Fr. Thin. both lawes, chiefe iudge of the diocesse of Aberden called officiall; who shortlie after was senator of Lesleus. lib. 10. pag. 574. the high court, and of councell to the quéene of Scots, and lastlie made bishop of Rosse) Patrike Mirton the treasuror, Iames Straquhine canon, and Alexander Anderson a verie graue diuine. At what time these Roman prelats behaued themselues so well, that they were commanded not to depart the towne; but to be present at the sermons of the ministers.] 40

In the winter, the lords of the councell gaue facul­ties of benefices to diuerse of their friends, who put Liuings be­stowed. foorth the prelats, and receiued the fruits. The earle of Argile disposed Dunkeild and Dunblan. The earle of Arran had the ordering of the bishoprikes of saint Andrews, also of the abbasies of Dunferm­ling, and Melrosse, and other small benefices. The like was vsed by other noble men, through all parts of the realme. Shortlie after, Francis the French king, husband to the quéene of Scotland, departed 50 this life in December, and Charles his brother was crowned in his place. The quéene being then wi­dow, and Dowager of France, departed from Or­leance (where the court lay when hir husband deceas­sed) and went to the towne of Reimes in Cham­paigne, where she remained till the fifteenth daie of Aprill following.

And then purposing to returne into Scotland, she tooke hir iournie towards Ianuille, and so into Lorraine, there to take leaue of hir kinsfolke by hir 60 The Scotish quéene went into Lorraine. mothers side. The bishop of Glascow, and the ab­bat of Dunfermling Scotishmen, were still atten­dant on hir in this iournie. There were with hir al­so the cardinals of Lorraine and Guise, the duke Daumale, and the marquesse Dalbeuf hir vncles. Fr. Thin. Amongst whom there had béene great disputation touching the quéene of Scotlands returning into hir Buch. lib. 17. owne realme, wherevnto hir vncles were verie wil­ling; although some did séeme to staie the iournie, whose spéeches tended to this effect as followeth.

‘That the iournie was dangerous, especiallie be­cause the quéene of England did not greatlie fauor it; then that she should come to men by nature bar­barous & seditious, which would not easilie obeie the gouernement of a man. Whereof she had fresh ex­amples before hir eies, of hir father, and of hir mo­ther, whome (when they either could not or durst not openlie oppresse) they forced to a desperation of things with their manie deuises, sith they dailie liued by them in danger of honor or of life.’

‘On the contrarie part, they which would haue the Dowager of France returne to hir naturall coun­trie, and were skilfull of the affaires of Scotland, did allege that those seditions were rather occasio­ned by the default of the kings & gouernors, than of the subiects; whilst they striued to reduce that king­dome (which from the beginning had alwaies béene free) to infinit bondage, and to the frée power of the lawes: which that nation (being more warlike than welthie) could not indure. When contrarilie, they did not onelie defend all their gouernors (which did not attempt the ouerthrow of their liberties) from the outward enimie, and from the inward tumults of the people: but they also made them (through loue and dutie towards their kings) inuincible ouer their enimies, and famous amongest strange nations.’

‘And that the chiefest meane at this time to paci­fie all those troubles in Scotland, was not to make alteration of anie thing in Scotland, from the state wherein euen now it standeth. Wherevpon she resol­ued to come spéedilie into Scotland, whereof more shall be said hereafter; vntill which, we will intreat of other matters doone in Scotland. The quéene of Scots hauing hir mind still setled vpon hir returne into Scotland; Noalius a senator of Burdeaux landed, before this in Scotland (whither he was sent) a little after the end of the publike parlement, for which cause he was staied and turned ouer to the next assemblie of parlement, which was appointed the twelfe kalends of Iune.’

‘But when at that time also the nobilitie assem­bled did not sit in councell, because they were yet vn­certeine of the quéenes mind; in the meane time Iames Steward returned out of France, and brought with him a commission, which gaue them authoritie to hold a parlement, therein to treat and conclude of matters touching the common-wealth. Wherevpon in the end there was audience giuen to the ambassador, the effect of whose legacie was, to renew the old league with France, to vndoo the league with England, and that priests should be re­stored to their liuings, out of which they had beene thrust by violence.’

‘To these things it was answered, that concer­ning the league of France, they were not anie waie guiltie of the breach thereof; and contrarilie that the French had manifoldlie neglected the same; but spe­ciallie of late, in seeking the authoritie of their pub­like libertie, in that they would haue brought the people (their friends and giltles of anie euill) vnto miserable seruitude. For the league with England, they could not by anie meanes dissolue that, except they should be counted most vnthankefull, recom­pense so great a benefit with great wickednes, & con­spire against the defendors of their liberties. And as touching restitution for such as they called priests, they did acknowlege that they had not anie office, vse, or authoritie in the church.’

In this councell also it was decréed, to ouerthrow all the monasteries of moonks, for which cause di­uerse were sent out into all places of the realme to execute the same. By occasion whereof, the quéene being in France, and desirous to haue peacefull landing in Scotland; would not for this present meddle with religion, but dissembled the same: al­though Dureus abbat of Ferline, and Iohn Sin­clere latelie appointed bishop of Brechine, did vehe­mentlie persuade and labor hir to the contrarie.

[Page 376] In this yeare also on the ninth of March, was the Fr. Thin. 1560. Abbridged out of the printed booke thereof. election of superintendents at Edenburgh, which was published to serue for the election of all other ministers in this forme following (Iohn Knox be­ing the minister thereof.) First was made a sermon, in which these parts were intreated; principallie the necessitie of ministers and superintendents. Se­condlie the crimes & vices that might vnable them of the ministerie. Thirdlie the vertues required in them. Fourthlie & lastlie, whether such as by publike 10 consent of the church were called to such office, might refuse the same.

The sermon finished, it was declared by the same minister Iohn Knox (the maker of that speech or sermon) that the lords of the secret councell had giuen charge and power to the churches of Louthi­an, to choose maister Iohn Spotswood superinten­dent, & that sufficient warning was made by publike edict to the churches of Edenburgh, Luithithgue, Striueling, Treuent, Hadington, & Dunbar, as al­so 20 to earles, lords, barons, gentlemen and others, which haue or might claime to haue voice in the elec­tion to be present that daie at the same houre. And therefore inquisition was made, who were present, and who were absent.

After this was called the said maister Iohn Spots­wood, who answering to his name, the minister Knox demanded, if anie man knew anie crimes or offenses of the said Spotswood, that might disable him to be called to that office. Which thing thrise de­manded, 30 Euerie nation is to haue his peculiar go­uernement in religion, as is best liking to the godlie disposers of the religi­on of that countrie, sith vulgus monstrū multorum capi­ [...]um. there was after question mooued to the whole multitude; if there were anie other whome they would put in election with the said Spotswood. Then the people were asked whether (if they admit­ted the said Spotswood for their superintendent) they would honor and obeie him as Christes minister in euerie thing perteining to his charge.

Wherevnto the people answered that they would, which thus granted, there were further questions and matters touching the articles of the apostles 40 creed, and concerning the state of religion propoun­ded to the superintendent, intended to be created. Wherevnto, when he had answered affirmatiuelie, the people were againe demanded for his allow­ance; which they easilie granted with the consent of the nobilitie. These things thus performed, and a certeine praier (to obteine the spirit of God to be powred into this new elect vessell) finished, the rest of the ministers (if there be anie) and elders of the church present, in signe of their full consent, shall 50 take the elected by the hand.

And so the chiefe minister giuing an especiall be­nediction (the forme whereof is there set downe, with the exhortation which they must also vse to the elected) this election is wholie finished (without anie imposition of hands on his head) and he sufficientlie created a superintendent minister; of whose elec­tion of elders, deacons, excommunications, and o­ther ecclesiasticall regiment, I meane not to speake anie more (as matter impertinent to my discourse, 60 though not to the nature of an ecclesiasticall historie) sith I haue onelie here in hand the politicall and temporall gouernement, and not the discourse of re­ligion and essentiall forme thereof.]

Before this, in the beginning of the winter this Ambassadors sent into England. yeare, the lords sent the earle of Morton and Glen­carne, and the yoong lard of Ledington secretarie, ambassadors into England; to giue thanks to the queens maiestie of England, for the aid which they had receiued of hir, to expell the Frenchmen. The earle of Murreie passed through England into France. He departed from Edenburgh the eigh­teenth 1561. of March, and in Aprill came to Uitrie, as hereafter shall appeare; where he found the quéene, meaning to submit himselfe. But the day before he came, maister Iohn Lesle officiall of Aberden was come thither, who was sent from the earle of Hunt­leie, and other the lords spirituall and temporall of the north parts; he tooke ship in the rode of Aberden, and landing at Brule in Holand, passed through the lowe countries in post till he came to Paris, and from thence vnto Uitrie aforesaid [the eightéenth Fr. Thin. kalends of March] where he found the quéene, whom he most dutifullie saluted.

This is he which before is called the earle of Mur­reie that went into France but not right­lie, for he was not earle vn­till long after this time. After which (being most courteouslie receiued of hir) he opened vnto hir the effect of his ambassage, which consisted speciallie vpon these parts; to admo­nish the queene that she should not suffer hir selfe to be blinded or deceiued with the flattering words of Iames the prior of saint Andrews (hir bastard bro­ther) for his onelie drift was, that he (hauing no French aid with him into Scotland) might obteine of the queene the whole gouernement of the king­dome, vnder the colour whereof he might more easi­lie teare & cleane ouerthrow the catholike religion; which he did assault by all meanes possible.’

‘Wherefore Lesle did with all the firmest aduise and counsell which he might, vrge the queene not to yéeld to his cloked words. For the obteining of which demand from the quéene, he did fitlie ad to his per­suasions, that Iames did rather aspire to the king­dome, than that he fixed his mind and eie vpon the ouerthrow of religion. Wherefore, if she had anie care of hir owne and the realms affaires; she must prouide that this Iames should remaine in France, vntill she were arriued in Scotland, & had pacified all the tumults there.’

‘But if she would not doo so, that yet at least she should take order, that she with hir nauie should land in the north parts of Scotland, & first go to Aberden: for by that meanes she might prouide, that the set­led lords of the religion might soone be pacified, and the rest which were yet wauering, might more fréelie and willinglie be brought againe to the catholike re­ligion. For there was an other order to be vsed in Scotland, than that which the French obserued, whilest they gouerned there; at which time vndoub­tedlie the Scots were hopelesse euer to haue inioied the presence of the queene.’

‘But now, sith that the Scots doo vnderstand, that their quéene (contrarie to their hope) will re­turne vnto them, hir presence will (like the rising sun) so cause the clouds of all tumults to vanish out of the minds of all hir subiects, that they will easilie incline to the mind of the quéene, whatsoeuer she shall thinke, attempt, set downe, or decree, in resto­ring of religion. For the Scots are of that mind towards their princes, as they will in all things o­beie their vpright gouernors; and are accustomed with no lesse mind to resist tyrants, if they vsurpe vpon them in exaction of authoritie.’

‘Wherefore Lesleus did earnestlie persuade the queene in the name of the earle of Huntleie, and the other nobilitie, that she should not giue hir selfe (as vanquished) into the hands of the enimies, and espe­ciallie of Iames Steward hir brother, from whome (as from a founteine) all their seditions haue had beginning. For Iames Cullen (kinsman to the erle of Huntleie, an expert seruitor in the warres by sea and land) was sent foorth with Lesle (as capteine of that iournie) to bring hir safe to Aberden. For all the nobles of the north prouinces will soone be readie with twentie thousand men to gard hir to Eden­burgh, and to defend hir against all the counsels, de­ceipts, and forces of all men.’

Which message being thus ended from the mouth of Lesle, the queene commanded him not to depart from hir, vntill she returned into Scotland; and [Page 377] further gaue in charge, that letters should be writ­ten to the péeres and nobilitie of Scotland, to let them vnderstand of hir comming into Scotland, & to be a witnesse of hir good will vnto them. The next day after came to the quéene at Uitrie, in Cham­paigne, Iames Steward (which is touched a little be­fore) the prior of S. Andrews. Who after he had in re­uerence doone his dutie, bound himselfe with all fi­delitie, trauell, and diligence, most religiouslie vn­to hir; faithfullie further promising, that he would 10 prouide that the Scots should willinglie obeie hir, without anie forren powers to be brought by hir in­to Scotland.

For it was thought that he went into France for that purpose, to dissuade the quéene that she should not bring any power of the French with hir. But in the end, vttering his mind more fullie, and putting awaie all suspicion of deceit, he did with more fami­liaritie request the quéene to honor him with the erl­dome of Murreie. Wherevnto the queene did cour­teouslie 20 answer, that she would satisfie his request when she came into Scotland. Wherefore, when this Iames perceiued that the queene was somewhat well bent towards him, and that she credited his words, he attended on hir vnto Ianeuille, and there remaining with hir a certeine space, did after go in­to Scotland (as is before said) to prepare the minds of the people, that they might receiue the quéene comming into the realme, with good consent and du­tifull honor; who passing through England, came in­to 30 Scotland in the kalends of Maie.]

The duke of Chatelerault, the earles of Hunt­leie, Atholl, Marshall, and all other the noble men The nobles assemble at Edenburgh. of the realme, aduertised of the quéens comming, assembled at Edenburgh with all possible diligence. In the meane time, whilst the quéene was preparing to take hir iournie, and to come into Scotland, the queene of England set foorth some of hir great ships to the seas, to watch & gard the coasts of hir realme. Whereof they being aduertised in France, sent the 40 abbat of saint Colmes Inch to the quéene of Eng­land, Ships wait in the narrow [...]as. to desire of hir a safe conduct, in case by wind or tempest she chanced to land in England. But be­fore he was returned to Calis therewith, as he was appointed; the quéene and hir retinue were safelie [...] safe conduct required. landed in Scotland, neuerthelesse, the English ships tooke some of the Scotish lords, as the earle of E­glenton his ship, and others, which were brought in­to Certeine ships taken. England, and staied for a time; but were after re­leased, and sent home into Scotland. 50

The quéene also, by the aduise of the K. of France, sent monsieur Doisell into England, to passe Mans [...] Doisell, through the same into Scotland before hir cōming, there to haue receiued the forts of Dunbar and Ins­keith, of monsieur Charlebois, and to haue kept the same till hir comming. But he was staied, and pas­sed no further than to London: for it was thought that his going into Scotland would turne to no great benefit of that realme: because that he & mon­sieur Rubeie were the principall authors of all the 60 troubles in Scotland, betwixt the queene regent, and the nobilitie there. She was attended on from Pa­ris The quéene was co [...]ied into Calis. vnto Calis with manie noble men; namelie hir six vncles, the dukes of Guise, and Daumall, the cardinall of Lorraine and Guise, the grand prior, and the marquesse Dalbeuf, also the duke de Ne­meurs, and other of hir friends and kinsmen.

There were two gallies prepared, and certeine other ships to go with hir into Scotland, and there She taketh [...] in­to Scotland. went with hir three of hir said vncles, the duke Dau­mall, the grand prior, and the marquesse Dalbeuf: also monsieur Danuille the constables sonne, and diuerse other. She arriued at Leith the twentith day The queene [...] at L [...]th. of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1561, where she was honorablie receiued by the earle of Argile, the lord Erskin, the prior of saint Andrews, and of the burgesss of Edenburgh, and conueied to the ab­beie of Holie rood house. For (as saith Buchanan) Fr. Thin. when some had spread abroad hir landing in Scot­land, the nobilitie and others assembled out of all Buchanan, lib. 17. parts of the realme, as it were to a common spec­tacle.

This did they, partlie to congratulat hir returne, & partlie to shew the dutie which they alwaies bare vnto hir (when she was absent) either to haue thanks therefore, or to preuent the slanders of their enimies; whereof not a few by these beginnings of hir reigne did gesse what would follow; although in those so va­riable motions of the minds of the people, euerie one was verie desirous to sée their queene offred vn­to them (vnlooked for) after so manie haps of both fortunes as had fallen vnto hir. For when she was but six daies old, she lost hir father among the cruell tempests of battell, and was by great diligence brought vp by hir mother (being a chosen and woor­thie person) but yet left as a preie to others, by rea­son of ciuill seditions in Scotland, and of outward warres with other nations, being further laid abroad to all the dangers of frowning fortune, before she could know what euill did meane.

For leauing hir owne countrie, she was nouri­shed as a banished person, and hardlie preserued in life from the weapons of hir enimies, & violence of the seas. After which, fortune began to flatter hir, in that she honored hir with a woorthie mariage, which in truth was to this quéene rather a shadow of ioie, than anie comfort at all. For shortlie after the same, all things were turned to sorrow, by the death of hir new yoong husband, and of hir old and gréeued mo­ther; by losse of hir new kingdome, and by the doubt­full possession of hir old inheritable realme. But as for these things she was both pitied and praised; so was she also for gifts of nature as much loued and fauored; in that, beneficiall nature (or rather good God) had indued hir with a beautifull face, a well composed bodie, an excellent wit, a mild nature, and good behauior; which she had artificiallie furthe­red by courtlie education and affable demeanor. Whereby at the first sight, she wan vnto hir the hearts of most people, and confirmed the loue of hir faithfull subiects.]

Being thus come out of France, she brought in­to Costlie iewels Scotland manie rich and costlie iewels of gold worke, pretious stones, orient pearls, & such like, as excellent and faire as were to be found within Eu­rope, with rich furniture of houshold, as hangings, carpets, counterpoints, and all other necessaries for the furnishing of hir princelie houses. The chiefest part of the hangings and other furniture of house­hold, Hir houshold stuffe. was shipped at Rone, and arriued at Leith in the moneth of October next following. After the quéene of Scots had remained the space of foure or An act made concerning religion. fiue daies at Holie rood house, the duke of Chatele­rault, the earle of Argile, and diuerse other of the no­bilitie being present, there was an act made by the lords of the councell [in which none of the cleargie (as Fr. Thin. saith Lesleus lib. 10. pa. 580) were present] with con­sent of the queene, that to remooue all causes of trouble in time to come for the matter of religion, it was ordeined, that no alteration of the estate of re­ligion publikélie standing within the realme, at hir arriuall in the same, should be made; & that nothing should be attempted, either publikelie or priuatlie to the contrarie, vpon great paine, which was put foorth and published through all parts of the realme with great diligence.

After this, there were eleuen temporall lords, and Some appoin ted to be of the quéenes councell. one bishop chosen to be of thé queenes secret councell, [Page 378] by whose aduise she should rule and gouerne things, Secretarie. Comptroller. Lords of the priuie councel. six of them to remaine continuallie with hir in roome of officers, as the secretarie, comptroller, and others. The lords of the priuie councell were these, the duke of Chatelerault, the earle of Huntleie chan­cellor, the earle of Argile, the earle of Atholl, the earle Marshall, the earle of Glencarne, the earle of Mor­ton, the earle of Montrosse, the earle of Erroll, mai­ster Henrie Sinclar bishop of Rosse, and the lord Erskin, with the prior of S. Andrew. Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 16. But among 10 these reioisings of the queenes interteinment into hir kingdome, there happened a light fault, but such as did deepelie enter into the minds of both the fac­tions, of the catholikes (forsooth) and of the reformed religion.

For where it was agréed by the quéene and the nobilitie, that no alteration should be had of religi­on in the publike state, yet was masse permitted to hir and to hir familie priuilie to be vsed. For the preparation wherof whilest the vestments and other 20 things were caried through the hall into the chappell, one of the companie snatched awaie the wax candels and brake them: by occasion whereof (if some of the houshold had not come betwéene to helpe in that ac­tion, and ended the same) all the other furniture had béene throwne downe. Which matter was taken of people diuerslie, some blaming it as a most sawcie part; others interpreting it, that it was onelie doone to trie the patience of the priest; and some iudged and said that the priest was woorthie to be punished 30 with that paine which the scripture appointeth to ido­laters.

Which matter in the verie beginning was appea­sed by Iames the quéenes bastard brother, not yet created, but in expectation earle of Murreie. For which cause he would not offend the quéene, as I suppose, though afterward he not onelie offended hir, but deposed hir, and set vp hir sonne; as more plainlie shall hereafter appeare. At the quieting of this matter (saith Buchanan) George Gordon was 40 greatlie grieued, being a man bent to all occasions of troubles, who thinking now to win fauor to him thereby, did say to the quéenes vncles that were pre­sent, that he would reduce the countrie beyond Ca­lidon vnto the old religion. The which being indéed suspected of manie, and feared by such as had heard manie other things of his wit; they caried the same to the quéenes brother, by meanes whereof this little sparke in the beginning was the occasion of all the long ciuill dissention in Scotland, as I am led to 50 iudge by manie reasons.

But now although the gouernment (as before is Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 587. touched) was appointed to twelue before named, or at lest to six, which by turnes should be assistant to the quéene: yet the whole déed of ruling did in effect de­pend vpon hir bastard brother Iames, by reason of the fauor that the queene especiallie did beare vnto him. Wherefore this Iames, vsing the queenes au­thoritie at his pleasure, did bestow manie liberall gifts vpon his fellowes. Which the nobles so much 60 misliked, that in the end manie of them began eger­lie to beare his authoritie, as hereafter shall be more touched.]

The duke Daumall, after he had remained with Daumal went with the two gallies into France. The rest went through Eng­land into France. the quéene a certeine time, tooke his leaue of hir, and with the gallies returned into France. The grand prior and monsieur Danuille taried somewhat lon­ger, and passed through England into France. The marquesse Daulbeuf taried in Scotland all the next winter, till the spring of the yéere, and then returned into France through England. The towne of E­denburgh prepared great and costlie triumphs for A preparation of triumphs. the quéenes entering, which shée made into that towne in the moneth of September. After this, she passed vnto Striueling, and from thence to The qu [...] visited the townes. Perth, and then to Dundee, and also to saint An­drews, into which townes she was receiued with great honor and triumph. From saint Andrews she returned vnto Edenburgh, where she remained all the next winter. In December there was a great assemblie of all the principall lords, spirituall and An assemblie of the lords. temporall of the realme; where it was demanded of the prelats, to grant the third part of the fruits of their benefices to the quéene, towards the bearing of The third part of the spi­rituall [...]ngs demanded. hir charges for the maintenance of hir traine, and to susteine the ministers, till some order were taken to mainteine hir houshold, and a gard to tend on hir, by the aduise of the estates.

The prelats agréed for the quéenes pleasure to support hir with the fourth part of the fruits of their benefices, for one yéeres space onelie, to helpe to beare hir charges, and to susteine hir gard; and in the meane time order might be taken by the aduise of the whole estates for the same. But notwithstanding the refusall of the prelates to paie the third part, the lords of the priuie councell made an act, and set foorth letters, that all the prelats and beneficed men should An act for the cleargie. be charged to paie yéerelie to the quéenes comptrol­ler and his collector, the whole thirds of all fruits of their benefices: and that it should be lawfull to the comptroller and his deputies, to take the third of what part of euerie benefice where he best pleased, and to deale therewith at his pleasure: also to haue to doo with the rents of brotherhoods of common churches, and such like. This order hath béene obser­ued euer since, not without great grudge of the pre­lats, and other beneficed men of the realme, and their friends, as well those that professed the reformed re­ligion, as others.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 1 [...].Whilest these things were in dooing, William Mettellan the yoonger was sent ambassador into England, to salute the queene of that realme (as the maner is) & to declare the good mind that the quéene of Scots bare vnto hir, & the desire that his mistresse had to haue peace and vnitie preserued betwéene them. Besides all which, and manie other demands touching Scotland (which I suppresse for manie rea­sons, bicause (as Salomon saith) Corregis inscrutabile, & the mysteries of princes gouernment are not to be laid open to common eies and eares) this am­bassador deliuered letters to the queene of England from the nobilitie of Scotland. In which there was a courteous remembrance of hi [...] former fauor and of their good will. Requesting further that the quéene of England would shew a publike and priuat li­king and friendship to their quéene, to the end that the quéene of Scots prouoked by hir benefits, might not onelie remaine stedfast in the amitie alreadie begun: but might also (if it were possible) be dailie more and more fast bound vnto hir: and they for their parts would not omit anie occasion with all good will and diligence to continue this amitie.

To which ambassador the quéene of England made no lesse honorable than wise answer: the effect whereof, because it concerneth matter of great im­portance, & is long and largelie alreadie set downe by Buchanan, in hir maiesties singular commenda­tion to the whole world in the Latine toong, I thinke it not necessarie héere to repeat: and therefore I doo purposelie omit the same, least I might seeme by flat­terie to intrude my pen into the eloquent spéech of hir maiestie: and not being able to deliuer it with such grace as both she spake it, and Buchanan pen­neth it, I might dishonor hir, & ouerthrow my selfe, like vnto Phaeton. For as he, taking vpon him to rule the chariot of the sunne, was by his insufficien­cie therefore consumed with the heat and glorie ther­of; so should I in presuming with vnskill to pen the [Page 379] tale of such a woorthie prince, consume my credit, in misordering or defacing the maiestie, grauitie, wise­dome, and life of hir singular wit and eloquence. For which cause, leauing the same, we doo in this sort bring backe our pen to the continuance of the histo­rie of Scotland.

The quéene of Scots had a brother called Iohn, a man desirous of authoritie, but yet not so seuere in [...]. [...]. 17. mind as was Iames the other brother. This Iohn easilie persuading himselfe to obeie the quéene in all 10 things, was the more déere vnto hir, and most fit for hir, desirous (as saith Buchanan, but how trulie I know not) to confound all things. With this Iohn (in absence of the other brother Iames) she did con­sult to hier a companie of souldiers to be about hir, the cause whereof was this. In the night there was a tumult or stur, as though the earle of Arran would, in the absence of the nobilitie, secretlie set vpon the queene, and by strength haue labored to carie hir to his castell, which was fouretéene miles from thence. 20 All which séemeth likely to be but a tale, either for the queenes mind that was estranged from him, or for the immoderat loue which he bare vnto hir: both which were sufficientlie knowen to the common peo­ple. Which tumult being spred abroad, these souldiers after they had all night scowred the fields, riding vp and downe hither & thither, they shewed themselues the next day before the court gates, to the offense of some, and the iest of others.]

The sunday before Shrouetuesdaie, being the eight 30 day of Februarie (as some write) Iames Steward 1562. Iames Ste­ward made earle of Mur­reie. Fr. Thin. then prior of saint Andrewes, and earle of Mar, base brother to the quéene, was made earle of Murreie, [in place (as saith Buchanan) of the earledome of Mar, which belonged to Iohn Areskin] by the quéens speciall gift, and was maried the same day vnto Ag­nis Keith, daughter to the erle Marshall, with great feasts and triumphs, lasting thrée daies. Fr. Thin. Buchanan lib. 17. In which mariage he did so much exceed, that he greatlie of­fended the minds of his friends, and ministred mat­ter 40 to his enimies to speake euill of him; and that the more vehementlie, because he had before time in all his life behaued himselfe far more temperatlie than he did at this time.]

The quéene of England desirous to haue a mée­ting betwixt hir and the quéene of Scots hir coosine, The quéene of England desi­rous to speake with the quéene of Scotland. sent diuerse messengers with letters, desiring hir most instantlie to come to Yorke, where she would méet hir, to talke with hir of diuerse matters, that might make to the confirmation of the amitie and 50 friendship which nature had knit betwéene them, by coniunction and affinitie of bloud. And after consul­tation had with hir councell, the quéene of Scots a­gréed thereto: and so they were appointed to méet at Yorke in the moneth of Iulie next following. But when things were prepared and put in a readinesse for the iournie, the queene of England sent woord to the quéene of Scots, that she could not keepe the ap­pointment made for their méeting, desiring hir to The méeting tune was dis­appointed. haue hir excused for that time. Which message was 60 accepted, and so the iournie staied.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 17.Much about this time, or rather somewhat be­fore, as in truth I suppose it was, Iames Hamilton being duke of Chatelerault, and father to the earle of Arran, first wrote to the quéene, then after went he vnto hir to saint Andrewes, and with manie praiers requested hir that she would vpon sufficient pledges deliuer to him the earle Bothwell, and Gawen Ha­milton, but he could not obteine anie thing therein at hir hands. At what time also the quéene went to Dunbreton (which Hamilton held since the time that he was gouernor) to demand the deliuerie of the same into hir hands, which was accordinglie deliue­red vnto hir.] Shortlie after, the quéene of Scots tooke hir iournie towards the north parts of Scot­land, The quéene made h [...]r pro­gresse into the north parts of Scotland. Lord Ogil [...] and Iohn Gordon fight togither. and set from Striueling in the moneth of Au­gust.

About this time it chanced that the lord Ogil [...], and Iohn Gordon of Finnater, sonne to the earle of Huntleie, met on the [...] of Edenburgh & fought, where (after manie blowes and stripes giuen and ta­ken) the lord Ogiluie and his companie were hurt. Wherefore Iohn Gordon was taken, & put in ward at the tolbuith of Edenburgh, out of which he esca­ped, Iohn Gordon breaketh pri­son. after he had remained prisoner therein about twentie daies and tooke his waie northward: where­vpon followed great trouble shortlie after to the house of Huntle [...]. The quéene accompanied with the earles of Argile, Murreie, and Morton, the lord Er­skin, and others, passed forwards in hir iournie to­wards the north part, and caused Iohn Gordon of Iohn Gordon is summoned by the qu [...]. Finnater to be summoned to appéere and answer the law at Aberden, for breaking prison, and hurting the lord Ogiluie. The quéene comming to the towne Gordon is [...] with a [...]. of Aberden, was honorablie receiued with diuerse orations, and Latine enterludes, before the gram­mar schoole and college.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan lib. [...]. These things thus doone at Aberden, as the quéene determined to go further, she was intreated by Iohn Le [...]e a noble man, and follower of the Gor­dons, to vouchsafe his house in hir waie, being 12 miles from the towne: to which she granted, & went vnto the same. This place, because it was no com­mon place of resort, was thought verie conuenient for the execu [...]on of the earle of Murreie, whose death was conspired (as after shall appeere.) Where vpon Le [...]e, who was not ignorant of this secret counsell, besought the queene that she would not laie such a note of infamie vpon him and his familie, that he should seeme to haue betraied the chiefest brother of the quéene, no euill man, and one that was not his enimie, whereby he might come vnto his death at his house. Wherevpon it then ceassed, and the next night was also quietlie passed ouer at Rothmie, a towne of the Abernethians, because the next day the quéens was determined to go to Strabogie.]

Where vpon the earle of Huntleie, hauing before heard that his sonne was thus summoned, assembled the principall earles, lords, barons, and gentlemen of the north, who came with him to Aberden, to helpe his son at the law day appointed for his appéerance, which was in September. The earle came vnto the quéene himselfe, and at length it was agreed, that his sonne the said Iohn Gordon should returne to prison Gordon is commanded to Striueling cast [...]. againe in Striueling castell, there to remaine du­ring the quéenes pleasure. But he following the euill counsell of s [...]e yoong heads that were with him, neither fulfilled the quéenes pleasure, nor his fathers He disobeied. appointment, but attempted to reuenge his extreme handling (as he tooke it) vpon the earle of Murreie, whome he put most in blame for the rigor shewed a­gainst him, but his enterprise tooke not effect. Now the quéene aduertised of his disobedience, went not to Strabogie, notwithstanding there was great pre­paration made for hir in that place, for the receiuing of hir and hir traine: but she went vnto Balwanie, the earle of Athols place, and from thence to Kin­los, to Tarnewaie, and so came to Inuernesse, and there lodged.

In this meane while, the earle of Huntleie, purpo­sing to attend on the queene at Inuernesse, caused prouision to be made in the castell for his lodging. The quéene suspecting his dealing, least this should The quéene suspected the earle of Hunt­leie. be doone vpon some policie, commanded the kéepers of the castell to render the same to one of hir heralds: but it was not deliuered till the next day, and there­fore the capteine of that castell called Alexander Gor­don, Alexander Gordon was hanged. for refusing to deliuer it, was hanged vpon the [Page 380] towne bridge. The lord Gordon & his brother Iohn Gordon of Finnater came that night within a little space distant from the towne of Inuernesse, which caused great feare in the towne, so that there was a diligent watch all that night. The earle of Huntleie being come to Kinlosse, and hearing that the castell of Inuernesse was commanded to be giuen vp into the hands of an herald, sent with all diligence to the kéepers, that they should deliuer it, & returned him­selfe to Strabogie. 10

The quéene remained in Inuernesse the space of foure or fiue daies, where the principall capteine of the clanes of the countrie came to hir, and with a great companie [of the ancient Scots (as hath Bu­chanan) Fr. Thin. whereof the chiefe were the Fraisers and Murreies, valiant families in those parts] conueied hir to Spine, where she was informed that the earle of Huntleie had gathered an armie to come against hir, and made their assemble at Spaie. Héerevpon, they tooke with them all the artillerie ouer Spine, 20 and caried the same in carts, and all other kind of munition, and passed forward to Bamf that night. The earle of Huntleie all this while came not foorth of Strabogie. The quéene as she passed forward; rode to the place of F [...]nater, and there in hir owne pre­sence, caused the kéepers thereof to be charged to de­liuer it, which they refused to doo. From Bamf the quéene rode to the lard of Geichtis place, called Geicht, and the next day there was great preparation for hir entrie into the new towne of Aberden. She 30 lodged one night in the bishops palace, and the next She came to Aberden. day she was honorablie receiued, and lodged in the prouosts house of the towne, where she remained all the time of hir abode in Aberden.

After this, the lord Iohn prior of Coldingham, with diuerse gentlemen, was sent against the earle The earle of Huntleie is sent for. of Huntleie to Strabogie, but he was escaped be­fore they approched. The ladie Huntleie receiued them verie courteouslie, and gaue them good inter­teinement, and so they returned. There was charge 40 giuen to Louthian, Fife, Angus, Stratherne, the Merns, and to the shire of Aberden, to come to A­berden quarterlie, euerie countrie to remaine there fiftéene daies; and so they did, during the time of hir abiding there. The earle of Huntleie sent his wife in message to the quéene and councell, but she was The ladie Huntleie is sent vnto the quéene. not admitted to come within a mile of them, but commanded to returne. After this, he sent a messen­ger, offering to enter in ward till his cause might be tried by the whole nobilitie: but this was refused. In 50 the meane time all the principall of the Gordons that The Gordōs are impriso­ned. were landed men, were charged to enter into ward. About the same time Iames Hepborne earle of Bothwell, who (vpon displeasure conceiued against The earle Bothwell escaped out of prison. him about a quarell betwixt him and the earle of Arrane, had béene committed to prison in Easter wéeke last before past) escaped out of Dauids tower in Edenburgh at a window.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 17. The earle of Huntleie, vnderstanding by his friends at the court how things passed, determined 60 to flie to the mounteins: but after (trusting to the pro­mises of his friends) he determined to abide battell in a place of some strength. Wherevpon in October he came with his armie to Cornethie in Mar. By reason whereof the earle of Murreie, who at the first had scarse a hundred horssemen with him, began with Iames Dowglasse earle of Moorton, and Pa­trike Lindseie, to lead an armie against his eni­mies, and gathered a greater number of eight hun­dred people of the regions adioining. Wherefore he first placed souldiers about the water passages, to kéepe all those places, that Huntleie should not es­cape, and with the rest went forward on a soft pase, to méet his enimie: whose comming Huntleie did a­bide, with thrée hundred men, kéeping their places, al­though not a few of that companie were fled from the Gordons the night before.

When the earle of Murreie was come to the side of a hill, from whence he might sée all the marishes a­bout him, he incamped there in a slender order of battell. At length the armies met, at what time ma­nie on the earle of Murreie his side did flée awaie, hauing before giuen a signe to the enimie. But the earle Murreie, which saw there was no succour in fléeing, stood to it valiantlie, called his men togither, set vpon the enimie, caused them (which before fol­lowed his men fleeing awaie▪) now to flie as fast backe as they came forward. Which change of for­tune when the traitors that before fled did perceiue, they came afresh and pursued the Huntleies, and (to cleare them from the first fault) committed all the slaughter that was doone that daie.

There was killed of the part of Huntleie a hun­dred and twentie, and a hundred taken: but on the o­ther side not one. Amongst such as were taken, was the earle Huntleie himselfe, and his two sons, Iohn and Adam. But the father being old and short brea­thed by reason of his grossenes, was slaine betweene the hands of such as tooke him, and the rest were late in the night brought to Aberden.] The quéene séemed sorie for the earles death. But in Nouember Iohn Gordon was beheaded in Aberden, and shortlie af­ter Iohn Gordon is beheaded. the quéene returned southwards, leauing foure commissioners in Aberden, the treasuror, maister Iames Macgill, maister Iohn Spens of Cundie, and the lard of Pettarrow, to compound for the es­chets of them that were in the field with the earle of Huntleie. Great summes of monie were taken and leuied of them for that trespasse. Fr. Th [...]. Buchanan. lib. 178. The earle Bothwell was commanded the fift kalends of De­cember by an herald to yéeld himselfe againe to pri­son, but because he would not, he was declared a pub­like enimie.]

The lord George Gordon, eldest sonne to the earle The lord Gordon is ta­ken prisoner. 1563. Buch. 1562. of Huntleie, was taken by the duke of Chatelerault his father in law, at Cumernoull, and brought to E­denburgh, where he was put in the castell, and after by a iurie conuict, forfalted, and condemned to die, and sent to Dunbar castell, there to remaine in ward, where he continued till the yéere of God, 1565. Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 17. At this time was a monie mulct set vpon such as did eat flesh in the time of Lent. The setting foorth thereof was not so much for religion, as for publike commoditie, by the iudgement of Buchanan. The archbishop of saint Andrewes, because (after an edict made therefore at the quéenes comming into Scotland) he did not absteine from hearing and sai­eng masse, was committed prisoner to the castell of Edenburgh, and the rest that were found in such acti­ons were fined, with promise of a greater punish­ment to be laied vpon them, if they were found of­fending againe in that sort.]

The quéene held a parlement in Edenburgh, where 1563. A parlement. the earle of Huntleis dead bodie was brought pre­sent before the estates in the tolbuith, and forfalted. The earle of Sutherland George Gordon was for­falted The act of ob­liuion ratified. also, and diuerse other of their friends. And in this parlement the act of obliuion was ratified and approoued, and diuerse other new acts made. This The quéene goeth on pro­gresse. yeere in August, the quéene went on progresse into Argile. This yéere deceassed diuerse councellors or se­nators of the college of Iustice, as maister Iohn Stephanson chancellor of Glascow, and the prouost of Corstrophine. In place of the first, maister Iohn Le­sle, New officers. officiall of Aberden, was promoted; and in the prouosts place maister Iames Baulfour succéeded. There came an ambassador from the king of Swe­den, 1564. Ambassadors from Swed [...] to treat of a mariage to be contracted with she [Page 381] quéene; but his message was not regarded. The se­cond of Iulie, Henrie S [...]cler bishop of Rosse ship­ped at Leith to passe into France, to procure some The bishop of Rosse went [...]to France. [...] of his disease. He was cut of the stone in Pa­ris, and died the second of Ianuarie next after. There succéeded to that bishoprike of R [...]sse, maister Iohn Lesle, [...]arson of Oue [...], being then one of the sena­tors of the session and college of iustic [...].

In the moneth of August, the quéene passed into A [...] in progresse, and from thence to Badzenocht, 10 The qu [...]nes progresse. to Inuernesse, and to the [...] of Rosse, and re­t [...]ned through Murreie to Ga [...]ie, Aberden, Dunnoter, and so to Edenburgh, where she remai­ned the next winter. In the moneth of October, the earle of Lennox came into Scotland, and for his The earle of Lennox came into Scot­land. cause there was a parlement holden in December, in which he was restored to all his [...] [...]nors, and dignities, within that realme. In December also, the bishop of Dunblane d [...]eassed, and after him succée­ded maister William Chesiholme his brothers [...]. 20 In Ianuarie, the quéene tooke hir iourneie through Fife, and in manie gentlemens places was banket­ted. A progresse. In which time, Henrie Steward, lord Da [...]leie, Lord [...] into Scotland. [...] goodlie man of personage, and sonne to the earle of Lennox, came into Scotland, where he came to the quéenes presence in the Weames, the ninth day of Februarie. The quéene so well liked him, that she as­sembled all the temporall lords togither at Striue­ling, 156 [...]. A parlement. in the moneth of Aprill, and there obteined of them their consents, that she might marrie the said 30 lord Darneleie. After this, he was made earle of Lord Darne­leie is made lord of Rosse. Rosse.

In the meane time, the quéene of England sent sir Nicholas Throckmorton into Scotland, to vnder­stand The quéene of England dis­suaded that ma [...]age. the proceedings in the quéenes mariage with the lord Darneleie, and for other affaires, who came to the assemblie at Striueling to that effect. The quéene of Scots sent maister Iohn Haie abbat of Balmerinoch into England to the quéene, to miti­gat hir displeasure towards the lord Darneleie, and 40 to obteine hir consent to the mariage; who answered, that she ment to send an ambassador of hir owne in­to Ambassage sent into Scotland. Scotland for that and other causes, and (according to hir promise) she sent one. Shortlie after, certeine capte [...]s & men of warre in saint Andrewes, Dun­d [...]e, and saint Iohns towne, receiued monie about The earle of Murreie a [...] vnto the quéene. the same time of the earle of Murreie, to take part with him, for the which they were after punished. Af­ter the assemblie at Striueling, the queene séemed not to like of the earle of Murreie so well as she had 50 doone before: wherevpon he departed the court, and repaired to saint Andrewes, where (through the coun­sell of certeine persons) he sought waies to stop the mariage.

The quéene neuerthelesse sent the bishop of Dun­blane to Rome for a dispensation to marrie with the Dispensation had from Rome for to marrie. lord Darneleie, being hir coosine in the second degrée of consanguinitie, which he obteined, & sent it home shortlie after. The quéene was then principallie counselled by the earles of Atholl, and Lennox, the 60 lord Ruthwen, and their friends. In the meane time, the earle of Murreie persuaded the duke of Chatele­rault, the earle of Argile, and sundrie other, to méet at Consultation to stop the ma­riage. Striueling, where they made a bond to stop the ma­riage, alledging the same to be made for mainte­nance of the religion. The queene aduertised there­of, released the lord Gordon foorth of prison, wherein he had béene kept within the castell of Dunbar, and Gordon is created earle of Huntleie. Bothwell is sent for. [...]r. Thin. restoring him to his fathers lands, created him earle of Huntleie. She also sent for the earle of Bothwell to returne home, who was banished, and was then in France [and the earle of Southerland to returne out of Flanders.]

In the moneth of Iulie, the lord Darneleie earle Lord Darne [...] of Rosse was made duke of Alban [...]e. And on satur­daie [...] is made duke of [...]. Lord [...] is procla­med king. The quéene is maried. at euen, the eight and twentith daie of the same moneth, before the mariage, he was proclamed king by the quéenes commandement at the market crosse of Edenburgh. And on the nine and [...]ntith daie of the same moneth, he was married to the quéene in the chappell of Holie rood house, at fiue of the clocke in the morning. Shortlie after, the duke of Chatele­rault, the earles of Argile, Murreie, and their com­p [...]ces▪ Certein lords refuse to ap­peere before the queene. were summoned to appeere before the queene and hir councell within six daies; & because they re­fused so to doo, they were put to the [...]orne.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 17. The king and queene therevpon assemble their power, and by a herald demand the deliuerie of the castell of Hamilton. But (he returning without the effect of his message) they addresse themselues to warre. ‘At what t [...]e the lords of the congregation were at some variance amongest themselues, as se­uered into diuerse opinions: for the Hamiltons that were of greatest power in those places, did affirme, that they should haue no firme conditions of peace, except the king and quéene were made awaie: [...]or so long as they were in health, they could hope for [...] ▪ thing but new warres, new deceipts, and dissembled peace; a thing farre more dangerous than open war.’ For though manie times the iniuries of priuat per­sons maie be laied downe by trauell and persu [...]sion, Wicked coun­sell alwaies woorst to th [...] giuer. and maie be recompensed againe with great com­modities: yet there is no waie to appease the displea­sure of kings, but by taking them awaie.

Upon which bad speech, the earles of Murreie and of Glencarne (which well vnderstood that the Ha­miltons did not séeke the publike commoditie, but their owne priuat riches as persons that were next to the crowne after the queens death) did abhor the slaughter and gouernement of the Hamiltons, whom of late they had felt to be both cruell and coue­tous: and did therefore giue more mild and sound counsell, ‘saieng that this dissention being ciuill, was not yet come to be bloudie: in which hitherto they had onelie contended with words & not with swords, being not yet so far, but that (if it were possible) the same might be ended with honest conditions.’

‘To the persuasion whereof, he said that there were manie in the camps of the two princes, which gréedilie desired to heare of peace, & would not faile to further their endeuor therein, nor to defend them­selues & their cause with néedfull weapons: all which did perchance foresée that the king and quéene▪ (by reason of their youth) had not yet faulted so greatlie, as that it turned to the vtter ouerthrow of the com­mon-wealth; & if they haue faults (as who hath not) they were such as were rather to their owne priuat reproch than otherwise, and therefore they ought not to be punished with flat death: but rather to be cu­red with easier remedies. For he did remember it to haue alwaies beene obserued heretofore, that in the life of kings, we should alwaies couer their se­cret vices, we should mildlie interpret their doubt­full faults, and we should with patience beare their knowne euils: so that they did not by them bring vtter destruction to the common-wealth.’

When this opinion was pleasing to most of the hearers, the other Hamiltons (except Iames, which was head of that familie) determined to rest in qui­et; but he accompanied with sixtéene horsses remai­ned with the lords. Who being now so weakened of their power, that they could neither wage battell, nor safelie passe to their owne; did giue place to the time, and went that night to Hamilton.] The quéene assembled an armie, and went to Glascow to pur­sue them [at what time (as saith Buchanan) the earle of Lennox was made warden of the eas [...] marches, and the duke and earles with other of their compa­nie [Page 382] came to Edenburgh, where the castell shot off at An armie ga­thered against them. The lords went vnto D [...]nfreis. them, and therefore they departed towards Dun­freis, and were receiued by the lord Heris.

The quéene hearing thereof, by aduise of hir coun­cell assembled foorth of all the parts of the whole realme an armie, appointing the same to be at Beg­gar, in the beginning of October, to pursue the re­bels. In the meane time, she hearing that the towns Certeine townes are punished. of saint Andrews, Dundée, and saint Iohns towne, had helped the lords to raise men of warre for their 10 support, passed thither hirselfe, and tooke inquisition thereof, giuing order in those townes, that no such thing should afterwards be put in practise. But there were none that suffered death for that matter; but diuerse were committed to prison in the north parts of the realme, as the prouost and bailzzeis of saint Andrews: also certeine of the towne of Dundée, and saint Iohns towne, and other were banished; and diuerse barons, as Lundie, Lango, and Bal­ward, were sent to Aberden, and to other parts, 20 where they remained the winter following.

About this time, the quéene tooke the castell of Tantallon from the earle [...]f Morton, because he was suspected to fauor the rebels. The kéeping there­of was giuen to the earle of Atholl. The quéene re­turning A great armie [...] to Edenburgh in September, prepared all things necessarie for the armie, and departing from Edenburgh, came to Beggar, where all the noble men with their retinues were assembled the eight of October. From thence they passed forward to Dun­freis. 30 In the meane time, the duke of Chatelerault, the earles of Murreie, Glenearne, Roths, the lord Ochiltre, the abbat of Kilwinning, the lards of Grange, Cuningham, Herdie, Pettarrow, maister Iames Haliburton tutor of Petcur, and others, hearing of the quéens comming with an armie, fled into England & came to Caerleill, where they were The lords fled into Eng­land. receiued, the earle of Bedford at that time being lord lientenant of the north.

The lord Heris then maister of Maxwell conuei­ed 40 them to the water of Sulweie, and afterward re­turned to Dunfreis to the quéene, where (of hir cle­mencie) he got pardon of his offense; and the lards T [...]ir con­ [...]rs not their pardon. of Lochinwar and Drunlanrig likewise. After the armie had taried certeine daies, putting direction for obseruing of good order in the countrie, the quéen The quéene retned a­gaine into Edenburgh. The quéene sent into France for aid. returned to Edenburgh, where she remained all the next winter. The queene sent the maister Dauid Chalmer chancellor of Rosse into France to the the king, with letters for his assistance against hir 50 rebels. And shortlie after, the French king sent a gentleman called monsieur Maluoiser into Scot­land, with verie friendlie letters vnto the quéene, promising his helpe & assistance against the rebels; which message was most thankefullie receiued, and the said Maluoiser honorablie at his departure re­warded.

The duke of Chatelerault, and the other lords with him departed from Caerleill to Newcastell vpon The lords send to the quéene of England. Tine, and from thence sent the earle of Murreie, 60 and the abbat of Kilwinning to the queene of Eng­land, making sute to hir grace for aid to be restored to their countrie againe. The quéens maiestie promi­sed them, that she would send a gentleman to the quéene hir sister, and moue hir in their fauors, as she The quéene of England sent to the quéene of Scots. did; and so they returned to Newcastell, where the duke of Chatelerault, perceiuing no other helpe ap­pearing, sent the abbat of Kilwinning into Scot­land to the quéene with letters, submitting himselfe to hir graces will, and so he obteined pardon for him and his friends, with licence to passe into France, there to remaine the space of fiue yeares, and short­lie after he passed through England, and so ouer in­to France, according to his appointment.

The king passed the most part of that winter in the The king went a haw­king. countries of Fife, Stratherne, Striuelingshire, & Louthian, spending his time in hawking. The queene remained at Edenburgh with the nobilitie, and because she was conceiued with child, trauelled little abroad Fr. Thin. About this time was a new order ta­ken for placing the king and quéens name in all their writings and patents. For where, vntill this Bucha. lib. 17. time, the kings name was set before the queens: now quite contrarie, the name of the quéene was written before the kings: besides which, afterward the quéene hir selfe would onelie set hir name to the writings in place of hirs and his; and Dauid the se­cretarie was appointed in his place to haue a stampe of the kings name, to vse when néed required.]

In the meane time a parlement was called, to be A parlement. holden in the moneth of March next insuing, and summons decréed against the earle of Murreie, The lords that were exiled are summoned. and the other lords that remained in England, and also against the earle of Argile, lieng then in his countrie of Argile to heare them forfalted. The French king sent monsieur Rambeueullet into The king re­ceiued the or­der of saint Michaell. Scotland, as ambassador from him to the quéene, with commission, to make the king hir husband knight of the order of S. Michaell. Which with great solemnitie and reuerence was accomplished in the 1566. chappell of Holie rood house the tenth of Februarie, being sunday: after the which, the said Rambeueul­let returned into France, being highlie rewar­ded.

From that time that the parlement was procla­med, and the summons also published, the earle of Murreis friends being in Scotland, neuer ceassed to séeke all the waies and means they could deuise to staie the same: in so much that the earle of Mor­ton, They per­suade with the king. the lord Ruthwen, and the lord Lindseie, secret­lie persuaded the king to staie the parlement, and al­so to consent to the restoring of the erle of Murreie and his complices, making to him faithfull promise, that if he would follow their counsell, he should be made & crowned king of Scotland absolutelie, and The king soone persu [...] ­ded. the quéene so to haue lesse to doo with the gouerne­ment afterwards, where through he agréed to them.

And so after the parlement was assembled, the lords of the articles being chosen the seuenth day of March, they perceiuing the forfalture like to procéed, and iudgement thereof to be giuen, the eleuenth of March next following, the king with the assistance of the said earle of Morton, the lords Ruthwen, and Lindseie, entred into the quéens priuie chamber a­bout eight of the clocke in the night, being saturday, and the ninth of March; where being arriued in war­like, The king to entred into the quéens priuie cham­ber. manner, the lord Ruthwen declared vnto the queene, that they would not suffer hir anie longer to haue the gouernement of the realme, to abuse the same by the counsell of strangers, as she had doone; and therefore pulled violentlie out of hir chamber Dauid Richeo an Italian, that was one of hir se­cretaries, Dauid Ri­cheo is slaine. crieng pitiouslie, Iustitia, Iustitia: and in hir vtter chamber they suddenlie slue him with great crueltie. The king himselfe was also present, and his dagger was likewise found sticking in the dead bodie.

The quéene was shut vp within hir chamber, and certeine appointed to attend hir, and to kéepe all the doores and gates about the palace. The earles of The earle of Huntleie is fled and the residue also. Huntleie and Bothwell escaped by a backe window foorth in their chamber, wherof the king and his com­panie were right sorie. The erle of Atholl and others being with him, departed in the night season by a ferrie ouer the Forth, called the quéenes ferrie, and went to S. Iohns towne. On the morow being sun­day (the quéene being secretlie kept) proclamation was made, that all the lords that had voice in parle­ment, [Page 383] st [...]id depart out of the towne of Edenburgh: [...]. and after noone the same day, the earles of Murreie and Rothes. with other of their companies that came foorth from Newcastell the saturday before, came to the abb [...]e of Ho [...] rood house about fit of [...] clocke in the after noone, where they were thank­ful [...] rece [...]ued by the king and his companie. They [...]ake also with the quéene, who had no great comfort of their comming.

The morrow following being monday the earle 10 of Murreie, and the other that were summoned, pas­s [...]d to the tolbuith of Edenburgh, & made their pro­t [...]station there, that they were readie to answer in [...]. parlement, and none appeared to accuse them. After [...]. it was concluded to keepe the queene in streict ward. But by hir politike demeanor, their purpose in [...] behalfe was broken: for by secret conference with the king, she persuaded him to thinke, that hee [...]. had [...]omed himselfe with those that would be his de­struction, if it happened with hir otherwise than well; 20 as was no iesi [...] to [...]e doubted▪ by reason of the high displeasure that she had taken being quicke with child: through the which persuasion, and other mis [...] ­king of things, he departed secretlie with hir in the [...]. [...]ght season, accompanied onlie with two men, and first came vnto Setton, and afterward from chence to Dunbar.

Thither the earles of Huntle [...]e and Bothwell [...] repa [...]red, by whose counsell and others then [...]. with hir, she caused proclamation to be made in di­uerse 30 parts of the realme, charging all manner of men in feats of warre, to come vnto hir to Dun­bar▪ [...]. & to passe from thence vnto Edenburgh within f [...] daies after. She also sent letters to the same ef­fect vnto diuerse noble men of the realme, who pre­pared themselues with great diligence to meet hir. The earle of Murreie and the rest of the lords being with him, hearing the preparation that was made against them, and perceiuing themselues not able to resist, thought good euerie of them to seeke some 40 particular meane to obteine remission at the quéens hands. Which they obteined all of them, except the [...]: ear [...]e of Morton, the lords Ruthwen, Lindseie, and such other as were with them at the murther of Da­uid Rich [...]. Wherevpon they d [...]sparing of pardon, f [...]d into England; where the lord Ruthwen died at [...]. [...] after; as in place ye shall heare.

The earle of Lennor, being partaker with them, came to Dunbar, and got pardon: the earle of Glen­carne [...] and the lard of Cunningham head came thi­ [...] 50 also, and were pardoned. Likewise the earle of Rothes purchased his pardon at the same t [...]e. The earles of A [...]gile and Murre [...]e, and the lord Bold, be­ing at L [...]thquo, sent to the quéene for their pardon, and ab [...]ned it, being commanded neuerthelesse to [...] Argile, and to remaine there during hir graces pleasure, which commandement they obeied. The eightéenth of March, the quéene well accom­pan [...]d came to Hadington towards night: and on [...]. the ninteenth day, the bishop of saint A [...]ws, and 60 the [...] met hir at Muskelburgh, and so like­wise did the lords Leuingston, Fleming, Hume, Borthwike, and manie other noble men, and con­u [...]ed hir vnto Edenburgh.

She lodged in the bishop of Dunkelds lodging, [...] there a certeine space, hauing with hir the [...] of Huntle [...]e, Atholl, Bothwell, Crawford, Mar­sh [...]ll, Southerland, Cathnes, the bishops of saint An­drews and Rosse; the lords Leuingston, Fleming, and diuerse other noble men, by whose counsell order was taken for redressing of the state of the realme, whereby the same was shortlie brought to great quietnesse. After this, the quéene perceiuing hirselfe to draw neere the time of hir deliuerance, went to the castell of Edenburgh, there to remaine till shée were deliuered of hir birth. In the moneth of Ma [...]e, Thomas Scot shiriffe, deputie of Perth, & a pr [...]est called sir Henrie Yair, seruant to the lord Ruthwen. [...] murthe [...]. were apprehended for being dooers in the [...]aughter of Dauid, and were hanged and quartered. Their heads were set aloft, the one on the tower in the ab­beie, and the other on the nether bow.

In the moneth of Apr [...]ll this yeere▪ the bishop of Bre [...]n president of the session, deceassed, and in his roome succeeded to that bishoprike, a friend and cou­sine to the earle of Argile called Campbell. In the end of Aprill, the queene▪ wi [...]ing to haue the earles of Argile and Murreie [...] with the rest of the councell, sent for them to come to the castell of E denburgh, Th [...] [...] a [...] the [...] where all griefs and controuersies that rested betw [...]rt them on the one side, and the earles of Huntleie, Atholl. & Bothwell on the other side, were referred to the queene, who agreed them, and they [...] remained with hir the residue of the summer. The queene hearing that the earle of Morton, the lord The queen [...] [...] su [...] to th [...] que [...] [...]. Ruthwen, and the other their assistants were rece [...] ­ued in England, and remained at Newcastell: shee sent maister Iames Ch [...]rnton chantor of Murrei [...], with letters to the queene of England, and also to the king of France, and other hir friends there: de­claring by the ten [...]: of the same letters the abuse and presumptuous attempts of certeine hir subiects against hir▪ desiring them not to receiue them with­in their realmes [...] dominions.

Shortlie after the queene of England sent a gen­tleman The que [...] of England hir answer. called Henrie K [...]grew into Scotland, with letters and message to the queene, promising to cause them to depart foorth of hir realme of England: and withall sent vnto them warning to depart betwixt that present time, and midsummer then next insuing. But in the meane time the lord [...] Ruthwen repe [...]ted. Ruthwen departed this life at Newcastell, with great repentance of his former life: giuing God thanks, for that he had lent him time to call to him for mercie and forgiuenesse, whereof he did assure himselfe. And from thencefoorth the earle of Morton, and the maister of Ruthwen, remained secretlie neere to Anwike, and other places of the borders, till they obteined pardon, and were restored. About this time there came from the king of France a wise a­ged A [...] ambassa [...] from the king of France. gentleman, named mons [...]eur is Crocke, as his ambassador, and remained in Scotland all the win­ter following.

In the moneth of Iune▪ the quéene perceiuing the time of hir deliuerance to approch▪ wrote vnto all the principall noble men of hir realme, to come and re­maine within the towne of Edenburgh, during the time of hir deliuerance, where they assembled: and the king hir husband, with the earles of Argile, Mur­reie, Atholl, and Mar, remained with hir in the ca­stell; and the earle of Huntle [...]e, Bothwell, and the [...]ant of the lords lodged in the towne. And vpon the nintéenth day of the same moneth of Iune, be­twixt 10 and 11 of the clocke before noone, hir grace was deliuered of a goodlie man-child, to the great A prin [...] borne. comfort of hir highnesse, and all hir subiects, whereof the nobilitie did greatlie reio [...]se. And incontinentlie all the artillerie in the castell was sh [...]t off, and all the lords and people came togither in the church of saint Giles, to giue thanks to almightie God for his great and beneficiall goodnes shewed to them, in gi­uing to them a prince, and withall made their hum­ble praiers vnto his diuine maiestie, to indue him with the feare of God, with vertue and knowledge to gouerne the realme and subiects thereof, when so­euer the same should fall into his hands.

The same night at seuen, there were great fires for ioy made in the towne of Edenburgh, and in all [Page 384] the countrie about, and likewise through all the whole realme, as by aduertisements were certified therof. The queene remained still in the castell of E­denburgh all the moneth of Iulie following, till shée had recouered hir health and strength. In the begin­ning of August, she passed vp the water of Forth to Allowaie, where she remained certeine daies, the earles of Murreie and Mar being of companie with hir, and there the king hir husband came to visit hir. The same time monsieur Maluoisir came into Scot­land 10 from the king of France, bringing letters to the quéene, who was conueied by the bishop of Rosse to Allowaie, where he was ioifullie receiued, courte­ouslie interteined, and highly rewarded. The queene of England sent maister Henrie Killegrew to the quéene with the like message, reioising for hir safe and happie deliuerance, who likewise was receiued in most thankefull maner, and well rewarded.

Here is to be noted, that shortlie after she was The princes godfathers & godmothers. brought to bed, she sent one of hir gentlemen called 20 monsieur Clarimoich, with letters to the king of France, and to the duke of Sauoie: desiring them to send ambassadors, which in their name (as godfa­thers) might receiue hir son at the baptisme. More­ouer, she sent Iames Meluine to the quéene of Eng­land with the like message, desiring hir maiestie to be godmother [who by hir ambassador Francis earle of Bedford, sent a present to the quéene of Scots, Fr. Thin. I. Stow pa. 1131 in quart. (as I. Stow hath noted) a fount of gold curiouslie wrought & inamelled, weieng 333 ounces, amoun­ting 30 in value to 1043 pounds 19 shillings of Eng­lish monie.] These princes were glad hereof, and promised to send ambassadors to that effect, as after­ward they did. In the later end of August, the quéene accompanied with the king hir husband, the erles of Huntleie, Murreie, Bothwell, and diuerse other, went into Meggat land, there to passe the time in hunting, where they remained certeine daies: and returning to Edenburgh, caused the prince to b [...] conueied vnto Striueling castell, where he was 40 committed in kéeping to the lord Erskin, after erle of Mar, and his ladie. And from thence the quéene went on progresse into Glen Arkeneie.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. li. 17. The king as a solitarie person goeth to Striue­ling, after which the quéene determineth to go to Ied­worth to assemble a parlement. About the beginning of October, Bothwell prepareth a iournie into Lid­disdale, where he was hurt with a caleeuer by a base théefe. Whervpon with vncerteine life he was ca­ried to the castell of Hermitage, to which the quéene 50 (hearing of his mishap) came, attended with a small traine from Bothwike, and from thence hauing séene Bothwell, did in short time after returne to Bothwike, whither shée caused Bothwell to bée brought: after whose comming thither, the quéene fell so grieuouslie sicke, that she was in danger of hir life, at what time the king came thither vnto hir.

In Ianuarie the king came to Glascow, where he fell sicke, and remoouing from thence went to E­denburgh, 1567. and the quéene accompanied him. She 60 lodged at Holie rood house, but hée was lodged at a house within the towne, néere to the Kirke a field, within the which, on the tenth of the moneth of Fe­bruarie in the night he was shamefullie murthered, togither with one Wiliam Parat. He was cast in­to The king murthered. 1566. Stow. an orchard, and herewith the house was blowne vp with gunpowder. [Some giue report of his death, but touch not the maner thereof, onelie sai­eng that he was shamefullie murthered in a mor­ning (a heauie breakefast) by his owne (but vnnatu­rall and rebellious) people, whose innocent blood cri­eth out for vengeance at the hands of God, who in iustice will (when he séeth due time) giue them their portion with malefactors agréeable to their merits.

The earle of Bothwell was euen at the first vehe­mentlie The earle of Bothwell murthered the king. suspected to be the principall offendor in this most heinous and detestable murther. But the mat­ter was so handled, that he was not onelie acquit by an assise, as they call it; but also shortlie after maried the quéene. By reason wherof, the suspicion that men had alreadie conceiued, that she should be also priuie to the murther, was nothing diminished. But as I haue not to deale in that matter, so yet it is mani­fest, that some of the Scotish nobilitie, sore repining and maligning at such the speedie aduancement of Bothwell, who (as euerie man persuaded himselfe, was the principall author of the murther) got them to armes on the sudden, before the quéene or Both­well were aduertised of their meaning, they being The lords get them to armes. then at Borthwike castell, eight miles distant from Edenburgh.

Fr. Thin. Thus leauing the lords awhile at Edenburgh, we will say somewhat out of Buchanan, of things doone by Bothwell & the quéene, before that she was taken by these noble men of the congregation, ha­uing at that time taken armes against hir. After Bucha [...]. li. 17. the death of hir husband, whome she had caused to be buried not farre from Dauid Richeo hir secretarie, slaine (as was thought) by the meanes of the king of Scots: the queene (I say) after that, and also after the clearing of Bothwell from the murther of hir husband, was forceablie taken (as she was on hir iournie) by the earle Bothwell, and caried to his ca­stell, where she remained not long, but yet honora­blie interteined. Which fact of his bred great mislike in the peoples minds, and brought him in danger of his life, had not the queene (of hir clemencie) pardo­ned him the same.

This doone, there was à consultation had for a mariage to be solemnized betwéene hir and the earle Bothwell, which (after a diuorse had betwéene this earle and his then wife Katharine Gordon, granted by the iudges spirituall & temporall; and after the so­lemne bands asked betwéene the said earle Iames Hepborne, and the quéene Marie Steward) was with great solemnitie of the nobilitie (by their hands in writing consenting therevnto) consummat at E­denburgh. Against which onelie the bishop of Orke­nie was found to resist; and at which monsieur de Crocke the French ambassador then in Scotland would not be present: being a thing which did greatly occasion the Edenburgers to mislike of the queene.

Which mariage bréeding some euill opinion of the said quéene of Scots, not onelie in hir owne realme, but in the mouths of forreine nations, shee wiselie consulteth with hir friends, how she might establish hir power, and prouide to saue hirselfe and hir kingdome from tumults and insurrections. Wherevpon, first she determineth to send an ambas­sador into France, to reconcile the minds of the king, and of the Guises, offended with this mari­age. Which office of ambassage was laid vpon Wil­liam bishop of Dunblane, with this charge (as saith Buchanan) almost word for word.

‘First, you shall excuse to the king, and to our vn­cles, that our mariage (to be consummate) came to their eares, before that we had opened our counsell touching that matter by anie messengers. This ex­cuse (as it were to a foundation) dooth leane to the true exposition of his whole life, and chief [...]ie to the offices and duties of the duke or capteine of the Or­cades towards vs, euen vnto that day in which it sée­med good to vs to take him to husband. For the ope­ning of the historie whereof you shall take occasion to treat from the beginning of the last times of his adolescencie (youth, or yéeres of discretion, as wée terme it) in this sort.’

‘That when he first began to manage his owne af­faires [Page 385] (being from the death of his father one of the chiefe of the nobilitie) he did wholie dedicate himselfe to the dutie and seruice of the princes and kings of Scotland, as one borne of a famous familie for his ancient nobilitie, & of great reuenues in this king­dome which he possesseth by right of inheritance. At that time also he did especiallie and altogither con­secrate himselfe to our mother, whilest she had the gouernement of the realme.’

‘In which dutie towards hir, he did so constantlie 10 perseuere, that although the greater part of the no­bilitie, and almost all the townes were fallen from hir obedience (vnder the colour of religion) yet hée would neuer decline from hir authoritie, as a per­son that could not be woone by anie promises or be­nefits, or feared with anie threats, or losse of his li­uings, to neglect his dutie in anie part vnto hir: but that he wold rather suffer his principall house, which was the head of his patrimonie, with his plentifull and pretious store of furniture thereof to be taken 20 from him, and all his other lands to be left for spoile to the enimie, than violate his faith to our mother. Besides which, being destitute of helpe both of vs and our people (when the English host was brought by our domesticall enimies into the bowels of our kingdome, which directed their weapons to none o­ther marke, than that our now husband at that time earle Bothwell, should by force be inforced to flie) he fled into France, forsaking all his patrimonie, where he honored me with all dutie and seruice (that hée 30 might) vntill my returne into Scotland.’

‘Neither are those exploits to be omitted, which were doone by him in the warres against the Eng­lish before my returne into mine owne countrie, where he shewed such parts of warlike valure and graue wisedome, that he was iudged (being then ve­rie yoong) méet to haue the gouernment of ancient persons, to be made chiefe capteine of the armie of the countrie, & also to be chosen or substitute depu­tie and chancellor: as in truth he was. In which of­fice 40 he did not deceiue the hope and expectation which men conceiued of him. For (by his affaires valiant­lie atchiued) he left a singular praise and fame of him, as well amongst his owne people, as amongst the enimies.’

‘After our returne into Scotland, he emploied all his indeuor to the inlarging of our authoritie, and spared not to put himselfe in danger, in subduing those rebels which dwell about the borders of Eng­land. The dispatch wherof being shortlie performed, 50 and they brought to great quiet, he was appointed to doo the like in all the other parts of the kingdome. But as enuie dooth alwaies accompanie vertue, so the Scots repining thereat, and desirous of innoua­tion, did labor to diminish our fauour towards him (for his great labors imploied in our behalfe) in mis­construing his good deeds.’

‘By which in the end they wrought so much with me, that we committed him to prison; partlie to sa­tisfie the minds of such as were emulous against 60 him, and could not brooke the increase of his follow­ing honor and greatnesse; and partlie to appease such seditions as were likelie then to breake foorth to the destruction of the whole kingdome. But he (escaping out of prison) got him into France, to giue place to the power of his enimies, where he remained almost two yéeres next following. At what time the authors of the former sedition, forgetting my clemencie to­wards them, and their dutie towards vs, did raise warre, and tooke weapons against their quéene.’

‘From thence was he called backe into Scotland, & being restored to his former honors & possessions, he was againe made generall of all the armie: by whose helpe our authoritie began afresh so to florish, that all the rebels (suddenlie forsaking their coun­trie) were inforced to flie into England, vntill part of them vpon humble submission were receiued a­new into our fauour. But how traitorouslie I was handled by the rest that were restored (and especiallie such, whose ancestors I had with benefits most pro­moted) our vncle is not ignorant, and therefore we will touch that no more.’

‘Neither is it to be ouerpassed in silence, with what diligence he deliuered me from the hands of such as deteined me prisoner, and with what speed (and singu­lar prouidence of his) I did both escape from prison, and recouered my former authoritie: after that I had dispersed the factions of the coniurators and se­ditious persons. In which trulie I am inforced to confesse, that his dutie and diligence at that time shewed towards me, was so acceptable vnto me, that I could neuer after forget it. These things al­though they be great of themselues, yet he hath hi­therto incresed them with such diligence and careful­nesse, that we cannot desire greater dutie, or wish more assured trust in anie man, than we haue found in him; vntill these last times which followed the de­ceasse of our husband.’

‘But from that time, as his thoughts did séeme to tend higher, so his actions did after a sort séeme to be more insolent. And although the matter went so far, that we were to take all things in the best part: yet these things did then most greeuouslie offend me; but especiallie his arrogancie, in that he thought that there were not other sufficient abilities in vs, to re­compense his deseruings, vnlesse we gaue our selfe to him in mariage. Touching which, at the first he v­sed secret reasons and counsels: but in the end, when he saw them not to succeed after his mind, at length, shewing an open contempt of my authoritie, he fled to the benefit of violence, and vsed force (to the end his attempt might not want due effect) to bring me vnder his gouernement.’

‘Wherefore all this course of his life maie be an example, to shew how craftilie they can contriue their drifts (in attempting great things) vntill they haue obteined their purpose. For I did suppose, that all this his continuall dutie and carefulnesse in spée­die obeieng of my commandements, had not issued from anie other founteine, than of a vehement desire to shew his obedience and good will towards me: neither did I hope that a litle more fauourable coun­tenance (which we are accustomed to vse to the more woorthie persons, to the end to win their minds to be more obedient to vs in dutie) should so haue raised his stomach (more than anie others) that he would promise to himselfe anie larger good will to procéed from me towards him, than he had before.’

‘But he taking aduantage of all haps, & drawing all things (that chanced) to the furtherance of his purpose, and kéeping all his counsels secret from me, did still shew his accustomed dutie, nourished my old fauour to him, & secretlie attempted a new thing by the helpe of the nobilitie. Which he brought to passe with such spéedie diligence, that (vnknowen to me) he obteined of the péeres of the realme (in the assem­blie of the parlement héere) a writing with all their hands set therevnto, for the more credit of the same. In which writing was conteined, that they did not onlie assent vnto the mariage; but that they also fur­ther promised to spend their life and goods (offered to all dangers) in the executing thereof, and that they would be vtter enimies to all such as should labor to hinder it. For the more easie obteining of whose con­sents in this sort, he had persuaded the said nobilitie, that the same was not doone against my mind and consent. At length, when he had purchased this wri­ting from them, he began by litle and little (with ear­nest [Page 386] intreaties & flatteries) to obteine our consent. But when at the first our answers did not content his desire, he began to laie before me almost all those things, which are accustomed to happen in the at­tempt of such matters.’

‘First, the outward tokens of our good fauour to­wards him, the reasons by which our friends or his e­nimies might hinder the same, & manie other things which being obiected or willinglie happening, might frustrate his hope, or change the minds of such as had 10 before subscribed. At length (fortune fauouring him therein) he determined to pursue the matter, & in one instance to hazard his hope and life about the same. Wherefore, when he had determined with himselfe, with all importunitie to attempt the successe of his determination, he foure daies after hauing conue­nient time and place therefore in the high waie, set vpon me with a strong band, as I was comming from séeing of my déere sonne, and with great spéed caried me to Dunbar. 20

‘Which euill déed how gréeuouslie we tooke (espe­ciallie doone by him, from whome all our subiects ne­uer looked to haue such things to procéed) euerie bo­die maie easilie consider. For there I did vpbraid him, with what fauour I haue alwaies vsed him, what honorable opinion I haue had of him and of his conditions in my spéech vsed to others, and of his vnthankefulnesse to me therefore; with all other things that might deliuer me out of his hands. These matters I laied against him with bitter words. But 30 his answers therevnto were more mild, and tempe­red with gentler spéeches, in this, that he would still vse all honor and dutie towards vs, and labor by all means to haue our good will, whom he would not of­fend.’

‘As touching this, that he had against our will cari­ed vs into one of our own castels, he humblie craued pardon therefore (in that he was inforced therevnto) although in the same he had forgotten that reue­rence and dutie, which euerie subiect owght vnto vs. 40 Wherevnto he added, that he did the same for our safetie and defense. At which time also he began to re­peat vnto me the whole course of his life, lamenting his fortune, to haue them (whome he neuer hurt) so gréeuouslie offended with him, that their malice had not ouerpassed anie occasions vniustlie to hurt him withall.’

‘But especiallie in this, that their great enuie had burdened him with the murther of the king, and that his power was vnequall to resist the secret conspira­cies 50 of his enimies, whome he could not know; be­cause they did in shew and spéeches dissemble their friendship: & not knowing them, there was no waie for him to foresée and auoid their deceipts. Whose ex­treme hatred was now growen to such height, that he could not liue in safetie in anie place, or at anie time, except he might be assured of the quéenes vn­changeable fauour towards him. Which certeintie of hir fauor could not be shewed but by this one meane, to persuade hir selfe to receiue him into the mariage 60 bed. At what time he did most holilie sweare, that he gaped not after anie extraordinarie gouernement, or that he would leape to the highest step of supreme rule thereby; but onlie to reape this fruit thereof, that he might serue and obeie hir as long as he liued, in such sort as he did before. Whervnto he added the de­lights of such spéeches as that matter required.’

‘But in the end, when he saw that we could not be mooued therevnto, either with praiers or promises, he shewed vnto vs what he had doone with the whole nobilitie, and the chiefe of the parlement, and what they againe had promised vnder their hands. Which being suddenlie and vnhoped for laied against vs, whether it did with iust cause greatlie astonish vs, we leaue to the consideration of the king, the quéene, our vncles, and the rest of our friends. Wherefore, when I perceiued my selfe a prisoner vnder the power of an other man, farre from the helpe of all those whose counsell I did and should haue vsed; yea and that I saw them before my face, in whose former faith and wisedome I did repose my selfe; whose strength did defend our authoritie, and without which our power was but small or none: when (I say) I had seene all these to haue vowed themselues to serue his de­sire, and that I was alone left a [...]reie for him, I did with my selfe in my mind consider manie things, but could bring none of them to effect.’

‘Besides which, he gaue to vs but short time to take anie aduise, but incontinentlie and importunatlie did still vrge the same vnto me. At length, when I saw no waie to escape by flight, nor anie person of all our kingdome which had anie care of our libertie (for we well perceiued by their hands giuen, and by their deepe silence at that time, that they were all drawen to take his part) I was compelled (after that I a lit­tle pacified mine anger & displeasure against him) to refer my selfe to the discusse and consideration of his demands, & to laie before my selfe his dutie in times past, and the hope which we had of the following con­tinuance of the same towards vs.’

‘And further, how gree [...]ouslie our people would suffer a strange king, and hea [...]lie receiue one vnac­quainted, and not invred with their lawes and cu­stoms, that they would not suffer me long to liue vn­maried, and that the people (being by nature facti­ous) could not be kept in obedience, except our au­thoritie were supported and practised by a man which could equall them in bearing labor, and were able to bridle the insolencie of rebels in the administration of the common wealth: the weight of which charge, our power (being weakened and almost brought to nothing by continuall tumults and rebellions, since, our comming into Scotland) was not able anie longer to susteine. For by reason of these seditions, we were inforced to appoint foure or more deputies in diuerse parts of our realmes, which afterward al­so did (vnder the colour of the authoritie which they were permitted to vse vnder vs) inforce our owne subiects to take armes against vs.’

‘For all which causes, when we well perceiued that if we labored to preserue the dignitie of kinglie ma­iestie, that they would inforce me to mariage, that our people could not abide a forren prince, and that a­mongest our owne subiects, there was not anie which for the nobilitie of his familie, for his wisdome and valure, or for other vertues of bodie and mind, might be preferred before or equalled vnto him, I commanded my selfe to ioine with the whole con­sent of the parlement, and assemblie of the nobilitie before mentioned. After that my former constant de­termination was thus somewhat mollified by these and other reasons, he did wring from me partlie by force, and partlie by intreatie, a promise to him of mariage.’

‘Which doone, we could not yet by anie meanes and persuasion obteine of him (fearing an alteration in our mind) that the time wherein this mariage should be performed, might be deferred so long, as that we might participat the same with the king and quéene of France, and such other friends as we had remai­ning in those parts. For he beginning with a bold at­tempt (after that he had once thereby atteined the first step of his desire) did neuer after that ceasse to ioine importunat praiers to his persuasions and ar­guments of reason, vntill he did without violence inforce vs to set end to the woorke begun, and that at such time, and after such order, as seemed most con­uenient vnto him for the execution of his determi­nation. [Page 387] In which matter I cannot dissemble, but that I was otherwise intreated by him, than either I would or had deserued.’

‘For he was more carefull to satisfie them, by whose consent (shewed at the beginning) he thought himselfe to haue obteined his purpose (though he did both deceiue them and mée) than to gratifie me, or to weie how méet it were for me, being brought vp in the precepts and rites of our religion; from which, neither he nor anie man liuing, whilest I did liue, 10 could draw me awaie (aliue) by anie action. In which thing trulie, though we doo acknowledge our error, yet we willinglie desire, that the king and quéene his mother, our vncle, or anie friend of ours, doo not ex postulat with him, nor anie waie laie the fault vn­to his charge.’

‘For sith things be now so ended, as that they cannot be againe vndoone, we take all things in the best part: & as he is in déed, so he is to be accounted our husband, whome from henceforwards we haue 20 determined both to loue & reuerence. Wherefore all they which professe themselues to be our friends, must also shew the like to him which is ioined vnto vs with an indissoluble knot. And although he hath in manie things behaued himselfe lesse diligentlie, & almost ouer-rashlie, which we willinglie impute to his immoderat affection towards vs; yet we desire the king, the quéene, our vncle, and the rest of our friends, no lesse to loue and fauor him, than if all things had till this day béene doone after their aduise 30 and determination; in the behalfe of which our hus­band, we promise that he shall in all things (which shalbe required of him hereafter) alwaies grati­fie them in what he maie.’

These remedies being found to defend the quéens credit amongst forren princes, other remedies were to be sought for defense of hir owne person against hir owne subiects. Wherefore (after that the earle of Murreie was appointed to remaine as banished be­yond the seas in France, whither he tooke his iour­nie 40 through England) the quéene (deliuered of such a feare as he was to hir, & therfore better able to rule, or at least to make better shift, with such other as were coniured, to vse Buchanans word, against hir) vsed what diligence she might to gather forces, espe­ciallie in the Mers and east Louthian.]

And thinking that the enterprise of the lords had The quéene gathereth for­ces. beene broken and disappointed, they marched from Dunbar on saturdaie the fourth of Iune, first to Hathington, & there resting till the euen, set forward 50 to Gladismore, and taking there deliberation in the matter; they lodged that night at Seiton, and in the morning marched in order of battell towards Carbarrie hill. Carbarrie hill, an [...] there chose foorth a plot of ground of great aduantage, appointing to fight on foot, be­cause the power of the lords in number of horsse­men, was stronger than the quéens, and of greater experience. There were with the quéene and Both­well, the lords Setton, Yester, and Borthwike; al­so the lards of Wauchton, Bas, Ormiston, Wea­derburne, 60 Blackater, and Langton. They had with them also two hundred harquebusiers waged, and The number of the quéens power. of great artilleric some field péeces. Their whole number was estéemed to be about 2000: but the more part of them were commons & countriemen.

The earles of Morton, Atholl, Mar, Glencarne, the lords of Hume, Lindseie, Ruthwen, Sempill, Sauquhar; the lards of Drumlangrid, Tulibar­den, The power of the lords. Grange, and yoong Sesford, were assembled togither at Edenburgh with a power like in num­ber to the quéens, but for the more part consisting of gentlemen, although not furnished with anie num­ber of harquebusiers, except a few of the townsmen of Edenburgh, that willinglie ioined with them in that quarrell. Upon the fifteenth of Iune, they came foorth of the towne, and approched their aduersaries. But there was monsieur la Croque, the French kings ambassadour, who tooke great paine, in tra­uelling betwixt the parties to reduce them to some a­gréement. Fr. Thin. ‘Who by his interpretor laid before them how carefullie he had studied for the commoditie & tranquillitie of the publike state of Scotland before Bucha. lib. 18. this; and that now also he caried the same mind with him. Wherefore he did vehementlie desire (if it were possible) that the matter might be so taken vp, for the commoditie of both parties; that it might be ended without force or bloudshed. For the compas­sing whereof, he would imploic all his trauell, sith the quéene also did not refuse to heare the counsell & persuasion of peace. For the more certeintie wherof, he did at that time promise them pardon and vtter forgetfulnesse of all things passed before time; & did with great holinesse there pledge him selfe, that no hurt should fall vnto anie man there, for taking weapon against the highest gouernor.’

‘After that the interpretor had deliuered these things, the earle of Morton answered, that he did not take armor against the quéene; but against him that had killed the king. Whome if the queene would deliuer to punishment, or separat him from hir; she should well vnderstand, that they & the rest of hir sub­iects held nothing more déere vnto them, than tocon­tinue in their dutifull obedience: without which gran­ted to them, there could be no agréement made; be­cause they came not thither to craue pardon for anie offense which they had committed (wherevnto the earle of Glenearne added) but rather to giue pardon to such as had offended.]’

Wherfore the ambassador Croque returned backe to Edenburgh, and the quéens part began to de­crease, diuerse shrinking awaie from hir; so that af­ter it began to grow towards the euening, Both­well fled to the castell of Dunbar. But the quéene desirous to talke with William Kircadie the lard of Grange, went to him, accompanied onelie with one The quéene commeth to the lords. capteine, and after some talke with him, she passed to the lords, who tooke hir with them to Edenburgh, [she being in a short garment, base, & worne, com­ming Fr. Thin. a little beneath hir knees (as saith Buchanan) of which lords she requested that they would suffer hir to depart, & not to keepe hir in that sort.] The Ha­miltons were on the waie comming to assist the queene, with seuen or eight hundred horssemen; but before they could reach to the place, the queene was in the hands of the lords, and so they returned.

The lard of Cragmiller [then prouost of Eden­burgh] Fr. Thin. and sir Iames Balfure also the capteine of the castell, were ioined in this confederacie with the lords, as shortlie after it appeared. The quéene after this was conueied ouer the Forth, and brought to The quéene is sent to Lochleuin. Lochleuin, where she was appointed to remaine in ward vnder the safe kéeping of William Dowglas lard of that place. The earle Bothwell, escaping to Dunbar, found meanes to flée into Denmarke, where he was staied and committed to prison, where­in at length he died. Diuerse persons afterwards were apprehended as parties to the murther of the king, and therevpon condemned, were executed, confessing the said earle to be the principall executor of the same murther. Fr. Thin. Leauing the quéene therfore in this miserable plight, we will not yet forget (for the honor she once had) to set downe certeine verses made by Alexander Seton a Scot, in the commen­dation of hir ancestors, and of hir; who in the first yeares of hir gouernement vsed hir selfe to the good liking of all hir subiects. In which verses Seton dooth further meane, that Lesle should hereafter set foorth hir gouernement, as he hath doone that of the [Page 388] other king before hir. The verses be as followeth.

Clara atauis, genus antiquo de sanguine regum,
Lesleus be­fore the pre­face of his eight booke.
Nympha Caledonij gloria rara soli,
Maiorum hic laudes, totos quos insula ab orbe
Diuisit, toto cernis ab orbelegi.
Hoc illis peperere decus, non gloria regni,
Non genus, aut diues gaza, fauórque virum:
Sedpietatis honos, fidei constantia, morum
Integritas, belli gloria, pacis amor;
Queis tua maiores superet quum viuida virtus: 10
Quae tamen meritis laus fuit aequa tuis?
Vnum hoc Lesleo superest, tua fortia facta
Scribere, consilijs multa peracta suis.
Et mihi sunt verbis saltem tua facta canenda:
A proauis ne sim degener ipse meis.]

THe ninetéenth of Iulie, Charles Iames the yoong prince of Scotland, after a sermon made Iames the sixt. by Iohn Knox, was crowned king of the Scots in Sterling church, where were read certeine letters of 20 commission and procuration, with the quéens priuie seale at them for the establishing of the same coro­nation. The first, for hir resignation of the crowne and gouernement of the yoong prince hir sonne. The second, to authorize the earle of Murreie to be regent during the kings minoritie. The third, to giue au­thoritie and power to seuen other ioining with the said earle of Murreie, in case he should refuse to ex­ercise the same alone; that is to say, the duke of Cha­telerault, the earls of Lennox, Argile, Atholl, Mor­ton, 30 Glencarne, and Mar. The tenors of which let­ters of commission and procuration doo héere insue, as we find them imprinted at Edenburgh by Ro­bert Lekpreuic printer to the king of Scots, the sixt of Aprill 1568, among the acts of parlement begun and holden at Edenburgh, the fiftéenth of December, in the yeare 1567, by Iames earle of Murreie lord Abernethie, &c: regent vnto the said king.

The tenor of the commission, where­by 40 Marie the queene of Scots resigneth the crowne to hir sonne, appointeth his gardians, and maketh the earle of Murreie regent.

MArie be the grace of God quene of Scotis, to all and sindrie our iudgeis and mini­steris of law, liegis and subiect is, quhome 50 it effeiris to quhais knalege thir our letteris sall come, greting. Forsamekle as by lang irkesome and tedious trauell takin by vs, in the gouernament of this our realme and liegis thairof, we are sa vexit and weriit, that our bodie, spirit, and sensis are altogeddir become vnhabill langer to trauell in that rowme: and thairfore we haue dimittit and renun­cit the office of gouernament of this our realme and liegis thairof, in fauouris of our anelie maist deir sonne, natiue prince of this our realme. And be­cause 60 of his tender zouth and inhabilitie to vse the said gouernament in his awin persoun, during his minoritie, we haue constitute our derrest brother Iames earle of Murreie, lord Abernethie, &c: re­gent to our said sonne, realme and liegis foirsaidis.

And in respect that our said derrest brother is actu­allie furth of our realme, and cannot instantlie be present to accept the said office of regentrie vpon him, and vse and exerce the samin during our saidis derrest sonis minoritie; we quhill his returning within our relme, or in cais of his deceis haue maid, constitute, namit, appointit, & ordainit, and by thir our letteris makis, constitutis, namis, appointis, and ordainis our traist consingis and counsalouris, Iames duke of Chatelerault, earle of Arrane, lord Hamiltoun, Matho earle of Leuinax, lord Dern­leie, &c: Archibald earle of Argile, lord Campbell and Lorne, &c: Iohn earle of Atholl, Iames earle of Mortoun, Alexander earle of Glencarne, and Iohn earle of Mar, regentis to our said derrest son, realme and liegis; & in cais our said brother Iames earle of Murreie cum within our realme, and refu­sis to accept the said office of regentrie vpon his sin­gular persoun, we make, constitute, name, ap­point, and ordeine, our traist consingis and coun­sallouris foirsaidis, and our said brother regentis of our said deir sonne, realme, and liegis.

Geuand, grantand, and committand to thame, or onie fiue of thame coniunctlie full power for our said sonne, and in his name to ressaue resignatiounis of landis, make dispositiounis of wairdis, nonentres­ [...]is, releuis, mariageis, beneficis, eschetis, officis, and vtheris casualiteis and priuilegeis, quhat sum­euer concerning the said office, signatouris thair vpon to make, subscriue, and cause be past through the seillis. And to vse and exerce the said office of regentrie in all thingis, priuilegeis, and commo­diteis, siclike as fréelie and with als greit libertie as [...]nie regent or gouernor to vs or our predecessouris vsit the samin in ony times bigan. Promittand to hald firme and stabill in the word and faith of ane prince, to quhatsumeuer thingis our saidis traist cousingis dois in the premissis.

Charging heirfore zow all and sindrie our iudgeis and ministeris of law, liegis and subiectis fo [...]rsaidis, to answer and obeie to our saidis traist consingis, regentis foirsadis in all and sindrie thingis concer­ning the said office of regentrie, during our said der­rest sonis minoritie, and ay and quhill he be of the age of seuenteene zeiris compleit. As ze and ilke ane of zow will declair zow lui [...]ng subiectis to our said maist deir son, zour natiue prince, and vnder all paine, charge, and offense that ze and ilke ane of zow maie commit and inrin agains his maiestie in that pairt. Subscriuit with our hand, and giuen vn­der our priuie seill, at Lochleuin; the foure and twen­tith day of Iulij, and of our reigne the fiue and twen­tith zeir.

The commission, authorising certeine noble men in the queens name, to re­nounce the kingdome to hir sonne, and authorising others to receiue the same in hir sons name.

MArie be the grace of God quéene of Scotis, to all and sindrie our iud­geis, and ministeris of law, liegis, and subiects; quhome it effeiris, to quhais knalege thir our letteris sall cum, greting. Forsamekle as se [...] our arriuall, and r [...]turning within our realme, we willing the commoun commoditie, welth, profeit, and quiet­nes th [...]irof, liegis, and subiectis of the samin, haue emploiit our bodie, spirit, haill sensis, and forcis, to gouerne the samin in sic sort, that our roiall and honorabill estate micht stand and continue with vs, and our posteritie, and our lui [...]ng and kind liegis micht inioie the quietnisse of true subiectis. In tra­uelling quhairin, not anelie is our bodie, spirit, and sensis sa vexit, brokin, and vnquietit; that langer we are not of habilitie be onie meane to indure sa greit and intollerabill panis and trauellis, quhair­with we ar altogidder weriit, bot als greit commo­tiounis and troublis be sindrie occasiounis in the meintime hes ensuit thairin, to our greit greif.

And seing it hes béene the plesour of the eternall [Page 389] God, of his kindlie l [...]fe, mercie, and gudnes to grant vnto vs, of our awin persoun, ane sone, quha in cais be the hand of God we be veseit, will, and of richt, and of equitie man, and aucht to succeid to vs and to the gouernement of our realme. And knaw­ing that all creaturis ar subiect to that immutabill decreit of the eternall, ains to rander and gif vp this life temporall (the hour and time quhairof is maist vncertane) and in cais be deceis we be takin fra this life, during the time of his minoritie, it maie be 10 dowtit greitlie, that resistance and troubill maie be maid to our said son, now natiue prince of this our realme, in his tender zeires (being swa destitute of vs) to succeid to that rowme and kingdome, quhilk maist iustlie of all lawis appert [...]is to him▪ [...] inconuenience be Godis helpe and gud pro­uidence we mene to preuent, in sick maner, that it sall not lie in the power of onie vnnaturall subiects to resist Godis ordinance in that behalfe. And vn­derstanding that na thing eirdlie is mair ioious, 20 and happie to vs, nor to see our said derrest sonne, in our awin life time peciablie placit in that rowme, and honorabill estate quhairto he iustlie aucht and man succeid to: we of the motherlie affectioun we beir toward our said onlie sonne, haue renuncit, and dimittit, and be thir our letteris freelie, of our awin motiue will renuncis, & dimittis the gouerne­ment, guiding and gouerning of this our realme of Scotland, liegis, and subiects thairof, and all in­tromissioun and dispositioun of onie casualiteis, pro­perties, 30 benefices, and offices, and all thingis apper­teining, or heirtofoir is knawin, or heirefter sall hap­pen to appertein thairto, in fauouris of our said der­rest sone. To that effect, that he maie be plantit, pla­cit, & possessit thairin, vse & exerce all thingis belang­and thairto, as natiue king, and prince of the samis, [...] s [...]like as we or onie our predecessouris, kingis of Scottis, hes doone in onie times bypast.

Attour, that this our dimissioun maie tak the mair solempne effect, and that nane pretend ignorance 40 [...]hairof, we haue giuin, grantit, and committit, and be thir our letteris, geuis, grantis, & committis our commissioun full, fre, and plane power, generall, & speciall command, to our traist cousingis, Patrike lord Lindesaie of the Biris, and William lord Ruth­uen, and to ilk ane of thame coniunctlie and seueral­lie, to compeir before sa monie of the nobilitie, cler­gie, burgessis, and vther pepill of our realme, as sall happin to be assemblit to that effect in our burgh of Striuiling, or anie vther place, or placis quhair it 50 sall be thocht maist conuenient, at onie daie or daijs, and thair publikelie in thair presence, for vs, in our name, and vpon our behalf dimit, and renunce the gouernement, giding, & reuling of this our realme, liegis, and subiects thairof, all intromissioun with the propertie, casualtie, or vtheris things appertei­ning to vs thairby, and all richt, and title that we had, hes, or maie haue be onie maner of way thair­to, in fauouris of our said son, to that effect, that he maie be inaugurat, placit, and rowmit thairin, and 60 the crowne roiall deliuerit to him, and be obeyit in all thingis concerning the samin, as we, or our pre­decessouris hes béene in times bypast.

And in likewise be thir presents geuis, grantis, and committis our full, fre, and plane power, to our richt traist cousingis, Iames earle of Mortoun, lord of Dalkeith, Iohn earle of Atholi, &c: Iohn earle of Mar, &c: Alexander earle of Glencarne, William earle of Menteith, Iohn maister of Gra­ham, Alexander lord Hume, Adam bischop of Ork­neie, the prouestis of Dundie, Montrois, or on [...] of thame, to ressaue the said renuntiatioun, and di­missioun in fauouris of our said son, and thair ester the ressauing thairof, to plant, place, and inaugu­rat him in the kingdome, and with all ceremonies requisit to put the crowne roiall vpon his heid, in signe and takin of the establesing of him thairin, and in his name to make, and gif to the saidis nobilitie, elergie, burgessis, and vtheris our liegis, his prince­lie and kinglie a [...]th detfullie, & lauchfullie as effe [...]ris: and to ressaue thair aithis, for due and lauchfull ho­mage to be maid be shame to him, in all times cu­ [...]ng, as bec [...]s subiects to thair natiue king and prince. And generallie all and sundrie vther thingis to doo excerce, and vse, that for sure performance and accomplishment heirof maie, or can be doone, firme and stable hald [...]d, and for to hald all and quhatsum­euer thing is in our name, in the premissis leidis to be doone, in the word and faithfull promis of ane prince. And ordanis thir our letteris (gif neid be is) to be publist at all places neidfull. Subscriuit with our hand, and giuin vnder our preuie seill, at Loch­leuin the foure and twentith daie of Iulij, and of our reigne the fiue and twentith zeir, 1567.

The commission, in which the earle of Murreie is alone appointed to be re­gent of the yoong king, and of his kingdome.

MArie be the grace of God, quéene of Scots, to all & sindrie our iudgis, and ministeris of our lawis, liegis, and subiects, quhome it efferis, to quhais knalege thir our letteris sall cum, greting. Forsamel [...]e as ester lang, greit, and intollerable panis, & laubouris takin be vs sen our arriuall within our realme, for gouernement thairof, and keeping of the liegis of the same in quietnes, we haue not anelie beene vexit in our spirit, bodie, and sensis thairby, bot als at lenth ar altogidder sa vexit thairof, that our habili­tie, and strenth of bodie is not habill langer to in­dure the samin: thairfore, and because nathing [...]ird­lie can be mair confortabill and happie to vs in this eird, nor in our life time, than to se our deir son, the natiue prince of this our realme, placit in the king­dome thairof, and the crowne roiall set on his heid, we of our owin fre will, an speciall motiue, haue dimittit, and renuncit the gouernement, giding, and gouerning of this our realme of Scotland, lie­gis, and subiects thairof, in fauouris of our said son, to that effect: that in all times heirafter, he maie peciablie, and quietlie enioie the samin, without troubill, an be obeit as natiue king, and prince of the samin be the liegis thairof.

And vnderstanding that (be resoun of his tender zouth) he is not of habilitie in his awin persoun to administrate in his kinglie rowme and gouerne­ment, as equitie requiris, quhill that heirefter he cum to the zeires of discretioun; and als knawing the proximitie of blude standand betuixt vs, our said sone, and our derrest brother Iames erle of Mur­ray, lord Abirnethie, and hauand experience of the naturall affectioun, and tenderlie lufe he hes in all times borne, and presentlie beires towardis vs, the honour & estate of our said sone; of quhais lufe and fauour towardis him we can not bot assure our selfe: to quhome na greter honour, ioy, nor felicitie in eird can cum, nor to se our said sone inaugurat in his kingdome, feirit, reuerencit, and obeit be his liegis thairof. In respect quhairof, and of the cer­tanetie, and notoritie, of the honestie, habilitie, qua­lificatioun, and sufficiencie of our said derrest bro­ther, to haue the cure and regiment of our said sone, realme, and liegis foirsaidis, during our said sonis minoritie: we haue maid, namid, appointit, consti­tute, [Page 390] and ordanit, and be thir our letteris namis, ap­pointis, makis, constitutis, and ordanis our said der­rest brother Iames erle of Murray, regent to our said derrest sone, realme, and liegis foirsaidis, du­ring his minoritie and les age, and ay and quhill he be of the age of seuintene zéiris compleit. And that our said brother be callit, during the said space, re­gent to our said sone, his realme, and liegis.

Swa that our said sone ester the completing of the zeiris foirsaidis, in his awin persoun may tak vpon 10 him the said gouernement, and vse, and exerce all and sindrie priuilegis, honouris, and vtheris immu­niteis that appertenis to the office of ane king, als weill in gouerning his realme and pepill, according to the lawis, as in repressing the violence of sic as wald inuaid, or iniustlie resist him or thame, or his authoritie roiall. With power to our said derrest bro­ther Iames erle of Murray, in name, authoritie, and behalfe of our said maist deir sone, to ressaue resigna­tiounis of quhatsumeuer landis haldin of him, or zit 20 of offices, castels, towris, fortalicis, milnis, fisching is woddis, beneficis, or pertinencis quhatsumeuer; the samin againe in our said sonis name to gif, and de­liuer signaturis thairvpon: and vpon the giftis of wairdis, nonentressis, and releuis of landis, and ma­riageis of airis falland, or that fall happin to fall in our said sonis handis as superiour thairof.

And als vpon presentatioun of landis, beneficis, eschetis of guids mouabill and vnmouabill, dettis and takkis, respittis, remissiounis, supersedereis, 30 and vpon the dispositioun of officis vacand, or quhen they sall happin to vaik, to subscriue, and cause be past the seillis the said office of regentrie, to vse and exerce in all thingis, priuilegis, and commoditeis, sicklike as frelie, and with als greit libertie, as ony regent, or gouernour to vse, or our predecessouris vsit in ony times bigane, and sicklike as gif euerie heid, priuilege and article concerning the said office wer at lenth expressit and amplif [...]it in thir our let­teris. Promisand to hald firme and stabill in the 40 word and faith of ane prince, to quhatsumeuer thingis our said derrest brother in the premissis hap­pinnis to do. Chargeing heirfoir zow all, and sindrie our iudgeis, and ministeris of law, liegis, and subiec­tis foirsaidis, to answer and obey to our said derrest brother, in all and sindrie thingis concerning the said office of regentrie, as ze and ilke ane of zow will declair zow luifing subiectis, to our said maist deir sone, and vnder all paine, charge, and offense that ze and ilke ane of zow may commit, and inrin 50 againis his maiestie m that pairt. Subscriuit with our hand, and geuin vnder our preuie seill, at Loch­leuin the 14 day of Iulij. And of our reigne, the twentie fiue zeir.

These commissions being read, the bishop of Ar­gile, with two superintendents, procéeded to the co­ronation: the earle of Morton, and the lord Hume The kings oth. tooke the oth for the king, that he should rule in the faith, feare, and loue of God, and to mainteine the 60 religion then preached and exercised in Scotland, and to persecute all aduersaries to the same. The whole ceremonie was doone in the Scots English toong, the quéene mother to the king remaining at that time prisoner in Lochleuin. Fr. Thin. But before we enter into the augmentation of the historie of this kings time, I thinke it not vnmeet to deliuer one thing, which I haue with some woonder obserued in all the kings of Scotland descended of the Ste­wards: that neuer anie one of them except the first & second king of that name was of the age of man, or of one and twentie yéeres when they put on the kinglie ornaments. A rare thing, and not vnméet to be considered of, although we can not enter into the secret iudgements of God. The proofe of which mat­ter, being after this sort, I haue set downe in a ca­talog of the orderlie descent of those kings. In the computation of the yéeres of whose age and first comming to the crowne I haue followed Lesleus.

Robert Steward the first king of that surname, was 57 yéeres old when he began his reigne, in the yéere of our redemption 1370. Iohn Steward son of the said Robert began his reigne 1390. These two alone were of full age, when the title of the king­dome descended vnto them. Iames Steward, the first of the name of Iames, & the third of the name of Stewards, was within age at the death of his father, when the title and crowne descended vnto him: who although he receiued not the crowne at Scone (because he was about eightéene yéeres ho­norablie kept as a prisoner in England) vntill hée was of mans age: yet being king in right, and the crowne-inuested in him when he was within age, I doubt not to make him king from the death of his father, and so within age to haue obteined the king­dome, though not the kinglie vse thereof, begin­ning his reigne in the yéere of our redemption 1424.

Iames the second, and the fourth of the Ste­wards, was six yéeres old when he was crowned, in the yéere of Christ 1436. Iames the third, and fift of the Stewards, being seuen yeeres old, was crow­ned king of Scotland in the yéere that the word be­came flesh 1460. Iames the fourth, and sixt of the Stewards, being sixtéene yeeres of age, was ador­ned with the ensignes of the kingdome, in the yéere of our saluation 1488. Iames the fift, and the se­uenth of the Stewards, being one yéere, fiue mo­neths, and ten dais old, was crowned king of Scot­land, in the yéere from the birth of Christ 1513. Ma­rie the eight of the name of Stewards, being but seuen daies old, was crowned quéene of Scots, in the yéere of Christ 1542. Henrie Steward, sonne to Matthew earle of Lennox, and husband to the said Marie Steward, was not one and twentie yéeres old, when he came to be king in the right of his wife Marie: for he was not past one and twentie when he was slaine, as before in the yéere 1567. Charles Iames Steward, the sixt of the name of Iames, and the ninth of the surname of Stewards, sonne of the said Henrie Steward and Marie Steward, being about a yéere old, began his reigne in the yéere that God became man 1567. To whome Andrew Mel­uine (this yéere 1585 in England) did whilest he was in Scotland dedicate these verses following:

Duni [...]u, magne puer, patribus das iura vocatis,
Et populi pensas crimina lance pari,
Iura tibi, tuus ille Solon, tuus ille Lycurgus,
Quae recti è puris fontibus hausta dedit,
Nobilium regum exemplis obsignat auitis,
Hic vbi quid fugias, quidue sequaris, habes.
Felix, si fugias fugienda, sequenda sequaris!
Felix cum populo tú (que), patrés (que) tuo.

There was order taken by the magistrates of Out of the booke printed thereof. the reformed churches, assembled for that purpose, touching the discipline of excommunication, and the excommunicated, diuided into these heads: that is to say, what crimes be woorthie of that seuere cen­sure of the church by excommunication: how the minister shall behaue himselfe in publike audience of the people: of confession of the penitent: of the offenses which merit publike repentance: of the or­der to procéed therein: the forme and the order of publike repentance: an admonition to the church: a thankesgiuing for the conuersion and repentance of the censured: the forme of the excommunication: the praier for the obstinate that will not repent af­ter that censure: the praier before the excommuni­cation: [Page 391] the maner to inuocate the name of Iesus, with the sentence of excommunication: the order to receiue the excommunicate againe into the church: the forme of the absolution: and lastlie the praier for the church. Which booke conteining the discourse of these matters at large, with authoritie of scriptures and reasons, was set foorth by Iohn Knox minister, and commanded to be printed by the generall assemblie, in the yéere of Christ 1569, be­ing séene and allowed by those which follow, appoin­ted 10 to that function by the said assemblie: whose names were Iohn Willike, maister Iohn Crage, Robert Pont, Iohn Row, Dauid Lindseie, Willi­am Christison, Iames Greg, &c.

On the fiftéenth of December a parlement begun, being holden at Edenburgh before the earle of Mur­reie [...] parlement holden at E­denburgh. lord regent, in the which diuers acts and statutes were deuised, made, and ratified: as first concerning the quéenes demission of hir crowne, and resignati­on thereof made to hir sonne king Iames the sixt. 20 And likewise concerning the instituting of the earle of Murreie in the regencie of the realme, which he tooke vpon him the two and twentith day of August last past, according to hir letters of commission and procuration aboue specified. Also there was an act made for the abolishing of the pope, and his vsurped [...]n act for the abolishing of the popes au­thoritie in Scotland. authoritie. And an other act for the annulling of for­mer acts made in parlement for maintenance of su­perstition and idolatrie. And heereto was annexed a confession of the faith and doctrine receiued by the 30 protestants of the realme of Scotland, authorised in the same parlement. There was also an act made for the indemnitie of those that had leuied warre, and apprehended the queene at Carbarrie hill, the fif­téenth of Iulie last past, and concerning the detei­ning of hir in Lochleuin.

Moreouer, it was ordeined by an act passed in this The castell of Dunbar and the fortresse of Insketh to be raced. parlément, that the castell of Dunbar, and the for­tresse of Insketh, should be demolished and raced downe to the earth. To be briefe, there were one and 40 fortie acts or statutes made and stablished in this par­lement, as by the register thereof it maie appéere.

Fr. Thin. Buchanan. lib. 19. In the first beginning of the spring, the gouernor determined to make a progresse ouer the realme, with the iudges that were appointed to administer law: which he ment to doo, to the end that he might amend and establish such things as were indamaged by the tumults of the yéere before. Which matter woorking diuerse opinions in those of the quéenes fa­ction, did cause that Metellane and Iohn Balfurie 50 sought meanes to deliuer the quéene out of prison. Touching which matter also the Hamiltons labored who (being next to the crowne, if the yoong king were gone, and the quéene made awaie, both which per­haps was no great matter to procure) did ioine with the queenes faction and fauourers. Whose part in like manner the earles of Atholl and Huntleie re­fused not to take, because the mother of the one, and the wife of the other, were of the familie of the Ha­miltons. 60

William Murreie of Tillibartine, for his con­trarie opinion in the controuersies of religion, and for priuat quarrels, being estranged and grieued from and with the gouernor, did not onelie now de­part from the kings faction (although before he she­wed great diligence in taking the quéene) but did al­so draw with him a great companie of his friends in­tised therevnto with no small hope of benefit to rise vnto them thereby. And as these were heads and chiefe of such as sought the quéenes deliuerance: so there were a great manie other, whom priuat neces­sitie, secret grudge, desire of reuenge, hope of ad­uancement, and néerenesse of aliance to those which are before named, procured to follow, and to further the cause of the quéenes libertie. In the meane time, whilest the regent was at Glascow to minister law to such as required it (and that he had there heard of these things) this determination of setting the quéene at libertie was put in execution, the manner whereof was in this sort. There was in the castell of Lochleuin, wherein the quéene was kept as prisoner, the mother of the regent, and thrée of his brethren by an other father, with a great troope of women: but none were admitted to see the quéene, saue such as were well knowen or sent thither by the regent.

Of all this houshold companie, there was none that séemed so meet to the queene to execute anie matter, as was George Dowglas the yoongest bro­ther of the regent, being a man of a pleasant wit, and easilie to be ouertaken with the faire speeches of women. This man had accesse vnto the quéene to plaie at cards, and to vse hir with other courtlie pa­stimes: who determining to set hir at libertie, did with promises and gifts win the seruants of the ca­stell to fauour him and his enterprises. Wherevpon this Dowglasse (not vnwitting as was thought to his mother) omitteth nothing that might séeme to serue for the queenes libertie: the which although ma­nie there did perceiue & tooke not in verie good part, giuing intelligence therof to the regent; yet he gaue such credit to his owne people there, that he changed (as hath Buchanan) none of the kéepers in that place, but onelie commanded his brother George to depart out of the Iland. This said George, when he passed into the next countrie adioining to the lake, in which the castell stood, did more liberallie than before (by corrupting the kéepers with monie) consult with the quéene of all hir affaires.

Wherefore not onelie the Scots (whome the pre­sent state of things did mislike) being drawen into that faction; but also the Frenchmen by Iames Ha­milton (which had béene regent not manie yéeres be­fore) and Iames archbishop of Glascow sollicited therevnto, the Scots promised their bodilie force, and the French promised their helping purse. Now about the end of Aprill, an ambassador came out of France requiring in the name of his king, that he might haue leaue to go to the quéene: which if he were deni­ed, he made shew that he would presentlie depart. Wherevnto the gouernor answered, that it was not in his power to grant it: that the quéene was not committed to prison by him, and that he could not de­termine anie thing herein without their knowledge which first restreined hir of libertie, and after by de­crée confirmed that deed: but he would not ceasse in pleasuring his sister, and such a fréend as the king (his maister) was, to doo all that he might: and fur­ther, that he would take order for an assemblie of the nobilitie the twentith daie of the next moneth. Untill whichtime the ambassador séemed somwhat appeased, and the regent applied the administration of the lawes.]

On sundaie the second of Maie, in the yeere 1568. The quéenes escape out of Lochleuin. 1568, at supper time, the quéene escaped out of Loch­leuin, by the meanes and helpe of George Dowglas brother to the lard of Lochleuin. The lard Seton, the lard of Ricarton, and Iames Hamilton of Oribi­ston, were readie to receiue hir, and conueied hir o­uer the quéenes ferrie, first to Nudrie the lard Seton his house, and from thence to Hamilton castell, where she remained till the thirtéenth daie of Maie being thursdaie, gathering in the meane time such forces as The quéene gathereth [...] power. she might from all places. The earle of Murreie lord regent was in Glascow, at what time she thus esca­ped out of Lochleuin; and vpon knowledge had ther­of, ment at the first to haue withdrawen himselfe to Sterling: but suddenlie changing his purpose in that behalfe, he determined to continue at Glas­cow, [Page 392] which is not past eight miles from Hamilton, The regents determination to staie at Glascow. because he was persuaded, that if she should shrinke backe neuer so little, he should incourage his aduer­saries, and discourage his friends, and so consequent­lie weaken his part greatlie. Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 19. Which they also sup­posed was the more weakened, by the departure of Robert Boid (vnto the quéenes part) hauing vntill that time woone a great opinion of his constancie towards the regent.

This man, being of a famous familie, was now 10 in the decaie of his house meanelie and sparinglie brought vp vnder his father, a valiant gentleman, and one that followed the frugalitie of the Scots, who (willing to prepare a waie to the readuance of his house, as manie of his other kinred did) was now content to séeke meanes therefore: for which cause both he and his father did first follow the Hamiltons then ruling all things. But after that their gouerne­ment was posted ouer from them to the quéene mo­ther the regent; and that contention was mooued a­bout 20 religion: he ioined himselfe to the lords of the congregation, from whome his father was most e­stranged: in which this Robert Boid firmelie conti­nued vntill the quéenes returne out of France. By meanes whereof, there was a great opinion of his valure & wisdome, on whose counsell Coline Camp­bell earle of Atholl did almost wholie depend. But when by chance certeine of the nobilitie had coniured or conspired (to vse Buchanans woord) for no euill act, but for the defense of the king, he subscribed to the 30 same league.

But after, with like lightnesse both he and the earle of Argile (which hoong vpon his aduise) wrote vnto the quéene euerie thing that was doone in the same assemblie, from which time this Boid was partaker of all the quéenes secrets against his old friends, who with the queene did yet obteine no greater opinion of constancie, than he did amongest others of light­nesse and inconstancie. But after that the queene 40 was imprisoned, and the earle of Murreie made re­gent, he went then to the part of the gouernor: with whome he shewed such proofe of his wit and industrie, that he was admitted into the priuie counsels of the regent, contrarie to the opinion of others. But after when the matter should be tried by fight betwéene the regent & the quéene (after hir escape from Loch­leuin) he fled againe to the queene.] All which not­withstanding, the thirtéenth daie of Maie afore men­tioned, the quéene with hir power marched from Ha­milton, 50 by the south side of Clede toward Dunbre­ton; and out of Glascow on the other part marched the lord regent with his forces: so as at length both the armies met at a place called the Langside, néere The armies met at Lang­side. to the house of Cathcart within two miles of Glas­cow.

There were on the quéenes part the earles of Ar­gile, Cassiles, Eglinton, and Ro [...]hes, Claud Ha­milton Lords on the queenes part. sonne to the duke of Chatelerault, the lords Seton, Summeruill, Yester, Borthwike, L [...]uing­ston, 60 Herries, Maxwell, Sauquhar, Boid and Rosse, lards and knights, Lochinwar, Bas, Wauchton, Dalhousie, Ros [...]en the shiriffe of Aire, sir Iames Hamilton, and manie others. On the regents part Lords on the regents part. were these accounted as principall, the earles of Morton, Mar, Glencarne, Menteith, the maister of Graham, the lords Hume, Lindsie, Ruthwen, Sem­pill, Ogiltree and Cathcart, of lairds and knights, Bargawy, Blacquhan, Drumlanrig, Sesford, Lus, Buchanan, Tulibardin, Peteur, Grange, Lochle­uin, Lethington, and sir Iames Balfour. At the first They ioine in battell. ioining there was a verie sharpe incounter: for af­ter they had bestowed their shot of harquebuzes and arrows, they fell to it with speares and swoords. But at length, after three quarters of an houres fight, the quéenes part was put to flight. The quéenes part discomfi­ted.

The victorie remained with the regent, who suf­fered none to be slaine but those that were killed in the fight, before they turned their backs: among the which were foureteene of the surname of the Hamil­tons Fourtéene of the Hamil­tons slaine. Prisoners t [...] ­ken. killed. There were taken prisoners about thrée hundred, of which number the principall were these: the lords Seton and Rosse, sir Iames Hamilton, and manie other of that surname. Of the regents part, the lord Hume was hurt in the leg and face, and the lord Ogiltree in the necke, by the lord Herries: the lord Lindseie, and the lards of Drumlanrig, and of Grange, bare themselues verie valiantlie that day, failing not in anie point that belonged to the dutie of hardie capteins. The quéenes part was thought to be néere at the point of six thousand men, and the re­gents was reckoned to be foure thousand: so that there were ten thousand men in the field that daie, what vpon the one side and the other.

The earle of Huntleie was comming forwards The earle of Huntleie com­ming forward to aid the quéene. to haue assisted the queenes part, but the battell was striken, and hir people discomfited (as ye haue heard) yer he could come, and so he returned. In this battell the valiancie of an Hieland gentleman named Mac­ferlane, stood the regents part in great stéed. For in the hottest brunt of the fight, he came in with two hundred of his friends and countriemen, and so man­fullie gaue in vpon the flanke of the quéenes people, that he was a great cause of the disordering of them. This Macferlane had béene latelie before (as I haue heard) condemned to die for some outrage by him committed: and obteining pardon (through sute of the countesse of Murreie) he recompensed that cle­mencie by this péece of seruice now at this battell, Fr. Thi [...]. [which was (as saith Buchanan) fought the third daie of Maie, and the eleuenth after the quéene had esca­ped out of prison.]

The quéene perceiuing the ouerthrow of hir people, fled from the place where she stood to behold the bat­tell, and withdrew to Crawford towne, and so by the Sauquhar to D [...]drenan in Gallowaie: and after The quéene of Scots fléeth into England. she had [...]aried there two or three daies, she tooke ship and passed to Workington in England, where she was staied & conueied to Eaerleill, and from thence to Bolton castell, belonging to the lord Scroope, who with sir Rafe Sadler (being sent downe for that pur­pose) had the custodie of hir, till at length she was committed vnto the earle of Shrewesburie. Fr. Thin. Buchanan lib. 19. The French ambassador, which looked for the good successe of this battell, and did promise to himselfe assured victorie on the quéenes part, vnderstanding the con­trarie, and being deceiued of his former hope, chan­ged his copie, and with horsse and guides hasted all he could into England, without bidding the regent farwell. In which iournie he was robbed by shéeues: but Iames Dowglasse, capteine of the marches of Drumlanrig, did this honor to the ambassador, that he had all his goods restored vnto him.]

But now to the dooings in Scotland. The regent sent to summon Hamilton castell, but the answer was respited till the next daie: and then he that had the charge came to Glascow, and offered the keies to the regent. The castell of Draffan was also yéelded at the same time to the regent. The eightéenth of Maie, the regent made proclamation, that the inha­bitants of the shires of Merns, Angus, Fife, Mers, Louthian, Kile, and Carricke, should prouide them­selues of vittels for fifteene daies, and to méet him at Beggar the tenth of Iune, to ride with him into the southwest parts of Scotland, to chastise certeine The regents iournie into the southwest parts of Scotland. théeues, and other disobedient persons. Héerevpon, the eleuenth of Iune, the regent marched foorth of E­denhurgh, and came that night to Beggar. The ar­mie being assembled, conteined foure or fiue thou­sand [Page 393] horssemen verie well appointed, beside a thou­sand footmen, gunners and halberdiers: of boies and yoong men that went with the cariage, there were a­bout foure thousand.

The castell of Boghall, perteining to the lord Fle­ming, was surrendred to them. The twelfth of Iune The castell of Boghall. Skirling ca­stell. Skirling castell was raced (a faire house) to the end that other vnderstanding therof, might be put in gre­ter feare. That night they came to Crawford, where the castell was to them surrendred; it belonged vnto 10 Crawford. sir Iames Hamilton, whom they had in their hands. The thirtéenth of Iune they marched to Saucher, a Saucher. castell, the which being rendred they spared, because the lord Chreichton the owner thereof, promised at a certeine daie to come to the regent to Edenburgh. The fouretéenth of Iune they came to Barbacast, Barbacast. where they laie that night, and the lard Wederborne was sent to speake with the lard of Louchinware. Wednesdaie the fiftéenth of Iune, they marched to a place called saint Iohn Sclaghan, staieng there in 20 Saint Iohn Sclaghan. trust of the lard of Louchinwares comming vnto them, but he came not: wherevpon, the next daie be­ing the sixteenth of Iune, they raced the house of Kenmure, and an other house also, for that the ow­ners Kenmure. were fréends to the said Louchinware.

The [...]entéenth of Iune they came to a gentle­mans house, standing by the water of Ur, where di­uerse The water of Ur. gentlemen came in, and were receiued. The eighteenth of Iune they marched to Dunfreis, and Dunfreis. remained there all the next daie. A strong house stan­ding 30 in that towne, & apperteining to the lord Max­well, was offered vnto them. Diuerse of the Max­wels, Iohnstons, Yrrewins, Grahams, and Bels, came vnto the regent, and offering themselues to be obedient, were receiued. Two daies before this, the lord Maxwell, the lards of Iohnston, Cowhill, and Louchinwar, had béene at Dunfreis with a thousand men, and spent all the vittels. It was thought that the lord Maxwell would haue come in, if the other had not counselled him to the contrarie. The twen­tith 40 of Iune they marched to Hoddom, a place belon­ging Hoddom yéel­deth to the re­gent. to the lord Herries: a thousand of the broken men were assembled and offered skirmish; two or thrée were taken, they laie within a mile of the re­gent that night.

The one and twentith the house was yéelded, and the custodie thereof committed to the lard of Drum­lanrig The lard of Drumlanrig. that was appointed warden of those marches. It was thought verie strong, so that the defendants might haue kept it longer if they had béene disposed. 50 Great hunger began to pinch the armie, a pint of wine was sold at seuen shillings Scotish, and no bread to be had for anie monie. The regent sent foorth the earle of Morton, and the lord Hume with a thou­sand men, to trie if they might haue drawen the bro­ken men to a chase: but it would not be, for they went their waies, and would not tarrie it. The two and twentith of Iune the campe laie still, but the re­gent with a thousand men went to Annand, and had it deliuered vnto him. Héere he met with the lord 60 Annand deli­uered to the gouernor. Scroope, and after returned to the campe. The thrée and twentith of Iune they went to Lochmaben and Lochmaben. receiued the castell, the which the regent deliuered to Drumlanrig: but some of the Maxwels being close­lie hid within an od corner of the house, after the re­gent was gone, brake out and seized the house againe into their hands.

The same daie, two houses belonging to the lard of Iohnston, the one named Lochwood, and the other Two houses of lard Iohn­ston taken by the regent. Lowhousie, were taken, but not burnt: because the lard Iohnston had put in suertie to come in by a day vnto the regent. The same daie they tooke great store of cattell, and that night with a shot of the great ar­tillerie, they slue two théeues among thrée score o­thers that came and approched verie néere to the ar­mie, as the maner of the prickers is. The armie laie that night at Milton holms. The foure and twentith of Iune they came to Péeples, and the next day to Edenburgh, so ending that iournie; in the which they had passed through the countries of Clidesdale, Gal­lowaie, Niddesdale, Annandale, & Twéedale. Much a doo and great trouble arose within Scotland, by Great trouble in Scotland. reason that the Hamiltons and their adherents made parts against the regent, and those other lords that gouerned vnder the king; whereof as I haue no certeine notes, so I must passe the same with silence.

Fr. Thin. Buchan. lib. 15. Whilest these things were thus in dooing, let­ters came to the regent from the queene of Eng­land: for she was persuaded by such as were fled with the quéene of Scots into England, that there was great iniurie doone vnto the queene of Scots, being burdened with high matters, through the enuie of hir euill subiects, in which chieflie the kinglie authori­tie was reuiled, and the regiment of sacred maiestie defaced. A thing which did not alone perteine to the priuat person of the quéene of Scots, but to the ex­ample of all other princes. Which euill of expelling kings, was spéedilie and soundlie to be preuented, least it might créepe anie further. By which and other persuasions, the queene of England required of the regent to send sufficient men, that should declare to hir the order of all things as they were doone, and that should answer all such reproches as were laied against him.

Touching which matter, although it appeered grie­uous and heauie in it selfe, to call things in question which before were by parlement established; and to bring in vre a new kind of iudgement of their cau­ses before forren iudges and kings who were their e­nimies, and first persuaded against the regent by such as maliced him and his faction; and that after a sort the same séemed dangerous and full of shame: ye [...]on the other side there were manie things that in­forced him to accept that request of the queene of England, although it were vniust. Wherefore when he had determined to send ambassadors, and that they could not agrée who they should be, sith the chie­fest, and those of the nobilitie refused it: at length the regent professed that he would take that iournie vp­on him. For the performance whereof he chose cer­teine persons to accompanie him into England, contrarie to the mind of William Metellan, which onelie denied and stood against it. Wherefore he cari­ed the said Metellan with him (fauoring the quéene) not doubting in the end by one meanes or other to win him to his part.

The rest that went willinglie with him, were Iames Dowglas, Patrike Lindseie, being of the nobilitie; the bishop of Orknie, & the abbat of Ferm­lindon, churchmen; Iames Macgill, and Henrie Balnaue, lawiers of the college of iudges. To whome as the ninth was ioined George Buchanan author of the Scotish historie: with whome the re­gent accompanied to the number of 100 horsses, tooke his iournie into England, and came the fourth nones of October to Yorke, to the assemblie appoin­ted there by the quéene of England. On which day, and almost at the same houre, Thomas Howard duke of Northfolke came thither also; to which duke were associat in commission, to heare the controuer­sie of the Scots, the earle of Sussex, and sir Rafe Sadler knight. After a few daies, came thither such as were sent by the queene of Scots, which did com­plaine of hir vnkind subiects, and required helpe to restore hir to hir kingdome. These men being heard (sundered from the regent and the earls) did (after they had protested that they came not vnto them as iudges, hauing anie right to make lawes to [Page 394] bind them) with manie words open the iniuries which the Scotish subiects had doone vnto their quéene, and required of the quéene of England, that either she would persuade hir vnkind people to receiue their prince againe; or if they refused the same, that she would giue them an armie, with which they might compell them therevnto.

In few hours after this, the regent (calling the matter to the deciding of law, before equall arbitra­tors) did contend (sith nothing was doone but by 10 right, by law, by the ancient custome of their coun­trie, by the determination of the assemblie of par­lement, and by the subscription of manie such as were there present to accuse them) that he alone by his authoritie could not vndoo the same: but when the English commissioners had denied that they could be satisfied with those things doone at home, & here pronounced by the Scots, except some cause were shewed that inforced them so seuerelie to pronounce against their queene; the regent answered that he did 20 chieflie flee that matter, least he should be driuen to accuse his quéene and sister. Which he denied to doo, not willing to laie abroad to forren nations hir wic­ked deeds, as Buchanan tearmeth them. To the contrarie whereof he would not be inforced, vnlesse the quéene of England would promise to defend the cause of the now king, and to take him into hir pro­tection: if he did manifestlie prooue, that the quéene of Scots had murthered the king of Scots hir hus­band. Wherevnto the English answered, that they 30 had authoritie onelie to heare both parts, and to de­clare their whole request vnto their queene.

By reason whereof, in the end they wrote to the queene of England all the state of their dooings; who did write backe, that the earle of Murreie should send one or more to the English court, fullie to in­forme hir thereof, sith she would doo all therein that belonged vnto hir. Which letters receiued, the earle of Murreie sent Metellan (a man before suspected, and that did after ioine in conference with Iohn 40 Lesle bishop of Rosse) to the court of England, asso­ciated with Iames Macgill. Now after these men were come to the quéene at London, it was thought most conuenient by hir and hir councell, that the re­gent himselfe should be present, when all matters of controuersie were intreated vpon. For which cause, sending part of his companie backe into Scotland, the regent came with a small traine to London: where the same difficultie was obiected against him which was doone at Yorke: to which he 50 answered as before. Whilst these things were dooing at London, the queene of Scots did by Iames Bal­fure moue warres in Scotland. For the furtherance whereof, she wrote letters to hirs and Bothwels friends, and made manie deputies to execute hir authoritie in Scotland.

When the regent saw himselfe thus beset on eue­rie side, he determined to returne with all spéed into Scotland aswell as he might, without dispatch of that for which he came. Wherefore the English still 60 instantlie vrging him to tell the cause (which being vntold, they could not determine anie thing therein) that mooued them to doo those things in Scotland: the regent (loth to offend the quéene of England) made a long protestation how vnwilling he was to accuse the quéene, and his sister; and therefore reque­sted one thing, that they which were the occasion to lead him into this battell might be present thereat, for because he would vse their witnes in the weigh­tiest matters. Which for manie great reasons being denied by the English, the queene of England requi­red, that the quéene of Scots (by force and armes expelled) might be restored home; & therewithall giuing the regent a day, to shew cause whie the re­uengers of the kings death had taken armes a­gainst the queene: although the erle of Murreie were none of them: for he was in France at the time of the déed doone. Wherefore the regent shewing all he could against the queene of Scots for the defense of hir aduersaries; in the end, the quéene of England deferring the same to another day, permitted the re­gent to depart home to appease the troubles there, and that he should leaue some one of his behind him, to answere all such euils as should be obiected a­gainst him.

But the regent desired them whilest he was there, that his accusors might be brought out. Wherevpon the accusors being present, and saieng that they had not then anie thing to saie; but that they would fur­ther shew their accusation where it pleased the quéene: the matter with much controuersie ended on both parts, & the councell brake vp without anie finall sentence therin. But whilest the regent remai­ned thus in England (as is a little before touched) there were manie things without successe attemp­ted by the queene of Scots followers. For Iames Hamilton (who a little before had béene gouernor) being grieued with the mishap of things at home, falling out contrarie vnto his mind, did therefore depart into France, where (remoued from all com­panie, and onelie attended vpon with a man or two) he did secretlie liue to himselfe.

But when the quéene of Scots was escaped the prison of Lochleuin, and that she was after subdued in battell, being within a few daies after compelled to land in England; the Frenchmen that could not draw the earle of Murreie (now by his friends called home into his countrie) into their faction, thought it best for manie reasons (sith they might not for the troubles in France send him succor or monie) to raise vp the said Hamilton against the earle of Mur­reie, and especiallie at that time whilest the regent was in England. Wherefore he comming out of his den abrode into the world, inriched by the French with a few golden crownes, and ouercharged with manie faire promises, was importuned by his friends and kinred, whilest he hastened from Eng­land into Scotland, that the quéene of England with the authoritie of the quéene of Scots, would induce the earle of Murreie to deliuer vp his regentship of Scotland vnto him; sith that place was of right due vnto him (by the maners and lawes of all nations, but chiefelie by the custome of his countrie) as née­rest in bloud, and next in succession.

For the proofe whereof, it is not necessarie to rec­kon vp the memorie of histories from the first times, considering it is knowne to all men, that gouer­nors haue béene giuen to those of yoong yeares (not able to rule the kingdome) of such as haue beene néerest of bloud. For so, after the death of Iames the third, Robert his vncle had the gouernement in the absence of Iames the first; and Murdac the son of the same Robert succéeded him therein. And of late time in our remembrance, Iohn duke of Alba­nie did gouerne the yoong yeares of Iames the fift; and Hamilton himselfe, in the minoritie of Marie the queene that now is, being as then neither fit for a husband or a kingdome, did a few yeares rule all the affaires of Scotland. Who now by certeine re­bels, was through vnlawfull voices excluded there­of with force and violence, and that (which is woorse) a bastard is aduanced therevnto in contempt of law­full bloud. Which honor, if it were restored vnto him, he would shortlie appease all those ciuill bralles, and restore the queene of Scots vnto hir kingdome, without anie force or tumult of armes.

Wherevnto the king of Scots legats did answer, that Hamilton did not onelie demand a thing quite [Page 395] contrarie to the lawes and old customs of Scot­land; but also a thing most vniust, if no authori­tie of law were against it. For our ancestors (by reason of many murthers committed by those of the kings bloud) almost a thousand thrée hundred yeares past, did change the order in creating of their kings. For whereas before, they which were of the fami­lie of Fergusius, the first king of that name, were in the life of the king chosen after to reigne, not as néerest of bloud; but as persons most woorthie to 10 weild a kingdome: Kenneth the third (to the end to take awaie from the court all treacherie towards the kings familie, and cruell murthers of kinreds amongest themselues) did establish that order which is now obserued in creating of our kings; which was, that the next in bloud should be aduanced to the place of the deceassed king.

But afterwards, when men were taught by the successe of things, that it could scarse be chosen; but that in such inconstancie of fortune, the right 20 of the chiefest magistrat must sometime light vp­on children and vpon heires also vnfit for gouerne­ment, they did ordeine, that he should be chosen to the administration of the publike wealth; which did excell others in wealth and wisedome. Which course our ancestors haue kept almost these six hundred yeares, leauing the kingdome whole & sound to po­steritie. According to the which, when Robert Bruse was dead, there were gouernors chosen by voices: which were Thomas Randolph earle of Murreie, 30 Donald earle of Mar, Andrew Murreie, Iohn Ran­dolph, & Robert Steward. For sometime, as manie were chosen gouernors togither; so when Iames the second was a child, Alexander Leuingston, being no kin to the king, no not so much as of the nobili­tie, but onelie a knight, was appointed gouernor to the yoong king.

Which may not be excused, in saieng that the same was then so doone, because there wanted men of the kings bloud to supplie those places. For at that time 40 were liuing Iohn Kennedie head of the familie, the kings kinsman by the sister of Iames the first; and the vncle by his fathers side: Iames Kennedie al­so, bishop of saint Andrews, a man of most account in the kingdome for all kinds of vertue, being borne of the kings aunt: and Dowglas also, earle of Angus, with Archembald earle of Dowglas, both of the kings bloud; whereof the last was in riches and power almost equall to the king, but far beyond the wealth and power of all others; of whome, none 50 did euer complaine to the parlement, when they were put besides the gouernement, and others not so neere of bloud appointed therevnto. Not long after, foure tutors were appointed to Iames the third, which were not made in respect of bloud; but chosen by the voices of the nobilitie.

And although of late, Iohn duke of Albanie was by the nobilitie called out of France to the gouern­ment of Scotland, during the tender yéeres of Iames the fift, and confirmed in the same by pub­like 60 decrée of parlement; yet was it not giuen vnto him in respect of néerenesse of bloud. For he had A­lexander his elder brother in life, who although per­haps he was inferior to the duke; yet he was farre aboue Iames Hamilton (in all kind of vertue) which did sometimes reach after that place. But in the ab­sence of Iames the first, Robert his vncle ruled the kingdome. But by what right? Was he admitted therevnto for neerenesse of bloud? No trulie.

What then? Was he chosen of the people? No, How then was he made? Marie when king Robert the third was not sufficient to rule the kingdome, ei­ther for strength of bodie or mind, he did substitute Robert his brother as his deputie, & commended his children to his gouernment; who in the end famished Dauid the eldest, and also threatened death vnto the yoonger sonne Iames, which he did auoid by fleeing Scotland. Which Robert being in the possession of authoritie by tyrannie (and his brother killed with thought) did leaue the same to Murdac his sonne. So that it cannot be doubted what the mind of the last king Robert was to his brother, for he would neuer (if he had liued and béene in health) haue made him tutor of his children, whom at the houre of his death he curssed as the butcher of his children.

That time also, in which this Hamilton gouerned, dooth remember vnto vs manie things (though what soeuer was then doone, is no proofe that it was well doone) which are to be considered of. For when the cardinall Beton did labor by subtiltie to inuade the chiefe gouernement, this Hamilton rather leaning to the hatred which good men did beare towards Be­ton, than trusting to the fauor of the people towards himselfe, did leape into the emptie place of a gouer­nor; in which he ruled with much crueltie and co­uetousnesse, and in few yeeres after, both sold the go­uernment (obteined by force) and the quéene, whom he had vnder his authoritie. At what time was shewed the fauour which the people bare vnto him, when they preferred the gouernement of a strange woman, before the bondage which they had vnder him.

You sée now (I hope) the request of the Hamil­tons to be against our countrie lawes, and decrees of our ancestors, and that so contrarie vnto them, that wanting other sufficient arguments, he is con­streined to confirme the same onelie with lies. But if there were anie such custome, I suppose there is none but dooth see how vniust it were. For what can be more vnrightfull, than to commit yoong, weake, and faultlesse yeeres to his faith, which dooth dailie ei­ther looke or wish for the death of the pupill? Whose whole familie hath alwaies béene at dailie and dead­lie warre with the house of the king that now is? What defense can be here by neerenesse of bloud a­gainst old malice, vnmeasurable couetousnesse, and the headie violence of (alreadie tasted) tyrannie? Laodice the queene of Cappadocia is supposed to haue killed hir owne children, as they came to yéers of discretion, and to haue bought the small conti­nuance of hir gouernement with the bloud of hir sonnes.

Wherefore, if the mother spared not hir owne flesh, for the gaine of short authoritie; what will old enimies doo, inflamed to crueltie with the brands of couetousnesse (nay rather what is to be thought that they will not doo) against a child, which deferreth ef­fect of their hope of gouernement? If this example séeme ouer old or obscure to anie man, or to be ouer farre fet, I will lay downe some néerer home, and those most notable. Who is so ignorant of this late­lie doone, that he knoweth not that Galeas Sfortia (growne to descretion, a husband, and sonne in law to a most mightie king) was slaine by his vncle Lo­dowike? Or to whom are the calamities vnknowne, which followed so cruell a parrieide and kin-slaier? For the most beautifull countrie of Italie was almost brought thereby to vtter destruction: the fa­milie of the Sforties, the mother of manie a vali­ant person cleane destroied, and the barbarous peo­ple (from whose crueltie and couetousnesse nothing was safe) brought into the pleasant places about Padus. Who is he that is borne in Britaine, that hath not heard of the crueltie of Richard (the third king of that name in England) against the children of his brother? But with what bloudshed was that in the end purged?

Now, sith these did not feare to doo such euils to [Page 396] their neerest bloud, by the onelie inforcing desire to gouerne, being otherwise woorthie persons: what shall we looke for from him, whose inconstancie of mind all the Scots doo know? Whose vnskilfull go­uernement they haue tried with manie slaughters? And (which is more) whose familie not content with the murther of this kings great grandfather, did go about to intrap his grandfather by the mothers side, whilest he was in life; and when he could not kill the grandfather by the fathers side, he thrust the poore 10 father out of the kingdome, brought forth the mother to be slaine as a sacrifice, & sold hir kingdome (when they could not inioy it) to strangers: out of which bondage she (by the prouidence of God) being deliue­red, they haue throwne themselues into these trou­bles in which they now are. Whereby we may easilie vnderstand, what the iudgement of the common people was touching that matter, in that those men doo now séeme to be deliuered out of a prison of mise­rable bondage, and to behold the swéet light of liber­tie, 20 when they (which knew not how to order it) did sell their gouernment to a strange woman.

These things being thus heard on both sides be­fore the councell of England, the quéene thereof by hir said councell declared to Hamilton, that he re­quired an vniust thing, and that he should not hope for anie aid from hir; and that she hath promised the kings ambassador, that Hamilton should not depart England, before that the said ambassador had leaue likewise to go home. After that these things were 30 doone, and that the regent somewhat indifferentlie dispatched his affairs in England, he obteined leaue to depart, and was honorablie conducted home with the English, who sufficientlie garded him: but espe­ciallie the nobilitie and companie of the north parts, sith it was great honor for hir maiestie safelie to returne him home, who (vpon hir letters had) was come out of his owne countrie. Which regent com­ming to Edenburgh the next day after the kalends of Februarie, hée was there receiued with great 40 pompe.

Few daies after this, those of the kings faction assembled at Striueling, where the regent declared Buchanan. lib. 19. vnto them what he had doone in England; which be­ing well liked, was in the end confirmed by all the nobilitie. Much about that time, Iames Hamilton chiefe of that familie came out of England, being by the quéene of Scots authorised with a new and arro­gant letter: in that she called him hir father, and made him hir vicar and deputie of the kingdome. 50 This man at his first comming made proclamati­on, that no man should obeie anie other than such as were substituted by him. Wherevpon those of the kings part (bestowing summes of monie vpon soul­diers, to make them readie, if néed required, to the vttermost conflict) met on a day appointed at Glas­cow.

But when there was a great assemblie of the common people at Hamilton, more than they looked for, a meanes of agréement was attempted, with 60 this condition: that Hamilton, comming to Glas­cow, should acknowledge the king for chiefest gouer­nor: which if he did, all other things should easilie be agréed; but if he denied that, he shuld come in vaine: all which he promised to doo, and the kings armie was dismissed. When he came to Glascow, they ob­teined their former goods and honors the same day, in which he and his friends professed themselues sub­iects to the king: but yet so, that in the meane time they should remaine in prison, or else giue pledges of their next kin; with further notice, that if anie of the said part would so doo, they should also be receiued on the same couenants, wherevnto the earle of Argile and the earle Huntleie refused to subscribe.

Hamilton comming at the day appointed to E­denburgh, did deferre the performance of his promi­ses, deuising manie delaies; vntill the other princi­pall of the factions were come, whereby the coue­nants might be established by all their consents, for which he praied day till the tenth of Maie: and that in the meane time he might vnderstand the mind of the imprisoned quéene of Scots: all which in the end was denied vnto him. Wherevpon Hamilton (con­fessing the truth) said, that he consented to those con­ditions by compulsion; and that (if he were frée) hée would not allow of anie of them. For which answer, Hamilton & Maxwell were committed prisoners to the castell of Edenburgh. The earle of Argile was suffered to be quiet at home, but the earle Huntleie was more hardlie dealt withall, bicause that in the absence of the gouernor he had taken manie, and had made deputies about Crawford and Ogiluie.

Wherevpon there was day giuen vnto them both to meet at the assemblie at saint Andrews, whither the earle of Argile first came: with whom there was no extreme dealing, bicause he ceased to trouble the realme anie more, was of kinred to the gouernor, and they two were of great friendship togither euen from their yoong yéers. But when the cause of Hunt­leie (long before his comming) was well debated, the gouernor pronounced, that he would pardon all pri­uate faults doone to him, or to the king: but that hee neither could nor would pardon anie iniuries doone to any other. And if Huntleie, or his friends that fo­lowed his faction, could passe away with those spoils, he would willinglie labor that arbitrators chosen by both parts, should temper the value of the damage. At what time also there grew a further mischiefe, whether all they which tooke part with Huntleie shuld also be pardoned; but in the end, vpon deliberation, all things séemed indifferentlie well pacified.

During these things, the queene of England sent Buchanan. lib. 19. letters into Scotland in the behalfe of the impriso­ned queene, either that she might wholie be restored, or iointlie rule with hir sonne; or admitted to liue priuatlie in hir owne countrie. All which being de­nied to be granted, the Scots sent Robert Pet­carne, a man of great wisedome and fidelitie, to deliuer their answer vnto the quéene of England. Whilest these things were in dooing, the gouernor fearing the power of the imprisoned quéene, which now waxed great, did call William Mettellan be­fore him, from Perth to Striueling; who requested the earle of Argile to go with him for his better suer­tie. Afterwards, this William sitting in the coun­cell, was accused by Thomas Crawford of the kings death, wherevpon he was commanded prisoner to a chamber in the castell, and others were sent to appre­hend Iames Balfurie.

But in the end, the gouernors mildnesse suffe­red no great hurt to fall vpon them; for Balfurie by his friends soone obteined pardon; and Mettellan being led to Edenburgh, was left in a house there not farre from the castell: to whome certeine horsse­men were appointed kéepers, vnder the charge of A­lexander Hume a noble yoong man, appointed chiefe ouer them. But William Kircadie, capteine of the castell of Edenburgh, about ten of the clocke at night, did counterfeit letters signed with the hand of the earle of Murreie, and brought them to Alexan­der, willing him to deliuer William Mettellan, which he did accordinglie. Wherevpon Mettellan was caried by Kircadie into the castell, to the great mislike of the nobilitie, being almost vncerteine whether they should impute the déed to Kircandie, or to the gouernor, not being vnacquainted with the boldnesse of Kircadie: in such sort, that the same was like to grow to a commotion, if the innocencie [Page 397] of the gouernour had not before béene sufficienlie knowne.

In the yeere 1569, the earles of Northumber­land and Westmerland raised a rebellion against 1569. Rebellion in the north of England, by the earles of Northumber­land & West­merland. the queenes maiestie of England; but by the good di­ligence and prouident circumspection of the earle of Sussex, then lieutenant of the north parts, and by such direction as was giuen by hir maiestie and hir councell, for the leuieng of an armie vnder the lea­ding of the earle of Warwike, and the lord admerall 10 Clinton, the said two earles were kept so in feare, that they durst not aduance farre forward in their wicked begun enterprise, but were constreined to retire backe towards Durham. Whervpon the earle of Sussex, supposing that their meaning was for their last refuge and safegard to take the castels of Alnewike and Warkeworth, he wrote vnto sir Iohn Forster lord warden of the middle marches, either by force, policie, or some other means, to get into his hands the possession of those two castels, and the 20 same to fortifie with such number and garisons of men, as to his discretion should be thought conueni­ent, for the safe custodie and gard thereof.

Sir Iohn Forster, being at his house neere to Alnewike, when he receiued these letters, accompa­nied with his seruants, friends, and tenants, & some souldiers that were come to him from Berwike, marched vp to the castell on foot, where finding the house garded with a great number of the earle of Northumberlands seruants, reteiners, and tenants, 30 he made proclamation before the castell gate, that e­uerie of them within the castell should come foorth, and withdraw to their owne houses, vpon paine to Proclamation made at Alne­wike by sir Io. Forster. be reputed rebels to the quéenes maiestie: and that which of them soeuer did refuse to obeie this procla­mation, staieng either in the castell or elsewhere in a­nie vnlawfull assemblie, it should be lawfull for eue­rie man to spoile his goods, and him to kill if he made resistance.

This proclamation notwithstanding, they with­in the castell, at the first refused to yéeld it vp. And 40 therevpon sir Iohn Forster marched through the towne into the market place, and there made the like proclamation in behalfe of all the inhabitants that were the earle of Northumberlands tenants, for their repairing home to their houses. And comming herewith backe towards the castell, they within per­ceiuing themselues destitute of succor, and sir Iohn Forster to increase in power, did vpon better ad­uise The castell of Alnewike and warkeworth fortified by sir Io. Forster. yéeld themselues vnto him, who saued all their 50 liues. After the same maner he got also the castell of Warkewoorth, and fortified them both with suffici­ent number of men. This doone, he assembled such forces as he was able to make, so that he got togi­ther to the number of eleuen hundred horssemen, and tooke order to forlaie and stop the passages, so as the earles friends and tenants in Northumberland should not go vnto him.

After this, hauing in his companie the lord O­gle, Sir Iohn Forster kée­peth Newca­stell against the rebels. and Thomas Forster his brother, and other gen­tlemen, 60 he went to Newcastell, where, with Thomas Gower esquire, that had the principall rule therof at that time, he tooke order for the defense of that towne against the rebels. Hither came to him sir Henrie Sir Henrie Persie against his brother the earle of Northumber­land. Persie, offering his seruice against his brother, and other the rebels, to the vttermost of his power. Here­vpon diuerse excursions were made foorth of New­castell into the bishoprike, where the two earles were incamped, and sundrie skirmishes chanced be­twixt the two parties, though no great hurt followed thereof. The erles yet on a day came from Durham, and with their armie marched towards Newcastell. Sir Iohn Forster, and sir Henrie Persie, hauing intelligence thereof, issued foorth of Newcastell with all their forces, and certeine péeces of great ordi­nance. They had also with them certeine bands of the souldiers of Berwike, meaning verelie to haue ioined battell with the earles: sir Henrie Persie shewing himselfe as willing and forward thereto as anie other in all the companies.

At Chester deane, midwaie betwixt Durham and Chester dean▪ Newcastell, the armies approched the one néere to the other, a small brooke running in a hollow diui­ding them asunder, so that there was no passage for them to conueie their ordinance ouer, the bankes on either side being so stéepe and cumbersome. Where­vpon the erles, perceiuing that they were disappoin­ted of their purpose, after some skirmishes betwixt the horssemen, they returned vnto Durham: and from thence the next day they went to Hexham, and The earles of Northumber­land & West­merland flée into Scot­land. after being in vtter despaire, fled into Scotland: where the erle of Westmerland lighted among those that shifted him awaie so from place to place, that he escaped out of that realme, when he could no longer remaine there in suertie. But the earle of Northum­berland fell into their hands, which deliuered him vn­to the regent, who thought he could doo no lesse than put him in safe kéeping, considering the amitie that was betwixt the two princes, the queenes maie­stie of England, and the king of Scots.

But shortlie after, the regent (as he was riding through Lithquo) was wickedlie shot in with an harquebuse, by one Iames Hamilton, and so woun­ded, that the next day he died of the hurt [as saith Buchanan out of a wood gallerie, in which were clo­thes hanged as it were to an other vse.] 1571. Buch. 1570. The earle of Murreie lord regent slaine. Fr. Thin. But the night before the slaughter of the regent, Walter Scot, and Thomas Kar also of Fernihirst entered into England to spoile the borders, which they did more cruellie than euer was doone before, rather for desire of reuenge of some iniurie, than for the gaine of anie booties. Besides which, the capteine of the ca­stell where Mettellan was prisoner, was now com­manded to set the same Mettellan at libertie: who vpon oth before the nobilitie (which allowed and con­firmed the same) did purge himselfe of the death of the king, and of the ciuill warres mooued in Eng­land Buchan. lib. 20. (wherewith he was charged) adding that he would proue the same at anie time when day should be appointed to him therefore. After which, there was an assemblie made for the election of a new gouer­nour.

At what time Thomas Randolph, being sent thi­ther ambassador for the queene of England in the life of the regent, had audience granted vnto him; whose message was to demand, the deliuerie of such re­bels of England as had fled thither: which ambassa­dor the deceassed gouernour had before refused to heare at Striueling. Wherevpon, sith all things were then in a turmoile by his death, they departed. But now, when there was a parlement for the choo­sing of a new regent, Randolph which had béene in Scotland some yéeres before, because he seemed best to know the men and their conditions of Scotland, and bicause he had before dispatched some other am­bassages for the benefit of the realme, was held déere and well estéemed of the nobilitie, and therfore was brought into the councell.

Who, after that he had declared what the mind of his prince had béene vnto the Scots, he shewed that she would not now abbate the same vnto them in these troublesome times, no more than she had be­fore doone. After which he remembred the inuasions made into England, with the slaughters, spoiles, and burnings committed a little before: all which he well knew was not doone by the counsell or labor of the publike state: and therefore his queenes fauor was not diminished to them, but that the same good will [Page 398] did remaine to them now, as ample as euer it was. And where she was grieuouslie offended (and that without hir desert) yet she was not now determined (although by right she iustlie might) to demand pub­like restitution and recompense for such euils: nor to exact punishment of the whole nation for the misdoo­ing of a few.

For she was not ignorant what tumults and troubles of all things was of late raised amongest them. Notwithstanding this euill, she did not yet a­nie 10 whit doubt of the fauor of the good and vertuous men vnto hir: and that she would not onlie for their cause separate the offense from the publike consent: but also (if they themselues for the domesticall sedi­tions could not inforce the disturbers of the quiet to make restitution of such spoiles) that she would ioine hir power with them, to the end by common counsell they might take iust punishment vpon the truce­breakers. Which if they could not then doo by that meanes, that yet she would prosecute those iniuries 20 with hir owne people, whose armie should without a­nie damage to them passe through such places as would be quiet, and take no reuenge vpon anie that were not guiltie of that iniurie. The rest of the parts of his ambassage did conteine admonitions alwaies profitable in all lawfull assemblies, but most neces­sarie for the present state of Scotland.

Whereof the first aduise was for the defense of re­ligion, with an especiall care of diligence therein: sith the same alone dooth teach vs the forme of our 30 dutie, and peace towards God, our prince, our e­quall & christian neighbors. For no common-wealth diuided in it selfe can long continue: for which cause they must chieflie labor with all their power, with might and maine, with saile and ores, that peace and quiet maie be holilie and vertuouslie nourished at home amongest their people. For sith God the cre­ator of all things, hath imparted a kinglie gouerne­ment ouer this nation, it is iust and méet that they o­beie 40 their princes; and in dutifull sort bestow all ho­nor, reuerence, and obedience vpon them; sith peace, concord, amitie, and loue, with all men (as much as in vs lieth to vse) is most acceptable to God, and dooth take awaie (or at the least hinder) the thirst and shedding of mens bloud, a fault which God of all o­thers dooth most hate.

Which vnitie increasing the wealth of euerie one, maketh all nations more fearefull to their enimies, and is the preseruer of iustice: whose chiefe part con­sisting in punishing the euill, is especiallie to be im­braced: 50 when contrarilie dissention and treason is a thing most detestable to all lawfull gouernement: sith such kind of people are to be pursued with all ex­tremitie, and not be succored with anie fauor, with a­nie mercie, or with anie pardon, into what countrie soeuer they flée for refuge of their hated wickednesse. All these things did Randolph both godlie and wiselie admonish vs of, and iustlie and modestlie require from vs. 60

But because there was no regent chosen for the supreme gouernement, there could no certeine an­swer be giuen therevnto: for which cause he was for that time put backe to the kalends of Maie. At last, William and Iames Dowglasse, brothers of the s [...]aine regent by one mother, were heard in this par­lement, who required that the vnwoorthie death of their brother might be reuenged, sith the same was taken awaie not for anie priuat grudge, but for the common-wealths cause. Upon the opening whereof men were of diuerse opinions about his death, though they all agreed that the offendors should be punished: for some would haue a day giuen to such as were suspected of the murther: for the names of manie persons were there shewed to answer the same. But it better pleased other not to wait for an [...]e appointed day of law to be giuen to them, who had al­readie taken armes with violence to defend that déed which they had alreadie doone; & that they should not onelie raise their weapons against them, but al­so against all such as were condemned in that assem­blie of the nobilitie.

To which opinion all the knights and souldiors did soone agree, who yet could not hold their determinati­on, especiallie sith the earle of Atholl and Morton did dissuade them from it: whereof the first would haue them tarrie, vntill there were a greater assemblie of the nobilitie: and the other supposed that it would come to passe, that if they ioined manie faults in one, that the reuenge of the regent would perish and come to nothing, and the matter would burst out to ciuill wars, wherby all they that feared peace, would flee to the part of such as were guiltie of the murther. Wherefore their faults were to be diuided, and (if it were possible) to treat of them by law, and that no­thing should be doone or changed vntill the kalends of Maie, on which there was an assemblie or parle­ment appointed.

Upon which persuasion the companie was dissol­ued, though the greatest part of the nobilitie did con­demne this delaie, as mooued thervnto: because that the other would saie that all things were doone at the becke of the kings enimies, who had thus protracted the time, to the end that the malice of the death of this regent might by little and little vanish in the meane time, and the aduerse faction gather greater power togither. Which opinion of the common peo­ple was confirmed by manie things that went be­fore, and manie things which followed. For presentlie (before the death of the regent was fullie spread a­broad) Iames Hamilton (morgaging his lands to Iohn Summeruill of Caninethame) borowed mo­nie thereof: with which, and with other monie taken vp of the rest of his friends, he sent to his fauorers (to hire souldiors) being warned before, that they should alwaies be readie at all times, and for all cau­ses which should happen by the taking awaie of their deadlie enimie, the earle of Murreie: neither after that time did the queenes factions ceasse from mée­ting in diuerse distant places.

On the fiftéenth kalends of March, there did assem­ble the chiefe of the rebellious faction (for by that name and epitheton dooth Buchanan alwaies terme those that tooke the quéenes part) to deuise of their af­faires. At what time the earle of Argile, and the lord Boid did write vnto earle Morton, that they would willinglie (sith they did not yet know who killed the regent, and who were consenting therevnto) consult with the other nobilitie about the same matter, both to search out and to punish the same: and that they would not come to Edenburgh about that matter. But if the kings faction would be so persuaded, they would willinglie come to Lithquo, to Faukirke, or to Striueling, there to méet with them. Wherevpon, the earle of Morton, consulting with Metellan a­bout the same (for so it was desired in the letters) in the end it came to no effect. At the same time, Tho­mas Kar wrote to Limuch (to vse Buchanans woord) to the gardian of the castell, to see if he could obteine of the quéene of England to staie hir armie: which if he brought to passe, that then he would take such or­der, that he would easilie pacifie the borders without anie further trouble, and that they should remaine in that dutie which they were woont: but if she did refuse this condition, he would continue in his attempt, not doubting but the good subiects would shew their obedience towards their imprisoned quéene, & would ioine themselues togither, because aid would shortlie come out of France vnto them.

[Page 399] On the fift nones of March, the Hamiltons, the earle of Argile, and Boid came to Lithquo; but the murther of one hired souldior did trouble all their de­uise by a sudden tumult that was raised therevpon. Wherefore the next day after the archbishop of saint Andrewes did bring the Hamiltons home, the rest of the quéenes faction, especiallie the earles of Hunt­leie, Atholl, Crawford, and the lords Ogiluie, Hume, Seton, and Metellan, met at Edenburgh: in which the earle Morton was accompanied with a small 10 traine, vntill the earles of Glencarne and Mar were come with their retinue. The fourth nones of March the chiefe of the factions met togither to consult of the estate of things: but the same did procéed verie slowlie, by reason of the absence of the earle of Ar­gile, whose power and authoritie was then verie great.

This man did Huntleie séeke to persuade to ioine with the rest of the faction, but he returned without dooing anie thing (as it was supposed by most men) 20 through the subtillie of Metellan, which would haue things long deferred, that more conuenient meane might be had in that troublesome state of the king­dome, for the innouation of things. The grea­test thing doone in this assembling, was the argu­ment for the choise of a new gouernor, which (as it sée­meth) came to no effect. Now when all these assem­blies tended to little purpose, those of the quéenes fa­ction returned to sowe sedition by procuring Eng­lish warres, thereby to draw the common-people to 30 assist their part. Wherefore they send the capteine (that before had doone the like) afresh at this time to execute the same, who left nothing vndoone that might tend to extreme crueltie.

During which, the heads of the faction dooreproch the quéene of England, and slander the nobilitie of Scotland, as though they were the clients and fol­lowers of the English; further threatning abroad in euerie place, that they would vse the aid of the French and Spanish, if the lord of the congregation 40 praied in aid of the English. Much about that time, (as it were by chance) landed (out of France) at Dunbreton, Ueriacke, one of the chamber to the French king, which aduanced the mindes of the quéenes faction, with manie large promises: by meanes whereof the Hamiltons appointed an assem­blie of their people at Lithquo the first ides of Aprill.

At which day, when a great assemblie was made of the quéenes faction, they began there openlie to treat of those things which before were whispered 50 in secret: which was, that the death of the king and regent might be either forgotten, or at least wax cold in the publike turmoile of the realme, by making warre vpon the English. After which consultation, they determined to go to Edenburgh the third ides of Aprill; there (besides manie other commodities which might grow to them by that place) to ioine vn­to them the citizens, by whom there was great helpe of good successe to be receiued. Which they thought they might easilie bring about, by reason that Wil­liam 60 Kircadie was gouernor both of the castell and towne, against which deuise the citizens did yet con­tend. But in the end, with hard conditions, the quéenes part was admitted into the towne. After which, not thus contented, they persuaded the citizens to deliuer vp the keies of their towne, which they most wiselie refused.

All this while there was a great resort to Metel­lan then lieng of the gowt, for which cause his house was commonlie called the schoolehouse, and himselfe the schoolemaister. In which meane time, the earle of Atholl did not spare to trauell hither and thither, to draw those of the other faction to that assemblie at Edenburgh. But they would not come thither at all, vntill the kalends of Maie (which was a day appoin­ted for the parlement) vnlesse they knew some iust necessitie which might preuent that day: and then if there happened anie thing of moment, which might not suffer anie delaie, they would communicate the same to the earle Morton, whose house was but foure mile from thence, & he should giue other knowledge thereof. In the end, a day was appointed by the earle of Atholl, in which a few of both factions should méet at the towne of the earle Morton, called Dalketh, which place did not like the quéenes faction, whose strength was much holpen by such prisoners as Kir­cadie had set at libertie out of the castell of Eden­burgh.

But all the deuises and helps of the quéens faction were quailed, by the rumor of the English armie comming to Berwike. Wherevpon, Alexander Hume, and Iohn Maxwell latelie deliuered out of prison, without anie publike authoritie, or leaue to set them frée, went home to defend their owne pos­sessions; and a portion of that monie, which they had gathered to hire souldiers, was giuen to the said lord Hume, to strengthen his castell of Hume. Thomas Kar, and Walter Scot (who were iudged to haue made some roads into England by the persuasion of the bishop of saint Andrews, whereby wars should rise in England) being forsaken of those which inha­bited neere these places, & fearing their owne estate, sent vnto the chiefe of the faction, requesting helpe of them: or if they would not doo so, that at least they should come to Lowther the next towne; and from thence shew or make warre vpon England. Which when they could not obteine (nor anie of the publike monie) they foorthwith departed to their owne lands in great anger.

After this, whilest manie other things passed, as that the quéens faction sent an ambassador to the earle of Sussex, to staie his iournie into Scotland; that they also sent letters to the quéene of England concerning their cause; and that a seruant of mon­sieur Lausac in France, had brought letters to the quéens factions (with thanks for their fidelitie) di­rected also vnto other that were indiffernt, to ioine with the imprisoned quéene; and that he promised them aid out of France; and that the quéens people were assured, that the kings part would come to Edenburgh at the kalends of Maie: after all these things (I say) they of the quéens side departed to Lith­quo, supposing that place most commodious to as­semble their confederats. Whither when the Hamil­tons and their clients were come, they beset all the way to Edenburgh: for when they vnderstood that Iohn Areskin earle of Mar was comming thither, they laid ambushes vnder the next hils to intrap him.

But he knowing the iniurie of the place, passed the riuer two miles aboue, and came to Edenburgh the third day of Maie about euening. Shortlie after, the kings part remaining at Edenburgh, and the quéens at Lithquo, the thrée earls, Arran, Argile, and Huntleie appoint a parlement at Lithquo, the thrée nones of August. The other faction sent Ro­bert Petcarne ambassador to the quéene of Eng­land, to intreat with hir about the suppression of the common enimie; and further to let hir vnderstand, that such were the good minds of the Scots vnto hir, that they would choose a regent by hir appointment.

Besides which, the said lords of the kings part with generall consent wrote letters vnto the erle of Len­nox, then remaining in England, to repaire home with all conuenient spéed into Scotland. ¶ Ye maie read in the historie of England, in what sort the erle of Sussex lord lieutenant of the north parts, entring into Tiuidale the seuen & twentith of Aprill, burnt [Page 400] the Mosse tower, the towne of Crawling, the ca­stell of Ferniherst, the towne of Howike, and the castell of Brauxton, that belonged to the laird of Buclewgh, with diuerse other castels, piles, towns, villages, and hamlets belonging to the lairds of Ferniherst, Buclewgh, and others in those parts: also how the lord Scroope inuaded the west borders The earle of Lennox sent forward to returne into Scotland. of Scotland at the same time: and likewise how the said earle of Sussex wan the castell of Hume, with diuerse other matters which here I passe ouer, refer­ring 10 you to the said historie.

But now about the same time, the earle of Len­nox, hauing got licence of the queene of England to make his returne into Scotland, was set forward, and came to Berwike towards the latter end of A­prill, The duke of Chatelerault gathereth a power. where being visited with sickenesse, he remai­ned by the space of fourtéene daies or more. In the meane time the duke of Chatelerault, the earles of Huntleie, and Cassils, the lord Fleming, and sundrie others of that faction, séeing the time serued well for 20 their purpose, now that the regent was slaine and dispatched out of the waie, gathered a power, to the number of three thousand men, and came downe to Edenburgh. But after that they had knowledge that the erle of Lennox was comming out of Eng­land with a power of Englishmen, by the quéens maiesties appointment; aswell for the safegard of the yoong king, as also for the safe conduct of the earle of Lennox home into Scotland: the duke and earles aforesaid retired themselues from Eden­burgh 30 to Glascow, where they besieged the castell The duke re­tireth to Glas­cow. by the space of fiue or six daies, vntill the earle of Lennox approched thitherwards. For ye haue to vn­derstand, that after the earle of Lennox was reco­uered of his sickenesse, there was appointed a power of horssemen and footmen, to go with him into Scot­land, vnder the leading of sir William Drurie; as in the English storie ye may read more at large.

There were diuerse valiant capteins and gentle­men that went with him in that iournie, aswell such 40 as had charge, as those that went with him of their owne good wils, to sée the order of things, and to helpe to aduance their princes seruice. With charge there were these; sir George Carie capteine of an Capteins and gentlemen that went with the earle of Lennox in­to Scoland. hundred lances, Henrie Austell capteine of fiftie lances, William Gurleie capteine of fiftie lances, maister Henrie Carie capteine of two hundred light horssemen, capteine Case lieutenant of the generals band of light horssemen, being also two hundred: sir Robert Constable sergeant maior of 50 the footbands, sir Thomas Maners, capteine Brik­well, capteine Caruill, capteine Game, capteine Lambard, capteine Erington, Iohn Constable, and Humfreie Berwike leaders of the footmen. Capteine Erington was also lieutenant to sir George Caries companie of lances. Other gentle­men that went of their owne good wils, there were diuers; as maister George Deuereux, sir Ierome Bowes, maister William Knolles, maister Ro­bert Knolles, maister Michaell Carie, maister 60 Gawdie, maister William Drurie of Suffolke cousine to the generall, maister Greuill, brother to sir Fulke Greuill, maister Conweie, brother to sir Iohn Conweie, maister Edmund Uerneie, and manie others, whose names I could not learne.

The footmen laie the first night at Coldingham. The next day the earle of Lennox himselfe with sir William Drurie and the horssemen ouertooke the footmen, and lodged that night at Dunbar. The next day they made such spéed in their march, that they came through to Edenburgh, where they found the The earle of Lennox with the English­men come to Edenburgh. earles of Morton, Murreie, Glencarne, the lords Ruthwen, Lindseie, Sempill, Glamis, Methuen, Ogiltrée, and Cathcart, with diuerse gentlemen of the kings side; who receiued the said earle of Len­nox, and the Englishmen verie courteouslie. From Edenburgh they passed to Lithquho, as in the Eng­lish historie it maie appeare: and from thence the footmen passed to Faukirke, and there lodged. But Faukirke. the earle of Lennox, and the Scotish lords, with sir William Drurie and the horssemen rode to Ster­ling, The earle of Lennox and sir William Drurie ride to Striueling. where the king laie, then being in the custodie of the earle of Mar. From thence they went to Glascow, where the duke had besieged the castell, which was valiantlie defended by the lard of Min­to and his brethren, with their seruants, being not past eightéene persons in all; and yet they kept it fiue or six daies against the duke and his whole The castell of Glascow be­sieged by the duke of Cha­telerault. power, slaieng (as hath béene reported) aboue fortie or fiftie of his men; but in the end they were in great danger to haue béene taken, if they had not béene the more spéedilie relieued. But the duke and his adherents, vnderstanding of the comming for­ward of the erle of Lennox with the English forces, brake vp his siege and fled awaie, with losse and dis­honor, He breaketh vp his siege. as in the English historie we haue likewise noted.

After that the earle of Lennox and his friends were thus come vnto Glascow, finding the siege raised, he remained there by the space of fiue or six daies. During which time, there came to him of his kinred and friends, which owght him their seruice, according to the vse of the countrie, the number of A muster of foure thou­sand Scots. foure thousand men, verie well appointed after their maner; the more part out of the countries of Lennox and Darneleie, which mustered before the said earle, and sir William Drurie, generall of the English there. This doone, the earle of Lennox, accompanied Sée more hereof in England. with the earles and lords before mentioned, & like­wise with the Englishmen, marched to Hamilton, where they entred into the palace belonging to the duke, and lodged therein that night.

The next day they besieged the castell, whereof An­drew The castell of Hamilton be­sieged. Hamilton of Merinton was capteine, hauing vnder him fiftie souldiers to defend it; and would not therefore deliuer it, till that two péeces of great or­dinance being brought from Sterling, were plan­ted in batterie. For then perceiuing themselues in danger to be taken by force, the capteine offered to yeeld the house to the Englishmen; but not to the lords of Scotland, with condition, to haue the liues of all them within saued. Which was granted, vp­on It is deliue­red to the Englishmen. promise, that they should neuer after beare arms against their king, and to depart the realme with­in a certeine terme, and herevnto they were sworne. But they kept not long their oth, for the night next insuing, they did beset the lord Sempill that was lod­ged at that present in a house not far off, and not able to keepe it till rescue came, yeelded it and him­selfe The lord Sempill ta­ken. prisoner, so that he was kept by the Hamiltons in safe custodie by the space of twelue moneths af­ter. The castell of Hamilton being yeelded (as ye The castell of Hamilton blowen vp and raced. haue heard) was blowen vp with powder. Diuers other houses there in the countrie about were burnt also, as Roplocke, the abbat of Kilwinnings house, with diuerse other of the Hamiltons houses in Clid­desdale.

After the castell of Hamilton was thus woone and ouerthrowen, the lords returned to the palace, and lodged there againe that night; and on the mor­row, The towne and palace of Hamilton burnt. they set fire both vpon the same palace, and al­so vpon the towne of Hamilton: and therewith the Englishmen taking leaue of the lords in Scotland, departed homewards; as in the English historie ye may reade more at large. The erle of Morton went with them; but the earle of Lennox and the other earles and lords with their companies tooke their way towards Glascow, and from thence euerie of [Page 401] the noble men departed home to their houses. Short­lie after, there was a conuention of the lords at Striueling, where the earle of Lennox was made lord lieutenant of Scotland: and afterwards in Au­gust following, there was an other conuention at A conuention of the lords. The earle of Lennox made regent. Edenburgh, where, by the consent of the three estates of the realme, the said earle was made regent of Scotland.

And about the same time, the earle of Huntleie tooke vpon him to be lieutenant of Scotland for the 10 The earle of Huntleie. quéene of Scots that remained still in England, and therevpon in hir name summoned a parlement to A parlement proclamed by both the fac­tions at one day and place. be holden at Lithquho the one and twentith of Sep­tember then next following. Unto the which parle­ment, aswell the earle of Lennox then regent, as all the residue of the lords of both parties were sum­moned. Whereof the regent being aduertised, caused a parlement to be summoned in the kings name to be kept at Lithquho, at the selfe same day which was appointed by the earle Huntleie. At which day there 20 appeared the lords of the kings partie, & also sundrie great lards, knights, and gentlemen, to the num­ber of eight thousand, verie well furnished, looking for the earle of Huntleis comming, according to his The earle of Huntleie com­meth no née­rer than Bre­chine. appointed order; but he came no néerer than Bre­chine.

Wherevpon it was decréed by the regent and no­bilitie there, to pursue him: and to that end, Iames Dowglas earle of Morton was sent before with a thousand horssemen to haue taken him vpon the sud­den 30 in the towne of Brechine, before he should haue anie warning of their comming, the regent follow­ing after with an armie. But Huntlie hauing war­ning of their approch, escaped their hands, although The earle of Huntleie esca peth. verie narrowlie; in somuch that some of his foot­men were so put to their shifts, that they were driuen for their refuge (being so beset on the sudden) to take the castell of Brechine: the earle of Huntleie pro­mising before he went from them, to succour them within eight daies; but they being streictlie besieged, 40 and the earle not kéeping promise with them, after those eight daies were expired, they yéelded them­selues and the castell vnto the regents mercie.

They were in all about thrée hundred, of which number one and thirtie of the chiefest were executed. Some of them had borne arms against the king be­fore Execution. that time, and had beene pardoned, and there­fore were now thought by the regent and his friends the more worthie to die. After this, the regent re­turned to Striueling, and from thence passed to the 50 castell of Downe, and besieged it; being kept by the The castell of Downe yéel­ [...]ed. seruants of the lord of saint Colmes Inch, who yéel­ded it to the regent after thrée daies siege. During the time of the regents being there, he sent one of his seruants called Iohn Moone, with letters into England, directed to the quéene of Englands coun­cell: who (for his secret practising and conference had with such as were enimies to the king and regent before his departure out of Scotland, and for recei­uing of their letters to be conueied also, and here­with 60 discouering sundrie secrets to them, the which were committed vnto his credit and trust) was ap­prehended, and the same letters which he had secret­lie receiued being found vpon him, and the matters aforesaid proued against him, he was by law execu­ted.

About the same time the earle of Morton, the ab­bat Commissio­ners sent into England. of Dunfermeling, and Iames Macgill, clearke of the register, were sent into England commissio­ners vpon the kings partie; the bishop of Rosse, the abbat of Kilwinning, & the lord Leuingston, appoin­ted for the quéene then being in England. In Ia­nuarie following, the regent then being at Eden­burgh, Claud Hamilton, one of the duke of Cha­teleraults sonnes, entred the house of Pasleie, then being kept by the seruants of the lord Sempill: and Pasleie taken and kept by Claud Ha­milton. seizing vpon all things which they found as stood with his pleasure, he fortified the house with men, munition, and vittels, such as he could get either in the towne of Pasleie, or neere thereabouts. The re­gent aduertised thereof, repaired thither with a power in all spéedie wise, and laid siege to the house. The regent besiegeth Pasleie. They within sued for a truce, which was granted to them for the space of six daies, the better to aduise of their owne estate: which terme being expired, pro­clamation was made by the regent, that if they would yeeld the house, so manie of them as had not borne armes before that time against the king and regent, should haue their liues saued, the rest to re­maine at the regents pleasure.

Herevpon contention rose among them within the house: for whereas the more part of them hauing not serued in anie iournie or exploit against the king before that time, would néeds yéeld; the other, being the lesse number, were not able to defend it of them­selues. Wherevpon they were readie to draw their weapons one against another; but yet in the end they agréed to surrender the house, and yéelded them­selues, Pasleie is surrendred to the regent. vpon such condition as the regent had pre­scribed: wherevpon fiue of them were executed, & all the rest were pardoned of their liues. The capteine Iohn Hamilton, lard of Coughnall, and his two brethren excepted, who were sent to the castell of Glascow, there to remaine in prison, and shortlie after the said Iohn Hamilton was executed.

In March following, the regent returned to Glas­cow, 1571. and for that Gilbert Kennedie with the erles of Cassils & Eglenton refused to shew themselues obe­dient to the king, and would not come to the regent, who had sent for them by letters at sundrie times, the regent gathered his power at Glascow, and with the same marched towards Urwin and Air, and so forward to the earle of Cassils countrie, who hea­ring The regent goeth against the earle of Cassils. of the regents comming, sent foorth his brother to offer his submission. Wherevpon it was conclu­ded, that the messenger should remaine with the re­gent as pledge for his brother, by the space of twen­tie daies; and then the said earle to make his appea­rance before the regent at Striueling, to answere such matters as should be laid to his charge.

The same time also Hugh Montgomerie earle of Eglenton, and Robert Boid leuied their bands also to appeare and answer in like sort: and as well the one as the other (according to their assurance gi­uen) appeared at the day appointed; but yet not agrée­ing to such articles as were required of them, they The earles of Cassils and Eglenton committed to ward. were both committed to prison, the one in the castell of Dunbreton, & the other in the castell of Downe. Afterwards there was a truce taken betwéene the regent, the Hamiltons, and their adherents for twentie daies, to wit, vntill the last of March. Which A truce for twentie daies. truce once ended, the regent determined with him­selfe to giue an attempt to the castell of Dunbreton, which had beene long kept by the lord Fleming a­gainst the king, and the earle of Murreie late re­gent, who had besieged it for the space of halfe a yéere or more, but could not by anie meanes compasse to win it.

But now on the first of Aprill, the truce being then expired, the regent going forward with his purpose, caused all the passages round about the countrie to be stopped, as well by land as by water; and the same night sent thither ward captein Thomas Crawford, and capteine Hume, with an hundred souldiers, cho­sen out for the purpose: who the second of Aprill, a­bout foure of the clocke in the morning, came to the castell, where the souldiers with ladders, ropes, and other deuises, found meanes to clime vp the rocke, [Page 402] which is of an exceeding great heigth, and so with great paine, and more danger, at length got vp to the wall of the castell, standing vpon the heigth of the rocke, to the which wall they reared vp a ladder, by the which en [...]ered first one Alexander Ramsie, en­signe-bearer The castell of Dunbreton taken by a policie. to capteine Crawford, & leaping ouer the wall, was streightwaies assailed by three of the watchmen, of the which he s [...]ue one: and a souldier named Wederborne that followed him, being the second that entered, slue another of them: the third 10 of those watchmen was also slaine, as he was about to flée from them.

Herewith capteine Crawford & capteine Hume got ouer the wall, and entering the castell with the Capteine Crawford & capteine Hume. rest of their souldiers, stroke vp the drum, & cried; A Derneleie, being their watchword; and seizing vp­on the ordinance, manned the same. The lord Fle­ming capteine of the castell, hearing that sudden fright and tumult within the house, fled out by the posterne gate at the neither baile, and so escaping, 20 got a fishers boat, and passed into Argile. The soul­diers The lord Fleming es­capeth. of the castell, perceiuing their captein fled, and the castell possessed by the enimies, yéelded them­selues, and were pardoned. There wére taken with­in the castell Iohn Hamilton, the archbishop of saint Andrews, monsieur de Ueriacke a Frenchman, sent thither by the French king, also the ladie Fleming, wife to the lord Fleming, and Iohn Fleming lard of Boghall, Alexander the sonne of William Le­uingston, and Iohn Hall an Englishman, being 30 partener of a new intended conspiracie, as was af­ter Iohn Hall. prooued against him, for the which he was arreig­ned, condemned, and executed at London; as in the English historie appeareth.

The third of Aprill, being the morrow after that Dunbreton was thus strangelie woone, the regent came thither, and entered the same, where he calling the capteins and souldiers togither, caused them with him to knéele downe vpon their knées, and to giue God humble thanks for their good successe in 40 that enterprise, brought to passe rather by the proui­dence of God than otherwise, sith the castell seemed to all those that knew it, impossible in maner to be The strong situation of the castell of Dunbreton. woone, by reason of the great heigth of the rocke, and the strange situation, being inuironed almost round about with the water of Clide on the one side, and the water of Leuin on the other. The report of the winning of this castell was ioifull to the townes and countries about, which before had béene a continuall scourge to them, by reason that the soul­diers 50 that kept it, would issue out at sundrie times, robbing, spoiling, and carieng awaie the commodi­ties of the inhabitants there abouts, as well by land as by water.

The regent dealt verie honorablie with the ladie Fleming, suffering hir to depart away with all The ladie Fleming ho­norablie in­treated. such plate and iewels, as apperteined either to hir or hir husband. He granted also a safe conduct to mon­sieur de Ueriacke, to passe homewards through the countrie, but the archbishop of saint Andrews was 60 sent prisoner to Striueling. The spoile of the goods found in the castell was giuen to the souldiers that ventured so dangerouslie to atchiue so high an en­terprise, bringing it to the wished effect by policie with so little bloudshed as deserueth perpetuall re­membrance. The day next insuing, being the fourth of Aprill, the regent appointed Iohn Cuningham lard of Drumwhassell, a man of good seruice, and seruant to the regent, to be capteine of that castell, and leauing him therein, departed to Striueling, where he caused the archbishop of saint Andrews to be examined vpon certeine articles, as well tou­ching the murther of the late king Henrie, as also for the death of the earle of Murreie the late re­gent.

At what time there came in a priest without com­pulsion of anie (as hath béene said) and before the re­gent declared that one Iohn Hamilton, being in ex­treme sicknesse, vnder confession told him, that the bishop did send▪ him with thrée others to the murther of the king. And as touching the murther of the erle The archbi­shop of saint Andrews executed. of Murreie, the bishops flat answer was, he might haue letted it if he would. Therewith the people that heard him, cried, Awaie with him, hang him. And so for these and other offenses, for the which he had bene for falted afore that time, he was now executed on a gibet, set vp in the market place of Striueling towne. After this, the regent summoned a parle­ment, A parlement summoned. to begin at Edenburgh the fourteenth of Maie next in [...]uing, and passed from Striueling to Lith­quo.

Here the earle of Morton (with the rest of the commissioners for the kings part, being returned out of England, with other of the nobilitie) met the regent, and then they passed toward Edenburgh, where they thought to haue béene receiued, and so to haue kept the parlement there. But they were not suffered to enter that towne, nor yet the castell, the same being defended against them by the lard of The castell of Edenburgh kept by the lard of Grange against the regent. Grange, who after the death of the earle of Murreie, was reuolted from the kings part to the Hamiltons side, and had fortified both the towne and castell: so that the regent and nobilitie being kept out there, held their parlement in the Cannogate stréet, with­in the suburbs of the towne, where sundrie of the quéenes part were forfalted. This being doone, and sundrie skirmishes had with them that issued foorth of the towne against them without, the regent retur­ned to Striueling, there to remaine for a season.

In the meane time the earle of Morton, hauing certeine stuffe come foorth of England by sea, and The lard of Carmichell. brought to land at Leith, sent the lard of Carmichell with his hoshould seruants, & two hundred shot, to fetch the same from thence vnto Dalketh, being fiue miles distant from Leith. At their returne with the stuffe, they were set vpon by the earle of Huntleie, and the lord Hume, who issued out of Edenburgh The earle of Huntleie and lord Hume put to flight. with their power: so that betwixt them was a verie hot skirmish. But in the end the earle of Huntleie, & the lord Hume were constreined to flie, and were pursued by Carmichell and his companie euen vnto the gates of Edenburgh, some of their men béeing slaine, and others taken prisoners. For reuenge of which ouerthrow, shortlie after the earle of Huntleie, and Claud Hamilton, with their forces marched from Edenburgh, to Dalketh, purposing to haue spoiled the towne.

But the earle of Morton, hauing knowledge of their intention and comming, sallied foorth of Dal­keth with the power which he had there with him, al­though not comparable in number to his aduersa­ries; & meeting them in the field, there was a sharpe skirmish betwixt them, and manie hurt on both par­ties: The earle of Morton put to the worse. but in the end the earle of Morton was put to the worse, fourtie or more of his men taken pri­soners. And the cause was, for that his footmen were too forward, wanting helpe of their horssemen that should haue succoured them. About the fiue & twen­tith day of Maie following, capteine Cullen issued foorth of Edenburgh with two hundred shot, mea­ning to intercept certeine harquebusers, which were appointed to come out of Fife ouer the riuer of the Forth, vnto the earle of Morton, who kept still at Dalketh.

Wherevpon the said earle, hauing knowledge of Cullens enterprise, aduertised the regent therof, who being then at Striueling, the next day came downe to Dunfermling in Fife. But before his comming [Page 403] thither, Cullen had met with a bote vpon the water, wherein were aboord fiue and twentie shot, whome he tooke prisoners, and sed them awaie with him to E­denburgh. The next day the earle of Morton came to Leith, where he met with sir William Drurie, and there they lodged that night. The next morning sir William Drurie passing foorth of Leith towards Edenburgh, accompanied with sundrie capteins, and other gentlemen for his conuoie thither, they within Edenburgh perceiuing them comming, i­magined 10 that they were come foorth to offer a skir­mish, wherevpon they issued out of the towne and castell to incounter them.

So that being readie on either side to begin the skirmish, sir William Drurie, being come to talke with the parties for some accord to be had, tooke in hand with great diligence to appease them: and at length procured them to agrée vpon a truce to indure till eight of the clocke at night. But yet when both parts staied in the fields for the space of an houre, 20 because they could not agrée whether companie shuld first retire from the field, they fell at length in skir­mish A skirmish. (notwithstanding the truce) and fought verie sharplie for the time, till in the end they of the towne and castell had the ouerthrow: the abbat of Kilwin­ning being slaine, with diuerse other; and there were The abbat of Kilwinning slaine. The lord Hume and capteine Cul­len taken. taken aboue an hundred prisoners: amongest the which the lord Hume, and capteine Cullen were ac­counted principall. Those that escaped were chased, & constreined for their safetie to flee into the towne 30 of Edenburgh, & capteine Cullen was afterwards beheaded.

The regent immediatlie after this skirmish came with all spéed to Leith, as well to fortifie the towne, as to make some further attempt against his aduer­saries within the towne and castell of Edenburgh. Herevpon was Leith [whose capteine was Patrike Fr. Thin. Leith fortifi­ed. Lindseie] intrenched round about, being estéemed a place of great importance, standing both in the face of the enimies, and so readie to annoie them, and also 40 seruing well to preuent them of such succour as they looked for dailie out of France. In this meane time, the lard of Grange, then capteine of the castell, and prouost of the towne of Edenburgh, caused procla­mation to be made, that all those inhabitants which A proclamati­on. were not willing to take part with him in his doo­ings, should depart out of the towne. Wherevpon, manie of them departed thence, togither with their wiues and children, and tooke with them also such goods as they could secretlie conueie: and comming 50 to Leith, offered their seruice vnto the regent, who thankfullie accepted their offer: and so they remai­ned at Leith, seruing against the contrarie faction vpon their owne expenses.

After this, the lard of Grange, vnderstanding that report had bene made by some of the kings part, that The chal­lenge of the lard of Grange. he was a traitor to the king, and an enimie to his countrie, offered the combat to anie that would iu­stifie the same. Which being aduertised to them with­in Leith, diuerse gentlemen were desirous to vnder­take 60 the challenge: but the regent granted it to the lard of Garlisch, being a Steward, & his kinsman, who had earnestlie requested it. Wherevpon, after di­uerse The lard of Garlisch. messages by heralds sent to and fro betwixt them, the time and place was appointed; but the mat­ter went not forward, excuse being made on the be­halfe of the lard Grange, that by reason of the charge which was committed to him, it was not thought conuenient that he should hazard the whole cause vp­on his owne person.

Shortlie after, there came out of France one Iohn Cheseholme, who was sent with monie to the lard of Iohn Chese­holme. Grange for the paiment of his souldiors: he brought with him also a certeine quantitie of powder, and thrée hundred caleeuers. Upon his entering into the water of Fourth, and comming vp the same, he lear­ned how the regent was in Leith: wherevpon he landed at Brent Iland, and afterwards for feare hid himselfe betwixt two clifs of a rocke, not farre from the quéenes ferrie: but at length he was found out by the abbat of saint Colmes Inch, and deliuered to the regent at Leith, in which towne the said regent laie aboue two moneths, vsing sundrie meanes, as well by practise and policie, as by force to haue taken the towne of Edenburgh. In the meane time sun­drie skirmishes chanced betwixt them, and diuerse prisoners were taken on either part.

At length, the regent caused a parlement to be summoned, appointing the same to be holden at A parlement summoned. Striueling the two & twentith of August next insu­ing. And when that day approched, he left the lord Lindseie at Leith in charge, as his lieutenant to go­uerne the towne, and all the men of warre appointed to remaine in gard thereof; and repaired himselfe to Striueling, where at the prefixed daie did assemble the earles of Morton, Mar, Crawford, Sutherland, Montrosse, Eglenton, Glencarne, the lords Ruth­wen, Glamis, Methwen, Sempill, Ogiltree, and Cathcart, with manie lards and gentlemen. The first day of this parlement the king was conueied thither, the crowne, scepter, and swoord being borne before him.

When he had taken his place, he vttered a certeine spéech as had béene taught him, touching the assem­bling of that parlement, which matter the regent more at large declared vnto the whole house: and this doone, they procéeded further to other affaires, concerning the state of the common-wealth. Moreo­uer in this parlement, the duke of Chatelerault with his two sonnes, the abbat of Arbroth, and Claud Hamilton, the earle of Huntleie, the lard of Grange The duke of Chatelerault forfalted. and sundrie others were forfalted. This parlement continued by the space of seuen daies: at the end whereof, to wit, vpon the second of September, Claud Hamilton, the lard of Bouclugh, the lard of Ormiston, and diuerse others, to the number of thrée hundred horssemen, verie earlie in the morning en­tered the towne of Striueling, and suddenlie beset not onelie the regent, but also the rest of the nobilitie within their lodgings.

The regent hearing a great vprore raised within the towne [in which George Ruthwen was slaine] Fr. Thin. and not vnderstanding the cause, nor who were the authors thereof, after he perceiued how the house wherein he lodged was beset on ech side, he defended the same against the enimies for a good space: but at The earle of Lennox taken in his lodging length despairing of succours, and doubting least the house had béene vnderlaid with some barrels of pow­der, and that it would be blowen vp if he yéelded not as some told him: and the enimie to increase that doubt, crieng still; Blow vp the house, what shuld we stand longer about him? at length he was contented to yéeld to the lard of Ormiston, but not before he saw that some of his stoutest capteins had yéelded themselues before his face. He yéelded, with conditi­on to haue his life saued: but promise in that behalfe was not long kept. For those that had thus taken him, when they perceiued rescue comming downe from the castell, so that they should not be able to car­rie him awaie, capteine Cauder with a pistolet shot The earle of Lennox wounded. him into the bodie, before he could be recouered out of their hands.

The rest of the nobilitie, to wit, the earles of Mor­ton, Eglenton, and Glencarne, and diuerse other be­ing taken prisoners, were presentlie rescued by those that issued out of the castell. The earle of Morton be­ing in the hands of the lard of Bouclugh, tooke the same lard prisoner, he yéelding himselfe vnto him: [Page 404] and likewise the earle of Glencarne looke his kéeper prisoner, and so did sundrie others take their takers: but Claud Hamilton, with others their companies, hauing first gotten all the horsses that were found in the towne into their hands, when they heard that the rescue was comming, shifted for themselues, and fled awaie. The regent, being mortallie wounded, but yet deliuered from his enimies, rid vp to the castell, and calling there vnto him the whole nobilitie, when he perceiued his end to a [...]proch, he vsed these woords 10 (or the like in substance) as followeth.

‘My lords, it is not vnknowen vnto you all, that my comming hither to take this regiment vpon me, The earle of Lennox his woords before his death. was not of mine owne séeking, but at the request of you all. And that which chieflie mooued me héerevn­to, was, for the defense of the kings person, being yet (as you sée) an infant; of whome by nature and dutie I was bounden to haue carefull consideration, and that in his minoritie, the good and quiet gouerne­ment of this common-wealth might be aduanced, 20 and iustice executed vpon those that most cruellie did murther the late king, my sonne the kings father, and his vncle the good earle of Murreie, late regent: whose mischéeuous and diuelish deuises if in time you doo not preuent by your wisedoms and discreti­ons, they will procure the finall ouerthrow and de­struction of you all. In this action (as you sée) I haue spent my bloud, and haue plaied the last part of my tragedie, and now I féele death to draw néere at hand. 30

‘Wherefore I require you all, for the due regard that you haue of your duties, first to almightie God, and next to the king your most lawfull and naturall prince now in these his tender yéeres, wholie to im­ploie your seruice in his defense, with care to main­teine the state of this common-wealth, whereby you shall not onelie accomplish your duties towards God, but shall be assured to find in your king in time to come (God lending him life) all that good which you can iustlie require. And I shall further commit 40 to your friendlie protection, my poore seruants, who for their good seruice haue well deserued, and yet re­maine vnrecompensed, desiring you all to be good to them. And lastlie, I desire you to commend me vnto the ladie Margaret my déere wife, now being in England: vnto whome I beséech God to be a com­forter. And now sith my [...]pirits begin to faile, and that my life draweth néere to an end, I take my leaue of you all, desiring you to praie to God for me. These woords being ended, he called to God for The earle of Lennox de­parteth this life. mercie, and continuing in praier vnto the end, with­in a while after he departed this life, and was buried in the kings chappell in the castell of Striueling.’

¶ Thus haue I hitherto continued this historie of Scotland, not so largelie nor perfectlie as I could haue wished, but skambled forward with it in such sort as you maie sée; hauing deliuered nothing vnto you to impaire the credit of the Scotish nation, o­therwise than I haue found in authors, or learned by credible report (as I take it) hauing put off the parciall affection, which I beare of dutie to mine owne countrie, in this respect, that I shuld not séeme to wrest the woords of writers, either to the aduan­tage of the English people, or disaduantage of the Scots, speciallie in politike gouernement, warlike exploits, ciuill demeanor, and other vertuous exerci­ses: which as I haue found them either in anie one person particularlie, or in the multitude in generall; so haue I reported the same, not sparing the truth heerein, as I haue found it recorded, either for loue or hatred, dread, fauor, or enuie: but yet in no wise presuming (as else-where I haue said) to vse mine owne censure, but rather leauing the iudgement of other mens reports vnto the readers discretion. To whome I wish such vnderstanding and knowledge in the truth, as maie satisfie himselfe, and redound to the publike commoditie of his countrie, and plea­sure of the almightie; in whose hands are the hearts of kings & gouernors, guiding the states of realms and common wealths, as to his diuine wisedome sée­meth most expedient. To whome be glorie, honor, and praise for euermore; Amen.

Thus farre the painefull industrie of Raphaell Hollinshed, and others. The sequele, concerning the continuation of this Sco­tish historie, is a new addition before this time neuer in English published.

THE ANNALES OF Scotland in some part continued from the time in which Holinshed left, being the yeare of our Lord 1571, vntill the yeare of our redemption 1586, by Francis Boteuile, commonlie called Thin.

SOcrates (good reader) being demanded how a man might speake that which should be best and acceptable to all men, most wiselie (as one in all his life wholie giuen to serch and saie the truth in eue­rie thing) answered: That we then speake best & most to be allowed, when we speake nothing but that which we best and perfectlie know. For we know nothing excellentlie well, but such things as are often heard by vs from others, manie times repeated by our selues; and that which is com­monlie receiued, imbraced, approoued, and vsed by all men. Now those things are most vsed which concerne publike affaires, and such publike af­faires are most knowne when they end in publike action; & publike action, so farre foorth as it concerneth the thing doone, must needs be true that the same was so doone in that order, as it was openlie sene to be doone. Wherby might be concluded, that in chronicling and treating of publike affaires, we should speake that which is best, which is most acceptable, & most true: bicause we report things doone in the eies of all men. But how trulie that is performed in some new writers, it is well knowne to all men of iudgement. For such is the affection of our age, that some of malice, and some for flatterie, and euerie one to feed their owne disposition, doo so glose things publiklie doone, as with a certeine witcherie of words, they like Circes transforme the things doone in publike shew to be of other shapes than they were indeed. Whereby Socrates maie now seeme to be confuted, in saieng, that they speake best that speake things receiued of all men, and that be com­mon to the world: for so shall misreporting and flatterie, a thing commonlie knowne and vsed of all men, be the best speech; which in truth neither is nor can be. Now what I haue seene and knowne in that, as well of things at home as of things abroad, I forbeare to write; and for that cause also might most iustlie restraine my pen (wri­ting vpon the report of others) both now and hereafter from treating of such publike affaires, to the end my selfe should not run into the danger of a like falsifier or misreporter. But then on the contrarie part, when I fall to an other exposition of the same saieng of Socrates, that he speaketh best, that speaketh that which he best knoweth, and that we best know the things which are commonlie receiued, and that we receiue those for soundest which time trieth to be most true, and those things which be most true are such as are knowne to be publikelie doone; I suppose I shall speake best and most acceptablie in writing publike affaires; considering that I am not sworne to anie faction, nor carried with hate or loue, nor bewitched with promise of gaine or honour, nor inforced to turne to the right or left hand, but onelie left at libertie to make truth the daughter of time to be the common end, knowledge, and report of publike things: sith the end of labor, of contemplation of studie, & fruit of writing (as appeareth 2. Met. 4.) is the atteining of truth, and not that perpetuitie or mémorie of a famous name or report, a thing alwaies sought by me to be auoided, being onlie content in secrecie to relie my selfe vpon the recording of truth, which of all things (in my mind) is most pleasant, bicause the same is alwaie a conqueror. For as saith Ne­hemias, Truth is great and dooth mightilie preuaile. Wherefore, as I said, sith those things be most true & best knowne which are publikelie doone, and that they are publikelie doone that sort to anie action in the common­welth: we then conclude that we write best and most acceptablie, when we trulie set downe a common truth of common occurrents doone in the common-wealth; bicause that such things trulie reported, doo conclude with Socrates that we speake and write best in declaring a deed trulie doone, in that order (without ambages, gloses, or parcialities) as the same was most trulie performed touching the truth of that outward act.

Accept therfore (good reader) that which I doo suppose I haue best spoken (by this my argument grounded vp­on Socrates) in this my continuance of the Annales of Scotland vnwillinglie attempted, but by inforcement of others, whose commanding friendship it had beene sacrilege for me to haue gainesaid. And therefore rather carelesse to hazard the hard opinion of others, descanting vpon my sudden leaping into the printers shop (especi­allie at the first in a matter of such importance) than the losse of the long and assured friendship of those which laied this heauie charge vpon my weake shoulders, I haue like blind baiard boldlie run into this matter, vn­der the hope of thy fauourable acceptance. And though herein I shall not in euerie respect satisfie all mens minds and iudgements, that for fauour of persons, times, & actions, will like Proteus at their owne pleasure make black seeme white, alter euerie matter into euerie shape, & curiouslie carping at my barrennes in writing, bicause I omit manie things in this my continuance of the Annales of Scotland, & haue reported things in other formes than some mens humors would haue had me to doo: I must desire thee to consider for the first that the Scots themselues, besides manie others of our owne nation are the cause thereof, who either for feare durst not, or for prentended aduise and consultation in the matter would not, or for the restreint of others might not, impart to me such things as should both concerne the honour of the Scotish nation, and the substance of their owne cause. For the other matter, if I should bind my stile to the affections of some, I should breake the rule of Socrates, and not speake the best, sith I should then speake publike and common things, publikelie knowne to all men, con­trarie to that order, in which they were commonlie and publikelie seene to be doone of all men; and so by that meanes fall into the reproch of a disdeined reporter.

[Page 406] Now, if thou which art the reader, thinke that I (vnacquainted with mattets of state, especiallie in an other countrie, better knowne to all men than to my selfe) am far vnable to breake the dangerous ice of such matters, and so more vnme [...] to enter into the bosome of princes (whose harts as Salomon saith are vnsearchable) should for my vnaduisednesse seeme worthie the punishment of Prometheus, that stale the fier from Iupiter, and caried it abrode into the world, bicause the affaires of princes are not to be made common, to be submitted to the cen­sure of their subiects, nor to be written vntill the ashes of all those whome the things concerne were vtterlie con­sumed: thou must yet remember that men haue escaped punishment in dealing with higher matters than with things of chronicles, or of such like which onelie touch the life of the bodie. And therefore in punishing there­of vpon Prometheus, Iupiter went beyond himselfe. For if the greater, that is for matters touching the soule, went not onelie free from punishment, but receiued eternall reward, as after shall appeare, how much more should Prometheus haue beene spared, that but onelie medled with the bodie? Now it is manifest that in diui­nitie and matters of the soule (a thing that so far exceedeth the bodie as the sunne dooth the moone, as angels doo inferior creatures, and as light dooth darkenesse) there be manie which haue lept into heauen, and by contem­plation placed their pen amongst the sonnes of God in writing, and laieng abrode to the world (as much as in them laie) the vnsearchable works of the Almightie, whereof we cannot comprehend the least cause, order or perfection, and haue therefore not onelie not receiued punishment, but eternall reward both in bodie and soule; as Enoch was translated to paradise; Elias taken vp in a fierie chariot; Paule rapt vp into the third heauen, with manie others. For which cause I saie, if they which lepped into matters farre beyond the reach of men, to ex­presse in the meanest degree of perfection, were not punished for medling therein, and writing thereof; much lesse ought I to be punished with Prometheus in medling with the discourse of matters vpon the earth, and such as concerne the actions of mortall creatures, as battels, mutations of kingdoms, death of princes, and such other earthlie accidents. Into which yet I would not haue so rashlie descended, or taken so hard a prouince in hand, had not (as before I said) the commandement of such as I durst not gainsaie, interponed it selfe as a shield to receiue and beat backe the sharpe darts of enuious toongs. For which cause sith I was bound to him by desart, and that he had better opinion of me than there was cause whie; I feared not (though I deemed it the part of him which doubted the iudgement and reproch of the wiser sort, not to haue hazarded his credit) to enter into this dangerous sea, being not so much furnished with hope to performe it well, as desirous to discharge the request of him, and to shew the hope I conceiued at the well acceptance thereof by thee. In which discourse I had rather good reader thou shouldest complaine of want of sufficiencie in me to performe so hard a thing: than that he should mislike of my goodwill in answering his desire. And should I feare to enter heereinto, being a thing meet onelie for great councellors and men priuie of matters of estate; as though there were no place for Greeke poets but onelie to Homer and Sophocles; and for Latine poets, but to Virgill, Ouid, and Horace? Did the singularitie and amplenesse of Platos knowledge in philosophie feare Aristotle to write in the like argument? Or hath Ari­stotle staied the pen of others? Shall no man be painters but Appelles or Zeuxis, or caruers or grauers but Phi­dias and Lysias? Shall no man be orators but Cicero, Quintilian, and Demosthenes? Shall none write histories but Caesar, Liuie, Sabellicus, Paulus Iouius, Comineus, Guicciardine, or such like? Or shall none deliuer their tra­uell to the world bicause they cannot write in English as did sir Thomas Moore, sir Iohn Checke, Roger Askam, Gefferie Fenton, or Iohn Lilie? Yes trulie, for when they haue doone their best, and written what they can, a man may yet imagine a far more excellent thing, euen of and in that wherein they haue best trauelled, written, pain­ted, or graued, and that euen by the selfe same thing which they haue doone. And more good reader thou canst not doo either vpon the basenes of my stile, the disorder of the matter, or the barrennesse of supplieng of things requisit for the furnishing and maiestie of an historie, than to suppose and saie that a better forme and method of writing, a more ample discourse for the matter, and a sweeter stile for the manner might haue beene had for the historie of Scotland, than that which I haue set downe. Wherefore if the best writers be subiect to these faults, that when they haue spent all their wit, eloquence, and art, there is yet somewhat to be desired in them, as well as in me the meanest writer, I am content to beare all speeches, and desire thee to thinke what I would doo, and not what I should doo; to excuse me by others, and not to condemne me with others; to accept this in that sort as I haue meant it, and rather with mildnesse to pardon my imperfections, than with malice to barke at my well meaning. Besides which, if thou shalt deeme this worke and continuation of mine for Scotland, ought to haue been consecrated to the fauourable acceptance, and honourable protection of him to whom the first volume was dedicated; I answer (besides that I am to him an estranger, and not to beg vndeserued fauour of anie person, and that the first patrone of this Scotish historie is now in the low countries beyond the seas) this is a thing by me so slenderlie doone, that it meriteth not his honourable iudgement, or the learned view or patronage of anie other of the nobilitie. For if it had, I would then haue bestowed the same vpon those to whom I haue alreadie consecra­ted my selfe, whatsoeuer I am, hauing long before this couenanted with my bodie, onelie to tie it vnto their good commandement. For hauing but one heart, I cannot dilate it to serue and offer it selfe to manie persons, considering that where is but one heart, there must needs be but one waie: and he that will bestowe one heart vpon manie persons, must diuide the same into manie portions, and so dismember it, that in the end it will be no heart at all; or els he must go to the shambles to prouide manie sheepes hearts, to bestow vpon those manie to whom he will bind his manie seruices: for which causes I may neither choose a new patrone, nor dedicate this to the old, but onelie to thee the fauourable reader. Now before I knit vp this exordium (which may seeme to thee in respect of the following historie, to be like the towne, the gates and entrance whereinto being verie great, oc­casioned Diogenes to will the inhabitants to shut those great gates, least that little towne did run out thereat) I am to admonish thee good reader, that in all my former additions to the historie of Scotland, I haue neither word for word, nor sentence for sentence, set downe the writings of Lesleus or Buchanan, but haue chosen out the matter as I thought best and apt to my desire. After which sort I haue likewise in this my continuation of the an­nales of that countrie, not set downe or deliuered things to the world in that sort and stile as I haue receiued intelligence thereof, but onelie culled foorth such matter as both the time wherein we liue, the matter whereof I intreat, and the method required therefore, may well beare and chalenge. Thus hauing laid before thee, that he writeth best that trulie writeth publike affaires, that I was commanded by my deere freends to enter into this sand: that I cannot discourse of this historie as I willinglie would: that I ought not to forbeare to write bicause I cannot in stile and matter equall the best: that they are to be pardoned that attempt high things: that I haue purposelie in generall dedicated this labour to the common reader, and not in particular to anie honourable person: and hoping that thou wilt pardon all imperfections, I sparinglie enter into the continuation of the an­nales of Scotland (being such as thou maist be content to read, and I am contented to write) in this sort as heere followeth, making my first entrance thereinto with the death of the earle of Lennox, with whome Holinshed finished his chronicle, and so to the matter, after this long and tedious deteining of thee from the same.

Francis Thin.

THE CONTINVANCE of the annales of Scotland, from the death of the regent Matthew earle of Leneaux.

THe earle of Line­aux slaine and buried at Stear­linge 1572 L [...]slens lib. 10. pag. 387. Buchan. lib. 20. (as the state of that same troblsome time wold 10 so permit) the noble­men which were there present of that faction, taking part with the king, assembled themselues for the creating of a new regent, to which function they named thrée, and those first by oth com­pelled to yeeld to the voices of the nobilitie. The thrée appointed by them were Gilspec Cambell earle of 20 Colen. Argile, Iames Dowglasse earle of Mourton, and Iohn Areskine earle of Mar. But in the end, vpon consultation which of these for most causes (both be­neficiall The earle of Mar made regent of Scotland. and honorable to the realme and king) were méetest to wéeld so troublesome and dangerous an office; in the end it was laid vpon the shoulders of the last of the thrée, to whome (they wholie inclining) gaue full authoritie to execute the office of a regent. At the first entrance into which place, this Areskine, hauing nothing more déere or desired to and of him, 30 than the besieging and recouerie of the castell and town of Edenbrough (out of the hands of the queens faction) to the vse of his maister and pupill (whervn­to the last calends of October he was appointed, with a sufficient armie by the last decessed regent his pre­decessor) he was now hindered therof by sudden (and vnlooked for) turmoiles of the estates of the realme. Where vpon for that instant, the same was proroged to the ides of the said moneth of October. Which de­laie was after occasion of great impediment for the 40 recouerie thereof, bicause it ministred time, power, substance, and succor to the citizens and capteins, to mure and strengthen the castell and towne, when the sharpe winter, the long nights, the hard carriage for the wars, preparation, and the want of sufficient fur­niture therefore (at the same time with the said tur­moiles) occasioned departure from thense, without dispatch of that for which he came.

Certeine moneths after that the regent was gone from thense, there were some few and small [...]cursions and skirmishes vsed amongst them, the victorie inclining to neither part. For the frée sight & watch out of the castell of Edenborough (towards euerie part of the countrie) so wrought, that the quéenes faction should neither come to handstrokes, Skirmishes about Eden­borough. nor yet (being vnprouided) should be intrapped with the deceits of their enimies: bicause by a priuie to­ken (giuen out of the highest towre of the castell) they were easilie warned to recoile and draw home ward in conuenient time. All which notwithstanding, they once felt the smart of the enimie, when all the horsse and footmen were come out of the towne to inter­cept a part of the kings armie. For the kings faction (hauing first laid an ambush in the vallie) did with An ambush laid by the kings [...]actier. the rest come before the castell, in hope to traine the towne garrison vpon them out of the wals of their defense, which their expectation was not deceiued. For the said Edenburgers made hast out of the towne, to pursue the said part of the kings armie, which feined a spéedie flight, to draw the other part further from defense of the castell. By means wher­of, they of the towne did so egerlie pursue them so flieng, that in the end they went so far after their eni­mies, that they drew néere the ensignes of the other ambush, now shewing themselues out of the vallie to rescue their fellowes put to this feined flight. Which The quéenes part warned by the watch of Edenbo­rough cast [...]. thing being well perceiued by the watch of the castell of Edenborough, foorthwith it gaue the appointed signe, whereby those on the quéenes part (before that they came neere to the place in which they were laid for) began fearfullie to recoile for their better safetie; whose flight was the more troublesome to them, be­cause they knew they were in danger, and could not suspect from whense or how their hurt should come, although they were before warned therof by the said watch of the towre. In which recoile of the quéenes part, the few horssemen which had before feined the flight (to draw on the other) returned, and made They which late in ambush pursue those that came foorth to set v [...]ō the kings part. such hast on the backe of the footmen, that the foot­men were inforced (with all the spéed that might be) to flie vnto the citie, the next waie that euerie man could find for his best defense: at what time yet ma­nie of them were wounded, and manie taken priso­ners, as well capteins and gentlemen of armes, as others.

Whilest these things were thus slowlie performed, in that the towne of Edenbrough was with no more heat sought to be recouered, a miserable misfortune happened in an other part of Scotland: for a great flaughter was in the north end of the realme occa­sioned by this means. There were in that countrie A conflict be­twéene the Gordons and the [...]. two families of great power and authoritie, both valiant and wise, both harboring deadlie food of long rooted betweene them. These two were of the sier­names of Gordon, and of Forboise, whereof the first liued with great concord and amitie amongst them­selues, [Page 408] and by the kings sufferance had manie years gouerned the people adioining vnto them, whereby they purchased both strength amongst themselues, and the helpe of other men towards them: when contrarie, the Forboises were at wars one with an­other, The Forboi­ses disagrée among them­selues. dailie impaired their owne strength by their owne slaughters, and in the end wrought their owne confusion, for euerie diuided king dome cannot long continue. But yet though this secret rancor did still remaine amongst these families, they did not in ma­nie 10 yeares before attempt anie open warres the one against the other; rather liuing in secret emulation, than open enuie, bicause they had (in waie of some shew of reconciliation) by marriage intermingled both their families togither. Among these Forboises there was one called Arthur (a man of singular wit, and of no lesse readie hand to performe his deuise) Arthur For­boise. who had alwaies followed the kings part to his vt­termost, from the first time of these discords. This man therefore supposing this to be the time (now or 20 neuer) wherin he must honor himselfe and his name, increase the substance of that part which followed him, & suppresse the rage of the Gordons, first labou­red to bring his familie to vnitie and mutuall loue, for all vertue gathered into it selfe is greatest strength. The which if he might compasse (as by anie possible meanes he would leaue no stone vnturned that might further it) he was then in so good safetie as he desired. For then was there not anie faction or familie in those parts whatsoeuer, whose wealth or 30 strength he doubted, and whose state or authoritie he did feare.

For furtherance of which vnion, when daie and place was appointed to assemble the Forboises togi­ther, Adam Gordon, the brother of the earle of Hunt­leie (deuising by all policie he might to hinder the Adam Gor­don disap­pointeth the vnion of the Forboises. same, and hauing priuie intelligence thereof by his kin, fauourers, and followers) came with a great power of armed men vnto the same place (at the time appointed for the assemblie of the Forboises) 40 to breake off their vnion. And although there were two troopes of the Forboises, which presentlie appée­red in their sight, yet before they could ioine their strengths, Adam Gordon speedilie set vpon the one armie (not readie to be succoured by the other) and in the middle thereof did kill this Arthur Forboise; who being the hope of all that race and now slaine, his Arthur For­boise slaine. death did so amaze the other, that foorthwith the rest were soone ouerthrowne, scattered, and fled each one as he might best shift for himselfe. In which vnhappie 50 conflict some persons of name were presentlie kil­led, The For­boises put to flight. and manie others taken and reserued for ran­some. Whervpon the residue (fearing more crueltie should be vsed vpon the prisoners, loath to haue anie more of their race to be cut awaie, and giuing place to the time present) withdrew themselues from the fight, and neuer attempted anie thing afterward in the reuenge of their ouerthrow. Which feare and wise suppression of reuenge grew not without iust cause, supposing that their aduersaries (if they were 60 further vrged) would shew no more mercie to such The house, great bellied wife, and chil­dren of Alex­ander For­boise burnt. as they had prisoners, than they did to the house of Alexander Forboise before time, which they burnt with his great bellied wife and the other of his chil­dren.

The eldest brother of Arthur (who was the chiefe of that familie) hauing his house so spoiled, and him­selfe hardlie escaping from his enimies hands, hast­ned to the court, from whense (though the matter was in great extremitie) he was by the king to be releeued. For which cause there were appointed two hundred footmen to such of the nobilitie as fauoured The For­boises receiue aid from the king. and followed that faction, with letters to the adioi­ning nobilitie to associat themselues to the part of the Forboises. These thus confeder at and come to­gither to the rest of the Forboises, with certeine other families of their affinitie & neighbours, so aduanced the spirit of this Alexander, that he now thought himselfe sufficientlie fensed against all the forces of his aduersaries. But as their number increased, so there wanted amongst them one person sufficient to inioy the place of a capteine, whome the rest might follow, sith all the principals and heads of the fami­lies were almost yoong men, and scarse one better than others in degrée of calling. Wherefore the as The For­boises follow seuerall lea­ders. Iohn Keth departed. Alexander Forboise go­eth to Aber­den. semblie being drawen into diuerse companies (for they were inforced to follow seuerall leaders) Iohn Keth with fiue hundred horssemen departed to his house not far from thense. Alexander Forboise with his retinue and two hundred footmen went to Aber­den, to expell Adam Gordon from thense, and to re­pare his armie in the iournie.

Adam Gordon (not sléeping his affaires, know­ing the preparation of the Forboises, and vnder­standing the approch of his enimie so néere with so small companie) assembled his people, led them out of the towne, and compelled the citizens to follow, to The For­boises ouer­throwen be­sides Aber­den. make the number of his armie to séeme the grea­ter. Shortlie after, in a field next adioining to the towne, the two companies met, and a sharpe con­flict was committed betwéene them. In which the kings footmen (appointed to the Forboises) desirous (more hastilie than wiselie) to fight, and aduenturing further in following of the Gordons (than their shot of powder would continue) they went so far, that in the end (being out of the reach of defense or helpe of their company) they were put to fearfull flight by the bowmen of the Gordons, who pursued them egerlie, and continued the battell vntill night. At what time there were not manie of the vanquished slaine, but mostlie taken and reserued as prisoners, amongst which was the said Alexander Forboise taken, after that he had long and valiantlie defended himselfe a­gainst his enimies in the same conffict, to the perpe­tuall glorie of that house.

After the suppression of the Forboises in the north Iedworth defended from assault. parts, the quéenes fauourers were highlie incoura­ged to attempt greater matters. Wherefore assem­bling their power out of diuerse parts of the king­dome, they bend their minds to the suppressing of Iedworth, a towne which after the manner of the countrie is vnwalled and vnfensed, but onelie with the strength of the inhabitants: which towne (cer­teine yeares past had stronglie resisted the force of the quéenes faction. Neere vnto this towne were neighbours Thomas Car of Ferniherst, and Wal­ter Thomas Car. Walter Scot. Scot, both which besides their owne retinue had ioined vnto them the people of the next countries, being Lidesdale, Euian, and Eskine, alwaies trou­bled with robberie and giuen to spoile, who at that time by the libertie of war fréelie without restreint, did wander into further countries, to preie, spoile and catch what they could. Besides whom there were also in Teuiot (aswell by the infection of these coun­tries, as by the custome of spoiling in the wars, for these things were by vse made an other nature and priuilege, as it were from the note and paine of sin) great families defamed with such theft and rapines, and not these alone (sith this poison had crept al­most Buchan. li. 20. ouer all the land) but certeine of the next Eng­lish pale (being allured with hope of preie, and suppo­sing all things lawfull in ciuill warres) ioined togi­ther; and (to make their number the greater, and their power the stronger) called from Edenborough one hundred and twentie harquebushers, chosen out of the chéefest souldiers, to be assistant vnto them.

The inhabitants of Iedworth (not ignorant of their intent, and considering wherevnto all this pre­paration [Page 409] tended) with spéedie & fearefull messengers signifie vnto Iohn Areskine earle of Mar & regent, the present danger wherein they stood, crauing some succor of light furnished souldiers to be sent to them, which foorthwith was granted accordinglie. Where­vpon Walter Car of Stefford, being called before Walter Car sent to defend Iedworth. the regent for that cause, had the charge of such aid granted vnto him, as a person who both for valure & experience was of sufficiencie to discharge anie such matter laied vpon him. Besides which, a conuenient 10 number of sufficient souldiers, gathered out of the countries adioining, for that season assembled them­selues in defense of the towne, & ioined their armie with them at Iedworth. At what time also to strike more feare in the one part & to aduance the courage of the other part, it was noised amongst both armies that William Ruthwine with a hundred shot and William Ruthwine with a power comming to Driburge. certeine horsmen (wherof he brought part with him, and part he gathered out of the marches adioining) were at the same time comming to Driburge with 20 the said Ruthwine. All which notwithstanding, the queenes faction trusting to their owne strength con­sisting in multitude (for they were in number thrée thousand men) did earlie in the morning draw to­wards the towne, to preuent the comming of such succours as both were promised, looked for, and then almost at hand. Which being by Ruthwine partlie before suspected, he hastened the people with more spéed to follow them at the héeles, and by continuall shot weried the taile of his aduersaries with often 30 assaults and skirmishes.

Walter Car also ioining vnto him and to his Walter Car ioineth with William Ruthwine. complices the townes men (readie to defend their tiles, their goods, their wiues, and their children) tooke the direct waie towards his enimies, to the end the better to suppresse them and their vnited force. Which when the aduerse part perceiued; foorthwith they reti­red to places of more defense, lest they shuld incoun­ter their enimies with doubtfull battell; and least be­ing set vpon before and behind, they might be sud­denlie 40 inclosed, before they could be able to turne themselues, either to escape, or to preuent the approch­ing enimie. At what time such as sought after spoile, and were allured to that warre with hope of gaine, being now by that means defrauded of their preie, when they saw the towne manfullie defended, and The quéenes faction flie a­waie. the kings part readilie and stronglie come foorth to battell, left the field, and departed euerie man to his owne house, as it was néerest to the place where they then remained. Whose sudden flight, without any oc­casion 50 of danger, being vnderstood of the chiefe of the rest of such as were of the queenes faction (supposing at the first nothing lesse than that the enimie would make vpon them) they also followed after the others, raised their campe, and departed to Hawike with the rest of their followers and companie of footmen, hoping thereby to escape all danger, by reason of the sharpenesse of the winter and late fall of the snow, which would staie the following of the enimie.

But Ruthwine, iudging it best to vse the opportu­nitie 60 Ruthwine with his ar­mie commeth to Hawike. of time, did before daie so spéedilie lead his ar­mie to Hawike, that he was within a mile of his enimies, before they could by anie means be certi­fied of his comming. Whose spéedie and vnlooked for approch did strike such extreame feare into the hearts of those which possessed Hawike; that there was no place left for anie consultation; but presentlie that e­uerie one should shift for himselfe as well as hée might. Wherevpon suddenlie bringing foorth their horsses and footmen, and following the course of the next riuer, they attempted to withdraw into places The quéens faction ouer­throwne and dispersed at Hawike. of more safetie for themselues, and further from their enimies. But the horssemen of Ruthwine spée­dilie following at their héeles, so preuented their de­uise, that forsaking their footmen, they fled ouer all the countrie to the places best knowne vnto them.

Upon which the footmen being thus left to the spoile and preie of their enimies, did (for their more safegard) hide themselues in a little wood adioining to the said riuer. In which, being on euerie side be [...] with the force of their aduersaries (fullie determined to preie vpon them) they did in the end wholie yéeld themselues with submission to their courtesie. Wher­vpon (sith they were not able like prisoners, for their number was ouer great to be caried about from place to place in that sharpe winter) they were (vpon their oth to returne and become true prisoners) suf­fered harmelesse of bodie, and losselesse of furniture to depart, some few being still reteined in that place as pledges for the others departed companie. But Kircawdie causeth the prisoners not to returne at their daie ap­pointed. when the time of their returne approched, Kircaw­die, deceiuing their faith with his light promises, for­bad them to returne at their daie appointed, and made them incurre the note of periurie. The rest of the winter, and all the next spring was passed foorth with light skirmishes on both parties of the kings and quéenes factions, in which few lost their liues, and of that few more on the quéens than kings part. For the quéenes fauourers, remaining in the moun­teins next adioining to the citie, whilest they would take occasion and aduantage to performe anie thing well, would (scarse entring into the danger of the conflict) for the most part retire and flie into the citie for more defense.

In the meane time, while these things were thus Ambassadors out of Eng­land. ordered, there came manie ambassadors out of Eng­land, to pacifie these discords growne to these great extremities, betwéene the king and the imprisoned quéenes factions. But the same ambassage so well meant by the quéene of England, and reiected by the seditious of Scotland, sorted not to that end which was meant, nor as the state of Scotland required. Wherefore these ambassadors returned home with­out anie such dispatch as might answer their tra­uels, their mistresses care and loue, and the vnitie of that quarelsome people: by reason that the French­men fauouring the cause of the banished queene, did not onelie hinder the peace and quiet of the Scots, for the benefit of the realme; but also sought warres for the destruction of they naturall subiects, and to bring in their owne gouenement; who for the furthe­rance thereof, did with great promises interteine the apt minds of the quarrelling faction, to kindle and mainteine the fire of continuall warre, vntill such time as by force they had gotten the vpper hand, and brought the kings fauourers to destruction. For the The French king sendeth monie into Scotland. better support whereof, the French king sent some portion of monie, which being of it selfe not great, or such as their necessitie required, seemed rather suffi­cient to nourish an hope of abilitie to mainteine the warres, than fullie to dispatch or defraie the charges or the affaires therein; and that the rather, bicause some part of that monie was euer deuoured by such as had the cariage thereof.

Amongst these things there still continued, for a few moneths, certeine light skirmishes to little pur­pose betwéene the aduerse parties. But the greater companie, who could not satisfie their eagles minds with litle flies, absteined not from robbing and bur­ning the countrie. For Adam Gordon, entring into Adam G [...]r­don entreth Angus, and besiegeth the house of Wil­liam Dow­glasse. Angus, besieged the house of William Dowglasse of Glemberuie: but after that long besiege, percei­uing that the man whome he sought for, was not to be found there, he cruellie destroied all whatsoeuer there was left, consuming it with fire and sword. Which tyrannie did strike such fearfull impression in­to They of Dun­dée craue aid out of Fife. the harts of those of Dundée, that they despairing of their owne abilitie to resist them, called their [Page 410] neighbours of Fife vnto their aid, sith they were next adioining vnto them, vnto whom also Gordon was a persecuting enimie continuallie in all that possiblie he might, bicause they constantlie and sub­iect like did in all dutie support the kings part.

At which time Blackenesse being betraied to the Blacknesse betraied. Hamiltons by the kéeper of that castell, did greatlie hinder the traffike and passage betwéene Leith and Sterling. For which cause the regent as a person that heedfullie looked into the dangers of that time, and with wise forecast sought to preuent following 10 euils, brake downe all the mils about Edenburgh, Edenburgh mils broken. furnished all the noble mens houses and places of defense with garrisons néere vnto the towne, and closed vp all passage to and from the citie. For now there was fresh skirmishing, and manie on both parts, as well of the king as of the deposed queene were taken prisoners, put to their ransome, compel­led Prisoners taken both on the king and quéens part. to abiure their faction, kept in continuall prison, or else presentlie slaine. 20

These things thus depending, and the king and the deposed quéenes faction contending still to sup­port their parts, the matter did dailie more and more grow to great slaughters: which being well percei­ued by forreine nations (pitieng the present calami­ties, and seeking to prouide to staie the following dis­sention of that countrie which was like to be at hand vpon these ciuill and vnnaturall warres, if better or­der were not taken therefore) the quéene of Eng­land The quéene of England & the French king fend am­bassadors into Scotland. as the kings next and louing neighbour, and the French king also the confederat of Scotland, sent 30 their ambassadors into the realme, to sée what quali­fication might be had in these troublesome and dan­gerous times of the kings minoritie; hoping either to set a finall end to these inconueniences, or at least to mitigate and staie that furie, that it should not at that present, or during the kings minoritie passe anie further. For the accomplishment whereof, sir Wil­liam Drurie knight, and Thomas Randolph esquier, were sent from the queene of England: and mon­sieur 40 de Croque, who had also béene ambassador out of France into Scotland before that time, was now againe sent thither from the French king.

These much about one time arriuing in Scot­land, and ioining togither concerning the execution of their ambassage, dealt so effectuallie therein, that in the end they concluded an abstinence of warre to be had betweene the parties of the king and quéenes An abstinence of warre for a [...]e. faction, from that time which was about the first of August, to continue vntill the first of December fol­lowing: 50 and so brought both the parties in conclu­sion to relie and abide the full determination of all quarels to be set downe by the queene of England, and the French king. Which being done the ambassa­dors returned home, monsieur Corque into France, Sir William Drurie and maister Ran­dolph go into Scotland. and sir William Drurie and maister Randolph into England.

In October following died the earle of Marre, regent of Scotland, of a lingering sicknesse (as some affirme) but Lesleus saith lib. 10. pag. vltima, that 60 morte repentina concidit) being buried in Allowaie a place of his owne, situat foure miles from Ster­ling, to whom in the erledome succéeded Iohn erle of The death of the earle of Marre. Marre, who after fled into England, as in this follo­wing discourse shall appeare. Which Iohn Areskine earle of Marre the regent did marrie Annable Murrie daughter to the lard of Tullebarton, by whom he had issue this Iohn, which succeeded him in the earledome of Marre (as is before said) and one daughter which was married to Archibald Dow­glasse now earle of Angus: but she died without is­sue. Of which decessed Areskine earle of Marre, Bu­chanan composed these verses commendatorie, ex­pressing the nature, vertues, qualities, and valour of the said earle in this forme and maner following:

Si quis Areskinum memoret per bella ferocem,
Pace grauem nulli, tempore vtroque pium:
Si quis opes sine fastu, animum sine fraude carentem,
Rebus in ambiguis suspicione fidem,
Siquis ob has dotes, saeuis iactata procellis,
Figit in illius patriafessa pedem:
Vera quidem memoret, sed non & propria: laud [...]
Qui pariter petet has vnus & alter erit:
Illud & proprium est, longae quòd in ordine vitae
Nil odium aut liuor, quod reprehendit, habet.

Upon the death of which earle Marre the regent, there happened long consultation for the election of a new regent to succéed in his place, that might in all respects defend the kings person and the realme, as he had doone before. Wherefore the noble men, assembling for that cause, did in the moneth of De­cember, one moneth and more after the death of that last regent, elect by one consent the earle Morton Earle Mor­ton made re­gent. to that office, a man no lesse wise than prouident, and such a person, as both for the nobilitie of his birth, good seruice to the realme and to the king, did well merit the same. After whose election, the two prin­ces, the English quéene, and the French king, min­ding to make a full conclusion of peace and amitie, and to settle the kingdome of Scotland in due obedi­ence and vnitie, did in the meane time that the ab­stinence of warre before named continued, send their ambassadors to the regent and states of Scot­land. Which ambassadors were maister Henrie Maister Hen­rie Killigrew sent into Scotland. Killigrew esquire for England, and monsieur de Ueracke for France. But as monsieur de Ue­racke was dislodged from the coasts of France, and vpon the sea in his iourneie to Scotland; he was apprehended and taken, before he could atteine to the shore of Scotland: whereby he neuer came on land amongest the Scots to performe his ambas­sage. Which being knowne to the Scots, and they finding that their most aid & surest friendship would come foorth of England from that prince, whome re­ligion, bloud, affinitie, and neighborhood had moued to like and follow, did in the end resolue themselues, that both the affection, aswell of the yoong king, and of the imprisoned quéene, should referre themselues to the queene of England, to make a finall conclu­sion of all controuersies and troubles which were then amongst them.

Wherevpon the said Henrie Killigrew made a quiet end and pacification of all matters & debates betwéene all the lords of Scotland after this maner. In Februarie following the new creation of this regent Morton, there assembled at Perth, or saint Iohns towne (by especiall edict therefore) the grea­test An assemblie at saint Iohns towne. part of the nobilitie of Scotland, as the regent, the earles of Huntleie, Argile, Atholl, and others: who pitieng the miserie of their countrie, condescen­ded that the quéene of England should by hir ambas­sador, set a quiet end and order amongest them. Which the said Henrie Killigrew did in all points accordinglie, extending the same vnto all the nobili­tie of Scotland, except such as were in the castell of Edenborough: which were the lord Hume, the lord of Grange, secretarie Lidington, the lord Rastal­rege, and others: who rather desirous of warre than peace, as persons méetelie well inured therewithall, would not consent to anie peace, other than such as might stand with their owne liking, and support of the imprisoned quéenes faction, which they earnest­lie followed, as after shall more appeare.

But before this finall agreement, as I haue 1573 A parlement at Edenbo­rough. beene crediblie informed, there was a parlement cal­led at Edenborough to begin the fifteenth of Ianua­rie, in which were assembled the earle Morton re­gent, the earles of Angus, Argile, Glencarne, Cas­sels, [Page 411] Eglinton, Mountrosse, and yoong Marshall, for the earle Marshall his father: the lords of Ruth­wen, Lindseie, Glames, Simple, Boid, Maxwell, Herris, Graie, Olliphant, Sincleir, Forbois, Ca­chart, Ochiltrée, Somerwell, and others: with the commissioners of the borows of Edenborough, Striueling, Perth, Dundie, saint Andrews, Glascow, Lithgo, and Couper. Out of which num­ber of this assemblie were chosen for to be lords and iudges, to determine the articles propounded in 10 that parlement, the earles of Argile, Glencarne, and Mountrosse, the lords Ruthwen, Lindseie, Boid, Simple, and Herris, with the bishops of saint An­drews & Orkeneie, the abbats of Aberborth, Dun­firmiling, Canbuskineth, and Newbottle, besides the prior of saint Marie ile and Portiniake, which were also adioined vnto them: all which persons so passed, named, and appointed, determined, ratified, & passed these articles following.

The articles and acts of the parle­ment 20 holden at Edenborough the 25 of Ianuarie.

1 THe approbation and ratification of the regiment.

2 Annenst the true and holie kirke, and deiering of the true ministers & members thereof.

3 That nane of the aduersaries and enimies of 30 Gods truth shall inioie the patrimonie of the kirke.

4 That sike of the disobedients as shall be recei­ued to mercie and pardon, protest the true religion, and sweare to resist the decrées and execution of the councell of Trent.

5 The establishing of the regiment, in case that charge zet vaile during the kings minoritie.

6 Annenst recouering of the iewels, housholdstuffe, munition, and moueables, such as sometime were the quhenes the kings mother, to his highnesse vse 40 and behoofe.

7 A declaration, that all things doone in the kings name and authoritie is lawfull, and of the inualidi­ [...]ie of all things attemptid in anie name, and vnder color of quhatsoeuer other authoritie, since his high­nesse coronation.

8 Touching motion to be made for a league with the quhens maiestie of England, for the defense of forren inuasion, for the cause of religion; and that others professing the true religion, may be drawne 50 into the same.

9 The declaration and interpretation of the act annenst masse and gleibis.

10 Annenst the interpretation of the popes and o­ther counterfet buls or prouision to benefices with antedats.

11 Approbation with some addition to the act of priuie councell, made in the reigne of the quhene the kings mother, annenst the disposition of bene­fices to ministers of the kirke. 60

12 Annenst execution against persons excom­municat.

13 Annenst the reparation of parish kirks.

14 Annenst procéeding in cause of diuorse.

15 Annenst the reparation of the destructions, biggings, and other damneges within the towne of Edenborough during the late trouble.

16 A confirmation of the infe [...]ement of certeine rents to the pedagog or college of Glascow. All which acts thus fullie passed in this parlement, there was the same aduise giuen to the regent, touching the re­ceiuing to pardon of persons guiltie to the slaughter of the earle of Lennox late regent, & touching suspen­sion and delaieng of pursute of the murther of the kings father. Whereof much being spoken, and thought good to be followed; yet there was nothing enacted that might establish the same.

During the time of which session of this parle­ment, manie occurrents deseruing remembrance happened after the said fiftéenth of Ianuarie. For Skirmishes about Eden­borough. Edenborough castell being somewhat distressed, the castilians were put from sallieng out of the castell gate, where capteine Craiford, and capteine Hume laie with their bands to keepe them in. Notwith­standing all which, they within repaired vnto a po­sterne in the northside of the castell besides saint Cutberts church, and saint Margarets well, where they issued and fet water at their pleasure: which be­ing espied by their enimies, capteine Michaell and his band came from Dondiske to stop their passage thereto. Who within thrée daies after such his ap­proch, destroied their well, and inforced them to kéepe within the wals of the castell: at what time the re­gent aduanced his trenches made against the ca­stell, from the bulworke or spurre of that castell to the west part: and from thense, to saint Cutberts kirke: so that with the water lieng on the south­westside, and the regents power on the other side, the castell was wholie inuironed. During which siege, the sixteenth of the same moneth, the castilians, to feare such as were assembled in the forenamed parlement kept within the towne of Edenborough, bestowed fourescore and seuen great shot vpon the towne, which harmed not anie one creature, but a poore dog that was slaine before the doore of the regents house: although men, women, and children did dailie frequent and passe the stréets of the towne. Which was a rare matter, but yet not more strange than this: that there was not slaine on the regents part (from the first of the moneth of Ianuarie vntill this time, either by great or small shot in the towne or trenches, skirmishes or other­wise) aboue six persons, and within the castell but three, with as manie hurt betweene the tolbooth and the spurre of the castell, The cause whereof grew by reason of thrée trauerses made ouerthwart the streets to saue the people, besides the other trenches made against the castell: at what time also the tol­booth and the church was fensed with a rampier for­ced of turffes, fagots, and other stuffe fit for that pur­pose. Whereby the lords of the parlement did as safelie assemble and sit in the tolbooth, and the people went as quietlie and safelie to the church to heare di­uine seruice, as they at anie time did before the warres began, and before that the castell was be­sieged.

During which dooings in the castell & the towne, An abstinence of war gran­ted. there was an abstinence granted at the sute of the ambassadors of England for the duke and his ad­herents, vntill the foure and twentith of Februarie: in which meane time, certeine lords were appointed to conferre with the said ambassadors for an accord to be had betwéene the king and imprisoned quéenes faction. Wherevpon sir Iames Balford came to the Sir Iames Balford sub­mitteth him­selfe to the regent. Officers cre­ated. regents grace, obteined pardon for his offense, and earnestlie laboured to further this agréement. The earle of Argile was aduanced to the honour of the chancellorship. And Alexander Areskine mai­ster of Marre was appointed to haue the kéeping of the kings person vpon certeine conditions, for the performance whereof he was to find foure suer­ties, lords of the parlement, to be bound for him bo­die and lands, hauing fifteene daies appointed vnto him to consider thereof, whether he would enter in­to so great a charge or no. And if in case he should refuse to accept the same, it was further resolued and concluded, that the erles of Glencarne and Bu­quhan, [Page 412] the lord Glanes, and master Marshall should haue the kéeping of the king quarterlie one after an­other. And if anie of the foure should happen, during the time of his quarterlie gouernement, to be sicke, or not able to execute that function; that then the lord Lindseie should be assistant to him in that gouerne­ment, during that time. Which being thus on all parts concluded, Iames Kircawdie arriued in the Iames Kir­cawdie en­treth Eden­borough ca­stell. Blackenesse in a small pinnesse, and entred the ca­stell of Edenborough, with such monie as he had pro­uided to bring thither. Which occasioned the castell of 10 Edenborough to be reasséeged and inuironed both by sea and land, and was the cause that capteine Bruse sallieng foorth with other of his companie to forage the countrie, and to prouide vittels, were ta­ken by the regents companie. Notwithstanding all which, yet the others within the castell continued their purpose, and defended the same against the regent and his companie, farre otherwise than was suppo­sed that either they could or would doo. 20

Wherevpon the regent of Scotland solicited the 1573 quéene of England, in the behalfe, and for the succor of the yong king of Scots hir cousine, thus grieuous­lie molested with the warres of his owne people. So that the quéene of England sent a power of The taking of Edenbo­rough castell by the Eng­lish and the regent of Scotland. fiftéene hundred Englishmen to the siege of Eden­borough castell, ouer whome sir William Drurie knight and marshall of Berwike was made gene­rall, with such capteins as follow; which were sir Francis Russell knight, third sonne to Francis erle of Bedford with other capteins, as Read, Yaxleie, 30 Wood, Brickwell, Pikeman, Gam, Case, Ca­rew, Errington prouost marshall, Astoll, Stéerleie capteine of the pioners, and capteine Barton. To whom also to serue at their owne frée will these gen­tlemen of name, sir George Carie, sir Henrie Leie knights, Thomas Cicill eldest son of the lord tresuror of England, William Knolles, Su [...]ton, Cotton, Kelwaie, Dier, Tilneie, William Killegrew, & ma­nie other gentlemen of good estimation did associat themselues with conuenient number to attend vp­on 40 them. These with their generall passed from Ber­wike to Leith, where they met with maister Henrie Killegrew the quéene of Englands ambassador, whose care, trauell, & furtherance at that time deser­ued no small commendation; and with the Scotish nobilitie, & such as they had assembled to ioine with the English in the behalfe of the yoong king against such as tooke part with the deposed quéene. Which Scotish nobilitie and gentlemen of Scotland were the earle Morton regent, and such other earles and 50 gentlemen as were tied and alied to him by kindnes and kinred, and such as fauoured the yoong king, di­stressed by the deposed quéene, as was pretended. Af­ter the ioining of these two nations, they on the fiue and twentith of Aprill marched towards Edenbo­rough: and the same daie sir William Drurie the generall summoned the castell of that towne in forme as followeth.

The summons giuen to the castell 60 of Edenborough.

SIr William Kircawdie, sometimes of Grange knight, forsomuch as the queens maiestie my souereigne ladie, vpon the ernest request of hir deere cousin the king of Scots your souereigne lord made to hir highnes by his regent, nobilitie, & estates of Scotland, after all good meanes vsed to haue reduced you to a duti­full obedience of his authoritie by treatie, which hi­therto you haue not dulie harkened vnto, to the on­lie hinderance of the vniuersall peace in this realme, by withholding that his highnesse castell, meaning (as it séemeth) to reserue the same for a receptacle of foren forces, to the manifest dangers both of this realme and of my souereigns; and therefore neces­sarie to remoue so perilous a danger to both the realmes. For which consideration hir maiestie hath sent hir aid and succors, men, ordinance, and muniti­on vnder my charge and leading, for the expugnati­on and recouerie of the said castell to the said kings vse and behoofe. And therefore, according to hir ma­iesties commandement and commission; this shall be in due maner to warne, require, and summon you, that you render and deliuer the said castell with the whole ordinance, artillerie, munitions, iewels, hous­hold stuffe, and such other implements within the same to me, and to the vse and behoofe of the king your souereigne and his regent in his name, imme­diatlie after this my letter of summons or know­ledge of the same shall come to you. Which if you o­beie, as of dutie you ought; then shall I in hir maie­sties name interpone my selfe to trauell with the re­gent, councell, and nobilitie here for the safetie of your liues, &c: otherwise, if you continue in your for­mer obstinacie, abiding the canon, then no further to looke for grace or fauor; but you and the rest with­in that castell, to be pursued to the vttermost, and holden as enimies to hir maiestie, your owne soue­reigne, and countrie. Giuen at Edenborough by me sir William Drurie knight generall of hir ma­iesties forces now in Scotland, this fiue and twen­tith daie of Aprill, in the yeare of Christ 1573.

This letter by the lord Grange capteine of the cas­tell thus in due sort receiued, he not regarding the contents thereof, nor considering the mild dispositi­on of such as went about to spare their bloud, did vt­terlie denie the surrender of the castell, and with all force determined to defend themselues. Wherewith the English generall greatlie grieued, did inconti­nently redeliuer such answer to the said lord Grange as wrought an vtter discontent and mislike in the man. By meanes of which the pioners attending their charge, with expedition applied the casting of trenches and erecting of mounts or fortresses to plant the artillerie therevpon against the castell. After which euerie one hastening the cause of his comming, & ioining their force togither, began to in­uiron the towne, & to laie siege to the castell in fiue seuerall places, where were fiue seuerall fortresses e­rected for that cause, intituled by these names. The first mount allotted to the regent, had the name of the kings mount, the second the generall thereof the English sir William Drurie did possesse, the third was in charge of sir George Carie, the fourth was called sir Henrie Leies mount, and the fift fell to the gouernement of Thomas Sutton maister of the or­dinance in the north parts of England. The whole number of which armie vnder paie was two thou­sand, wherof fiftéene hundred were English, and the other fiue hundred Scots: besides the nobilitie and gentlemen with their companie, and the citizens of Edenborough defended with thirtie péeces of artille­rie conteining six canons, nine demicanons, nine culuerings, and six sacres. Whilest the armie with­out was thus preparing for to assaile the companie within, the capteine of the castell (to hinder their worke) liberallie saluted the pioners & other soldiors with such artillerie as they had within the castell, and vpon and about the walles thereof; whereby ma­nie were hurt, some slaine, but more hindered before the trenches and mounts might be brought to their due perfection, for defense of the assailants, and offense of the assailed. In which action also the ad­uerse part forgot not to requite the castillians, but mostlie after that the pioners and laborers had fini­shed [Page 413] the mounts. At what time they gaue vehement and sharpe assault to the castell, although that the ex­treame heat thereof began not vntill the seauen­téenth daie of Maie following. In which siege on the said seauentéenth daie of Maie, the castell was most roughlie assailed by thirtie shot of canon discharged against the same. At what time those peeces so well performed their parts against Dauids tower, that the force of the English canons was easie to be then and long after seene therein. Which assalt continued 10 vntill the one and twentith daie of Maie following, on which daie the whole batterie began not againe as before against part, but wholie round about on ech side of the castell. For vntill then Dauids towre was onelie the marke of the enimie: but after that daie they laid out their power in euerie place, offen­ding and defending ech others soldiors, as well with­in the castell as within the mounts and trenches, in that sharpe conflict hurting and killing manie of the English and Scots. Wherevpon the diligence of the 20 English began to be so great, that they forthwith dis­placed the ordinance in the castell, and stroke one of their greatest péeces iust in the mouth: whereby the same was broken, and the castillians force somewhat abated.

After this, on the six and twentith daie of the said moneth of Maie, there was a fresh assault giuen at seuen of the clocke in the morning to the Spurre (a place of defense or blockehouse before the said castell) which by the assailants was taken, & forthwith vpon 30 the entrance therin was the banner of the generall displaied and set vp, to declare who possessed the same, to the great discomfort of them in the castell. For although before they had lost the vse of one of their great péeces, that their walles were battered, that some of their men were slaine, & that they had almost all their water taken from them: yet would they not yéeld, neither did anie whit begin to despaire of kéeping the castell, or repelling the enimie; vntill such time as the English had now gotten the posses­sion 40 of the Spurre.

Now, during the time that these gaue the assault to the Spurre, there was an other band of English­men and Scots, that had in charge to make shew of a fresh assault, at the west part of the castell; to the end that such as laied batterie to the Spurre, might with more ease to themselues, and lesse suspicion of the aduerse part, obteine the said Spurre. But this last named band, ouer hastilie putting themselues in aduenture beyond the limits of their charge, 50 were repelled and driuen to the recoile, with the hurt and losse of thirtie persons, or thereabouts. All which notwithstanding, the castillians (perceiuing their chiefest defense the Spurre to be lost, and not great­lie reioising of this small victorie ouer those which assailed them on the west side) did the same daie by a drumme demand parlee: which they obteined with truce of peace from that daie, vntill the eight and twentith of Maie next following. For which cause the lard of Pittadrow was let downe by a rope 60 from the castell, and after him the lard of Grange, capteine of the said castell, with Robert Meluine; all which came to haue conference with the generall sir William Drurie, & such other persons as were cho­sen to accompanie him about the same. In the end, vpon much conferrence had betweene the Scotish lards and the generall, the castell was the same eight and twentith daie (in which the truce ended) deliue­red vp into the hands of the said sir William Dru­rie, which he kept in his possession for a certeine time; during whose abode in the castell, he set vp and spred his ensignes and banners vpon sundris parts of the wals of the same.

This doone, the generall (after quiet possession had, not determining to reteine it vnto his mistresse vse, sith he was onelie appointed by hir to aid the king of Scots, and such of the nobilitie as tooke his part) did after (according to his commission) deliuer ouer the same castell to the vse of the yong king of Scots; for which cause not meaning vtterlie to spoile the ca­stell, he gaue but part of the spoile to the vse of the soldiers, leauing the canons and other artillerie to the kings pleasure. For before the surrender of the castell, it was agréed, that if the Englishmen had by force taken it, as they obteined it by composition, that then they should wholie haue inioied the full spoile by the space of thrée daies, the artillerie onelie excepted, which should be carried awaie by the Eng­lish. But sith for these causes following, the same could not abide anie long siege, but must of necessi­tie yéeld it selfe, there was euerie part of the said spoile giuen vnto the souldiers vpon the deliuerie of the same castell to sir William Drurie. The causes of which surrender were manie.

First, for that they were depriued of water, bi­cause the well within the castell was choked with the ruines of the castell wals; & the other well without could not serue them, bicause there was a mount made to hinder them. An other water there was (which was vnknowne to such as were without the castell) and was taken from them by the losse of the Spurre, out of which they were woont to haue a pint a daie for euerie souldier. The other causes of surrender were these.

Secondlie, diuerse persons were sicke, especiallie thorough drinke of the water of saint Margarets well without the castell on the north side, which had béene poisoned by some of their enimies.

Thirdlie, diuerse others were hurt.

Fourthlie, not manie to mainteine the castell, and they not able to take anie rest, being so plied and dailie wearied with batterie.

Fiftlie, diuerse of the souldiers diuided in opi­nions.

Sixtlie, some were no souldiers at all.

Seauenthlie, that no aid was to be looked for by the waie of France.

The eight and chiefe cause was, that the regent and his forces planted in the strengths round about, and the horssemen dailie and nightlie watching and riding, which held and tooke from them all vittels, and had brought them to great scant of food before the siege began. All these eight causes mooued the said surrender of the castell.

After that the castell was thus gotten, the sixtéenth daie of Iune following, the prisoners were deliue­red by the said sir William Drurie, in the presence of sundrie Scots & Englishmen, vnto the regent; and that doone, the same daie sir William Drurie departed with his power to Berwike. The names of the prisoners were these; sir William Kircaw­die lard of Grange, and capteine of the castell of E­denborough, the lord Hume, William Metellan, lord of Lethington secretarie, the lard of Pittadrow constable of the castell, the countesse of Argile, the ladie of Lethington and the ladie of Grange, with o­thers. But yet the priuat soldiers & others of meaner sort were suffered to depart with bag and baggage.

Thus was the castell of Edenborough woone, as you haue heard, which by the common opinion of men was impregnable, and not to be taken by force; insomuch as manie thought it tooke the name of the maiden castell, for that it had not béene woone at any time before except by famine or practise. Which opini­on being common is so much the falser, in that the common sort doo imbrace it, for that they iustlie in­cline to common fables. For this castell was not sur­named the maiden castell, bicause it was neuer ta­ken [Page 414] by force: but bicause the princes children were there nourished, as maie well appeare by that which I shall set downe touching the antiquitie of this towne & the name thereof; of which there be diuerse opinions. For some will haue it to be built by Ebo­racus, of some called Ebrancus king of Britaines, called also in British Castle mynid Agnes, the ca­stell of saint Agnes hill, afterward the castell of vir­gins. But Lesleus will haue it built long after the time of H. Lhoid, by the space of six hundred foure 10 Humfred. Lhoid. in b [...]. Brit. I. Stow. score and foure yeares, for thus he writeth. Chrut [...]us Camelodunum primariam Pictorum vrbem & Agnedam postea Ethinburgum ab Etho quondam rege dictam, cum puel­larum Lesleus lib. 2. pag. 84. castro, vbi regis & nobilium Pictorum filiae dum nup­tui darentur, seruar [...], & praeceptis ad humanitatem & virtu­tem informari solebant, condidit. A little before which, the Campdenus in Scotia saith ab Ebranco Britan­no aut ab Hetho Picto Edinbur­gum deducere quid aliud est quàm seriò [...] said Lesleus writeth that Fergusius died Anno ante Christi in carnem aduentum 305, & that Hoc tempore Es­dadus Britonum & Chrutnaeus Camelonus Pictorum imperi­um tenebant. Now this king Chrutneus that built 20 Agneda, liued before Christ three hundred and fiue yeares by the Scots account, and Eborac or E­branke liued nine hundred foure score & nine yeares before Christ: so that the Englishmen make this towne more ancient than the Scots. But as Les­leus hath mistaken himselfe, following Boetius, to place Camelodunum in Scotland: so hath he ap­pointed Edenburgh to be built by the Scots, being built by the Britaines. But true it might be that E­borac first builded it, & that being in the space of six 30 hundred foure score and foure yeares wasted and vtterlie decaied, the same was afresh erected by Chrutneus, and after repared by Ethus. The castell of which towne, being sometime appointed for the bringing vp of the daughters of the noblemen of the Picts, vntill they were mariageable, was for that cause (and not bicause it was neuer woone by force) called the maiden castell, as the said Lesleus affir­meth. But after, when christianitie came into Scot­land, it was called (as I coniecture) Agneda, bicause 40 it was the castell that stood on saint Agnes hill, & not before the comming of Christ so called Agneda, as hitherto it hath béene set downe, but not rightlie; as I maie with reuerence speake vnder correction of such as by better authoritie can disprooue that I saie.

But here let vs a little leaue the countrie so [...]e of Scotland, and such things as were there then 1574 The tragicall historie of the warres of the low countries lib. 3. doone; and talke somewhat of the persons of that realme, who performed matter of valure in for­ren countries. Whilest the towne of Leiden was 50 stronglie besieged (in the moneth of Iune) and that the townesmen (hauing a néedfull and héedfull care) were altogither imploied about making of prouision of all such things as were déemed necessarie for the defense of the same towne; the principall part of the commandators armie arriued in Bommell quar­ters, Gorcun▪ and Lowiestein. Howbeit the prince and the estates of the low countries made no great account therof, by reason that Bommell (which was well furnished of all things necessarie for the wars) 60 was vnder the custodie of capteine Baufoure, coro­nell of the Scotishmen, who had there attending on The Scots repelled their enimies at Bommell. him the number of seauen Scotish ensignes. Which Scots desirous to performe some matter of value, dailie sallied out of the towne with some of the citi­zens and gentlemen Hollanders; in which often issu­ing they valian [...] [...]ished with the enimies. Whereby in the end amongest their sundrie conflicts there were manie warlike exploits performed by the Scots, [...] deserued not to be forgotten: as well for that they often repelled the enimie, and kept their strength togither; as for that they being few in number▪ aduentured (beyond the hope of good hap, by incountering with a greater troope of such as came against them, than they were themselues) either to returne victors, or to loose their liues.

After which also the same▪ Scots, continuing in those low countries, performed manie other mat­ters of martiall exploits, which I will set downe in 1576 The Scots denie their [...]urtherance to the writing of the annales of Scotland. this place. For [...]th I haue béene denied of some of the Scots (whom these annales chiefelie concerne) such things as might supplie the default of sufficient matter of Scotland to furnish the same; and for that I haue béene defrauded of the performance of pro­mise made vnto me by manie others of that nation, who for dutie vnto that countrie ought, and for clea­ring some sinister opinion conceiued against them of their actions in their owne countrie should haue sought to further me in these my labours: I must leaue things done in Scotland, and turne my pen to other places; producing matter to helpe my bar­ren discourse, which inforced therevnto dooth deliuer an action performed by the Scots in the same low countries; where they which were then in seruice a­gainst the Spaniards, vnder the paie of the prince of Orenge, did that which deserueth not to be forgot.

These Scots therefore remaining in those coun­tries, seruing vnder the conduct of their coronell sur­named Baufoure, did in Ianuarie set foorth & meet The tragicall historie of the warres of the low countries lib. 4. with the Spaniards at a place called the Footbale, distant not much more than a mile frō Leige, where was a long and sharpe conflict betwéene these two nations. In which by the successe of battell (for the most part yéelding victorie vnto the stronger side) a great multitude of them were left dead in the place, and the rest driuen to saue themselues by flight from The Scots put to flight besides Leige. their enimies: who yet felt not this ouerthrow so swéet and gainefull, but that they lost manie of their people before the Scots were put to the worst.

But leauing these Scots in the midle of the wars of these countries vnder the prince of Orenge, we are to come to other matters following by successi­on of time, which hath deliuered to vs that Marga­ret the daughter & heire of Archibald Dowglasse 1577 earle of Angus, died in England the tenth of March in the yeare of our redemption 1577, beginning the yeare at the A [...]ntiation of the virgin. Which ladie being borne at Harbotell castell in England Some part of the life o [...] Margaret Dowglas. in the yeare of Christ 1515, was afterward brought vp in England; and then being priuslie assianced in the eight and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of Christ 1536, to Thomas Howard yoongest brother to the duke of Northfolke, she was that yeere committed prisoner to the tower; but after set at libertie the last of October, in the nine and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight, in the yeare 1537, & maried to Matthew Steward earle of Lennox by the consent of Henrie the eight king▪ of England, in the yeare of our saluation 1544. After which, being tossed with both fortunes, sometime in aduersitie, & sometime in prosperitie, she was notwithstanding alwaies honorablie inte [...]tei­ned in England, as both hir birth in respect of hir kinglie bloud, and hir calling in respect of hir place, did worthilie deserue. In the end, to cut off all hir o­ther aduersities, and to draw to things falling in mine owne knowledge, she was on the two and twentith of Aprill in the yeare 1565 (vpon the ma­riage of hir sonne Henrie Steward lord Darneleie vnto Marie Steward quéene of Scots) commanded by the quéene of England first to kéepe hir chamber in the Whitehall the princes court and palace, where I. Stow. she remained vntill the two and twentith daie of Iune next insuing; and was then by sir Francis Knolles (one of the priuie councell and vice cham­berleine to the queene of England) and by some o­ther of the gard conueied to the fowre of London by wa [...]er; in which place she remained prisoner vntill [Page 415] that hir sonne the said Henrie Steward was mise­rablie and traitorouslie slaine by the earle Both­well and his complices (as some affirme, but how trulie I know not) vpon the twentith of Februarie one thousand fiue hundred three score & six. In which yeare, on the two and twentith of the same moneth, the said ladie Margaret was discharged out of the towre and set at libertie, who still remaining in En­gland did (as before is said) in the thrée score & second yeare of hir age, and in the sixt yeare of hir widow­hood, 10 surrender hir soule to God, being most honora­blie buried & answerablie to hir calling in the great chapell of Westminster (built by Henrie the seuenth king of England) among the kings of that realme in an inward chapell standing on the right & the southside of the said great chapell. The yeare before whose death hir sonne Charles Steward earle of Lennox (hauing before maried Elisabeth the daugh­ter of sir William Candish, by whome he had issue Arbella) did also depart this life. Ouer the bodies of 20 both which persons, Thomas Fowler executor to the said ladie Margaret, did with the goods of the said ladie erect a costlie and statelie toome of rich stone and curious workemanship, with the picture of that ladie, as liuelie, and as well coloured as art might afford it, about which monument is grauen this me­morable epitaph declaring hir nobilitie, as insueth.

At the head of the toome is set downe

Memoriae sacrum.

Margaretae Dowglasiae, Matthaei Stuarti Leuiniae comitis 30 vxori, Henriciseptimi Angliaeregis exfilia nepti, potentiss. regibus cognatione coniunctissimae, Iacobi sexti regis auiae, matronae sanctiss, moribus, & inuicta animi patientia, in­comparabili P.

Obijt Martij decimo Anno Domini 1577.

On the right side of which toome is this ingrauen.

Margareta potens, [...]irtute potentior, ortis
Regibus ac proauis nobilitata suis: 40
Inde Calidonijs australibus, inde Britannis
Aedita principibus, princibúsque parens:
Quae mortis fuerant soluit laetissima morti,
Atque Deum petijt, nam fuit ante Dei.

Henrie second sonne to this ladie and father to Iames the sixt now king. This Henrie was murde­red at the age of one and twentie yeares, Charles the yoongest sonne was earle of Lennox father to the late Arbell. He died at the age of one and twentie yeares, and is here intoomed. 50

On the left side of the toome is this ingrauen.

This ladie had to hir great grandfather king Ed­ward the fourth, to hir grandfather king Henrie the seuenth, to hir vncle king Henrie the eight, to hir coo­sine germane king Edward the sixt, to hir brother king Iames of Scotland the fift, to hir sonne king Henrie the first, to hir grandchild king Iames the sixt; hauing to hir great grandmother and grandmo­ther two quéens both named Elisabeth, to hir mo­ther 60 Margaret quéene of Scots, to hir aunt Marie the French queene, to hir cousines germane Marie and Elisabeth quéens of England, to hir neece and daughter in law Marie queene of Scots.

At the foot of hir toome is this written.

Here lieth the noble ladie Margaret countesse of Lennox, daughter and sole heire to Archibald Dow­glasse earle of Angus, by Margaret quéene of Scots his wife, that was eldest daughter to king Henrie the seuenth, which bare vnto Matthew earle of Len­nox hir husband, foure sonnes and foure daughters.]

Which honourable toome, with these super­scriptions, was erected for the said ladie, and finished in the yeare of our redemption 1578, being begun and almost perfected in the life of the said ladie Mar­garet. This ladie being (as before is shewed) coun­tesse of Lennox and Angus, it will not be amisse to declare in this place, what became of both the said earledoms, as well in hir life, as after hir and hir sonne Charls his death. Touching Angus, this ladie Margaret, vpon the mariage of hir son Henrie lord Darneleie, which was solemnized the nine and twen­tith daie of Iulie 1565, to Marie queene of Scots, did giue the said earledome with all the rights and members thereof vnto the said queene Marie, to dis­pose as fell best vnto hir liking. Wherevpon the said quéene bestowed that honour and earledome vpon Archibald Dowglasse cousine to the said ladie Mar­garet: who being exiled, was here in England at the writing hereof. The earledome of Lennox, after the slaughter of Matthew earle of Lennox (husband to this Margaret) which was in Sterling the fourth of September, in the yeare of our redemption 1571, but 1572 as hath Lesleus, was inuested in Charles Iames the sixt king of Scotland, heire in bloud to the said Matthew earle of Lennox, father to Henrie lord Derneleie (that maried the queene) father to the said Iames the sixt. Wherevpon the yoong king, mindfull of the aduancement of his vncle Charles sonne to the said Margaret, did inuest the said Charls with the honour of the said earledome of Lennox, which Charles died in the life of his mother Marga­ret without heire male, by reason whereof the said earledome reuerted to the crowne.

But here leauing the title and succession of the earles of Lennox to an other place following (sith I am entered into the discourse of such of the earles & countesses of Lennox as be dead) I thinke it better in this place, than not at all, to mention the epitaph of Matthew earle of Lennox slaine at Sterling (as is before touched) in the yeare of Christ 1571. For al­though the same matter would more aptlie haue béene placed before at the end of the historie of Scotland, written by Holinshed, or at the begin­ning of my continuance of the annales of that countrie, when I mention the death of the said earle: yet sith the note of that epitaph came not vnto my hands, vntill I had thus farre proceeded in the histo­rie; and the same also at that time passed the print (whereby I could not set it downe in due place) I will here (hauing so good occasion therfore) intreating of the toome of his wife (whose charge also wanted not in erecting of this toome of hir slaine husband, and for that this dooth also touch some part of hir epi­taph) insert the same in this place after this maner, as it is written vpon the statelie toome of the said Matthew Lennox, and now standing in the chapell within Sterling castell, being as hereafter foloweth.

The epitaph of Matthew earle of Lennox.
Lo here a prince and potentate, whose life to vnderstand,
Was godlie, iust, and fortunate, though from his natiue land
His enmies thrice did him out thring, he thrice returnd againe,
Was lawfull tutor to the king, and regent did remaine:
Where he with rigor rebels rackt, the right for to defend,
Till enmies old through tyrans trackt, did worke his fatall end.
Lo thus respects the death no wight,
When God permits the time,
Yet shall the vengeance on them light that wrought that curssed crime.

Besides which also on the same toome are these heroicall verses set downe, declaring his name, his descent, his mariage, his issue, his offices, and such o­ther [Page 416] matters belonging vnto him, as followeth.

Behold herein interred is, Matthew of Lennox earle,
Who long of late in Britaine soile, did liue a pearlesse pearle.
And as he was of roiall bloud, by roiall progenie,
From Stewards stocke of ancient time, princes of Albanie:
His fortune was euen so to match, 10 with passing vertuous wight,
Whose race deriued from famous kings, of wide renowmed might.
His mother queene of Scotland was, and eldest daughter deare,
Of Henrie seuenth English king, a princelie mirror cleare.
Hir father earle of Angus was, she ladie Margaret hight,
The onelie heire of Angus lands, 20 and all his fathers right.
Thus did king Brutus bloud conioine, for both by grace diuine
Are come of Northwales princes hault, which were of Troians line.
And diuerse goodlie imps there were, that issued from them twaine:
Charls Iames now king, and
This was Charles earle of Lennox bu­ried in the toome which his grandmo­ther the ladie Margaret Lennox before mentioned who liued af­ter the death of this Mat­thew his grandfather.
Charls the earle of them dooth still remaine,
King Henrie father to this king, their first begotten sonne: 30
Oh cruell fates! the which so soone, his vitall thred vnsponne,
By whose deuise the grandsire came, lord regent in this land:
And noblie bare the regall sword of iustice in his hand.
Whereby he did in tender age of the kings maiestie,
This realme protect with fortitude, prudence and equitie. 40
But now dame fame with flickering wings withouten anie let,
Shall spread abrode this worthie man, and through the world him set.
And tearing time shall not consume, nor weare the same awaie,
But with the worthiest reckned be, vntill the latter daie.
After which time, eternitie dooth triumph then by right. 50
Where he with angels shall reioise, in Gods eternall sight.

Besides which English epitaph these verses were also composed by Buchanan vpon the same earle of Lennox, wherein is not onelie set downe (as before) the honourable birth of the man, but also some of the places of his education, with other things which right fortunatlie happened vnto him in this sort.

Regis auus, regis pater, alto èsanguine regum 60
(Imperio quorum terra Britanna subest)
Matthaeus, genuit Laeuinia, Gallia fouit,
Pulso Anglus thalamum rém (que) decús (que) dedit.
Caepi invicta manu, famam virtute refelli,
Arma armis vici, consilió (que) dolos.
Gratus in ingratos: patriam iusté (que) pié (que)
Cùm regerem, hostili perfidia cecidi.
Chare
Iames the sixt king of Scots.
nepos, spes vna domus, meliore senectam
Attingas fato, caetera dignus auo.

Thus setting end to the liues & deaths of this Mat­thew Steward erle of Lennox, of Margaret Dow­glasse his wife, to their honourable epitaphs, and to their sumptuoous sepulchres, we will come backe a­gaine to such others, either generall or speciall, acci­dents as haue fallen in the kingdome of Scotland, and which will touch the vniuersall gouernement, or the particular occurrents as well of Scotish as of o­ther forren affaires managed by them at home, or in other countries, therwithall ioining the discourse of such things as haue béene performed by other na­tions in that kingdome. Amongst which accidents in Scotland this rarelie happened, that the earle Mor­ton surrendered his protectorship or regentship of the king and kingdome of Scotland. Which I maie worthilie count rare, sith men in so great authoritie of commanding all persons, can hardlie be brought to giue ouer such honour, and to yéeld themselues to the commandement of others, bicause Qui primatus Gl. super ill ec­cles. 23 meli [...] e [...]t vt filij. sui authoritatem perdit, in despectionem & angustiam se mit­tit: qui autem locum suum sapienter custodit, se ac suos ad pro­fectum dirigit. And Bias the philosopher knew, that it was a most hard thing of all other, and onelie sauou­ring of great magnantmitie and wisdome, Fortiter ferre mutationes rerum in deterius. But he being verie wise, feared not the alteration of his estate, but ra­ther desired to be rid thereof, considering the weigh­tinesse and danger which depended therevpon, and re­membring that notable saieng of Gregorie in his Morals, declaring the singular good of such, which doo shun the gouernement of temporall things, in these words. Quasi quodam iugo seruitutis premunt prospera, dum appetuntur; premunt aduersa dum formidantur. At si quis se­mel dominationem desideriorum temporalium à collo mentis excusserit, quadam iam etiam vitae libertate perfruitur, & dum nullo desiderio foelicitatis afficitur, nullo aduersitatis errore co­arctatur.

This earle Morton (I saie) surrendred his of­fice (as before is touched) in the moneth of March, in The earle Morton sur­rendred his regentship. this yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred seuentie & seuen, at what time also Robert Bowes esquier was then in Scotland for hir maiestie of England. Upon the remouing of which erle Morton there were no more regents in that countrie, but the king tooke vpon him to rule the realme by him­selfe & by such curators as he shuld appoint therfore. For the king now about the twelfé yéere of his age thought he might aswell take vpon him the gouern­ment of the countrie by himselfe, and such as he ap­pointed at those yeares, as manie of his ancestors had doone before in their yoong yeares; notwithstan­ding the opinion of manie of the better sort of the presbiterie, which mainteine that he cannot absolute­lie rule, or perfectlie establish anie thing by the cu­stomes The kings of Scotland take on them to rule the realme with­out procura­tors being within age. of their countrie, vntill he come to the age of fiue and twentie yeares. But we find in their owne histories of Scotland, written euen by men of best iudgement, that Iames the second of that name king of Scots, did in the fouretenth yeare of his age, in the seuenth yeare of his reigne, and in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred fortie and foure, put Alexander Leuinstone knight from his regentship, and tooke vpon himselfe the absolute gouernement of the kingdome, of whom thus wri­teth Lesleus. Gubernatoris cancellarijque concilio & iussu Lesleus li. 8▪ pag. 295. factum est, vt omnium ordinum comitijs Striueling indies diceretur. An. Dom. 440, mense Ianuarij, omnium assensu est constitutum, vt rex suum regnum lustrans, contentiones so­piat, causas decidat, concrouersias dirimat, reliquá (que) reipubli­cae negotia praesens procuret. Multi nobiles sese comites itine­ris adiungunt, qui in illius societatemse penitus immergentes, odij cancellarij ac gubernatoris elati, persuadent regi, vt alio­rum seruitutise premi diutius non sinat: sed vt omni iug [...] excusso, ipse sibi reipublicae gubernandae partes assumat. I [...] iu­uenili quodam regnandi ardore incensus, illorum voces tan­quam Syrenum cantum in suas aures effluere liberalissimè patiebatur. Decimum iam quartum annum agens, in regium solium praeceps irruit, ac vt publicis comitijs solus praeesset, om­nes ordines Striueli [...]gum voct, 4 Nouembris 1444.

[Page 417] After which, [...], the [...] ▪ to [...] gouerne­ment, did in the yeare of [...] 1449, in the [...] yeare of his age, and the twelfe yeare of his gouernement [...] Alexander S [...]n lord [...] of [...], and George L [...] [...] earle of [...]. Iames the fourth of that name king of Scotland, bring but [...] yeares of age when [...] came to the [...], in the yeare of [...] one thousand foure hundred foure score & right [...] the realme by himselfe without any procura­tor, 10 as I gather out of Lesleus. Iames the first the king of Scots, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand fiue hundred twentie and eight, in the seuen­teenth yeare of his age, & about the fifteenth yeare of his gouernment, remoued the earle of Angus from the [...]ship, and tooke vpon himselfe the gouern­ment of the kingdome. And Marie the mother of the now liuing king of Scots, did in like sort in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and two, in the tenth of hir age, and as much of hir gouernment 20 of Scotland appoint procurators to gouerne the realme, whilest she remained in France with the French king hir husband. But enough of this, sith Lesleus in his 9. booke pag. 4 [...]9, and also in his 10. booke pag. 5 [...]7, hath liberallie argued on both parts, at what yeares the kings of Scotland may assume to themselues the gouernement of the kingdome, after that they haue atteined to the crowne in those yeares, which are ouer tender and vnfit to dispose of 30 the sword and scepter. Wherefore to passe ouer the same, I thinke it not vnméet in this place, sith we haue mentioned this Morton which was the last regent, geuernour or protector of the kingdome, to set downe a catalog of all such regents and gouer­nours of that realme, as haue come to my know­ledge, after the same sort as I haue doone in Eng­land at the end of the gouernement of the duke of Summerset, who was the last protector of that realme: into the discourse whereof I enter as fol­loweth. 40

The protectors, gouernours, or re­gents of Scotland, during the kings minori­tie or his insufficiencie of gouernement, or during his absence [...]t of the realme.

COnanus was gouernor vnder Thereus about the yeare before the birth of Christ, Conanus. one hundred thirtie and seuen: for The­reus 50 renouncing the kingdome and fli­eng to Yorke, where in the end he died, this Cona­nus during the exile of this Thereus, was regent or gouernour, of whom writeth Lesleus lib. 2. pag. 89. Conanus qui rempublicam Therei iam exulantis lo­co optimè administraret, interrex à nobilibus de­claratur. Nam Thereo viuo nullum alium regem substituere voluerunt, quo mortuo, Iosina eius frater suffectus est.

Cadallus liuing about the yeare before the birth 60 of Christ, seuentie and nine, did pursue Gillus (the Cadallus. bastard of Euenus) hauing slaine the sonne of Eue­nus, and vsurping the crowne, of whom thus writeth Lesleus lib. 6, pag. 92. Tandem auctore Cadallo vi­ro fortissimo, qui interrex à regninobilibus interea constitutus est, quidam in illum (which was Gillus) conspirant, quem in Hiberniam profugam assecuti, inita prius pugna [...]apiunt, & statim capite plectun­tur.

Argadus earle of Argile, when Conar who began his reigne in the yeare of Christ one hundred fortie Argadus erle of Argile. and eight, was cast in prison for his euill life, was by the nobilitie chosen gouernour of Scotland, after which Ethodius the next king, whome this Argadus [...] vnto the crowne made him [...] of Scotland to him and [...], [...] at this [...] the earles of [...] by [...] ­tance.

Donald, [...], [...] [...] & [...]. made gouernors of the kingdome, for thus [...] Lesleus lib. [...]. pag. 19 [...]. [...] which was [...] who began his reigne about the yeare of [...], seuen hundred [...] and thrée▪ [...]es ita [...] ▪ & cum regni [...], [...] quibus [...] quae [...]am [...] de­legit, quibus [...] Donaldo [...]; Co [...]o [...]; Mo [...]o Gallou [...]am; & Co [...]o Mo [...]m.

William Fraiser bishop of S. Andrews, [...]: after [...]. the death of Alexander the third king of Scotland, which [...] in the yeare of our Lord, one thousand [...] hundred foure score and three, who died without [...], the nobilitie because it was not knowen to whome the kingdome did apperteine, sith there were manie which claimed the same, as Babell, Bruse, Ha­stings, and others▪ agreed amongst themselues, and [...]hose si [...] regents or gouernors of the same, vntill a king were fullie known and established: the names of which si [...] were these, William Fraiser bishop of saint Andrewes, Duncane earle of F [...], Iohn Cumine earle of Buchquane, to whome the rule of the north parts were committed. The other thrée were Robert bishop of Glascow, sir Iohn Cumine, and Iames high steward of Scotland, who had the disposition of the south parts.

Hugh Cressingham an Englishman was made Hugh Cres­singham. gouernor of Scotland by Edward the first, who go­ing into France about the yeare of Christ one thou­sand two hundred ninetie and six, after that he had brought Scotland vnder his subiection, appointed the said Hugh (whom he had before made treasuror of Scotland) to haue the gouernment of that realme in his absence, whilest he was busied in the wars of France. But not long after, this Cressingham was flaine at Sterling by William Wallace (and such Scots as attempted by all the force they could to set themselues at libertie from the subiection of the English) in the ides of September, in the yeare of Christ, one thousand two hundred ninetie and seuen, at what time also Andrew Murreie was slaine, whose sonne did certeine yeares after (as hath Bu­chanan) Buchan. lib. 8. administer and gouerne Scotland for the king.

William Wallace after manie worthie exploits william wallace. doone in the behalfe of his countrie against the En­glish, was for the Scots chosen gouernor of the realme vnder Iohn Balioll, when the king bad for­saken the realme and was come into England, a­bout the yeare of Christ, one thousand two hundred ninetie and sir, who after that (as is before touched) did slea Cressingham the gouernor of Scotland vn­der the king of England, which Wallace did after in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred nintie and eight renounce his office of gouernor, and was in the end for his rebellion against king Edward the first king of England, and absolute lord of Scot­land, taken, brought to London, drawen, hanged and quartered, in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred and fiue.

Iohn Cumine, after that William Wallace had Iohn Cu­mine. giuen ouer his office of gouernor, was chosen to be gouernor for the Scots, in purpose to trie with the Englishmen for their liberties, which being know­en to Edward the first king of England, he sent an armie into the countrie, and destroied it. Whervpon Iohn Cumine admitted Simon Fraiser sellow with him in the administration of the wars against [Page 418] the English, and discomfited the English in the yere of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred and two. After which, king Edward being againe a conqueror of the Scots, returned homewards, and left Odomare de Ualence his deputie in Scot­land.

Odomare de Ualence or Aimer de Ualence, vncle to king Edward the first king of England by Odomare de Ualence or Aimer de Ualence. the halfe bloud, was about the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and foure, made gouernor of 10 Scotland vnder Edward the first king of England, who before in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred & two, tooke William Wallace and sent him to Lon­don to king Edward, to be dealt withall as you haue heard before. After which Robert Bruse being crowned king of Scotland, was on the nineteenth of Iune in the yéere of Christ one thousand thrée hun­dred and six, at Mefen discomfited by the English ar­mie, and put to flight by the said Odomare de Ua­lence, who after banished all those which anie waie 20 tooke part with king Robert Bruse. But in the end Robert Bruse recouering himselfe & more aid, draue all the Englishmen out of Scotland, gouerning the kingdome all his life, by himselfe & his substitutes, as by that which followeth maie well appeare.

Thomas Randolph earle of Murreie, much a­bout Thomas Randolph. the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred and six and twentie, being about the 21 yeere of Robert Bruse, was made protector of the realme. For Robert Bruse being fallen into extreme sicke­nesse, 30 whereby he could not wéeld the scepter to go­uerne as the state of that countrie required cōmit­ted the administration of the relme to erle Thomas Randolph, and to Iames Dowglasse knight, who ruled the same to their singular commendation, and the countries good about foure yeares, during the life of the said Robert Bruse, whose death happe­ned in the yéere of Christ one thousand thrée hundred twentie and nine. After the death of king Robert, when Dauid his sonne came to the crowne, being 40 but seuen yeares old, this Randolph was againe ap­pointed to haue the administration of the kingdome as regent of the same, during the kings minoritie and insufficiencie of gouernement, who confirmed a new peace betweene England and Scotland. Short­lie after which the gouernor died of poison at Mus­cleborough, in the yere of our redemption one thou­sand three hundred thirtie and one, being about the second yeare of king Dauid, & was buried at Dun­fermling, hauing had two sons, Iohn erle of Mur­reie, 50 and Thomas, both being persons woorthie of such a father.

Patrike Dunbar earle of March was made Patrike Dunbar. regent after this sort. After the death of earle Tho­mas Randolph, there was an assemblie of parle­ment of the three estates of the realme, in which in the said yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and one, and the second yere of the reigne of king Dauid, these two, Patrike earle of March and Dauid (whom Lesle calleth Donald) earle of 60 Marre were chosen gouernors of the relme by com­mon consent. Whereof the first had the charge of that part of the relme which lieth on the south side of the Frith, & the other was appointed to gouerne all that on the north: which Donald in the yere of Christ one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and two was slaine sléeping in his bed at Duplin neere to the wa­ter of Erne, by such as followed and tooke part with Edward Balioll atteining the crowne, and expel­ling Dauid from the kingdome.

Andrew Murreie, a man of great power, and of no lesse possession, hauing performed manie ex­ploits Andrew Murreie. of warre for his countrie, was made gouer­nor after the death of the earle of Marre, and ioined in that office with Patrike of Dunbar earle of March. Shortlie after which this Andrew was ta­ken prisoner at Rocksborough, being yet in the end ransomed for a great summe of gold. After which he died of a vehement sicknesse, and was buried in Rose Markie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and eight.

Archibald Dowglasse, after the decease of An­drew Archibald Dowglas. Murreie, was by one consent of the nobilitie chosen gouernor in the place of Andrew Murreie, whilest king Edward did besiege Berwike, who rai­sing a power of men entred England, and caused the king to remooue his siege of Berwike. After­ward this Dowglasse was slaine at the battell of Halidon hill, in the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred thirtie and two (as some haue) but Hector Boetius and Buchanan refer it to the yeare of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and thrée, the ninetéenth of Iulie.

Dauid Cumine was made protector in this sort. Dauid Cu­mine. When that Edward the third king of England, in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred thir­tie and six had entred Scotland with maine force by land and by sea; he afterwards hauing Edward Balioll the king of Scotland in his companie with 50000 men came by land to Glascow: but percei­uing no resistance against him, retired with Balioll into England, and left Dauid Cumine earle of A­tholl gouernor in his roome, to win such holds and strengths as were yet defended against him. Which Dauid tooke on him to be gouernor in the name of Edward Plantagenet king of England, and of Edward Balioll king of Scots, seizing into his hands all the lands which perteined to Robert Ste­ward, so that at one time there was chopping and changing of gouernors by each part which became stronger.

Robert Steward regent of Scotland possessed Robert Ste­ward. that place, at this time also when Dauid Cumine was gouernor for Edward Balioll; for this wri­teth Lesleus li. 7. pa. 234. Verùm ne patria guberna­toris imperio destituta, aduersariorum infidijs pa­teret magis, Robertus Stuartus omnem regni curam in se transtulit, quoad Dauid ex Gallia rediret, ipse tūc regni gubernacula suscepturus. By which words appeareth, that as Dauid Cumine was gouernor for Edward Balioll gone into England, so this Robert Steward tooke vpon him the regentship for king Dauid Bruse fled into France: the which he the rather did, because he would incounter Dauid Cumine which had spoiled him of all his liuings and patrimonie. Which Robert being thus procurator of the kingdome, granted sundrie priuileges to the inhabitants of Bute & Arrane, as amongst other things, to be frée from paieng of tribute of corne and graine. For this Steward togither with Iohn Iohn Ran­dolph earle of Murreie pro­tector. Randolph earle of Murreie, were by a councell as­sembled at Edenborough by generall voices elec­ted and confirmed to be gouernors of the realme, a­bout the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and foure, or one thousand thrée hundred thir­tie and fiue.

Robert Steward earle of Fife, second sonne to Robert Ste­ward. Robert Steward the first king of Scotland (by the name of Steward) and the second by the name of Robert, was (because his father became extreme old, and could not follow the affaires of the king­dome) made gouernor by the consent of the realme during the life of his father, about the yeare of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred foure score and nine, being about the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of the said Robert the second: which office this Robert continued during the life of his father, dieng in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hun­dred [Page 419] & ninetie. After whose death, when Robert the third, being before called Iohn, came to the king­dome, and had by a fall from his horsse so br [...]sed him­selfe, that he was not able to follow the gouerne­ment of the kingdome, this Robert earle of Fi [...]e his brother was made gouernor of the kingdome. After which about the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and eight, being a­bout the ninth yeare of Robert the third king of Scotland, the king created this Robert Steward 10 duke of Albanie, being one of the first dukes which were made in Scotland. Besides which also, after the death of the same Robert the third, which fell in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and six, this Robert duke of Albanie was by new election, or rather confirmation established in the of­fice of gouernor (as haue some Scotish chronicles) which duke of Albanie died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and ninetéene, the third of September, when he had béene gouernor fiftéene 20 yeares after the death of Robert the third. Where­in it seemeth to me for this time that there is much difference of yeares, if the Scots haue truelie set the same downe: for those accounts can not stand to­gither, with the death of king Robert the third, and the yeares gouernement of the duke of Albanie, after the death of the king. But I passe it ouer, and rather impute the fault to the offendor, in mis­taking the figure of the number of yeares, than anie want of consideration in the writer of the histo­rie. 30

Mordacke Steward erle of Fife & Mentith, the Mordacke Steward. eldest sonne of Robert duke of Albanie, was after his fathers death made gouernor of Scotland, con­tinuing in that office by the space of foure yeares, vntill about the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure, in which yeare he found meanes to bring home Iames the right king of Scots, who had béene eightéene yeares deteined in England, and placed him in the kingdome of Scot, 40 lend, by the name of Iames the first: at what time the crowne was set vpon the kings head with the hands of the said Mordacke the gouernor, & Henrie bishop of saint Andrews. This duke was in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and six, and in the second yeare of the reigne of Iames the first conuicted of high treason, and be­headed before the castell of Sterling. He had issue two sons, Walter Steward, and Alexander, which were also beheaded at the same place the daie before 50 the death of their father.

Alexander Leuingstone knight was made go­uernor the daie after that Iames the second was [...]der [...]euingstone. crowned, in the yeare of our Lord God one thou­sand foure hundred thirtie & six: for the king being but six yeares old, the nobilitie did appoint the said Alexander Leuingstone of Calender knight to be gouernor of the realme: at what time the kings person was committed to the education and rule of William Creicton knight lord chancellor, who was 60 William [...]reicton. then confirmed in his office. After this in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred fortie and foure, about the eight yere of Iames the second, they both (through dissention which had long continued betwéene them about their authorities) were put from their offices, remooued from the king all their friends, banished the court, and they themselues commanded to appéere before the king: which bicause they refused so to doo, they were both proclamed re­bels and put to the borne.

Marie the daughter of the duke of Guelderland [...]. & widow to Iames the second, was appointed with others to be gouernors: for after the death of Iames the second, which fell in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand [...] hundred and thrée score (then Iames the thi [...] [...] sonne was but [...] yeares old) the no­bilitie assembled at E [...]rough to prouide for the administration of the realme, because the king was so young. Wherevpon [...]ere were seuen regents ap­pointed for the gouernement both of the kings per­s [...]n, and also of the kingdome, which were Marie the [...] his mother. Iames Kennedie bishop of S. Andrews, being [...]ers sonne to Iames the first, the bishop of Glascow, the earles of Angus, Hu [...]leie, Argile, and Ork [...]nie. These so long as Kennedie liued, agréed well togither about the gouernment of the realme; but shortlie after his decease, or rather before, they fell at square, which we will more large­lie touch hereafter when we haue a little spoken of the death of this bishop, falling in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred thrée score and six, and in the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Iames the third, who being buried in the college of saint Sauior which he founded most sump [...]uouslie in the towne of saint Andrews, did in his lift time be [...]es his bishop [...]ke hold in his possession the com­mandrie of the abbeie of Pettinwen, which was worth vnto him 800 crownes by yeare: the gra­uitie and wisdome of which bishop occasioned Les­le [...]s in his commendation to set downe these few words.

Hic (which was this bishop of saint Andrews) prudentia consilióque ita valuit, vt quicquid la­ [...]ebat in repub [...]ca insidiarum, apperi [...]et, vnde meritò potest dici, non armis regem, sed ingenio episcopum Douglassij superbiam fregisse, ac furo­rem retudisse. Tria confecit (quorum fabrica arti­ficio insigniter polita, & sumptu magnificè instruc­ta, omnibus admirationem sui faciebant) collegi­um sancti Saluatoris, in quo iuuentus ad eruditio­nem ac religionem informari possit; sepulchrum quo mortuus tegebatur, ac nauim onerariam in­gentis magnitudinis. Horum vnumquódque c­iusdem fuisse pretij vulgi sermone celebratum est. After his death, or rather (as hath Hector Boetius) in his life, in the second yeare of the reigne of king Iames the third, being in the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand foure hundred thrée score and two, there was discord kindled betweene quéene Marie the Dowager, and the archbishop Kennedie, who perceiuing that the woman did wholie séeke to vsurpe the gouernement vnto hi [...] selfe, withstood it in that behalfe; insomuch that it was doubted that the matter would haue broken foorth into some ciuill warre, if that the bishops of Glascow, Dunkeld, and Aberden, with certeine abbats had not taken in hand to trauell betwixt both the parties for attonement, who wrought so effectuouslie therein, that the matter was quie­ted in this maner. The queene mother was ap­pointed to haue the charge and custodie of the kings person, and of his brethren Alexander duke of Al­banie, and Iohn earle of Marre, and also of their two sisters. But as for the administration and gouernement of the realme of Scotland, she should leaue it to the péeres, wherefore by common con­sent there were elected as gouernors the bishops of Glascow, and Dunkeld, the earle of Orkenie, the lord Graham, Thomas Boid, and the chancel­lor.

Margaret the daughter to Henrie the seuenth Margare [...]. king of England was (after the death of hir husband Iames the fourth, and in the minoritie of hir sonne Iames the fift, being but a yeare and six moneths old when he was inuested with the king­dome) made regent of the realme, which she should gouerne by the counsell of Iames Betune archbi­shop of Glascow, the earles of Huntleie, Angus, and [Page 420] Arrane, but shortlie after they falling out amongst themselues for the bestowing of benefices, the duke of Albanie was called out of France to performe that office.

Iohn duke, of Albanie being sent for out of France (where he accustomed to abide) to come in­to Iohn duke of Albanie. Scotland (to be tutor to the king and gouernor of the realme, as he which next of bloud to the king, and néerest to the crowne) was by vniuersall con­sent at saint Iohns towne admitted to those offices 10 accordinglie, hauing the same confirmed vnto him by a parlement holden at Edenburgh in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtéene, and the first yeare of the yoong king Iames the fift. Whereof intelligence being brought vnto the du [...] yet in France, be in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand fiue hundred and fouretéene, directeth dilato­rie and excusing letters of his acceptance of that charge. At that time, but in the yere following, being the yeare of Christ, one thousand fiue hundred and 20 fifteene, and in the third of Iames the fift, on the se­uentéenth of Maie, he arriued at the towne of Aire in Scotland to execute his office of gouernor, who was honorablie interteined at sundrie places as he passed along by the sea coasts, before he came to E­denburgh. After which a parlement was made to be called at Edenburgh (being but the continuance of the former parlement, as my memorie serueth) in which this duke of Albanie was againe confirmed gouernor, the scepter and sword being deliuered 30 vnto him, and an oth by him to the lords, and by the lords to him giuen, that ech of them should be faithfull to ech other, and euerie of them to their lord and king, &c. After this the duke of Albanie going into France in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and seuentéene, as saieth Lesleus, commit­teth the gouernement of the kingdome in his ab­sence to the archbishops of S. Andrews and Glas­cow, and to the earles of Huntleie, Argile, Angus, and Arrane. And least anie euill might happen to 40 the kings person in his absence, he appointed the king to be brought into the castle of Edenburgh, there to be committed to the earle marshall, and to the lords Eschwine, Bothwike, and Ruthwéene, whereof two at the least should alwaies be present with him. The duke hauing thus beene about some three yeares in France, returned into Scotland a­bout the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and twentie, remaining still gouernor: but in fol­lowing time, which was the yere of Christ one thou­sand fiue hundred twentie and foure, and about the 50 twelfe yeare of the reigne of king Iames the fift, the duke of Albanie left that office, and went againe in­to France.

Margaret the quéene, the mother of Iames the Margaret the quéene. fift, did (after the departure of the duke of Albanie into France, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and foure, the six and twentith of Iulie) find meanes that the yoong king came from Sterling vnto Edenburgh: thrée daies after 60 which the quéene tooke the whole gouernment vpon hir, and entred into the castle of Edenburgh with the king, making the lord Maxwell prouost of E­denburgh. Then the quéene appointing a parle­ment to be held the Februarie following, there were in the same parlement eight lords chosen to be of the kings priuie councell, to take on them the gouernment of the king and the realme, which were the archbishop of S. Andrewes and Glascow, the bi­shops of Aberden & Dunblane: the earles of An­gus, Arrane and Leneux, to whom the quéene was adioined as principall, without whose aduise no­thing should be doone. Which ordinance did not long hold, Archibald Dowglasse earle of Angus in the end fullie getting the whole gouernement into his hands.

Archibald Dowglas (after that the bishop of Dun­bane Archib [...] Dowglas. was dead, and the quéene gone vnto Sterling, leauing the king with the earle of Angus, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and fiue, being about the thirteenth of Iames the fift) tooke the whole gouernement vpon him both of the king and kingdome, setting vp, remoouing, and pul­ling downe what officer it best pleased him: who for the more declaration of his authoritie and gouern­ment, made his vncle Archibald Dowglas treasu­ror of the realme, and bestowed all benefices and of­fices by the aduise of his brother George Dowglas and the earle of Leneur who assisted him. After which there was a diuorce had betwéene the queene and the earle, who falling in the kings disgrace in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twen­tie and eight, and the sixtéenth yeare of the same Iames the fift, was atteinted by parlement holden at Edenburgh in September, when the king had ta­ken the absolute gouernment into his hands in the seuentéenth yeare of his age, and the said sixteenth yeare of his said gouernement. Wherevpon the yeare following, this Archibald came vnto the king for to submit himselfe, but the king would not receiue him, by reason wherof he fled into Eng­land.

Iames earle of Arrane in the yeare of Christ one Iames earle of Arr [...]. thousand fiue hundred fourtie and two, when Marie (the daughter of Iames the fift) being but seuen daies old obteined the kingdome, was by authoritie of the nobilitie proclamed regent and protector of Scotland, notwithstanding all that Dauid Beton, fauoror of the French causes had without all reason vsurped the gouernment, vnder the pretense of a de­uised will and testament of Iames the fift, in which testament he was appointed gouernor. This earle thus made protector, appointed by the old quéenes consent a gouernor to the person of the yoong quéen, which was the lord Leuingstone capteine of Lith­quo. This protector in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand fiue hundred fortie and foure, being the second yere of quéen Marie, was by the French king made knight of the order of saint Michaell. About eight yeares after which, that is in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and thrée, being about the twelfe yeare of quéene Marie, this earle was in­forced to leaue his office of gouernor, and the quéene tooke the same into hir hands, appointing procura­tors to rule the same vnder hir: wherevpon the go­uernor in the yeare following, being one thousand fiue hundred fiftie & foure, was by the French king made duke of Chatelerault. The procurators which were appointed for and by quéene Marie, were (as hath Lesleus) Henrie king of France, Charles car­dinall of Loreine and the duke of Guise his brother, touching whom thus writeth the same Lesleus in Lesleus lib. [...]. pag. 517. these words: Hos (which was hir curators) sibi in Gallia delegerat regina nostra (being Marie the queene of Scots) matris suasu, Henricum regem Franciae, Carolum cardinalem Lotharingum, ac ducem Guisium eius fratrem, qui totam regni nostri molem reginae matri procurandam transtulerunt: &c. This duke had issue Iames Hamilton earle of Arrane after lunatike, and one Dauid Hamil­ton.

Marie descended of the house of Guise, the dowa­ger Marie dowa­ger of Scot­land. of Scotland, as widow to Iames the fift, and mother to the yoong quéene Marie, was in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and foure, being the twelfe yeare both of the age and reigne of the same quéene Marie, made regent of Scotland vnder hir daughter the same yoong quéene, which [Page 421] office this regent tooke vpon hir hauing the same confirmed by parlement, continuing in that place about six yeares, & died in the castle of Edenburgh, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thrée score, being vpon the point of the eightéenth yeare of quéene Marie, whose bodie (as hath Lesleus) was after caried into France, for thus he writeth: Fuit autem corpus in Gallia postea transuectum, Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 569. primùm ad monasteriū Feckamense, quod in Nor­mania est, deinde ad coenobium S. Petri Rhemis in 10 Campania, cui soror ipsius piè tunc praeerat, delatū, honorificè condebatur.

Iames Steward bastard sonne to king Iames the fift king of Scots, and base brother to Marie Iames Steward. quéene of Scots now liuing and imprisoned, being prior of saint Andrews and earle of Mar, was in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thrée­score and two, being about the twentith yeare of the reigne of the same quéene Marie, made earle of Murreie. About fiue yeares following, after that 20 the nobilitie had conspired against quéene Marie, tooke hir, committed hir to prison, deposed hir, and vpon the same (on the ninetéenth daie of Iulie in the yeare a thousand fiue hundred thrée score & seuen, being the fiue & twentith yeare of the reigne of that quéene) aduanced hir sonne Charles Iames Stew­ard (being then about a yeare old) to the kingdome, by the name of Iames the sixt: this Iames earle of Murreie, was made regent and gouernor of the yoong king Iames the sixt, and of the kingdome: who vpon the office receiued, did by parlement abo­lish 30 the popes authoritie and doctrine in Scotland: continuing that office of regent vntill his death, fal­ling about the time of thrée yeares after. For in the time of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and ten, being in the third yeare of the reigne of Iames the sixt, this regent as he was riding through Lithquo, was shot at with an harquebus by one Iames Hamilton, and so wounded, that he died of the hurt the next daie following, hauing be­fore 40 in that yeare, in which he was created earle of Murreie, maried Agnes Keith daughter to the earle Marshall.

Matthew earle of Leneux being sent for out of England, where he had before long remained, was Matthew earle of Le­neux. after the death of the earle of Murreie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and ten, being in the third yeare of the reigne of Iames the sixt, made lord lieutenant or protector of Scot­land, in a conuention of the lords of Sterling. Af­ter which in August following, there was another 50 conuention at Edenburgh, where by the consent of the thrée estates of the realme, the said earle was made regent of Scotland, at what time the earle of Huntleie tooke vpon him to be lord lieutenant of Scotland: for Marie quéene of Scots remaining then vnder custodie in England, which Huntleie in hir name summoned a parlement at Lithquo the 21 daie of September, wherevnto the earle of Leneux was summoned: to incounter which, the 60 earle of Leneux caused a parlement likewise to be summoned in the kings name, at the same place, wherevnto the earle of Huntleie was warned at the same daie. But the earle of Huntleie comming no néerer at that time than Brechin, it was ordered by the regent Leneux and the nobilitie, to pursue him: wherevpon insued great warres betwéene the nobilitie of Scotland diuided into factions, some ta­king part with the deposed quéene Marie, and other with the yoong king in possession. During which turmoiles & warres, this carle of Leneux hauing bin regent about a yeare and more, was wounded at Sterling with a pistoll by capteine Cawder, whereof he shortlie after died, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred [...]ree score and eleuen, being about the fourth yeare of Iames the sixt.

Iohn Areskin earle of Mar was made regen [...] [...] after the death of the earle Leneux, as m [...]e a [...]re by that which I haue before set downe in th [...] conti­nuance of the annals of Scotland, after [...]ome [...] ­céeded the earle Morton, of whome I haue a litte [...] Scotland before spoken, and of whome we will more intreat hereafter, when we come to speake of his beheading in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and one, falling about the fourtéenth yeare of Lewes the sixt, after that the said carle had continued that office about fiue yeares. For being aduanced to that place, about the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thréescore and twelue, he con­tinued in the same, vntill he surrendered it, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred three score and seuentéene, as is before touched. Thus setting end to the discourse of the protectors of Scotland, let vs descend to other matters which haue succéeded.

Going therefore forward with that yeare one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and seuentéene, we saie that much about the time in the which the earle Morton gaue ouer his regentship, that the The l [...]d Glames chan­cellor slaine. lord Glames, who was then in office of the chancel­lorship, was trecherouslie slaine by his enimies at Sterling, with a shot of purpose discharged against him, as he was comming out of Sterling castell, & going to his owne lodging from the councell orpar­lement. Whereby it séemeth that this murthering by sudden shot began now to be a common thing: for there were three great persons in short time dispat­ched after that sort, which were the earles of Mur­reie and Leneux regents, & this lord Glames chan­cellor. The earle of Atholl made chancellor. After the death of which lord Glames, the earle of Atholl was aduanced to that place, and in­uested with the title of lord chancellor of Scotland. Wherefore, hauing so good occasion therefore at this time by talking of this earle of Atholl thus made lord chancellor to treate of that office: I thinke it not inconuenient in this place, nor disagréeable to the nature of the matter which I haue in hand, some­what by waie of digression, to discourse of the origi­nall of this office in Scotland, of the etymon of the name, and other circumstances belonging thereto.

This officer the chancellor had his first origi­nall The originall of the office of the chancellor. in Scotland by Malcolme the second of that name king of Scots, who beginning his reigne in the yeare of our redemption one thousand and ten, and gouerning thirtie yeares, departed the world in the yeare of C [...]rist one thousand and fortie. This man, during the time of his gouernment, ordeining manie necessarie lawes for the better rule of his countrie, and for the benefit of the crowne, did also first ordeine the honorable officers of the kingdome, as chancellor, conestable, marshall, chamberleine, and others, as appeareth by Lesleus in his historie of Scotland in these words: Foeliciter rem publicam Lesleus lib. 5. pag. 204. haud paucos annos administrauit (king Malcolme) multis & egregijs operibus illustris: intérque caete­ra municipialium legum volumen condidit, quas nostrates exinde in iudicijs ferendis seruarunt, nihil pene immutates, regiorum magistratuum iudicúm­que, quos licet mund [...]ús, magisque Latinè vocare possunt, vulgò tamen cancellarium, conestabilem, mariscallum, camerarium, iusticiariúmque vocitant, & qui a secretis, a thesauris, a cubiculo, a chartophy­laceo essent: cunctoiúmque ministrorum aulae an­nua salari [...], vt nostris diebus penduntur, quantúm­que regijs pro diplomatibus, ac caeteris literis, libel­lionibus, tabularijs, lectoribúsque soluendum foret, institu [...]. This officer being in Scotland before the time of Edward the Confessor séemeth also to me co­uettlie [Page 422] to proue, that the same officer was in Eng­land before the time of the same king, sith it appea­reth, that the Scots for the most part haue alwaies taken their maner of gouernement, lawes, and cu­stomes from vs, as will be I doubt not sufficientlie proued, although it maie be that some will affirme that they might haue this officer from the French­men and Romans as other nations had: which as I doo not suppose, because the Romans had but little dooings amongest them, for as they neuer vsed anie 10 such officer in this land whilest they gouerned here (for aniething that I can yet learne) so it may be, (because they will not séeme to haue borrowed anie order of their gouernement from vs) that they will suppose that they had the first ground of this officer from the French, with whome they haue alwaies béene in league euer since the time of their king A­chaius the first, who (beginning his reigne in the yeare of Christ seuen hundred fourescore and eight) did knit a perpetuall league with Charles the great. 20 But leauing that to be as it will (sith it is no disho­nor for one nation to deriue their good lawes, bene­ficiall customes, or needfull officers from another, no more than it was for the Romans to fetch their lawes of the twelue tables from the Grecians) true it is, that this officer so ordeined by Malcolme amongst the Scots, was such an officer as was vsed amongst the Romans, touching the cause of whose name, the ciuilians affirme that he was cal­led Cancellarius à cancellando, cuius officium est re­scripta, 30 vel responsa imperatoris, & mandata inspice­re, mala scripta cācellare, & bene scripta cūsignaculo suo fignare, & sigillū eis imprimere. Of which word chancellor is risen this name, Archicācellarius quasi princeps cancellaiae, as is noted by Azo in summa.

This officer taking his name of Cancellando, (that is of defacing, blotting, or putting out of writings, did vse to adnull all writings, as we at this daie doo obserue in our chancerie, by drawing certeine strokes or lines made crosse one vpon an 40 other ouer the writing, in forme of woodden latices, in Latine termed Cancelli, which are either such la­tices as we at this daie, and of antiquitie vsed in windowes, or such as were made to compasse a­bout the iudgement seats. For thus said the ciuili­ans touching that; Cancelli sunt ligna inter se mo­dicis interuallis in trasuersum connexa, quibus tri­bunalia, scaenae & fenestrae muniri consueuerunt. And Cicero saith in his first booke De oratore; Fo­rensibus cancellis circumscriptam sententiam, &c. 50 From which word Cancelli, is deduced this word Cancellare. For thus doo some write thereof: Can­cello verbum videtur esse deductum à Cancellis, in quibus vt transuersaria nectuntur ligna, ita cum scripta expungenda sunt, transuerso calamo lineae inducuntur, quod propriè illinere, seu allinere est, vel litura: whervpon thus writeth Q. F. Horace the liricall poet in his tract called the art of poetrie:

—incomptis allinet atrum
Transuerso calamo signum, &c: 60

as who should saie, He dooth cancell and blot out the writing with lines drawne one ouer an other like latices, the ciuilians fullie agréeing to the same and saieng, that Cancellare est scripta transductis lineis Gl. in l. si quis, libertatem, de [...]t. haered. instar cancellorum delere. Beside which this word Cancellarius is also by some (whose curious ears and pens count the words of former ages to be barba­rous) taken scarselie for good Latine, and therefore saie that this officer more purelie ought to be called Scribarum praefectus, of which number Polydor Vir­gil is one, who in his admonition to the reader, at the end of his historie of England, setteth downe these words: Monitum te optime lector volo, per multa verba minùs Latina longo vsu non item ratio­ne iam primùm in consuetudiné quotidiani sermonis venisse, sic vt velimus nolimus ea i [...]erdum vsurpare cogamur, cuiusmodi sunt dux & comes, olim officij tantum at summae nuc dignitatis vocabula. I [...]em co­mitatus pro regione, cancellarius pro scribarum, ab­bas prior pro mon [...]chorum praefecto: and Leland calleth the chancellor Archigrammateus. Besides which there be some in our age, who searching after the originall & etymologies of names, affirme this word chancellor to be deriued from the Saxon toong, as it were a cleare or shining person or one excel­ling other men: compounding that word of these two parts, chance and clere, in which word this part clere dooth after the Saxon signifie in Latine Praee­minens, or clarus, and that part chance must note to vs a man. But how aptlie and trulie the same may stand to make the etymon of chancellor, I leaue to others to consider. This thus said for the originall and name of the officer called the chancellor, of whose succession we will talke hereafter, and will now returne to the matters of Scotland in this sort.

In the moneth of Iulie there was a parlement of the nobilitie assembled, where Robert Steward 1578 Robert Steward created earle of Leneux. great vncle to the king was created erle of Leneux, being girded with the sword of that earledome, after the death of Charles Steward, sonne of Matthew Steward erle of Leneux, wherof we haue before in­treated. But ouerpassing this Robert, being honou­red with a new title, not due to him by inheritance, for anie thing which I can yet perceiue, we will for a while take our leaue of the Scotish soile, though not of the Scotish persons, and remember to speake somewhat of the dooings of Steward, coronell of the Scots, which serued in the wars of the low coun­tries: where he behaued himselfe right valiantlie to his owne and his countries commendation. For when the warres were at the hottest in those low The tragica [...]l historie of [...] ciuill warres of the low countries. li 4. fo. 31. Church­yards choice. countries betwéene the states and king Philip (at what time the archduke Matthias was generall for the noblemen or states, and Iohn duke of Austria, the base sonne of Charles the fift, and like brother to king Philip, was gouernour of those parts for the same king Philip) the states gathered a puissant armie of all such nations as were there in seruice with them (as English, Scots, Germans, and their owne countriemen) vnder the conduct of the countie Bossue, with whome duke Iohn of Austria deter­mining to encounter, hoping by that one conflict to set end to all the warres, and to make a full pacifi­cation of the countrie: it happened that on the first of August, in this yeare that the armie of the duke of Austria comm [...]ng to visit the armie of the states (which laie then incamped in the field called Remi­nant) that in the armie (as I said before composed of diuerse nations both footmen and horssemen) there was amongst others one companie of Scots vnder the leading of Steward their capteine and countri­man, who being with his companie called foorth into the battell, was appointed to kéepe the streict on the left side, when the English should kéepe the like streict on the right hand After which the enimie ma­king towards the armie of the states, they were in­tercepted by the English, who interteined them with such sufficient skirmish, as that they forced Don Iohns men to giue ground and retire towards the strength of the Scots (which the same Steward had in charge) and that so farre, that in the same action the English brought themselues betwixt the enimie and the Scots, who mistaking the companie, and supposing them to be their enimies, gaue them from the hedge, where they laie such a volée of shot, that it made them to loose more ground than euer the eni­mie could haue doone.

The enimie in the meane time perceiuing that, [Page 423] and being now fighting vpon the retreict came for­ward with creat for [...] and [...]urit, hauing a new sup­plie of numbers, of fi [...] souldiors to succour them. [...] notwithstanding by could not for all that they might do force them to abandon [...]e str [...] which they had in charge, [...] such time as certeine Eng­lishmen ( [...] were lef [...] w [...] in the closes to discouer the enimie) brought word [...] at the enimie had en­tred the stre [...]t vpon the Scots. Which thing was in d [...]d verie true, for euen at that instant the fire was 10 [...]ne [...] arise in the village, and the whole forces which were to enter betweene the water and the English compani [...], retired themselues to the heath againe. The Scots then valiantlie making good [...] fight vpon th [...] [...]et, [...]t, the [...]eutenant of the English was like wise dri [...]n to the same: which if he had not doone, the e [...]e had cut [...]twirt him, his companie and the [...]nches. This [...]ing well percei­ued by capteine Liggins, he presentlie aduanced himselfe, and was now come halfe the waie to the 20 succour of the lieutenant, to preuent the enimie and to ioine with the forces of the same lieutenant, all who being gotten togither doo retire to the church, and perceiuing that the enimie came on appase, the lieutenant of the English leaueth capteine Liggins to a reasonable ground of strength to interteine them, when he himselfe rideth backe to fetch releefe for capteine Lig [...]ins his [...]etreict.

The enimie seein [...] the streict of the waie, and that their other forces preuailed more on the other streict 30 forsooke anie longer to attempt the same against the English, and retired themselues all they might on the side ouer the closes, to ioine them with their o­ther forces, which had euen now passed the streict [...]ch the Scots had in gard, who all togither made hast vp to the hill, and so to the burnt house, then fired by the Scots, at that instant forsaking the field, and retiring them to the campe, after that they had ob­teined victorie against the Spaniards, by valiant resisting & pursuing the force of the enimie. At what 40 time also maister Norris coronell of the English and the forenamed maister Steward coronell of the Scots, carried awaie the whole commendation of this victorie obteined by the men of these two nati­ons of England and Scotland. But leauing the Scots reioising of this goo [...] successe in those low countries, we will call backe our pen and resalute the countrie of Scotland, at this time in some ciuill dissentions amongst themselues, whereof these manie yeares, since the gouernment of this yoong king, it sée meth to me that it hath not long beene 50 [...]0.

In the forenamed moneth of August, there grew secret dissention amongst the nobilitie at home, which still continued & fed the former vnkindlie fire of contention betwéene the two factions of the yoong king, and the imprisoned qu [...]ne: by occasion wherof the realme was diuided into three parts, some fol­lowing the king, some standing one the queenes si [...], & some assisting neither of both, all which by some were termed by three seuerall names; as the kings 60 saction, the part of the male-contents, and the neu­trals, consisting of such as remained indifferent on both [...]s, neither saeking to vphold the one or to sup­p [...]esse the other. Amongst which on the kin [...]s part were m [...] earls, lords and bishops, as Dowglasse erle Morton admerall of Scotland, Dowglasse erle of Angus, Dowglasse earle of Buquha [...], Areskin earle of Marre, Steward earle Bo [...]well, Cuning­ham earle of Glenkarne, Le [...]eh earle of Wroth­ouse, Montgamerie earle of Eglington, Steward earle of Orkeneie, and Steward earle of Leneux, all which were in house with the king, and attendant vpon his person, with whome were confederat the lords Boid. Och [...]ltree Ruthwen treas [...]or of Scot­land, Harris, Marwell, Lindseie, Semple, and o­thers.

Besides these, bishops and abbats, that is to saie. Patrike [...]amsen archbishop of S. Andrews, Cun­ningham (kinsman to the erle of [...]lencarne) bishop of Abeiden, Boid (of bloud and kindered with the lord Boid) archbishop of Glascow, Dowglasse bi­shop of Ma [...]aw, Herburne bishop of Rosse, Ro­bert Petearne abbat of Dunfermeling, chefe secre­tarie of Scotland, Coluington abbat of Cow [...]ros. Richard Bedwell abbat of Holierood house, one of the councell, the abbats of Cambuskinnell and of Dribourgh, with Iames Maghill maister of the rolles, or clearke of the register, and one of the coun­cell. These noble persons thus aiding the king, the partie of the male-contents was supported by ma­nie other persons of the nobilitie: as Ca [...]erle erle of Argile, Steward earle of A [...]oll, Sincleare earle of Cathnesle, Gordon earle of Southerland, Gor­don earle Huntleie (who was verie yoong, of [...] yeares of age, and had his power with these earles) the earles of Mentros and Menteth (being both surnamed Grahams) and Kenedie earle of Cassel­les a child of t [...]ree yeares old, whose strength was also ioined to these male-contents. Besides which earles there was to assist those male-contents Crawford shiriffe of Aire, Kenedie lord of Kurgenie, Kene­die lord of Blachekichen, the lords of Marewell, Locheuar, Hume (being but six yeares old) which Hume lord of Colden Knolles (warden of the middle marche [...] of Scotland) Alexander Hume of Maund­stone, Care (lord Seford, and the lord Lindseie, with the Hebburns, which wholie depended vpon the lord Lindseie; vnto whom in like sort, as partaking of the same malecontentment, were added Alexander Are­skine, of Mar, vncle to the earle of Mar, & capteine of the castell of Edenburough, and Cunningham the lard of Drunwassell, capteine of Dunbritaine, with manie other persons of honour and strength.

The heads of these two factions thus set downe, it resteth now to declare who were the neutrals, who being but few, and as I can yet learne onelie thrée in number, so they were of no great power; aswell for that the one of them being Keth the earle Mar­shall, was a sickelie man; as for that the Hamil­tons were not beloued of the king, nor greatlie estée­med of the other factions: and the third, the Leuing­stons familie, wanting their head the lord of that house, being then in France, wherby they could not be of great power, which part soeuer they should sup­port. The ord [...]r of which diuision and procéeding in Scotland, comming afterward to the knowledge of the quéene of England, who had sent Robert Bowes a man of good seruice hir ambassador into Scotland, she did also (tendering the yoong king of Scots, and as a carefull neighbour and louing god­mother, fearing least that he might receiue iniurie, by the assemblie of these malecontents, whose power grew to be somewhat strong▪ direct hir commis­sion to the earle of Huntington, president of the north in England, and to the lord Hunsdon capteine of Berwike, they both being of bloud and aliance vnto hir maiestie. In which commission, she willed them to leuie an armie of footemen and horssemen to be imploied in those warres. All which these Eng­lish lords should haue in a redinesse, against such time as the said maister Bowes (who as ye haue heard before, had beene sent into Scotland to paci­fic these troubles, and to establish a quiet peace and loue amongst them should gi [...] knowledge for their entrance into the Scotish dominions, order the conduct of the same lord of Hunsdon, against the power of those male-contents. Wherevpon the [Page 424] lord Hunsdon (hauing a time appointed him accor­dinglie, and being in order set, well furnished with men and munition) setting forward to execute the force of his commission, threatned spoile to manie places of Scotland belonging to the borderers, and burnt the houses of the lords there inhabiting: if they ioined themselues with the male-contents, as they had fullie deliberated for to doo. By reason whereof, they leauing their former determination, and for that present refusing to ioine against the 10 king: these male-contents (doubting the sequell of their attempt, and how they might performe that which they had taken in hand, being now in the field and in armes (against the other faction) began to hearken vnto a pacification, and were after recon­ciled to the king and the other lords, about the two and twentith of the same moneth of August, as I haue béene informed. Which matter being more largelie to be discussed, because it is knowne by the name of the battell of Faukirke, I must for this 20 time passe ouer, determining hereafter more libe­rallie to intreat thereof. Wherefore, falling into other matter, we saie, that much about this time, Iohn Lesle bishop of Rosse (who had some yeares before been some certeine time imprisoned in the Tower of London in England, and had trauelled to Rome about the affaires of the imprisoned quéene of Scotland, where he labored to procure such aid for hir, as the princes which fauored hir faction would yéeld) did depart from Rome, and went from the 30 pope to Randulph, as the second of that name now emperor. Which Lesle, taking his iourneie out of Italie, passed through the frontier townes of Ger­manie, and was staied at Phaltzburgh, otherwise called Palatinopolis, by George duke of Bauier, countie Palatine of Rhene, and earle of Ueldt­zens; in which citie, his cofers and other thinges were ri [...]ed and searched: at what time there were manie writings found, and amongst others cer­teine papers, in which did appeare what friends the 40 quéene of Scots had of all the parts of Europe, what enimies, and what neutrals: with letters and other instructions of Philip king of Spaine.

All which notwithstanding (though they gaue the said George occasion to mistrust Lesle, as an eni­mie to his religion) this bishop of Rosse was after­ward dismissed, because he was furnished with the emperors pasport, or safe conduct to come vnto him. Wherefore the duke of Bauier for his better dis­charge, and to manifest to the world that they did 50 nothing but that, which both the present estate of these troublesome times, and the dutie of a religi­ous prince required, did honorablie dismisse the said Lesle, bearing all his charges, restoring all his goods, and conueieng him out of his dominions with a goodlie companie of horssemen, after that he had caused the said bishop of Rosse to leaue a testimoni­all writing in the Latine toong vnder his owne hand, to shew that no iniurie was doone to the said bishop, in that his deteining and search for those 60 causes; & that the bishop should not anie waie séeke anie reuenge thereof: the copie of which writing (as I receiued the same) I haue faithfullie and Verbatim set downe in this sort.

The testimoniall left by the bishop of Rosse with the duke of Bauier.

NOs Iohannes Lesleus, Dei gratia, epis­copus Rossensis, & administrator Mora­uiae, &c: testamur hoc scripto palàm & apud omnes hoc inspecturos, aut lec­turos. Cùm in hisce periculosis & mo­tuum plenissimis temporibus omn [...]bus sacri imperij principibus & magistratibus prospectio incumbat, ne imper [...]um aut eius membra aliquid detrimenti accipiant, neque per praetereuntes & redeuntes ex externis nationibus, calidas negationes, ad turban­dam pacem publicam, aut noxias dissentiones sub quouis pretextu tractari, strui aut seminari inter or­dines & membra imperij sinant aut patiantur; prae­cipuè cùm nunc exempla in vicinis locis extāt, quàm facilè aliquid strui & seminari possit. Ita factum est, vt illustrissimus princeps Georgius, Iohannes comes Palatinus Rheni, dux Bauariae, comésque Veldent­ziae, &c: motus praecedentibus & alijs rationibus, in absentia, per suos capitaneos & ministros, in suo ter­ritorio Lutzelsteinensi, & vrbe Palatinopoli, nos cum nostris retineri mandauerit. Quam causam & mandatum retentionis imperato [...]i, antequam exe­queretur significauit. Post factam retentionem, cel­situdo eius certior facta de literis imperatoris nobis communicatis de Spira, vbi mandatum dederat, protestatione ibi aliqua habita, festinanter huc ap­pulit: praesertim etiam simul cum literis imperat [...] ­ris, aliquae copiae instructionis & memoralium eiu [...] celsitudini missae fuerat, vnde aucta suspicio, aliquid nos ad extirpandam religionem tentare: & cùm mentio aliqua extirpandae religionis hi [...]ce verbis facta fuerit, nimirùm, vt extirpata haeresi, religio reuiuiscat, & simul cum procuratione Scoticorum monasteriorum, quorum Palatini aliquot possident, aliquid moturos in Germania putauerit, praesertim cùm plurimos catholicae religionis principes & episcopos in itinere cum literis credentalibus à papa salutauerimus, & inuiserimus. Ad quam suspicionem amouendam & purificandam, cum celsitudo eius aduenit, lectione aliquarum copiarum conati sumus celsitudini eius satisfacere. Etsi tamen aliquid scru­puli de extirpanda religione ac opinio de aliquibus negotijs quae vrgerem remaneret, quae pacem pub­licam [...] in religione, quàm politicis perturbare, & suspicionem principibus Augustanae confessionis mouere, non minùs quàm ipsius celsitudini possent. Nihilominùs celsitudo eius, magis alijs rationibus, quàm praecedentibus suspicionibus imminentium periculorum non diutiùs nos detenturos conclusit. Ea tamen conditione, vt promitteremus nos con­tra patria in causa religionis per viam armorū, aut structione dissentionum, aliquid nunquam tentatu­ros, sicut & alibi, sed quod exhortationibus pijs & doctrina f [...]cere possimus, liberam relinquere con­scientiam. Secundò, quod polliceamur more solito, pro nostro, nostrarúmque familiarum nomine, ne (que) per nos neque per alios, vlla via & ratione quae no­minari possit, illam detentionem vindicatam fore. Quare consideratione habita periculorum & motu­um, quae passim (potissimum verò in locis vicinis) cernuntur, sacro imperio, optima ratione metuen­dum & vigilandum, maximè verò in extremis im­perij limitibus & terminis. Ideò ab illustrissima eius celsitudine ratione publicorum decretorum, & arc­tissimae inter ordines cōiunctionis, hanc circūspecti­onem & detentionem nostram non iniquo animo ferimus, neque pro iniuri [...] accepimus: cùm prae­sert [...]m eius celsitudo, non modò liberaliter nos ha­buerit, sed absque omni rerum nostrarum iactura, alijsque dispendijs, nos liberos fecerit, & gratios [...] splendido equitum comitatu in maiorem securi­tatem deduci iusserit. Idcircò sanctè pollicemur, (decreto Constantiensis concilij, quo diuersis à Ro­mana religione hominibus fidem datam seruan­dam haud esse, sancitum fuisse dicitur, hoc ipso scrip­to & optimo modo renuntiantes) nos nostro, nostra­rúmque familiarum nomine, iam neque per nos, ne­que per alios, vlla vi, vel ratione, recta aut obliqua, qua eius celsitudinem, aut eius famulos aut subditos [Page 425] & ditiones hanc retentionem persequi vel vindi [...]are velle. Et ad maiorem huius scripti & promissi corro­borationem propria manu signauimus, & [...]igillo nostro appresso confirmauimus. Actum & datum Luzelsteni 28 Decemb [...]is: anno Domini 1578.

Iohannes Lesleus episcopus Rossensis & administrator ecclesiae Mora­uensis.

This Lesle being yet liuing, and (as I vnder­stand) 10 in great credit in France, possessing the place of the chancellor of Lions, is descended of an anci­ent familie, as one whose ancestors and name hath both inioied honorable titles in descent, and great places of gouernement in the common-wealth of Scotland. For when Edgar the sonne of Edward the outlaw and kinsman to Edward the Confessor king of England was vexed with vniust war, first by Harold king of England the son of Goodwine, 20 & then by the Norman bastard surnamed the Con­queror, which slue Harold and obteined the crowne of England; Edgar did priuilie take shipping with his mother Agatha, and his two sisters, to the end, that being now out of all hope euer to obteine the kingdom of England, they might direct their course and saile againe into Hungarie, from whense they came. But it happened by diuine prouidence, that being on the sea, they were grieuouslie molested with vehement winds, which forciblie made them 30 forsake their appointed course, and draue them into the mouth of the riuer of Forth or Frith, whose lan­ding place is yet to be séene, & at this daie called S. Margarets hauen (after the name of hir which was sister to this Edgar & called Margaret) whome Mal­colme king of Scots (for the rare parts both of bo­die & mind wherwith [...]he was woonderfully indued) did after take to wife, & solemnlie crowned to the great comfort of the whole kingdome. Upon which déed William the Conqueror being more gréeuou­s [...]ie 40 mooued than he was before, banished all the friends of Edgar out of England. By occasion whereof, Lindseie, Uaus, Ramseie, Louell, and di­uerse other men of great nobilitie came then first into Scotland to craue aid of king Malcolme; which persons being liberallie indued with rich possessions by the same Malcolme; their posteritie doo at this daie in our age flourish with great honor. Besides which also, at this time there came out of Hungarie with Agatha before touched diuerse other persons of 50 account, as Crichton, Fodringham, Giffert, Man­lis, Brothike, and others; amongst whome Bartho­lomew Lesle descended of noble parentage, and of great valor of mind, did with the rest appeare verie famous, whose sharpe wit, and excellencie of know­ledge (ioined with a sound and strong bodie) when Malcolme the king of Scots did behold, he vsed his helpe in the defense of the castell of Edenburgh, and in all other weightie affaires which concerned the warres.

Out of this familie of the Lesles haue sproong 60 and flourished manie worthie persons, valiantlie re­sisting and subduing their enimies. And amongst those, one Walter Lesle earle of Rosse, who after­ward purchased such singular commendation for valor and wisedome shewed in manie battels of the emperor Lewes the second, & Charles the fourth, a­gainst the Saracens, Vt (one of their owne name now a bishop of Rosse in his historie of Scotland saieth) à quodam animi generoso impetu, quo hostes [...] lib. [...]. [...]ag. 211. frāgere, & sub iugū fortiter mittere solebat, generosi equitis cognomentum sit consecutus: eiusdem stir­pis comes Rothesius, multique alij barones & equi­ [...]s Leslei cognominati (quos Malcolmus primùm▪ ac alij deinde reges multis amplisque agris, in Fifa, Augu [...], Gourea, & Gareocha, alijsque prouincijs munificè cumulabant) magnae [...]odie nobilitatis vir­tutisque commendatione i [...] Scotia vigent. Of whose line and name at this daie (as is before said) conti­nuing in great honor, the earle of Rothos now liuing called Lesle dwelleth in Fife, and married the daughter of the earle of Gowrie or Gowrike, the same earle of Rothos being a person no lesse wise and honorable, than descended of ancient and honorable ancestors. But leauing that fam [...]ie, let vs returne from whense we haue digressed.

The bishop of Rosse being departed from the duke of Bauier (as before you haue heard) in the yeare following, which was the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and nineteene, Amies Steward the lord of Obignie in France, being of the house of the Stewards, and sonne to Iohn the eldest brother of Matthew Leneux, some­time The lord of Obig [...]e made earle of Leneux. regent of Scotland, buried at Sterling, as is before touched, did come into Scotland, was by the king most honorablie receiued, and aduanced to further honor. For the king taking from Robert Steward (whom the last yeare he had created earle of Leneux) the title of that earledome of Leneux, he now inuested this lord of Obignie with the same, and created him earle of Leneux, thereby more firmelie to bind the lord of Obignie in France to be faithfull vnto him in Scotland. And least he should séeme by taking the earledome from Robert Robert Ste­ward made erle of March. Steward to haue wronged him, the king for recom­pense thereof, bestoweth vpon the said Robert Ste­ward as honorable a title and earldome as the same was, for he inuested the same Robert with the earle­dome of March. Not long after which the king erec­ting the same earledome of Leneux vnto a duke­dome, he did bestow that honor of duke vpon the said lord of Obignie, & created him duke of Leneux, which title at this daie, his sonne being a towardlie yoong gentleman dooth most honorablie possesse, he being the onlie person in that countrie which dooth in this our age inioie that title of duke, being such an honor as was but latelie begun amongst them, and neuer verie plentifull in that region: for the same hath not yet as I for this present suppose norished at anie one time (when that title was ri [...]est amongst them) thrée persons adorned with that stile. Now touching the matter of their first creation and conti­nuance, I thinke it not vnfit to saie somwhat in this place.

The first creation of dukes in that countrie was The first [...] of dukes in Scotland. vsed by Robert the third of that name, whose right name being Iohn, was after turned vnto Robert, for doubt of euill successe to grow to the kingdome by a gouernor so called. For thus write the Scots as Lesleus hath deliuered with these spéeches: Verùm Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 264. quum ipsi nobiles [...]rbitrarētur nomini inesse nescio quid ominis infausti, quòd reges Franciae & Angliae, To which king Iohn of England and France, he might also haue added one of his own countrie of Scotland Iohn Balioll the king, who was as infor­tunate in his gouernment as anie of the other. hoc nomine consignati, bello prehenderētur, muta­to nomine Robertum vt patrem [...]um appellari de­creuerūt. Quae illorum [...]iue in nominis obseruatione superstitio, [...]iue in regis conseruatione diligentia, ma­ioris mali regi iam impendentis augurium quod­dam mihi videtur. Nam non multo post ex equo illi decidenti, omnia membra ita contusa fuerunt, vt (quòd regnandi molestias ac labores nullo modo poterat pati) Roberti comiti Fifensi fratri suo regni gubernationé dedere cogeretur. Which Iohn as be­fore is said, hauing now obteined a new name, was the first which brought a new title of honor into his kingdome: for he created Dauid his eldest sonne duke of Rothseie, and his brother Robert (whom he had made protector of the kingdome) duke of Alba­ni [...], as is set downe by the same Lesleus in these [Page 426] words: Tertio plus minus anno (which was about Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 263. the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hun­dred foure score and thirtéene) concilio ex omni or­dinuni genere Perthihabito, post alias res pro reg­ni cōmodo sapienter actas, rex Dauidem filium su­um titulo ducis Rothsaiae, & Robertum fratrem suum quem regno administrando praefecerat, ducis Alba­nij honore ornabat: qui duo primi fuerunt in Scotia his titulis illustrati. Thus much he, proouing that it is not aboue one hundred foure score and thirteene yeares since that title came first into Scotland. 10 Wherby it appereth that England since the conquest hauing dukes erected by king Edward the third, who in the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred thirtie & seuen, made his eldest sonne duke of Corn­wall, hath had dukes about two hundred fortie & nine yeres past, being fiftie and six yere before they had a­nie in Scotland. And as those two before named were the first which were inuested with the honor of duke in Scotland, so after the death of the same king which fell in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure 20 hundred and six, in the Interregnum or vacancie of the kingdome (which continued eightéene yeares Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 268. from the said yere of Christ one thousand foure hun­dred and six, vntill the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure) in which Iames the first hauing béene trained vp in England obtei­ned the crowne, and vnder the protectorship of Mor­dacke (the sonne of the foresaid Robert the first duke of Albanie) to whom the gouernment of the realme of Scotland was committed after the death of the 30 said Robert the third.

Archibald Dowglasse was the first Scot which passing the seas, & seruing a strange prince, inioied anie such title of duke in anie forrein nation. For the Scots going then to aid the French against the English, the French king to honour the Scots and to bind them to be more faithfull vnto him, crea­ted Iohn Steward earle of Buquaine constable of France, & aduanced the said Archibald Dowglasse 40 to the honor of the dukedome of Turone: but he did not long inioie that great title, being shortlie after slaine at the battell of Uernoile, in the yere of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure. In treting of which battell Bucchanan, whose name may rightlie be deduced from Buccavana, beyond all mo­destie and course of reason forgetting his calling, his learning and humanitie, hath spued out all his malice against the English nation, whereof I haue treated in my former additions to the historie of Scotland. Thus hauing somewhat digressed from 50 the matter of later yeares, wherewith I ought to haue furnished my imperfect continuances of the annals of Scotland, I will returne to the lord of Obegnie, who was at this time created duke of Le­neux, and who occasioned me to make this discourse. Wherefore I will here set downe what Lesleus hath written of the first originall of that house in France, and of this duke of Leneux thus by the king newlie as before said created, the words of which Lesleus 60 bishop of Rosse be these: Nouam quoque Scoto­rum equitum turmam Carolus 6 (king of France, which had the warres against the king of England, Lesleus lib. 7. pag 271. when the Scots were thus aduanced in the domini­ons of France, being meane betwéene the said yeares of Christ one thousand foure hundred and six, and one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure) paulo ante conscripsit, quae vulgò Scotorum arma­torum cohors dicebatur. Huius primus dux Rober­tus Stuartus ex Lenoxij comitis familia ortus, domi­no de Aubigne multisque alijs terris, muneribus, honoribus, & baleagijs cōmuni populi sermone di­ctis, a rege insignitus est. Quae omnia a Scotis eius­dem cognominis & prosapiae continuata, successio­nis serie per Barnardum nimirum celebrem militiae ducem, deinde per Robertum, denique Iohannem Stuartum comitis Lenoxij fratrem iam diu possessa, praeclarae nobilitatis ac indolis iuuenis, Iohānis fili­us non paruam suorum virtutis spem de se excitans, etiam nunc hodie obtinet. Thus much Lesle. Be­side which that Lesleus hath set downe of the first lord of Obegnie in France, Paulus Iouius in his booke of Empresse written in Italian, hath not for­gotten to speake somewhat of him, where he setteth downe the deuise of his ensignes or armes in this sort translated by me into English.

There was (saith Iouius) amongst the French­men a man of knowne vertue or prowesse, & most famous capteine called Bern [...], Heberard Steward) borne of the bloud roiall of Scotland) being honored with the title of monsieur de Obegnie, who being of kin­red to Iames the fourth of that name, did beare for his deuise or ensigne, a field siluer, a ramping lion gewles, with a number of buckles thereabout; the which cote armour he did weare vpon his vpper garment, and likewise beare in his standard, with this posie, Distantia iungit: signifieng thereby, that he was the mean or buckle to hold and knit togither the king of Scots and the French king, with a iust counterpeise against the force of the king of Eng­land, naturall enimie to Scotland and France. Thus much Iouius, & thus much I of the duke of Le­neux lord of Obegnie in France. After which, sith I am now in discoursing of dukes of that countrie, and haue shewed when the first duke was made in Scotland, and who they were; I thinke it not vnfit for this place, to set downe a catalog of all such dukes of Scotland as haue come vnto my know­lege by search of histories, since the creation of the same first dukes, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and eightéene; which I will not re­fuse to doo in this place, following the same course which I haue obserued before in the historie of Eng­land, where I haue set downe all the dukes, since the first creation of anie duke in that countrie. Wherefore thus I enter into my dukes of Scot­land.

A catalog of all the dukes of Scotland by creation or descent.

DAuid Steward (eldest son of Iohn Stew­ard earle of Carricke, after called Robert Dauid Ste­ward duke [...] Rothseie. the third, and leauing the name of Iohn when he came to the crowne of Scotland) was (by parlement, about the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred foure score and eightéene, being the eight yeare of Robert the third) made duke of Rothseie, when he was about eightéene yeares of age, or rather twentie, as by all accounts it must be, if that be true that he was borne the two and twentith daie of October one thousand thrée hundred three score and eighteene, made duke in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred fourescore & eigh­téene, as some haue. But Lesleus (as before) refer­reth this as I by all circumstances doo gather, to the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred foure­score & thirtéene. He maried Margerie the daugh­ter of Archibald earle Dowglas, about the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred, being the tenth of Robert the second.

Robert Steward second son to Robert the second Robert Ste­ward duke of Albanie. king of Scots, by Elisabeth Mure or Moore his wife, being by his father created earle of Fife and Menteth, was in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred fourescore and eightéene, and the eight yeare of the gouernement of Robert the second, ad­uanced [Page 427] to the title and honor of the dukedome of Al­banie: this Robert and the other Dauid as I haue before noted, being the first dukes that euer were in Scotland. This man being gouernor of Scot­land in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hun­dred and one, falling in the yeare of the reigne of Ro­bert the [...]ird, did apprehend Dauid the duke of Ro [...]seie, and committed him to streict prisonment in Faukeland, where in the end he died by extreame famine, whose want of food was such, that he was 10 [...]aine to gnaw his owne fingers: of this Robert is more spoken in my protectors of Scotland.

Murdacke called duke, was also earle of Fi [...]e, eldest sonne to this Robert duke of Albanie, was Murdacke duke of Alba­nie. as is most likelie duke of Albanie after his father, who being gouernor of Scotland, occasioned me to intreat more of him in that place.

Alexander Steward the second sonne of Iames Alexander duke of Alba­ [...]. the second, was by his father aduanced to the duke­dome of Albanie, who being verie yoong at the time 20 of his fathers death, which happened in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred & thréescore, was with his brother Iohn earle of Mar, committed to the custodie of Marie their mother. After which in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thrée score and thrée, being the third yeare of Iames the third, he was taken on the sea by the English­men in the moneth of Iune, as he returned from his grandfather the duke of Guelderland, but was after restored home by the meanes of Iames Ken­nedie 30 bishop of saint Andrews. About sixtéene yeares following, in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand foure hundred threescore and ninetéene, fal­ling in the sixtéenth yeare of Iames the third, this duke was committed prisoner to the castell of E­denburgh, out of which he brake and escaped to Dun­bar, from whense being well furnished, he sailed into France where he was honorablie receiued, and there maried the daughter and heire of the earle of Lesle. lib. 8. pag. 319. Bononie, who shortlie after dieng, and the duke per­ceiuing 40 himselfe not to be so well vsed as he was before, came into England & was by king Edward the fourth louinglie accepted; who granted aid to this duke. Wherevpon he in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fourescore and two, did en­ter Scotland with a great power & spoiled the coun­trie, comming (without anie resistance in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fourescore and two, being the two and twentith yeare of Iames the third) as far as Radstrag, or Rastalrig, where he pitched his campe: which being knowne, he was by 50 mediation of the nobilitie admitted home to his countrie, being further preferred to the earldomes of March and Mar, and proclamed generall lieute­nant of the king; by meanes whereof, he gouerned the whole realme, the king being now in prison. Af­ter which, this duke setteth the king at libertie through the persuasions of the queene, without knowlege thereof giuen to the other of the nobilitie: whereby new turmoiles did arise amongst the peo­ple. 60 Then in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fourescore and two, and the three and twentith yeare of Iames the third; this duke hauing intelligence that there was poison prepared to be gi­uen to him in drinke in the kings chamber, whereby he stood in feare of his life, did forsake the court and [...]ed to Dunbar: at what time also the king for his owne safetie, got him vnto the castell of Eden­burgh: wherevpon the earle of Angus and Buc­quaine forsaking the king, tooke part with the duke.

After which the duke being summoned as some haue (or being besieged in the castle of Dunbar as other haue) fled into England. But Lesleus saith that he tooke a little bote and so escaped into France, where he was honorablie interteined by Charles king of that realme; and where the Frenchmen for his singularitie in feats of armes, termed him the father of chi [...]alrie; thus writeth Lesleus. But others (deliuering this matter in other forme) saie that after his flight from Dunbar, he passed into Eng­land, gathered power, returned into Scotland, did inuade the kingdome, & was put to flight: whereup­on growing in disgrace with the king of England, he then fled into France. And then after, the same Lesleus saith: Pari [...]js dum singulare certamen Au­relianensis dux cum aliquo equite iniuit astans, par­ticula cuiusdam hastae traijcitur, breuique post mori­tur, about the yere of Christ one thousand foure hun­dred eightie thrée. He left two sonnes behind him, Iohn duke of Albanie gouernor of Scotland during the minoritie of Iames the fourth▪ and one other A­lexander, whom he had by his first wife in Scotland the daughter of the earle of Orchadie, which Alex­ander was after bishop of Murreie, and abbat of Scone.

Iohn Steward duke of Albanie, sonne to the Iohn duke of Albanie. foresaid Alexander duke of Albanie, did after the death of his father obteine that dukedome, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred eightie thrée: of this man I haue made a more large dis­course in the gouernors of Scotland, wherevnto I refer thée; and therefore omit to talke anie further of him in this place.

Iames Steward (eldest sonne to Iames the Iames Ste­ward duke of [...]. third) being duke of Rotheseie, is by som [...] termed prince of Rotheseie, was borne in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred seuentie and two on the tenth daie of March, being about the twel [...]e yeare of the reigne of his father Iames the third. This duke in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred eightie and eight, in the nine and twentith yeare of his father, and the sixtéenth of his age, was by the no­bilitie rebelling against his father made capteine or leader of those rebels, who at that time at Banocks­burne two miles from Sterling, incountring with the king his father, did there slea him; wherevpon this Iames duke of Rotheseie was presentlie made king by the name of Iames the fourth.

Alexander Steward the second, sonne to Iames Alexander duke of Ro­theseie. the third, king of Scotland, and brother to Iames the fourth, was duke of R [...]theseie: for thus writeth Lesleus li. 8. pag. 331. In studium incubuit rex (which was Iames the fourth then king, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred eightie and nine) sedulò, vt Alexander dux Rothoseiae & Iohannes co­mes Marriae sui fratres tenelli adhuc liberali educa­tione diligentissimè imbuerentur, tantóque sumptu pro ratione patrimonij, quod singulis pater relique­rat satis amplum, magnificè alerentur. He died the fiftéenth kalends of Ianuarie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and fiftéene at Sterling.

Henrie Steward lord Derneleie the eldest sonne Henrie duke of Albanie. to Matthew Steward erle of Leneux, was brought vp in England, a goodlie and beautifull personage, being to be married to Marie the queene of Scots, was after his comming into Scotland made earle of Rosse, in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred thréescore and fiue by the same quéene, about the thrée and twentith yeare of hir reigne: shortlie after which he was in the Iulie following created duke of Albanie; and on saturdaie the eight and twentith day of the same moneth before the marriage, proclamed king by the queenes commandement, at the market crosse of Ed [...]borough, being married to the same Marie on the nine and twentith daie of the same mo­neth, in the chapell at H [...]lie rood house, at fiue of the clocke in the morning: which honor he did not long [Page 428] inioie. For in the tenth of Februarie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred threescore and six (what by the malice of some of the nobilitie, and false persuasion of others, he was led to enter into those actions, which in the end were his owne ouerthrow, and that by such as mooued him therevnto) he was miserablie slaine in a house within the towne, néere to Kirke a field.

Amies Steward lord of Obigneie in France, Amies Ste­ward duke of Leneux. sonne to Iohn Steward brother to Matthew Ste­ward 10 earle of Leneux, being first by Iames the sixt of that name made earle of Leneux, was after by the same king made duke of Leneux; who being dead, hath left a yoong sonne behind him, a gentle­man of great hope, at this daie liuing, inioieng the title of his father, and called duke of Leneux. Thus Lodowike Steward duke of Le­neux. hauing set downe all the dukes which haue béene in Scotland, we wil descend to such Scots as haue in­ioied that title in a forren nation.

That diuers of the Scots haue obtei­ned 20 the title and honor of dukes in forren countries.

AS it is honorable to anie man to be ad­uanced vnto anie title of honour in his owne countrie, either for desert or fauor; where of yet parcialitie maie most com­monlie be the furtherer: so is it far more honorable and remooued from all suspicion of vndeserued fa­uor, 30 to be inuested with anie title of dignitie for anie cause in a forren countrie; because princes (whose hands are mostlie opened to inrich their subiects, in whose faithfull hearts their safetie is principallie in­closed) do not commonlie without singular desert ad­uance strangers to them by birth in an other nation, & not their natiue subiects, for that they are people, to whom without an especiall triall anie prince is not to commit anie portion of his kingdome, and much lesse anie part of his person. Wherefore the 40 same being an argument of worthie desert, either for assured fidelitie to the person of such prince, or for the valour of seruice of the aduanced, when anie one is adorned with anie such title of honor, I thinke it not vnfit in this place to obscure the glorie of the Scots (who might impute the same to be maliciou­slie doone by me) and to omit such of their nation as haue inioied the title of dukes in a forren countrie, especiallie being now in hand with all the dukes of Scotland.

And although the number of such dukes be small, 50 as not exceeding the figure of foure, and therefore in some mens minds might well enough be passed ouer in silence: yet carrieng a contrarie mind, in that I would not anie waie pretermit what they iustlie de­serue, I will faithfullie set downe what I find recor­ded touching the same after this maner.

Archibald Dowglasse was created duke of Archibald Dowglasse duke of Tour­aine. Touraine in France in this sort. In the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and thrée 60 as some saie, or one thousand foure hundred and six as other haue (whereof I maie not determine anie thing by reason I cannot reconcile these defaults of numbers which haue happened through the con­trarietie of bookes) Charles the seuenth of that name king of France, sending ambassadors into Scotland, to renew the old league betwéene the two nations of France and Scotland, and to craue aid against the English, there were ambassadors and o­ther noble men sent likewise into France out of Scotland; with whose comming the French king be­ing greatlie comforted, and hoping of good successe against the English by reason of the Scotish aid, he did vpon the comming of the Scots to the court creat this Archibald Dowglasse (then erle of Wigh­ton) duke of Touraine. But that honor continued not long with him, for in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure, at the battell of Uernoile in Perth the English obteined the victorie, and this new duke with his sonne and heire Iames Dowglasse earle of Wighton was a­mongst others most vnfortunatlie slaine.

Archibald earle Dowglasse was duke of Tour­aine, Archibald Dowglasse duke of Tour­aine. as I gather by the words of Lesleus touching this Archibalds sonne, of whom we will speake here­after, and then set downe the same words of Lesleus to proue Archibald duke of Touraine, who married the earle of Crawfords daughter, by whom he had issue William earle Dowglasse, a child of foureteene yeares old which succéeded him, & one Dauid Dow­glasse. After which this Archibald died at Lestelrig in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and nine, being about the third yeare of king Iames the first.

William earle Dowglasse a child of fouretéene yeares of age succéeded his father in his inheritan­ces, and was after made duke of Touraine or Tou­rone, who being now earle Dowglasse, deliuered foorth such buds of vertue, as he lent great hope to all men of his worthinesse and good successe, to his fur­ther honor and his countries benefit. But in the end their expectations were deceiued after that he was made duke of Touraine: for being puft vp in pride with those great honors, he forgot himselfe, and wrought his owne and his countries harme, where­of we will not now speake; but onelie set downe Lesleus words touching his admittance to the duke­dome Lesleus. lib. 8. pag. 292. of Touraine. Gulielmus (which was this earle Dowglasse) Malcolmum Flemingum dominum Cummirnald & Alanū Lowder ad Carolum septi­mū Francorum regem misit, oratū, vt ducatu Toro­nensi eius patrimonia & dignitates amplificarentur: aequum enim esse contendit, vt quo ducatu Archi­baldus Dowglassius (qui pro libertate Franciae bello Vernolensi mortem oppetiuit) fruebaturThis prooueth Archibald Dowglasse father to this William to be duke of Tour­aine.& pater illius nuper mortuus potiebatur, idem ad se quoque perueniret. Carolus non inuitus concessit, quo dono quantum illi ad honorem dignitatémque cumuli, tantum profectò ad superbiam, insolentiámque ma­teriae accessit. Thus much Lesle, placing the same to be doone as other authors also doo, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and nine, being about the third yeare of the reigne of Iames the first of that name king of Scotland. Which honor he did not long inioie, for in the yeare following be­ing the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and fortie, and the fourth yeare of the same king Iames; he was, for that he would neither obeie the gouernment of the gouernor or chancellor, bidden to a banket at Edenburgh castle, whereas when he and his brother Dauid were set at dinner, the meat was suddenlie remooued, and a buls head presented to the erle of Dowglasse, being in those daies a token that he should shortlie be executed. Immediatlie where­vpon, the said earle with his brother Dauid, & Mal­colme Fleming lord of Cummirnald were behea­ded before the castle gate: so that this great ho­nor séemed to those Scots which possessed the same, not much vnlike to the Seiane horse, or to the honor of the dukedome of Glocester.

Iames earle of Arrane being made gouernor to Marie quéene of Scots, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fortie and two (in which being about seuen daies old, she began the first yeare of hir vnfortunate gouernement, which I maie so rightlie terme, because she was after deposed in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thréescore and se­uen, in the fiue and twentith yeare of hir reigne) was [Page 429] made duke of Chatelerault by the French king in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and foure, being the twelfe yeare of the reigne of the same quéene Marie, of whom I haue intreated more liberallie in my discourse of the protectors of of Scotland, and therefore meane not to speake a­nie thing of that here: wherfore leauing these dukes, we will returne our pen to other matters doone in Scotland.

This yeare there was a practise by forren persons 10 of great state in Europe, to make some inuasion, or at the least some disturbance vpon or amongst such realmes as professed the gospell, and were enimies to the Romane religion, by meanes whereof as it was supposed, manie princes inclining their heads to the popes obedience, embrasing his doctrine and resting at his disposition, expected the performance of some actions then to be doone by them in the terri­tories of the aduerse part, and in the realmes of such princes, as not onelie opposed themselues against 20 the popes doctrine, but had also drawne their necks from the yoke of his subiection, in matters both of ciuill gouernement and of religion. Amongst which princes, being commonlie termed catholiks, the duke of Guise a person of great account in France, tied néerelie in bloud to the imprisoned quéene, and to the yoong king of Scots, and supported with other princes pursses, purposed to haue set full foot in Scotland, and to haue obteined the whole disposition and rule of that king and kingdome. But God, in 30 whose hands resteth the ordering of princes harts, not permitting such determinations to sort to the purposed effect, did for that time frustrate the exec [...] ­tion thereof.

For whereas the duke of Guise should with martiall power haue inuaded, entered and possessed Scotland, there arose troubles and turmo [...]les of warres in his owne countrie of France, about the parts of Picardie and Dalphinée, which called him from the dispatch of that his former deuise, for the 40 staieng to appease the same new insurrection, em­ploieng all his gathered forces therevnto, and en­countring with those persons: the rigor of the same warres so weakened his strength, that he was not able (without some new supplie of men and monie, which could not be had vpon the sudden) to produce his former intent to anie effect. But yet, least that the same intention might not seeme altogither to haue quailed, or that he should be noted to haue made shew to enterprise a thing which he neither 50 could nor would prosecute to the vttermost; there was somewhat by his meanes and furtherance at­tempted in Scotland, which yet in the end fell not foorth in all respects to answer the expected hope of good successe therin. For partlie by the policie of the Scots, and partlie by the support of the alies and friends to the king, but altogither by the vnited strength of both sorts, [...]he Scots rid themselues of the same deuise, and since remained safe from the danger of the Guise and of his partakers. 60

After this the earle of Morton, sometime regent of Scotland, being condemned to die, and readie to suffer that execution which was appointed vnto him, some persons had conference with him about matters of great importance, on the same daie wherein he was to suffer, which persons so confer­ring with him, were Iohn Durie, and master Wal­ter Baneanquell. In which discourse betwéene the [...]arle and them these matters in substance amongst manie others fell foorth, in questions propounded by them, and in answers made by him in this sort al­most word for word, drawne into some seuerall heads and articles, as they were deliuered vn­to me.

The examinations and answers of the earle of Morton before his death, but after his condemnation.

FIrst he was exhorted by them that be should not be discouraged by his ouer­throw, in considering the estate whervn­to he had béene once called in this world, but rather remembring the glorie to come, he should reioise and be of good comfort. Where vnto he answe­red, that as concerning all the glorie which he had in this world, he respected it not, bicause he was persua­ded that all worldlie honor is but vanitie, and the broken réed of Egypt. And as concerning the estate wherevnto he was brought, he thanked God for it, and was at that point, that he was rather content to render his life than to liue, bicause he knew, that as God had appointed the time for his death, so had he also appointed the manner thereof, séeing that now was the time, and this was the manner which best pleased his God to take him in, and therefore was content. And as for his life in this world, he cared not for it, in respect of that immortalitie, & the euer­lasting ioy which he looked for, and whereof he was assured.

Secondlie, being required what was his part or knowledge in the kings Which was Henrie king of Scots▪ slai [...] in the yeare of Christ 1566, beginning the yeare at the annuntiation of the virgin. death or murther: he an­swered with this attestation, that as he should an­swer to his Lord God, so he would declare all his knowledge therein: the sum wherof was, that after his returne out of England, whither he was bani­shed for Dauid Richio the Italian, secretarie to the quéene, slaine in the yeare 1566. Dauids slaughter, he came out of Whether­bone to Whethingham, where the erle Bothwell was at the same time, with whome there was communi­cation about the kings mur [...]her, but he would not consent therto. After which, opening a large discourse thereof, laieng the cause, the contriuing, and the exe­cution of the same in great persons now liuing, and confessing that they vnderstood thereof, and durst not for manie causes reueale the same, neither to the king nor the kings father the earle of Leneux; he added, how that in the end he was by the law now of late conuicted of knowledge and concealing the kings murther, when as he should answer to God he had no part or knowledge in that matter. Fur­thermore, shewing that after the earle of Bothwell was cléered of that murther by assise, that he and sundrie of the nobilitie subscribed a bond with the earle of Bothwell, that if anie should laie the kings murther to his charge, he would assist him to the contrarie, and that therefore he subscribed to the queenes mariage with the earle Bothwell as sun­drie other of the nobilitie did, being charged therevn­to by the quéenes owne writing and commande­ment.

Then being required in the name of the liuing God, that séeing this murther of the king was one of the most filthiest acts that euer was doone in Scotland, and that the secrets thereof hath not hi­therto beene opened, neither who was the chéefe dooer therein, or whether the king was then s [...]rangled or blowne vp into the aire; that he should declare if he knew anie further secret therein: he answered, that as he should make answer to God, he knew no more secrets in that matter than he had alreadie de­clared and heard, by the depositions of such as had al­readie suffered for it, which depositions are yet ex­tant. Againe, being demanded if he knew an [...]e pre­sentlie about the king, which were dooers of that worke, by whose companie the king and common­wealth might be hurt: he answered that he knew none, neither would he accuse anie, &c.

Thirdlie, being examined of the poisoning of the earle of Althiults, if he had anie act or part therein: [Page 430] he answered with good attestation, saieng; Let God neuer be mercifull vnto me, if euer I knew anie thing of that matter, or heard of it before it came to my eares by the common brute of the countrie. And being further demanded if he knew that maister Iohn Prouandt brought him anie poison; he replied that he knew no such thing, and that he knew no­thing by maister Prouandt but honestie, to which he more added these speeches; Fie, fie, there is ouer­much filthinesse in Scotland alreadie, God forbid that vile practising of poisoning should enter among 10 vs: I would not for all the earledome of Athuile, haue neither ministred poison to him, or caused it to haue béene ministred, yea if there had béen one hun­dred on my part, and but he alone, I would not haue stirred one heare of his head.

Fourthlie, being demanded if he made anie con­spiracie against the earle of Leneux: he answered with like attestation as before, that he neuer thought in his heart, or once purposed anie conspiracie a­gainst the earle of Leneux, neither minded to him 20 anie hurt in bodie or otherwise. But it greeued him that the earle of Leneux knew not the estate of their countrie, nor yet perceiued the danger of the kings person. For being therevnto requested by others, sundrie were brought home who were the kings eni­mies, ouerthrowers of the kingdome, and enimies to religion; whereby there was apparant danger to his person and the relme: all which he hoped to haue helped by counsell, when the earle of Leneux famili­aritie and his should haue béene greater. 30

Fiftlie, being demanded whether he had anie league or dealing with England for the conueieng of the king or otherwise, or if he had anie pension of the quéene of England for that purpose, he an­swered in these words: As I shall answer to God vnder paine of condemnation or saluation, I neuer had anie dealings with England that waie: there was neuer one in Scotland or England, neither the quéene nor anie in hir name, that euer mooued a­nie such thing to me, so indirectlie as to conueie the 40 king into England; it neuer entred into my hart, I would not for all the realme of England haue put him into England, except that it had béene for his profit and honor, &c. And for the more cléere purga­tion of my selfe in this matter I will saie, if euer I meant but directlie his wealth, let God neuer be mercifull vnto me; and I shall neuer aske God mer­cie for anie thing that entred in my hart against the king: yea there was nothing more that I regarded in this life, than that he should be brought vp in ver­tue 50 and godlinesse. And I will saie more. If I had beene as carefull to serue God & walke in his feare, as I was to séeke the kings wealth, I had not béene brought to the point I am at this daie. And where they allege I was the quéene of Englands pensio­narie, as I shall answer to God, I had neuer pen­sion of the quéene of England in all my life. And although they caused the brute to go, that I should haue furnished the quéene of Englands souldiors 60 now last vpon the borders, I neuer knew of it. And last of all, where they allege that I should haue bene a great dealer with England, I praise God I neuer had dealing with them, but for the weale publike of the king, his countrie, and subiects, &c.

Sixtlie, being demanded what was his part of the enterprise of the castell of Sterling, he answe­red, that he knew nothing of it till it was doone; but being in Lochleuen, he receiued aduertisement out of the castell of Sterling, and a writing from the king, that he should come thither. And whereas they said, that he minded to kéepe the king in captiuitie there, the truth was, that he neuer meant to keepe him in captiuitie there or in anie other place. But he vnderstood by the kings owne speaking, that he was as frée at that time as euer he was before, or desired to be, for the present. And if he had kno­wen that his grace would haue gone to anie o­ther place, where greater libertie had bin, he would gladlie haue gone with him.

Seuenthlie, being laid to his charge, that he was a great hinderance of the matters and authoritie of the bishops, &c: when he might haue doone much good for the furtherance of Gods glorie & aduancement of his gospell, both in the time of his gouernement, and since: his answer was, that concerning the re­ligion and doctrine as then it was preached and pro­fessed in Scotland, he alwaies meant well in his hart to it, and acknowledged it to be the verie truth of God; insomuch that rather than anie hurt should haue come vnto the religion, he would haue spent his life and goods in the defense, like as now he was contented to die in the constant profession thereof. But indéed as concerning some things in policie of the church, as the state of the bishops, and such like, which were in question betwéene him and the church, he did therein according to his knowledge, and fol­low the opinion which he thought to be best at that time, in consideration of the estate of all things as they were. Howbeit he would not stand in defense of those things which he then did, but yet he would make this protestation, that as he should answer to God, he did nothing in those matters either of contempt, malice, or enuie; but if there were anie things doone amisse, it was of ignorance, and for lacke of better knowledge; and if he had knowen better, he would haue doone otherwise, being now purposed at the last to haue holpen them so farre as he might.

Eightlie, he was desired in the name of God, not to stand in his owne innocencie, but plainelie to confesse his sinnes to Gods glorie, and to thinke, that howsoeuer it be that men haue doone in this life, yet God had alwaies before him whereof he might be worthie of this and more: wherevnto he yéelded this speech; Howsoeuer it be that men haue doone, I commit them to God and their owne con­sciences. But I acknowledge indéed, that God hath alwaies doone iustlie to me, and not onlie iustlie but mercifullie also, because amongst all the other sin­ners I confesse my selfe to be one of the greatest and filthiest abusers of my bodie in the pleasures of the flesh; and also to haue giuen my selfe so ouer­much to the world, to the pleasures thereof, and to other sinnes, that God might iustlie laie it to my charge, in that I expressed not the fruits of my pro­fession in my life and conuersation as I ought to haue doone, for which I beséech God to be mercifull vnto me. And indéed now I acknowledge the great mercie of God in this, that amongst all the bene­fits which he hath bestowed vpon me, one of the chie­fest is, that he hath in this my last trouble giuen me space and leasure to repent me of my sinnes, and to be at a point with God. In which trouble also I haue found farre greater comfort than euer I could find before, because I haue thereby concluded thus with my selfe, that if God should haue spared my life, and deliuered me out of this trouble, I should then haue cast awaie all the cares of the world, the pleasures of the flesh, the delights of earthlie things, and declared my selfe to serue my God in all kind of quietnesse and simplicitie. And if it shall please God to take me in this trouble, I am concluded also to be content therewith, being alwaies assured of the mercies of God. And for that cause I doo now thanke God that I find my selfe at this point, that I am rather content to die than to liue, and that I shall not sée the miseries to come: for I will assure [Page 436] you that I think this to be the most acceptable time that euer God could haue taken me in, because I perceiue and sée such miseries and confusions to in­sue, that I thanke God that I shall not sée them. And you who doo feare God, and liue after me, when you shall sée these things, you will wish to be where I shall be, that is, with him.

Ninethlie, being demanded what he thought of the forme of iudgement vsed against him, what his opinion therof was, whether he thought anie wrong doone vnto him or no, &c: he answered, I would be 10 verie loth to find fault or blame the noble men which haue taken themselues vpon their consciences to condemne me, but I will remit them to God and their owne consciences; yet I am mooued to speake somewhat fréelie in this matter which is this. I saw such parciall dealing against me, that it hath béene all one to me, if I had beene as innocent as saint Stephan, or that I had béene as giltie as Iudas was: for I perceiued there was nothing sought but 20 my life, howsoeuer things had béene, which appear­eth in this, that no exception of anie person which was to passe vpon my assise could be admitted: for I required the earle of Argile to purge himselfe of parciall counsell giuen to the pursuer my accuser; he purged himselfe indeed, but I knew the contra­rie, that he gaue parciall counsell to him. Like­wise the lord of Wanthon, the lord of Seiton, and such others, who were knowen to be my enimies, (notwithstanding lawfull exception) were put vpon my quest. In consideration wherof I can not but be 30 persuaded of one thing, which it behooueth me to communicat vnto you, and it is thus. I perceiue it is not my life that they séeke onelie, but they who are authors of my death haue some other purpose in hand, which they perceiue will not be doone, except I and such other which doo fauor the good cause, were taken out of the waie. Wherefore I can not but sus­pect that I haue béene so handled, and that such as héereafter shall be put therevnto, may haue a more plaine waie to doo their turne or intent: and I praie 40 God that they which are to liue behind me sée not the practise thereof, but I feare it sore. And therefore in respect of this apparant danger of the common cause, I will giue my counsell to the king my mai­ster, and wish you in the name of God to beare it to him, the summe whereof is this. I perceiue that they which haue béene the kings foes and enimies, are brought into credit & court, and they who haue béene the mainteiners of his crowne & good friends, 50 are discredited and misliked of. And likewise such as are knowen to be papists, and suspected to be eni­mies to the religion, are ouer familiar and great in credit with his maiestie, which surelie can not be without great danger to the religion, and hurt to his estat. For which cause I admonish him in the name of God to beware of them, and to seeke a remedie thereof. And as he hath bene brought vp in the feare of God, and companie of good men, so to continue therein, and not to go backe, or else he hath doone 60 with it for euer. For I tell you what mooueth me to speake thus, which is, that the state of religion in this countrie appeared neuer to be in such danger, and that for this cause. I heere saie there is a dea­ling put in practise betwéene France and England, and Monsieurs marriage with the quéene is like to be feared; if France and England bind togither, and that marriage go forward, you may easilie vn­derstand, that the one of them will persuade the o­ther to their religion, &c.

Tenthlie, being required to giue his counsell to the earle of Angus, and to shew him what was meetest to be doone, seeing presentlie he was in great trouble, he answered: I dare giue him no coun­sell, and I will tell you whie; to bid him come in, partlie I dare not, all men may see in what danger he is although he now come in: and to counsell him to abide foorth I dare not, for then he shall loose the kings fauour for euer, himselfe and his heritage, friends and all; and therefore the best counsell that I can giue him in this matter is, that he make all meanes possible to purchase the kings fauor againe, and to see if he may haue anie assurance of his life, and that he may serue his God and his king trulie, and submit himselfe, and all that he hath to his ma­iesties goodwill: he hath doone nothing yet, but it may be amended. I saie no more, the Lord giue him his spirit to follow that which is best.

Eleuenthlie being required to declare what was the summe of that admonition, which Iohn Knokes gaue him before he accepted the regiment, when he came vnto him a little before his departure, he an­swered: I shall tell you as far as I can remember. First, he asked of me if I knew anie thing of the kings murder, I answered in deed I knew nothing of it. Then he said vnto me, Well God hath beautifi­ed you with manie benefits which he hath not giuen to euerie man, for he hath giuen to you riches, wise­dome and friends, and now he is to prefer you to the gouernement of this realme: and therefore in the name of God I charge you, to vse these benefits a­right, and better in time to come than you haue doone in times past; first to Gods glorie, to the fur­therance of the gospell, to the mainteinance of the church of God & of his ministers, next for the weale of the king, his realme and true subiects: which if you shall not doo, God shall spoile you of these bene­fits, and your end shall be ignominie & shame. Then being inquired if he said true or no, he answered: I haue found it true, and yet I doubt not but the Lord will be mercifull vnto me.

Twelfelie, being demanded for what cause he held some of the neighbours of Edenburgh in ward, he answered: Surelie I meant no euill to those men, but it was doone in this respect: we had the matter of Bulzoine then in hand, and I was infor­med that they were hinderers therof, for which cause I thought it best at that time to put them in ward for a while vntill the turne had béene doone. And if I did them anie wrong, I craue forgiuenesse of them as I forgiue all men.

Thirteenthlie, being required to declare if hée knew before hand that he should be accused of this matter or no, he answered: I was aduertised in déed, and might haue escaped, but I would not, tru­sting alwaie vnto mine innocencie, and therefore supposed that they would not condemne me vpon such a thing, After this, the said earle with the fore­said Iohn Durie and Walter Balcanquall did to­gither call to God by earnest praier, which being en­ded the earle said vnto vs (meaning the said Durie and Balcanquall who as I gather were the penners of this matter) I thanke you hartilie for your com­fort which you haue offered to me, for now in déed is greatest need of comfort, and therefore as you haue begun, I praie you to continue with me: for now that I am come to the knowledge of mine owne sinnes, there resteth onlie two things which I craue of you, that is first that you will shew vnto me some kind of argument, whereby I maie be comforted a­gainst naturall death, because the flesh is fearefull and weake; whose desire we trauelled to satisfie by long conference, which is too long to reherse in eue­rie point, yet the summe of that was thus. It was said vnto him that there were thrée things chéefelie which might make him assured of the mercie of God in Christ: first the innumerable and comfortable promises of God conteined in his word, wherevnto [Page 437] it behooued him alwaies to leaue. Secondlie the ex­ample of Gods mercie pr [...]tised towards his owne seruants, albeit they haue beene great sinners; as appeared in Dauid, Mag [...]len, Peter, and the théefe, &c. Thirdlie the often experiences of Gods mercies from time to time, which he had found in his owne person, being a light to assure him of his mercie. In the end he answered to this, saieng: I know it to be true, for since I past to Dunbarton I haue read the fiue bookes of Moses, Iosue, the Iudges, and now I 10 am in Samuell, and will tell you what I haue found there. I sée that the mercie of God is woonderfull, and alwaies inclined to haue pittie vpon his owne people: for there it appeareth that although he puni­shed them so oft as they sinned, yet as soone as they turned againe to him, he was mercifull vnto them, and when they sinned againe he punished them, and as often as they repented he was mercifull againe, and therefore I am assured, that albeit that I haue offended against my God, yet he will be mercifull 20 vnto me. Also further in this point it was said vnto him, that in case sathan should trauell to discou­rage him in consideration of the iustice of God on the one part, and of his sinnes on the other part, we exhorted him to the contrarie, to be of good courage, and that in respect of the verie selfe same iustice of God, which will not suffer him twise to take paiment for one thing, as we know in the common dealing of men: for he that is a iust man will not twise de­mand paiment of that whereof he was alredie paid, 30 for sith Christ died for our sinnes, and paid the vt­termost farthing that God could craue, he cannot laie our sinnes vnto our charge being satisfied in Christ, because his iustice will not suffer him twise to take paiment for one thing. Unto this the earle answered, Truelie it is verie good.

And concerning the naturall feare of death, we exhorted him to be alwaies exercised in the conside­ration of the glorie, ioie, and felicitie of the life to come, which would be the onlie waie to swallow vp the feare of this naturall death. Wherevnto he an­swered, 40 I praise God I doo so. This being thus doone, and he hauing in his hand a pretie treatise of the me­ditation of death, written by Bradford (which he said that he had gotten from the ladie Ormeston before he went into ward, and for that cause before he came foorth of prison againe gaue it to maister Lawson, de­siring him to deliuer it to the said ladie againe) he willed maister Walter to read him a péece thereof, which he did, in which reading (hauing sundrie confe­rences 50 vpon the thing read) both he and we found great comfort, in so much that he said; I protest now that I heare with other eares than I did before. Wherewith being called to breakefast, he earnestlie desired vs to take part with him (as we did) at what time he eat his meat with great chéerefulnesse, as all the companie saw, and as appeared by these his words: I sée there is great difference (said he) be­twéene a man which is troubled with the cares of the world, and him which is frée from them, the which I haue found by these two former nights: for before 60 mine accusation, I could not in things find anie rest by reason of cares which I had, because I was to be accused vpon the morrow; and therefore being care­full to answer euerie point that should be laid vnto my charge I could not sleepe: but this night, after that I was condemned, and knew that I should die, I was at a point with my selfe, and had nothing of this world, nor care of this life, but cast my onelie care vpon God, and I praise God I neuer slept bet­ter in my life th [...]n I did this night. Then he said vn­to the steward, William you can beare me record of this; who answered, It is true my lord. Then master Walter said vnto him, My lord I will drinke to you vpon a condition, vpon this condition my lord, that you and I shall drinke together in the kingdome of heauen, of that immortall drinke which shall neuer suffer vs to thirst againe. Wherevnto the earle an­swered, Truelie I will pledge you master Walter on the same condition. After which he said, Iohn Durie, now Iohn I will drinke to you vpon the same condition. This thus ended for that time, and thanks being giuen to God, the earle passed again [...] to his chamber, at what time master Iames Law­son came to him, with whom he considered the sub­stance of all other things againe. After this we de­parted from him.

Then at afternoone we came to him againe, with sundrie of the brethren of the ministerie, as master Iames Lawson, master Robert Poinct, Dauid Fargasone, master Dauid Hensa, Iohn Brand, master Iames Garmichiell, and master Iohn Daui­son, whom the earle receiued verie louinglie in his arms, and said to him; Master Iohn you wrote a lit­tle booke in deed, but trulie I m [...]ant neuer euill to­wards you in my mind, forgiue me, and I forgiue you: vpon which words master Iohn was mooued with teares. Then all the brethren being present, th [...] earle reported againe the chéefe substance of all the things whereof before he spake, being demanded thereof point by point, as their testification of this matter subscribed by them at more length will de­clare. After which the earle was called to his dinner about two of the clocke in the after noone, who being thus at his dinner, the brethren of the ministerie were informed that there was iniust report made of his profession to the king, & that he should haue con­fessed much otherwise than he did, whereby the king might haue a worse opinion of him. Wherefore they thought good to send down some before his suffering to informe his maiestie of the truth of his confessi­on: which persons so sent were Dauid Fargasone, Iohn Durie, and Iohn Brand, who before his death did largelie tell the simple truth of his confession (as it was made) vnto the kings maiestie. At their re­turning the earls kéeper required him that he would come foorth to the scaffold, wherevnto the earle an­swered; Sith they haue thus troubled me ouermuch this daie with worldlie things, I supposed that they should haue giuen me one nights leisure to haue ad­uised my selfe with my God. Then the kéeper said. All things are redie now my lord, and I thinke they will not staie. The earle replied, I am redie also I praise God: and so comfortable praier being made, the earle passed downe to the gate, minding to go di­rectlie to the scaffold; but the earle of Arrane staied him, brought him backe againe to the chamber, and willed him to staie vntill his confession should be put in writing & subscribed with his owne hand. Where­vnto the ministers which were present answered, and the earle also answered: Naie my lord, I praie you trouble me no more with these things, for now I haue another thing to muse vpon, which is to prepare me for my God. And sith I am at a point to go to my death, I can not write in the estate wherein I now am; and all these honest men can testifie what I haue spoken in that matter. With which answer th [...] earle of Arrane being satisfied, he said to him, My lord you will be reconciled with me, for I haue doone nothing vpon anie particular quarell against you. The earle of Morton replied, It is no time now to remember quarels, I haue no quarell to you nor to anie other, I forgiue you and all others as I would you forgaue me. And so after with a good cou­rage he passed to the scaffold, who being vpon the scaffold, repeated in few words the substance of the things before confessed, &c: adding some exhortation to the people which he spake not before, in this so [...]t.

[Page 433] S [...] I am [...]e king shall loose a good seruant this daie, and so he exhorted the people, saieng: I testifie before God, that as I professe the gospell which this daie is taught & professed in Scotland: so also now I willinglie lay downe my life in the persecution thereof. And albeit I haue not walked according [...]ereunto as I ought, yet I am assured that God will be mercifull vnto me; and I charge you all in God which are professors of the gospell, that you con­tinue the true professing and mainteining thereof to 10 your power, as I would haue doone God willing with my life, lands, and goods as long as I had li­ued: which if you doo, I assure you God shall be mercifull vnto you; but if you doo it not, be sure the vengeance of God shall fall vpon you, both in bodie and soule. As concerning all the rest of the words which he had vpon the seaffold, he spake them in ef­fect and more amplie before. When all these spea­ches were ended vpon the scaffold, a comfortable praier was made by maister Iohn Lawson, during 20 the time of which praier, the erle Morton laie groue­ling vpon his face before the place of execution, his bodie making great reboundings with sighes and sobs, being euident signes of the inward and migh­tie working of the spirit of God, as all they which were present, and knew what it was to be earuestlie moued in praier, might easilie perceiue.

The praier being ended, and sundrie comming to him before his death, he did most louinglie receiue them; who after he had taken vs by the hand that were about him, & bidden vs farewell in the Lord, 30 he passed both constantlie, patientlie, and humblie (without feare of death) to the place of execution, and laid his necke vnder the axe being vnbound. And there maister Walter putting him alwaies in mind to call vpon God; the erle continuallie cried vntill his head was striken off, Lord Iesus receiue my spirit, Lord Iesus receiue my spirit: which words he spake euen while the axe fell on his necke. Now whatsoeuer he had béene before, he constantlie 40 died the seruant of God. And howsoever it be that his foes alleged, that as he liued proudlie, so he died proudlie; the charitable seruants of God could perceiue nothing in him but all kind of humilitie in his death: insomuch that we are assured, that his soule is receiued into the ioies and glories of the heauens; and we praie God, that they which are be­hind, may learne by his example to die in the true feare of God our Lord. ¶ Thus far the confession & death of the earle Morton, penned by such of the presbyterie as were present thereat, and fauored 50 him in all respects, séeking to cléere him of anie euill imposed against him. In setting downe whereof, I haue not varied from the verie words of my copie in manner of penning it; but onelie in some, few places of some part of the matter, the which I haue purposelie omitted, because it conteined the affaires of state, and the accusation of diuerse persons now liuing; both which are neither néedfull to be knowne to the common people, nor méete to be opened to o­thers, 60 thereby to bring those in question vpon a re­port, whereof there is no further hold to be had, than there was hate or loue betwéene the accuser & the accused. Wherefore leauing the same discourse of the death of the earle which fell vpon the second daie The time when earle Morton was beheadded. of Iune in the towne of Edenburgh) in that sort, penned by those of the presbyterie, to stand vpon the support of it selfe, I will descend to other matters.

This earle Morton maried the old earle of Mor­tons yoongest daughter, who being halfe an idiot brought foorth no issue to this earle: but he notwith­standing, least he should die issulesse, left behind him two sonnes, vnlawfullie begotten. Shortlie af­ter the death of which erle, Thomas Randulph esqui­er being sent ambassador from the quéene of Eng­land, Thomas Randulph sent ambassa­dor into Scot­land. entered into Scotland, whom (being honorablie interteined) I will leaue there to dispatch the effect of his commission, and fall to that which happened. After the death of this earle Morton, in the winter following there was a parlement called, at what time manie noble men were created, as Ruthwen was made earle of [...]owrie, Robert Steward base brother to Marie the imprisoned queene of Scots was aduanced to the honor and title of the earldome of Orkeneie, the lord Maxwell was made erle Mor­ton, and Iames Steward was created earle of Ar­rane, the manner of obteining which earldome of Arrane by the said Steward being extraordinarilie procured, seemeth to me not to be forgotten: and therefore I will set it downe as I haue had intelli­gence thereof, in this sort following. The old earle Iames Steward cre­ated earle of Arrane. of Arrane (the duke of Chateleraults eldest sonne and brother to Iohn Hamilton the lord of Arbroth) being lunatike, and first committed to the custodie of his said brother the lord of Arbroth, was after ta­ken from that his tutor, and set ouer to Iames Steward to haue the ouersight of his person, and the ordering of his liuing. Which Iames Steward being by nature and experience subtill witted, and by authoritie and the kings fauor in great credit; found meanes partlie by policie, partlie by persua­sion, and partlie by flatterie, to wring from the lu­natike earle of Arrane, a grant and departure of all his right, title, and honor, to the lands & earle­dome of Arrane. Which when he had obteined of the said lunatike earle (who knew not what he did) he foorthwith came to the said parlement or councell house, or place of the assemblie of the nobilitie, brin­ging with him the grant of the earle of Arrane: wherby he had infeffed this Steward with the lands and countrie of Arrane. Which matter being fullie vnderstood there by the nobilitie, supposing vpright dealing to haue furthered the purchase of this earl­dome by Steward, did then by the decrée and the kings consent, establish, and also inuest him in the lands, and with the title of the earledome of Arrane; which he obteined by such meanes as are before tou­ched. Not vnlike vnto the course which Mordacke (made gouernor of Scotland, in the yeare of Christ one thousand soure hundred and six) sometime vsed for the obteining of the earldome of Rosse, from the daughter and heire of Alexander Lesse, intitu­led to the same earldome: the maner whereof I will here set downe Verbatim, taken out of Lesleus historie of Scotland, which deliuered the same in these words.

Breui post tempore Donaldus insularis Rossiae co­mitatum vendicans, Hebridianos ad suas partes alli­cit: quo autem iure id fecerit hinc facilimè liquebit. Walterus Lesleus vir nobilissimus, post insignem o­peram Romanis imperatoribus in extremo bello na­uatam, in Scotiam rediens, filiam Gulielmi comitis Rossenfis (in praelia apud Holidonum occubuit) vna cum comitatu, dotis loco in coniugem accepit: ex qua vnum filium sustulit, Alexandrum inde co­mitem Rossensem, filiámque, quae postea Donaldo Hebridiano nuptui data est. Alexander hic, filia Ro­berti gubernatoris in vxorem accepta, Euphemiam solam suscepit. Quae adhuc virgo & rerum imperita, gubernatoris partim blanditijs, partim minis indu­cta, translato in ipsum comitatu Rossensi, subitò non sine gubernatoris opera (vt ferebatur) moritur: ac Donaldus qui amitam Euphemiae Alexandri Leslei sororem vxoré habebat, haereditario iure Rossiae co­mitatum petens, collecta ex Hebridibus ingenti ma­nu in Rossiam venit: quam parvo negotio in ditio­nem suam redegit, Rossianis verum recipere haeredê non recusantibus. Thus much Lesle. Moreouer at [Page 434] the same parlement wherein this Iames Steward was aduanced to the earledome of Arrane, the king gaue vnto the duke of Leneux the lands that were The duke of Leneux obtei­neth the earle Mortons lands. belonging to the foresaid beheaded erle of Morton, which lands this duke not long reteining, made o­uer his part to the earle of Angus, in recompense whereof, the duke obteined of the king the lordship of Methuen, which came to the kings possession by the death of Henrie Steward lord of Methuen, tou­ching whom Buchanan composed these verses follo­wing, 10 calling him Regulum Methueniae, in this sort:

Hîc Henrice iaces primaeuo in flore, dederunt
Indole cui nullum saecula nostra parem.
Nemo fuit spes iudicijs cui credula certis,
Sponderet tantum Marte togáque decus.
Nunc pro spe, votis, expectatisque triumphis,
Cura, dolor, lachrymae, mestitiésque subit:
At tu, mors annis quantum detraxit acerba,
Adijce de gazis posthuma fama tuis.

During these creations of the nobilitie, in a par­lement 20 holden in Edenburgh the eight and twen­tith of Ianuarie, in this yere one thousand fiue hun­dred fourescore and one, being the fouretéenth of the kings reigne, were matters established, touching the ecclesiasticall gouernement, whereof I meane A declaration of the Scotish faith, published and confirmed by the king. not fullie to set downe the same, sith my pen and purpose is bent to treat of politicall and not spiri­tuall causes. Wherefore onelie determining but slenderlie, and by the waie to touch that matter, set foorth in print at Cambridge, vnder the stampe of 30 Thomas Thomas, printer for that vniuersitie, in this yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six, we saie that the same booke, published by the Scots (and intituled, A generall confession of the true christian faith and religion, according to Gods word and our acts of parlement subscribed by the kings maiestie and his houshold, with diuers o­thers, &c.) hath further, after the preface thereof this title giuen vnto it. The estates of Scotland with the inhabitants of the same, professing Christ Iesus & 40 his holie gospell, to their naturall countriemen and to all other realms and nations, professing the same Iesus Christ with them, with grace, mercie, and peace from God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ, with the spirit of righteous iudgement of saluation.

After which title and salutation, the substance of the same booke, being declared in the forhead of the chapters following, conteineth these heads: First of God, then of the creation of man, next of originall sinne, fourthlie of the reuelation of 50 the promise of the continuance, increase, and pre­seruation of the church, of the incarnation of Christ Iesus, why it becommeth the mediator to be verie God and man, of election, of Christes death, passi­on, and buriall, of his resurrection, of his ascensi­on, of faith in the Holie-ghost, of the cause of good works, what works are reputed good before God, of the perfection of the law and the imperfection of man, of the church, of the immortalitie of soules, of the notes by which the true church is discerned 60 from the false, and who shall be iudge of the do­ctrine, of the authoritie of the scriptures, of ge­nerall councels, of their power, authoritie and cause of their conuention, of the sacraments, of the right administration of the sacraments, to whom sacraments apperteine, and of the ciuill magistrat, of the gifts fréelie giuen to the church.

The discourse of all which matters, being in that booke largelie and iudiciallie handled, both for the declaration of the faith of those people, and for the further instruction of others, were shortlie after the agréement therevnto in that parlement confirmed by the king, and commanded to be published and v­sed through his realme, as appeareth by this his fol­lowing precept, concerning the same.

The kings maiesties charge to all commissioners and ministers, within his realme.

SEeing that we and our houshold haue subscribed & giuen this publike confes­sion of our faith, to the good example of our subiects, we command and charge all commissioners and ministers to craue the same confession of their parishioners, and to procéed a­gainst the refusers according to our lawes, and or­der of the church: deliuering their names and law­full processe to the ministers of our house, with all hast and diligence, vnder the paine of fortie pounds to be taken from their stipend: that we with the ad­uise of our councell, maie take order with such proud contemners of God, and our lawes. Subscribed with our hand at Holierood house one thousand fiue hundred foure score and one, the second daie of March, the fourtéenth yere of our reigne.

Religion thus setled in Scotland, it fell hervpon, 1582 that Amies duke of Leneux, to which honor he was not long before aduanced, as is alreadie set downe The duke of Leneux bani­shed. in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thréescore and ninetéene, was now in this yeare vp­on displeasure, conceiued against him by others of the nobilitie, banished Scotland, & enforced to re­turne into France, there to passe the rest of his life as he had doone before. In whose exile was perfor­med an old prophesie, which I haue heard, that a nag of fiue shillings should beare all the dukes of Eng­land and Scotland. For when this duke was out of the Scotish kingdome, there was neither duke in that countrie, or England. But as I greatlie fa­uor not these things, so yet finding manie of them to sort to vnhappie successe; I cannot altogither A digression touching the duke of Sum­merset. condemne them, especiallie, sith I find two other which concerning the last duke of England, being the duke of Summerset, did prognosticat both the aduancement of religion by him, and that he should not long kéepe his head vpon his shoulders, after that he began to make his statelie buildings. Of which propheticall verses, declaring the same, the first verse expressing his name, was as followeth:

The mare of the sea, which backe­ward is sea­mare.
Cessabit missa cùm regnat equa marina.

The other prophesie mentioning his name of honor was in this sort, as also the time of his fall:

Summers seat, or Sum­merset.
Aestatis sedes cum scandis ad alta per aedes,
Pro certo credes quòd caput perdere debes.

And to proue that Summerset was manie yeares past called in Latine Aestatis sedes, I find this matter in Roger Wall sometime an herald liuing in the time of Henrie the fift, who named him accor­dinglie, when the said author excusing himselfe of all eloquence, and complaining of his owne rudenesse, sent his booke to D. Iohn Summerset to correct; which doctor being the kings schoolemaister and phy­sician, a great learned man well séene in the mathe­matikes, one that had written much therein, and ve­rie eloquent also, was as this Roger Wall thought, Roger Wall submitteth his worke to the censure of doctor Iohn Summerset. most méete to haue the ouersight of his workes: which matter, as it is set downe in the latter end of the same worke of the acts of Henrie the fift, writ­ten by this Roger Wall, I shall not gréeue (although they belong not, and be vtterlie impertinent to the matters of Scotland) to set downe, both because I would not maime the author in telling his owne tale, and would a little recreat the reader by the ob­scuritie of the stile of Roger Wall, with some varie­tie [Page 435] of other than Scotish matter: for Nihil tam dul­ce, quod varietas non refieit. These therefore be the words of that writer.

Vecors, inculta, pauper & pannosa pagina, video quia nuditatem, pauperiem, ac ruditatem tuamex­pauescens patefeci: ad hoc immensae verecundiae terrore ducta in lustralibus latebris, & abditis de­sertis, & inuijs latitare decreuisti, fortassis tamen, si quenquam reperies qui nuditatem tuam operire, pauperiem tuam locupletare, & ruditatem tuam re­formare 10 dignaretur, induturafores animositatisspi­ritum processura in lucem. Eia igitur consilijs meis adquiescere non deseras: & meis monitis edocta, doctoré gloriosum inuenies, qui Summerset. Aestatissedes glo­riosum cognomen sortitus est. Hic Tulliani testa­menti executor, purpura abisso quibus te vestiat, bonorum Oratij ministrator, thesau [...]is innumeris quite ditet ac ipsius opulentissimae imperatricis Rhe­toricae The commen­dation of doc­tor Iohn Summerset. custos, gazarum, & aerarij gemmis pretiosis, quibus ruditatis tuae tenebras excutiens, ipsum syde­rea 20 politura perornare poterit, prae caeteris copia ple­niori floret & abundat, hic est qui coeli empeirei sitù & mobilitatem, ac vacui, si quid extra ipsum repe­riri possit: Chaos & confusionem primi mobilis, mo­tus ac ornamenta syderea, & actam per ipsum inferi­orum rapinam planetarum, cursus erraticos in suis epicyclis & retrogradationibus intellectui multùm difficiles, elementorum [...] coniugia, qualitates & actiuitates mutuas, [...] impressionum causas & effectus, & quicquid Aristotelicae demonstrationes 30 seu Hippocratici aphorismi suadere sufficiunt, nouit, rimatur & intelligit. Hic est quod plurimùm ponde­randum existimo, qui regalispectorissacrarium tan­tarum virtutum, tantaeque literaturae imbalsamauit aromatibus, & corpus regium ab aegritudinum in­commodis seruauit incolume, qui semper reipublicae promotor & pauperum procurator extitit. En pagi­na vecors & misera tibi iutumae consolationis mini­straui materiam. Esto igitur fortis animi, & vt virum tantum attingas, quem me docente reperies ad iter 40 accingere. Verum quia dum regis assistit lateri, aut pauperum procurando negotia, aut reipublicae bo­num promouendo, vel regiam celsitudinem salutari­bus exhortando artis salutigerae consilijs [...]ic solicitus redditur, vt vix ei quietis indulgeatur horula infra domum regiam, reuerentiam suam solicitare nolito praesumere, sed vsque ad mansionem suam propriam, quam per signa quae tibi monstrabo inuenies omni expeditione ne pigriteris currere. Quum igitur iter tuum arripueris strata regia, qua per aliquot miliaria 50 gradieris ad quandam semitam versus dextram, pro­tensam non procul à quadam capella pulcherrima fundationis regiae in honorem sanctorum archange­lorú Raphaelis, Gabraelis, & Michaelis, atque omni­um angelorum sanctorum Dei, quam nuper procu­ratio sua construxerat, tritura multiplicise ipsum ma­nifestan temducet. In qua cùm pauperū nudipedum ad suam domum confluentium impressa vestigia perceperis: & corundem redeuntium pedum calci­atorū quos eleemosyna sua iam pecuali pelle vestijt 60 inueneris: & cùm per eandem semitam nudos, esuri­entes & tristes ad habitaculum suum concurrentes prospexeris, & eosdem per suae charitatis liberalita­tem vestitos, saturatos, & gaudentes obvios hab [...] ­ris, scito quoniam haec est via in tabernaculum ipsius, quem quaerisductrix infallibilis & directissima. Sup­plica igitur pauperrima pagina pauperibusillis, vt ti­bi Aestatis sedē velint ostendere, &c. After which this Wall setteth downe the supplication, which his booke should dedicate to this doctor (when he hath found him) in these verses, beginning also with the same name of Aestatis sedes, in English Summerset:

Fertilis Aestatis florida sedes,
Morum multiplici luce refulgens,
Gloria doctorum gemma scientum,
Eloquij pelagus, lux medicinae,
Pectore coelesti coelica condens,
Praeradians alijs lumine mentis,
Cui patet astrorum candida turba,
Et motus primi mobilis orbis,
Nec latet eiusdem mira rapina,
Quid flammiuomus ignis in orbe
Aereique sinus abdyta nosti?
Quae fluit & refluit (piscis opimum)
Oceanum pelagus, quae pia terram
Numina proficiunt prole feracem
Naturae probitas, norma, potestas,
Consilium, virtus, quicquid agatur,
Clara luce tua mente coruscant.
Haec cumulata tua lucida virtus,
Musarum sedem pectore regis,
Et morum solium fausta parauit,
Nec minus à regis corpore morbos,
Funebreásque minas cauta fagauit,
Seruans illaesa gaudia regni,
Et fotrix inopum dextera larga.
Corporibus nudis frigore pellis,
Esuriem furias & famis iram,
Cogit in exilium prodiga mensa.
Doctor qui tanta dote refulges,
Me miseram miserans intuearis
Turpem complectere respice nudam,
Incultam polias, reijce mendas,
Vestes dilaceras consue clemens,
Sint medicina sitis pocula Cirre,
Quae tibi plus reliquis copia praestat,
Et tua si pietas sordida purgans,
Si tergat maculas horrida limans,
Vt me fortuna fata foecundans,
Inter plebeos forte remotos,
Angelicum regis cernere vultum,
Praestet me fausta sorte beatam,
Et bene fatatam laeta putarem,
Nobilis haec doctor suscipe vota,
Cuius virtutes, inclyta gesta,
Aeternis titulis fama perennet.

Thus hauing expressed the words and verses of Roger Wall, which in Latine termed some hun­dred yeares passed (as you haue heard before) the name of Summerset by the words of Aestatis sedes, I haue trulie béene the willinger to set downe the same by wait of digression (besides the former de­clared causes which mooued me thereto) for that I would not suffer so worthie a man as that Iohn Summerset was to be buried in obliuion. And for that I would in some part (as anie occasion maie serue therefore) make this worke of Roger Wall more common to the world, being onelie now in the hands of one painefull antiquarie. Wherefore in that sort, leauing our Englishmen, let vs returne to the affaires of Scots and Scotland: intreating first of some thing doone by them in the low coun­tries, where one Steward a Scot, hauing had Surius in com [...] de reb. in orbe histor. pa. 1062. charge of men in some part of the low countries of Flanders, Zeland, and Holland, vnder William of Nassaw, earle of Aurange, did now fall from the states of that countrie, emploie all his force on the king of Spaines side, and went to assist the prince of Parma (the deputie of king Philip in those parts) because the states did not paie to him and his soldi­ors their due stipend and wages for the wars. At what time also the garison of Bruxels were for the like cause in an vprore. But some portion of monie being offered vnto them, they were for that time somewhat pacified. All which notwithstanding, one certeine Scot, called Lichféeld, & surnamed Sem­ple, being captaine of the garison of Lire, and long [Page 436] vnpa [...]ed his sallarie, for those warres did in vaine The Spani­ards obtei [...]e Lire by a stra­tagem deuised by the Scots. ma [...] times demand that monie due vnto him. Wherevpon, imagining with himselfe howhe might deceiue Hietfield the gouernour of the citie, as they had beguiled him in deteining of his due, he deuised with a new stratagem to bring this towne into the subiection of Philip king of Spaine. Wherefore, feining himselfe that he would in the middest of the night with his people go [...]oorth to bring home some great bootie for his and the townes benefit, he de­parted 10 the towne, & late in the night gathered togi­ther a great preie of catell, horsses, oxen, kine, shéepe, and such like, with some prisoners of the kings part. All which he brought to the towne gate of Lire, and then commanded the gates to be opened vnto him, whereby they with their bootie might enter all at once. But the porter fearing at such time of night to set the gates full abroad, onelie opened a little wic­ket or doore, thereby to receiue Semple into the towne. Which thing Semple then perceiuing (& not 20 finding all things to answer his expectation) feined that the enimies were hard at their backs, would kill them all, and recouer their bootie, vnlesse he did spéedilie open the great gate, through the same to receiue them into the towne all at once. Then the porter beléeuing all this to be true, foorthwith set o­pen the great gates of the citie, which doone, the Scot entereth thereat, [...]ue those which kept the watch, pos­sessed the towne, & into the same receiued the kings souldiors, which were not farre behind, but secretlie 30 laie in wait expecting the successe of this deuise. By which meanes the Spaniards and their followers first woone the market place, and the next daie after the calends of August reduced the whole towne of Lire vnder their owne subiection: the same Lire being a place well fensed, and set in such a conueni­ent soile, that it would prohibit all passage and cari­age to come to Antwerpe, Mecheline and Bruxels.

After this, much about the beginning of Sep­tember, Ambassador frō the French into Scotland. monsieur de la Mot was sent from Hen­rie 40 the third the French king ambassador into Scot­land, the outward effect of whose commission was to renew and conclude the old league of amitie be­twixt those two nations, as it had been long conti­nued betwéene them in times past, which doone, he returned, well accepted by his French master. After which in like sort the king of Scots sent the lord Seton ambassador into France to the same king 1583 Ambassador from the Scot to the French. Henrie, which lord came to Paris in the beginning of March, and there remained about six wéekes or 50 more before he could find conuenient passage for him to returne into his countrie, because there was wait laid (as was supposed) to the end that he might haue béene intercepted by some of his enimies, be­fore he should haue atteined the presence of the king his maister.

But now as a litle before I haue set downe the exploits doone by the Scots in the low countries out of their owne nation, so I thinke it not amisse to adde to the same somewhat doone by a Scot héere 60 in England, the summe whereof is after this man­ner. One William Creicton a Scot by birth, and Lesleus lib. 6. pag. 210. a Iesuit by profession, which name of Creicton first came into Scotland, in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand thréescore and six out of Hungarie amongst o­thers with Agatha, the mother of Maud the wife to Malcolme king of Scots, hauing trauelled the most part of Europe, had conference with one William Parrie an Englishman, by waie of dis­course and argument touching such matter of trea­ [...]on as concerned the death of the quéene of Eng­land. After which (Parrie being returned into England in Ianuarie following) this Creicton also, not tarrieng long behind him, did come from the parts of beyond the sea [...] to take his iornie towards Scotland, who determining to passe through Eng­land, arriued here, was apprehended, & committed Creicton a Scot commit­ted to [...]ison in England prisoner to the Tower of London, in such sort as before you haue heard that Iohn Lesle bishop of Rosse was staied by the duke of Bauier vpon suspi­cion, that the same bishop had dealt with the eni­mies of that prince against the state of his coun­trie. The cause wherefore the said Creicton was so committed, was for that he had about him diuerse plots for inuasions of this our realme of England. When he was thus prisoner in the Tower, William Parrie was after for the same treason apprehended, examined, committed also to the Tower, and final­lie executed on the second daie of March in the yere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred foure score and foure. In the Februarie before which execution, sir Francis Walsingham knight, principall secre­tarie to hir maiestie of England, came to the Tow­er, examined the said Creicton and dealt with him, to vnderstand if the said Parrie had euer had confe­rence with him in the parts beyond the seas touch­ing that question, whether it were lawfull to kill hir maiestie of England or not, the which at that time the said Creicton called not to his remembrance; yet afterwards vpon better consideration thereof it fell into his mind, where, when, & on what occasion such spéech had passed [...] [...]e the said Parrie and him. Wherevpon the [...]ntith daie of Februarie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred foure score and foure, during the time that Parrie also was a prisoner in the Tower, this Creicton wrote to maister secretarie Walsingham a volun­tarie letter penned all with his owne hand, which being alreadie set downe in the historie of England is needlesse here to be repeated. Wherefore hauing thus said somewhat of this prisoner, we will leaue him still remaining in the same state, expecting some folowing successe of libertie to come to him, and returne our pen to the countrie of Scotland, thereof to set downe such occurrents as happened from this time.

In March was renewed a great & old contention A contention betweene the earle Morton and the l [...]rd Iohnstane. betwéene the lord Maxwell earle Morton warden of the west marches of Scotland, and the lard of Iohn­stane; the occas [...]on of which new dissention procéeded of an old enimitie begun in the time of Dowglasse earle Morton beheaded, as before in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred eightie and one, touching the receiuing of the same wardenship. In which hurlie burlie the lard of Iohnstane behaued himselfe verie rigorouslie against the lord Maxwell, in blowing vp with gunpouder the lockes of the cas­tell of Lochmaben. Which dissention secretlie after the death of Dowglasse earle Morton, continuing betwéene the lord Maxwell and Iohnstane, with further increase of malice, they in this yeare sought a fresh reuenge thereof, [...]th the lord Iohnstane had not (before this) either power or meanes to incoun­ter with the lord Maxwell. But now the ladie Iohn­stane (being verie familiar and fauored with and of Iames Steward earle of Arrane) obteined of the Ladie Iohn­stane hath aid of the king. king some succors of men of warre against the lord Maxwell earle Morton, hir husband (as was suppo­sed) not being able otherwise to make his part good against the same earle. Wherevpon canteine Lamie and capteine Granestane were sent with two com­panies of hackbuts vnto the reliefe of the lard of Iohnstane. Who being thus furnished, did in the kings name raise the nobilitie and countrie therea­bouts to assist him with their power: which being had, he meant and therefore went to haue ioined with the said two capteins Lamie and Grane­stane. But as man purposeth, and God disposeth [Page 432] quite contrarie to our determination. So the lard Iohnstane was disappointed of that méeting; for the earle Morton (whose héedfull watch was not idle in learning out the deuises of his enimies, a néed­full policie for all such as intend to bring great acti­ons to effect) hauing intelligence by some of his friends tendering his safetie, of this determination and preparation of the lard Iohnstane, and wiselie (as behooued him) seeing what danger might rise vn­to him, if their two forces met, which would rise to a 10 greater number than he were able to incounter, and iudging it best in the beginning to prouide for mischiefe, and to stop their passage, did prepare to preuent all their deuises, and for that cause sent his base brother Robert Maxwell capteine of Lang­holne Robert Max­well base bro­ther to earle Morton sent against cap­teine Lamie. with some horssemen and footmen vnder the conduct of Iames Fraiser brother to the lord of Fullorth, which Robert meeting on Cra [...]ford mere with the foresaid capteins Lamie and Cranestane, before that they had ioined with the lard Iohnstane 20 gaue the charge vpon them, and that so fiercelie as they ouerthrew the whole strength of his enimies, slue Lamie, tooke Cranestane prisoner, and so hand­led Capteine La­mie & Crane­stane ouer­throwen. the matter that all the rest were taken or s [...]ame except some few, who sought their liues by the bene­fit of flieng. After which victorie the report thereof came to the lard Iohnstane, who desirous to be re­uenged thereof, vsed the helpe of other meanes when he perceued that force would not preuaile. And for that cause assembling such power as he had, he 30 vsed the strength of one element against an o­ther, of the highest against the lowest, of the heauen against the earth, of the fire against mettall, and of burning against fighting. For with all spéed he has­tened to the lands of the earle Morton, which he cru­ellie spoiled, and in the same did burne certeine houses and other places belonging to the earle, as Comers trées, Duncoll, Cowhill, and such like. Wherevpon the earle Morton, who in like sort did not neglect his owne cause, but as opportunitie ser­ued, 40 sought the requit all thereof, did with the like furie, but with more hurt, enter the lands of Iohn­stane, vtterlie spoiled them, and yet not so satisfied, The castels Louchhouse and Louch­wood burnt. committed to the fire both the castels of Louchhouse and Louchwood belonging to Iohnstane, and slue sundrie gentlemen of name, the friends to Iohn­stane, being persons of good sort, as the two bro­thers of Lokierbie, a brother of the lord Wanefraie, some of the sons of Iohn of Iohnstane of Holgill, with others. Which doone, the earle Morton procée­ded 50 vnto further pursute, and determining fullie to reuenge himselfe vpon Iohnstane, and his follow­ers, forced the lard Iohnstane himselfe to flie his fu­rie. Wherefore he fled to a strong house called the The lard Iohnstane forced to f [...]ie. Bonshaw castell belonging to Edward Yrwine of the Bonshaw, whome the earle pursued, and besie­ged in the same place, at what time he so battered the castell with artillerie, that the house was almost gotten. Which being perceiued of those within, not able to make further resistance, they fell to par­lée, 60 and so to composition; whereby in the end the matter was wholie compounded and ended betwéen them, by the mediation and furtherance of the lord Scroope of England, with certeine conditions to be The lord Scroope com­pounded the contention be­tweene earle Morton and the lard Iohn­stane. performed as well on the part of the earle as of the lard Iohnstane. But the coles of inward griefe be­ing couered with cold ashes of outward reconcili­ation, did not long lie couered, but in the end be­gan afresh to shew their fire. For the lard Iohnstane falling from the said accord, vpon what occasion I know not, either for cause giuen by the earle Mor­ton, or for an euill disposition in himselfe, or for both, they burst foorth againe into the like conflicts & part taking, which in the end falling to the worst, for the lard Iohnstane, he was taken betwéen Tin­wall The lard Iohnstane taken. and the Warden ditches (where he was lard in ambush to haue performed some action against the said Robert Maxwell comming from the towne of Domfreies to Laugham from the earle Morton his brother) by William Carrutheris (baron of Hol­mence and capteine of the kings castell named Traife) being by the earle Morton appointed to in­counter with the said lard Iohnstane: which this ba­ron was the more willing to doo, because he intirelie loued the earle, and had alwaies from the beginning followed the earles faction.

These things thus performed and the successe ther­of comming to the kings knowledge, he grew so The king dis­p [...]eased with earle Morton for the cause of the lard Iohnstane. heauilie displeased with the earle Morton▪ that he was scarse able to susteine the kings displeasure, by reason that the earle attempted these things against the kings mind, when the king had supported the lard Iohnstane with men and weapons. But the kings displeasure onlie growing against the earle, was partlie for that the earle of Arrane did bitter­lie exasper at the cause against him, and partlie by the persuasion & lamentation of the ladie of Iohn­stane, whereof the last was enimie to the earle, as of dutie she ought in respect of hir husband, and the first (which was the earle of Arrane) became a bitter and heauie enimie besides all reason against earle Mor­ton, because that Morton refused to exchange the baronies of Poke and Maxwell Hewch with Ar­rane, which most instantlie required the same, in re­spect they adioined neere vnto other lands which Ar­rane The earle of Arrane would exchange lands with the earle Morton. had procured to himselfe. For although that Ar­rane would in place of those required lands haue de­liuered others of no lesse value and honor (for he would haue giuen the baronie of Kinneile for the same) yet Morton had good cause and no lesse reason not to yeeld therevnto: as well for that Maxwell Hewch was his ancient inheritance, and the first land which his ancestors had, and whereof they tooke the name of lord Maxwell; as for that, that there were manie of the surname of the Maxwels, who dwelling vpon these lands, would not become subiect The Max­wels would not be subiect to the earle of Arrane. to the earle of Arrane, as they must haue béene if he had departed with those lands; amongst which Max­wels so refusing to become tenants to Arrane, were Iohn Maxwell lard of Newarke, and William Maxwell lard of Poke.

This thus handled, the king assembled a parle­ment in Maie, wherein were certeine lawes enac­ted, which giuing occasion to some of the nobilitie and clergie to misconceiue thereof, and to depart the realme, did after minister cause to the king (for the more discharge of his honour, the better explai­ning of the said lawes, and the manifesting of secret practises against him) to set downe this following declaration thereof to the view of the world. Wher­in he shewed himselfe of a rare and good disposition, in that he would humble himselfe beneath the maie­stie of his crowne, publikelie to render a reason to his neighbours and to his subiects of his dealings, towards such as were vnder his gouernment, sith he was not bound therevnto, being to dispose of those his subiects according to the lawes of his realme and the customes of those countries. But be­fore I set downe that declaration, I thinke it not vnmeet to saie somewhat of such things as went be­fore, and were the cause of setting foorth of the same declaration. There were some lawes in the same parlement enacted for the reformation of religion, which to the king séemed to be growne ouer dange­rous, in séeking a certeine equalitie of gouern­ment in the ecclesiasticall hierarchie. Upon which law established, the earles of Angus and Mar, with diuers others of the temporaltie and the spiritualtie, [Page 433] as Andrew Meluine, and such as professed the purer and reformed religion (as it was termed) were infor­ced for the vse of their conscience and for other cau­ses, to banish themselues from their countrie, and to flie into England there to vse the libertie of their re­ligion, and to prouide for the safetie of their persons, who comming into this realme, made their abode and soiourned at Norwich. About which time also of their departure out of Scotland, there was a suppo­sed treason discouered by Robert Hamilton vnto 10 the king, intended to be practised against his maie­stie, wherevpon some were summoned vpon suspici­on, some were apprehended, and some were executed for the same cause. Of the first sort, the lord Blakater and George Dowglasse were summoned to the court vpon suspicion that they were consenting and conceling to and of the same treasons. For the se­cond part touching the same, the lord of Donwhasell, the lord of Dunkreth, the lord of Baithkict, Robert Hamilton of Inchmachan, and Iames Sterling, 20 were apprehended at the kings court: besides which Iohn Hoppingell of the Moores was taken at his owne house by the capteine of the kings gard, and the lord Keier with the lord Maius and other gentle­men were taken about Sterling; and lastlie the lord Donwhasell and the lord Maius were executed, with the lord Ruthwine earle of Gowrike, treasuror of Scotland, who was be headed in Scotland. Which being thus doone, the king as is before said made this following declaration vpon the said acts of par­lement, 30 in which he sheweth reason and cause why he ought and might both make and execute those laws, with a further explanation also of the same lawes deliuered in that declaration with these words.

The kings maiesties declaration of his acts confirmed in parlement.

FOr as much as there is some euill affected 40 men that goeth about so farre as in them lieth, to inuent lies and tales to slander and impaire the kings maiesties fame and honor, & to raise reports as if his maiestie had declined to papistrie, & that he had made manie acts to abolish the frée passage of the gospell, good order and discipline in the church: which brutes are main­teined by rebellious subiects, who would gladlie co­uer their seditious enterprises vnder pretense of reli­gion (albeit there can be no good religion in such as 50 raise rebellion to disquiet the state of their natiue souereigne, and periuredlie dooth stand against the oth, band, & obligation of their faith, wherevnto they haue subscribed) therfore that his maiesties faithfull subiects be not abused with such slanderous reports, and his highnesse good affectionat friends in other countries maie vnderstand the verities of his vp­right intention, his highnesse hath commanded this bréefe declaration of certeine of his maiesties acts of parlement holden in Maie one thousand fiue hun­dred 60 foure score and foure, to be published and im­printed, to the effect that the indirect practises of such as slander his maiestie and his lawes maie be de­fected and discouered.

In the first act his maiestie ratifieth and approoueth the true profession of the gospell, sincere preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments, presentlie by the goodnesse of God established with­in this realme, and alloweth of the confession of the faith set downe by act of parlement the first yere of his maiesties reigne. Likewise his highnesse not onlie professeth the same in all sinceritie, but (praised be God) is come to that ripenesse of iudgement by reading and hearing the word of God, that his high­nesse is able to conuince and ouershrow by the doc­trine of the prophets and apostles the most learned of the contrarie sect. So that (as Plato affirmeth that common wealth to be counted happie wherein a philosopher reigneth, or he that reigneth is a philoso­pher) we maie much more estéeme this countrie of Scotland to be fortunate, wherein our king is a di­uine, and whose hart is replenished with the know­ledge of the heauenlie philosophie: for the comfort not onlie of his good subiects and friends in other countries but of them that professeth the gospell e­uerie where, he being a king of great wisedome, and by his birth right borne to great possession; but much more his highnesse, vertue, godlinesse and learning, and dailie increase of all heauenlie sciences, dooth promise and assure him of the mightie protection of God, and fauour of all them that feare his holie name.

In the second act his maiesties roiall authori­tie ouer all estates both spirituall and temporall is confirmed: which act some of malice, and some of ig­norance doth traduce, as if his maiestie pretended to be called the head of the church, a name which his maiestie acknowledgeth to be proper and peculiar to the sonne of God the sauiour of the world, who is the head, and bestoweth life spirituall vpon the mem­bers of his mysticall bodie, and he hauing receiued the holie spirit in all abundance, maketh euerie one of the faithfull partakers thereof, according to the measure of faith bestowed vpon them, of the which number of the faithfull vnder the head Christ, his maiestie acknowledgeth himselfe to be a member baptised in his name, partaker of the misterie of the crosse and holie communion, and attending with the faithfull for the comming of the Lord and the finall resurrection of Gods elect. And notwithstanding his maiestie surelie vnderstandeth by the scriptures, that he is the chéefe and principall member appoin­ted by the law of God to sée God glorified, vice puni­shed and vertue mainteined within his realme: and the souereigne iudgment of a godlie quietnesse & order in the common wealth, to apperteine to his highnesse care and solicitude. Which power and au­thoritie of his highnesse, certeine ministers being called before his maiestie for their seditious and fac­tious sermons in stirring vp the people to rebellion against their natiue king (by the instigation of sun­drie vnquiet spirits) would in no wise acknowledge but disclaime his maiesties authoritie as an incom­petent iudge: and especiallie one called master An­drew Melum of a salt and fierie humor, vsurping the pulpit of Saundois, without anie lawfull calling, and priuie at that time to certeine conspiracies at­tempted against his maiestie and crowne, went a­bout in a sermon vpon a sundaie, to inflame the harts of the people by odious comparisons of his maiesties progenitors and councell, albeit the dutie of a faithfull preacher of the gospell be rather to ex­hort the people to obedience of their natiue king, and not by popular sermons (which hath béene the euersi­on and decaie of great cities and common wealths, and hath greatlie in times past bred disquietnesse to the state thereby) to trouble and perturbe the coun­trie. The said master Andrew being called before his highnesse, presumptuouslie answered that he would not be iudged by the king and councell, because he had spoken the same in pulpit, which pulpit in effect he alleged to be exempted from the iudgement and correction of princes, as if that holie place sanctified to the word of God and to the breaking of the bread of life, might be anie colour to anie sedition in word or déed against the lawfull authoritie, without pu­nishment. Alwaies his maiestie (being of himselfe a most gratious prince) was not willing to haue v­ [...]ed [Page 439] anie rigor against the said master Andrew, if he had humblie submitted himselfe, acknowledged his offense, and craued pardon: who notwithstanding a [...]d of his owne giltinesse, being priuie to diuers conspirators before, fled out of the realme, whose naughtie & presumptuous refusing of his highnesse iudgement, was the occasion of the making of this second act: that is, that none should decline from his highnesse authoritie, in respect that the common prouerbe beareth Ex malis moribus bonae leges natae sunt, 10 which is, that Of euill maners good lawes proceed. And in verie deed it wanteth not anie right intolle­rable arrogancie in anie subiect called before his prince, professing and authorising the same truth, to disclaime his authoritie, neither doo the prophets, apo­stles, or others (conducted by the spirit of God) mini­ster the like example: for it is a great error to af­firme (as manie doo) that princes and magistrats haue onlie power to take order in ciuill affaires, and that ecclesiasticall matters doo onelie belong to the 20 ministerie.

By which meanes the pope of Rome hath exemp­ted himselfe and his cleargie from all iudgment of princes, and he made himselfe to be iudge of iudges, and to be iudged of no man: whereas by the con­trarie, not onelie by the example of the godlie go­uernors, iudges, and kings of the old testament; but also by the new testament, and the whole historie of the primitiue church, in which the emperors being iudges ouer the bishops of Rome, deposed them 30 from their seats, appointed iudges to decide and de­termine causes ecclesiasticall, and challenge inno­cent men, as Athanasius from the determination of the councell holden at Tirus, and by infinit good reasons which shall be set downe by the grace of God in an other seuerall worke, and shall be suffici­entlie prooued and verified. But this appéereth at this present to be an vntimelie and vnprofitable question, which hath no ground vpon their part, but of the preposterous imitation of the pretended iu­risdiction 40 of the pope of Rome. For if there were a­nie question of this land of heresie, whereby the pro­found mysteries of the scriptures behoued to be sear­ched foorth, his maiestie would vse the same reme­die (as most expedient) which the most godlie empe­rors haue vsed: and his maiestie following their ex­ample would allow the councell of learned pastors, that by conference of scriptures the veritie might be opened, and heresie repressed.

But God be thanked, we haue no such contro­uesies 50 in this land, neither hath anie heresie taken anie déepe root in the countrie; but that certeine of the ministerie, ioining themselues to rebels haue trauelled to disquiet the state with such questions, that the people might imbrace anie sinister opinion of his maiesties vpright procéedings, and factions might be nourished and interteined in the countrie: neither is it his maiesties meaning nor intention in anie sort, to take awaie the lawfull and ordinarie iudgement in the church, whereby discipline and good 60 order might decaie; but rather to preserue, increase, and mainteine the same. And as there is in this realme, iustices, conestables, shiriffes, prouosts, bai­liffes, and other iudges in temporall matters: so his maiestie alloweth that all things might be doone in order, and a godlie quietnes may be preferued in the whole estate; the synodall assemblies by the bishops, or commissioners, where the place was vsed to be conuenient, twise in the yeare, to haue the ordina­rie triall of matters belonging to the ministerie and their estate: alwaies reseruing to his highnesse, that if they, or anie of them doo amisse, neglect their dutie, disquiet the estate, or offend in anie such maner and sort, that they in no waies pretend ani [...] immunitie, priuilege, and exemption, which onel [...] was inuented by the popes of Rome, to tread vn­der foot she scepter of princes, and to establish an ecclesiasticall tyrannie within this countrie, vnder pretense of new inuented presbyters, which neither should answer to the king nor bishop vnder his ma­iestie: but should haue such infinit iurisdiction, as neither the law of God nor man can tollerat; which is onelie his maiesties intention to represse, and not to take awaie anie godlie or due order in the church, as hereafter shall appeare.

The third act of his maiesties foresaid parlement dischargeth all iudgements ecclesiasticall, and all as­semblies which are not allowed by his maiesties par­lement. Which act speciallie concerneth the remo­uing and discharging of that forme, inuented in this land, called the presbyterie: wherein a number of ministers of certeine precincts and bounds, accoun­ting themselues to be equall, without anie diffe­rence, and gathering vnto them certeine gentle­men and others of his maiesties subiects, vsurpe the whole ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, & altereth the laws at their owne pleasure, without the knowledge or approbation of the king, or of the estate: a forme of dooing without example of anie nation, subiect to a christian prince. The perill whereof did so increase, that in case it had not beene repressed in due season, & forbidden by his maiesties laws, the same had trou­bled the whole countrie: and being tried by his high­nesse to be the ouerthrow of his maiesties estate, the decaie of his crowne, and a readie introduction to Anabaptistrie, and popular confusion in all estates; his maiestie hath giuen commandement against the same. And that the reader may know the danger thereof by manie inconueniences, which thereby insueth in this land, I will onelie set downe one, whereby they may vnderstand what perill was in the rest.

The ambassador of France, returning home in­to his countrie, commanded the prouosts, ba [...]liffes, and conestable of Edenburgh to make him a ban­ket, that he might be receiued honorablie according to the amitie of ancient times betwéene the two na­tions. This commandement was giuen on the sa­turdaie by his highnesse, and the banket appointed to be on the mondaie. A number of the foresaid preten­ded presbyterie vnderstanding thereof, assembled themselues on the sundaie in the morning, and pre­sumptouslie determined & agréed, that the ministers of Edenburgh should proclame a fasting vpon the same mondaie; where their seuerall ministers one after another made thrée seuerall sermons, and in­uectiues against the prouosts, ba [...]liffes, and councell for the time, and the noble men in the countrie; who repared to the banket at his maiesties command. The foresaid presbyterie called and persuaded them, and scarselie by his maiesties authoritie could be withholden from excommunicating the magistrats and noble men, for obeieng onelie his highnesse law­full command; which the law of all countries called Ius gentium, requires towards ambassadors of for­ren countries. And not onelie in this, but innu­merable other things, their commandement was proclamed directlie, vnder the paine of excommu­nication to the kings maiestie and his lawes.

Which forme of proceeding ingendered nothing but disquietnesse, sedition, and trouble: as may manifestlie appeare, in that the especiall authors of the inuenting, promoting, and assisting of the fore­said pretended presbyterie, hath ioined themselues with his maiesties rebels; and flieng foorth of the realme, in respect of their guiltinesse, hath discoue­red what malicious practises was deuised amongst them, if God had not in time prouided remedie. [Page 440] The other forme of iudgement, which his maiestie hath discharged, is the generall assemblie of the whole cleargie in the realme: vnder pretense where­of a number of ministers from sundrie presbyte­ries did assemble, with some gentlemen of the coun­trie; whereof, some for that time (malcontents of the state) sought that colour as fauorers of the mi­nisterie, by the which they haue practised manie en­terprises in the realme; where there was no certeine law in ecclesiasticall affaires, but all depended vp­on 10 the said generall conuention, where the laws of the church were alterable after the number of voices, which for the most part succéeded vnto the most vnlearned of the multitude.

This generall assemblie amongst other things, did appoint and agrée with his maiesties regents in his minoritie, that the Which is one of the estates of parlement. estate of bishops should be mainteined and authorised, as is registred in the bookes of councell, and subscribed by the commissio­ners for the time. Which order was obserued ma­nie 20 yeares, and bishops by their coments appointed to their diocesse, vntill within this late time, in as­semblies holden at Dundée, and Glascow, respec­ting the foresaid ministers and assemblies, tooke vpon them contrarie to their owne handwriting, to discharge the estate, and to declare the same to be vnlawfull in their pretended manner. And there commanded the bishops of the countrie, to demit and leaue their offices and iurisdictions, and that in no wise they should passe to the kings councell 30 or parlement, without commission obteined from their assemblie: that they should confirme nothing in parlement and councell, but according to their acts and iniunctions. And further, they directed their commissioners to the kings maiestie, comman­ding him and the councell vnder paine of the cen­sures of the church (whereby they vnderstood excom­municattion) to appoint no bishop in time to come, because they had concluded that estate to be vnlaw­full. And notwithstanding, that which they would 40 haue deiected in the bishops, they purposed to erect in themselues, desiring that such commissioners as they should send to parlement and councell, might be authorised in place of the estate: wherby it should haue come to passe, that whereas now his maiestie may select the most godlie, learned, wise, and expe­rimented of the ministerie, to be on his maiesties estate, his highnesse should haue beene by that meanes compelled to accept such as the multitude, by an od consent of the most vnlearned, should haue 50 appointed, which could not tend but to the ouerthrow of the realme.

After they had discharged bishops, they agréed to haue superintendents, commissioners, and visi­tors: but in the end they decerned that there should be no difference amongst the ministers, and imagi­ned that new forme of presbyterie, whereof we haue spoken before. Neither was there anie other appa­rance that they should haue staied from such dailie alterations in the common-wealth, which could not 60 but continuallie be disquieted, where the law of con­science, which they mainteined by the sword of cur­sing, was subiect to such mutations, at the arbitre­ment of a number, whereof the most part had not greatlie tasted of learning. At once the foresaid assemblie was accustomed, not onelie to prescribe the law to the king and estate, but also did at cer­teine times appoint generall fastings through out the realme; especiallie, when some factioner in the countrie was to moue anie great enterprise. For at the fast, all the ministers were commanded by the assemblie to sing one song, and to crie out vpon the abuses (as they termed it) of the court and estate for the time: whereby is most certeine great alte­rations to haue insued in this land; while at the good pleasure of God, and his blessing towards his ma­iestie, the pretense of the last fast was discouered, and his highnesse deliuered from such attempts, whereby his maiestie hath béene iustlie moued to dis­charge such conuentions, which might import so pre­iudiciallie to his estate.

But especiallie his maiestie had no small occasi­on, whereas the same assemblie being met at Eden­burgh, did authorise and auow the fact perpetrate at Ruthwen, in the taking of his highnesse most noble person. The which déed notwithstanding, with the ad­uise of his estates in parlement accounted to be treason, the said assemblie esteeming their iudge­ment to be the souereigne iudgement of the realme, hath not onlie approoued the same, but also ordeined all them to be excommunicate that would not sub­scribe and allow the same. So the acts of this assem­blie, and the lawes of the estate directed, weied in ci­uill matter, with the which the assemblie should not haue medled, it behooued his highnesse either to dis­charge himselfe of the crowne, or the ministerie of the forme of the assemblie, which in déed of it selfe, without the kings maiesties licence & approbation, could not be lawfull, like as generall councels at no time could assemble, without the commandement of the emperor for the time. And our king hath no lesse power within his owne realme than anie of them had in the empire. Yea the bishop of S. Andrewes had not in time of poperie, power to conuent the bi­shops and clergie out of their owne diocesse, without licence giuen before by his highnes most noble pro­genitors of good memorie, and the causes thereof in­timate and allowed.

Notwithstanding that his maiesties intention and meaning maie fullie be vnderstood, it is his highnesse will, that the bishop or commissioners of anie diocesse or prouince, or part thereof, shall at their visitation appoint in euerie parish, according to the greatnesse thereof, some honest, vertuous, and discréet men, to aid and assist the minister, and to haue the ouersight and censure of the maners and behauior of the people of that parish. And if there be anie notable offense, worthie of punishment, that the bishop and commissioners be aduertised thereof, who shall haue an officer of armes to be assistant for the punishment of vice and executions to follow therevpon: that they who contemne the godlie and lawfull order of the church, maie find by experience his maiesties displeasure, and be punished accor­ding to their deseruings. And further, his maiestie vpon necessarie occasions which shall fall foorth, by di­uers maners of waies amongst the clergie, vpon humble supplication made to his highnesse, will not refuse to grant them licence to assist the bishops, commissioners, and some of the most vertuous, lear­ned and godlie of their diocesse, where such ecclesia­sticall matters, as apperteine to the vniformitie of doctrine and conuersation of a godlie order in the church, maie be intreated and concluded in his ma­iesties owne presence, or some of his honorable councell, who shall assist for the time: where if neces­sitie so require, a publike fast throughout the whole realme maie be commanded, and by his maiesties authoritie proclamed, to auoid the imminent displea­sure and danger of the wrath of the Lords iudge­ments, which is the right end of publike humilitie, and not vnder pretense thereof to couer such enter­prises, as haue heretofore disquieted and troubled the peace of this common wealth.

The twentith act ratifieth and approoueth, and esta­blisheth the estate of the bishops within the realme, to haue the ouersight and iurisdiction, euerie one in their owne diocesse: which forme of gouernement, [Page 441] and rule in ecclestasticall affaires, hath not onlie con­tinued in the church from the daies of the apostles, by continuall succession of time, and manie martyrs in that calling shed their bloud for the truth: but also sith this realme imbraced and receiued the christian religion, the same estate hath béene mainteined, to the welfare of the church, and quietnes of the realme without anie interruption, vntill within these few yeares, some curious and busie men haue practised to induce into the ministerie an equalitie in all things, aswell concerning the preaching of the word, 10 administration of the sacraments, as likewise in discipline, order, and policie. The which confusion his maiestie finding by most dangerous experience, to haue béene the mother and nurse of great factions, seditions, and troubles within this realme, hath with aduise of his highnes estates, aduisedlie concluded, the said pretended partie in discipline, orders and po­licie in the church, to be no longer to be tolerated in his countrie, but the solicitude & care of all churches in one diocesse to apperteine to the bishop and com­missioners 20 therof, who shall be answerable to God, and his maiestie, and estates, for the right admini­stration and discharge of the office of particular mi­nisters, within the bounds of his iurisdiction. For as it becommeth his maiestie, as Eusebius writeth of Constantinus the great, to be a bishop of bishops, and vniuersall bishop within his realme, in so far as his maiestie should appoint euerie one to dis­charge his duetie: which his highnesse cannot, his countrie being large and great, take him to euerie 30 minister that shall offend and transgresse against dutie, or quarell with the whole number of the mi­nisterie: but it behooueth his maiestie to haue bi­shops & ouerseeers vnder him which maie be answe­rable for such bounds, as the law and order of the countrie hath limited and appointed to euerie one of them. And that they hauing accesse to his maiesties parlement and councell, maie intercede for the rest of the brethren of the ministerie, propone their gréefe vnto his highnesse and estates, and receiue his ma­iesties 40 fauorable answere therein. The which forme dooth preserue a godlie quietnesse, vnitie, concord and peace in the estate, and one vniforme order in the church. As contrariwise, the pretended equalitie diuideth the same, and vnder the pretense of equali­tie maketh the same of the most craftie and subtile dealers to be aduanced and inriched: and in preten­ding of partie, to séeke nothing but their owne am­bition and aduancement aboue the rest of the simple 50 sort.

And notwithstanding that his maiestie hath re­established the said estate, it is not his highnesse will and intent, that the foresaid bishop shall haue such full power as to doo within his diocesse what he plea­seth. For his maiestie cannot allow of anie popular confusion, wherein (as the prouerbe saith) Nulla ty­rannis aequiparanda est tyrannidi multitudinis, that is: No tyrannie can be compared to the tyrannie of a multitude, hauing commandement and power in 60 his hands: so on the other part his maiesties will is, that the bishops authoritie in anie graue matter, be limited to the councell of thirtéene of the most an­cient, wise, and godlie persons of his diocesse, selected out of the whole synodall assemblie of the prouince: by whose aduise, or at the least the most part thereof, the weightie affaires of the church maie be gouer­ned to the glorie of God, and quietnes of the realme. Further it is his highnesse will and commande­ment, that their bishops and commissioners twise in the yeare, to wit, ten daies after Easter, and the sixt of September, hold their synodall assemblies in e­uerie diocesse, for the kéeping of good orders therein: and if anie be stubborne, or contemne within their bounds the good order of the church, that it maie be declared vnto his maiestie, and punished to the ex­ample of others, according to their deseruings. Nei­ther is it his maiesties meaning or intent, that such bishops or commissioners as shall be appointed, shall receiue their onelie and full commission of his ma­iestie without admission ordinarie, by such as are ap­pointed to that effect in the church: but hauing his highnesse nomination, presentation, and commen­dation as lawfull and onlie patrone, they to be tried and examined, that their qualities are such as they are able to discharge their cure and office. And if it shall happen anie of the said bishops or commissio­ners, to be negligent in their office, or to be slande­rous or offensiue in their behauior, life, and maners, in time to come, it is not his highnesse will, that they shall be exempted from correction, notwithstanding anie priuilege of his highnes estate, councell or par­lement: but their labors, trauels, diligence and beha­uiors, to be tried in the generall assemblie, not consi­sting of a confused multitude, as it was before; but of such worshipfull persons as is heretofore prescri­bed in his highnesse presence, or his deputies to that effect.

Lastlie his maiestie giueth commission to the said bishops or commissioners at their visitations, to consider in what part of the countrie, the enterprise, or interpretation of the scripture, by conference of a certeine number of the ministerie within those bounds, maie be most commodiouslie once in euerie fiftéene daies. For as his maiestie inhibits all vn­lawfull méetings, that maie ingender trouble and contention in the countrie: so his maiestie is well affected to sée the ministerie increase in knowledge and vnderstanding, and by all meanes to fortifie and aduance the same. Wherein his highnesse comman­dement is, that a graue, wise, and sage man shall be appointed president, who maie haue the ouersight of these bounds, and be answerable therefore to the bi­shop, his councell and synod; and he to be respected reasonablie for his paines, at the modification of sti­pends: that all things maie be orderlie doone in the church, peace & quietnesse mainteined in the realme, and we deliuered from apparant plagues, and the blessings of God continued to the comfort of our po­steritie. And in the meane time his highnesse inhi­bits & expreslie forbids vnder the paines conteined in his maiesties acts of parlement, & all other pains arbitrable at his maiesties sight & councell, that no minister take in hand to assemble themselues for the foresaid cause, without the appointment and order taken by the said bishops or commissioners, whereby his highnesse maie be certeinlie informed, that the foresaid ministers assemble not, to meddle with anie ciuill matters, or affaires of estate, as was accusto­med before; but onelie to profit in the knowledge of the word, and to be comforted one by another in the administration of their spirituall office: which his highnesse wisheth them faithfullie to discharge, and then to call to God, that his maiestie maie in a pro­sperous reigne enioie good and long life, and conti­nue and increase in the feare of the almightie.

Besides which, the king at the end of this his in­tention, did further articulate his intention into sundrie heads as here followeth.

The kings intention drawne into certeine articles, and published in print.

HIs maiesties intention is, by the grace of God, to mainteine the true and sin­ceare profession of the gospell, and prea­ching thereof within his realme.

[Page 442] 2 His maiesties intention is, to correct and pu­nish such as seditiouslie abuse the truth, and factious­lie applie or rather bewraie the text of the scripture to the disquieting of the state and disturbing of the commonwealth, or imparing of his highnesse and councels honour.

3 His maiesties intention is, if anie question of faith and doctrine arise, to conuocate the most lear­ned, godlie, wise, and experimented pastors, that by conference of scriptures the veritie may be tried, 10 and all heresie and schisme by that means expressed.

4 His maiesties intention is, that for the keeping of good order in euerie paroch, certeine ouerséeers to the good behauiour of the rest, be appointed at the visitation of the bishop or visitour, who shall haue his maiesties authoritie, and officers of armes con­curring for the punishment of vice.

5 His maiesties intention is, to mainteine the exercise of prophesie for the increase and continuing of knowledge amongst the ministerie: in which a 20 wise and a graue man selected by the bishop or com­missioner at the synodall assemblie, shall render ac­compt of the administration of those bounds, where the exercise is holden, for which cause some respect of liuing shall be had vnto him, who susteins that bur­then.

6 His maiesties intention is, not to derogate from the ordinarie iudgement of matters of the church by the ordinarie bishops, their councels and synods: but if anie of them doo amisse, and abuse 30 their calling, to take order for correcting, amending and punishing thereof.

7 His maiesties intention is, not to hinder or staie anie godlie or solid order, grounded vpon the word of God, and order of the primitiue church, but that the ministers of the word meddle themselues onelie with their owne calling, and iudge not feare­fullie of the estate.

8 It is his maiesties intention, that the presbyte­ries consisting of manie ministers and gentlemen, 40 at Landwar or otherwaies, be not further toller at in his realme: but the exercise of iurisdiction of all churches to be in the hand of the bishop or commissi­oner, and their councels and synods.

9 It is his maiesties intention, that the bishops or commissioners assemble not anie generall assem­blie out of the whole realme, without his maiesties knowledge and licence obteined therevnto: which vpon supplication his highnesse will not denie, that an vniforme order may be obserued in the whole 50 realme, and the bishops and their diligences there tried and examined, and the complaints of euerie particular heard and discussed.

10 It is his maiesties intention to assist this as­semblie himselfe, or by a noble man of his councell, his highnesse deputie.

11 It is his maiesties intention, that when anie paroch findeth necessitie of anie fast, they informe the occasion to the bishop or commissioner and their councell, that they may vnderstand the cause to be 60 lawfull; as likewise the bishop of the diocesse finding lawfull occasion, may within the same, with his councell prescribe anie publike humiliation.

12 It his maiesties intention, that a generall fast throughout the whole realme, shall not be pro­clamed but by his maiesties commandement, or by a generall councell, wherin his maiestie or his high­nesse deputie is present.

13 It is his highnesse intention, that the bishops in the realme in euerie diocesse with their councell procéed into the ecclesiasticall gouernement, but as is said with a councell, that both tyrannie and confu­sion may be auoided in the church.

14 It is his maiesties intention, that commissi­oners be directed vniuersallie throughout the whole realme, to establish a godlie order, and that his ma­iesties commissioners take order presentlie for the translation of such ministers, whose trauels they e­steeme may more conuenientlie and profitablie serue in an other place.

These things was the king faine to publish, to staie the euill report of such as went about to touch him for the breach of the christian order in religion, which being nothing but that which séemeth answerable to naturall sense & princelie maiestie, should neither by malice haue mooued, nor for colour of religion pro­cured anie beyond the warrant of the word of God, or the duetie of naturall allegiance to resist the king­lie ordinance, or to lift vp their sword or word a­gainst him, who being a god in earth, presenteth the maiestie of the God of heauen. But leauing the dis­course of these things to preachers, to whome it be­longeth to instruct vs in our dutie to God, to our prince, & to our neighhours, we will turne againe to the other following occurrents of Scotland. And yet before we speake anie thing of those matters, The parle­ment of Scot­land consisteth of thrée estats. sith I haue in this place as well as in manie other spoken of parlements & acts of parlement, I thinke it not amisse to set downe somewhat collected out of authors touching their manner and order of parle­ment, and that the rather bicause the same consisteth of thrée estates, and the princes confirmation as our parlement dooth, from whome it séemeth to me that they haue fet their light. Touching which, Lesleus in his Scotish historie lib. 1. pag. 75, vnder the title of Leges Scotorum, writeth in this sort. Qui verò se­culi negotijs sese implicantes in ecclesiasticorum album non referuntur, legibus, quas reges descripse­runt, aut regum voce confirmatas, tres regni ordi­nes sanxerūt, continentur, has partim Latino, partim Scotico sermone confirmatas, regni municipales le­ges vocamus: libro qui leges Latinè scriptas conti­net, titulus (regiam maiestatem) praefigitur, quòd ab illis vocibus libri exordium ducatur. Reliquis legum libris, comitiorū (quae populari sermone parliamen­ta dicimus) acta inscribuntur. Quanquam hic aduer­tendum, nos ita lege municipali teneri, vt si causa multis controuersijs implicata (quod saepe fit) incidat quae legibus nostratibus non possit dirimi, statim quicquid ad hanc controuersiam decidendam neces­sarium censetur, ex ciuilibus Romanorum libris pro­matur. Sed si quis legum nostrarum originem velit conquisitè inuestigare, intelligat potestatem has fe­rendi antiquandique trium ordinum suffragijs liberè in publico latis regis assensu confirmatis esse posi­tam. On which parlements so assembled, consisting of the three estates, & the princes confirming voice (in the beginning whereof the king goeth to the place where that assemblie is made, to kéepe such parle­ment attired in his regall garments, with the sword and other ornaments, the ensignes of his kingdome and kinglie authoritie, caried before him, attended on with all his nobilitie and cleargie) those com­mon people will manie times giue such bie names Parlements nicknamed. as séemeth best liking to themselues, and is most answerable to the nature & order of that parlement, as we also doo héere in England, whereof I could produce manie examples of both nations, which at this time I will forbeare, and onelie set downe one proofe (as well of England as Scotland) to confirme the same, least in passing it ouer without some exam­ple thereof, I might make a vaine shew of know­ledge consisting in naked words, without anie sound matter. Wherefore I saie, that as in England in The made parlement▪ the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hun­dred fiftie and eight, being the two and fortith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third, the parle­ment [Page 443] held at Oxford by the lords against the king, was called Parliamentum insanum, bicause manie things were there intreted which turned to the death of diuerse noble men. So the Scots in like maner bynamed a parlement, in the yeare of Christ 1556, The running parlement. (being the fouretéenth yeare of Marie the now im­prisoned quéene of Scotland) and called the same a running parlement, bicause there were manie in­termissions and remoouings during the continu­ance thereof, as appeareth by Lesleus in these words. 10 Aestate sequenti habita sunt Edinburgi trium ordi­num Lesleus. comitia, in quibus domini Brunstonius, Gran­gius, Balnauius, & alij nonnulli, quorum bona à gu­bernatore publicata fuerunt, singulari regis Franciae commendatione dignati, famae atque bonis restitu­ti sunt. Haec verò comitia quòd intermissa, potiùs quàm omissa, quasi continuarentur, nomen à vulgo acceperunt, vt currentia dicerentur. Thus much be­ing said about their parlements, let vs againe fall with our pen into the other matters of Scotland, 20 which followed the formèr parlement assembled in Maie, and mooued the king to make that declarati­on thereof which I haue before set downe.

About the time that the earle Gowrike or Gowrie was as before is remembred beheaded, the king did roiallie set forward his iourneie, and possessed the towne of Sterling, in which the said earle was exe­cuted, hauing a sister maried to Lesle earle of Ro­thos, and a daughter married to Steward earle of Atholl. After the death of the said earle Gowricke lord treasuror of Scotland, the king bestowed that 30 office vpon Grahame earle of Montrosse, who had married the lord Dromands sister, which name of Grame is supposed to be deduced from Grahame, who in the yeare of Christ foure hundred twentie and two, resisted the Romans, inuading the Picts and Lesleus li. 4. pag. 133. Scots, for when Victorinus the Romane legat, had againe commanded a trench or fense to be made from the castell of Abincorne to Cluide, the same was vtterlie ouerthrowne and cast abroad by the no­ble 40 Capteine Grame, of whome as is supposed the familie of the Grames liuing at this daie had their originall, the same place to this daie being called the trench of Grame or Grames trench.

The tenth of September (after that he was sent for by the quéene of England vpon certeine articles laid against him) did George Talbot erle of Shrews­burie (a graue and honourable person, who had Ma­rie the imprisoned quéene of Scots in his custodie at Sheffeld castell) repaire to London according to his dutie, to answer those things which should be ob­iected 50 against him, who comming to London verie honorablie attended on with his owne retinue, a­mounting to the number of two hundred horsse, and with some few others of the quéenes men, which were sent to bring him vp, repaired to his house at Coleherbert in London from whense in Nouember going to the court to answer the things to be obiec­ted vnto him, about the custodie and vsage of the same quéene of Scots, which had manie yéers béene 60 vnder his charge, he answered the matter verie ho­nourablie, and to his good discharge, being then dis­missed of the kéeping of the same quéene of Scots. During whose being here at London, the quéene of Scots was appointed to the charge of sir Rafe Sad­ler knight banneret, a graue and old councellor to the state of England, and chancellor of the dutchie of Lancaster; with whome was also ioined in the same commission Iohn Summers esquier, clearke of the signet, a wise and modest gentleman, well séene in the languages, excellent at disciphering, and brought vp vnder [...]at worthie and rare witted gentleman, doctor Nicholas Wotton, of whome I haue spoken more in the historie of England. These hauing this quéene thus committed vnto them, did (as persons carfull of so weightie a charge) remooue hir to a place of good strength, and conueied hir to be kept in the castell of Tutberrie, where she (not remaining long in their custodie) bicause they were remooued and o­thers put in place, was afterward about Maie fol­lowing as anon shall appeare, committed to the charge of sir Aimes Paulet one also of the priuie councell of England, hauing before béene ambassa­dor legier in France, a person descended of an an­cient and honourable familie, with whome and vn­der whose charge she still remaineth at this present in the said castle of Tutburie.

But to leaue that matter, we saie that about the tenth daie of Ianuarie following this discharge of the earle of Shrewesburie, sir Lewis Balentine knight, iustice, clerke, and maister of the ceremo­nies of the kings house, which office as I haue béene crediblie informed by a Scot (but how trulie I leaue to others) his father, his grandfather, and great grandfather before him, did inioie, and to whome most of the nobilitie of Scotland, either by affini­tie, consanguinitie, or aliance, were linked in blood, a goodlie yoong gentleman about the age of thirtie yeares, was sent ambassador into England for the redeliuerie and accusation of the erle of Angus and Marre, and the other nobles which were fled out of Scotland into England for a supposed treason wrought by them against their king, whose redeliue­rie was required of the quéene of England, to the end the king might execute the law vpon them. In which his ambassage he behaued himselfe before the councell of England so grauelie and learnedlie, that the said earles were sent for from Norwich (where they soiorned before his comming) to Westmin­ster, there to answere to such things as should be laid to their charge by the said sir Lewis Balentine. Wherevpon after that the said ambassador had re­mained in England at London (honorablie inter­teined and feasted of the nobilitie and others) by the space of seuentéene wéeks, he was dispatched into his countrie with answer, that hir maiestie would shortlie send an ambassador into Scotland which should fullie satisfie the king. Wherevpon the said sir Lewis Balentine departed from London on the tenth daie of Maie following, in the yeare of our 1585 redemption one thousand fiue hundred eightie and fiue, and so returned into Scotland; much about which time, as is before a little touched, was Marie quéene of Scots, remaining in the custodie of sir Ralfe Sadler in the castell of Tutburie, committed to the kéeping of sir Aimese Paulet.

After this the quéene of England the ninetéenth daie of the said moneth of Maie dispatched in am­bassage into Scotland, Edward Wootton esquier, a gentleman of good descent, and one whose ances­tors had honorablie & faithfullie serued manie prin­ces of England, as well in the place of priuie coun­cellors, as also in manie ambassages into forren na­tions: which ambassador being of yeares not much more than the said sir Lewis Balentine, had trauel­led the most part of Europe, and had before time béene ambassador for the quéene of England into Portingall. This gentleman so sent from the quéene of England to the king of Scots, attended on by o­ther English gentlemen, departed as is before said from London towards Scotland the ninetéenth of Maie, who remaining at Berwike about thrée dais, did there receiue his conduct from the king of Scots to passe into his kingdome; which once obteined, he presentlie entred that land on Whitsunéeue, being the nine and twentith daie of the said moneth of Maie, and so came that daie to Edenburgh, being first at his entrance into the Scotish borders recei­ned [Page 444] by the lord Hume and his retinue, who conuei­ed them to Seton house, where they were intertei­ned by the lord Seton: after which when the ambas­sador was departed about halfe a mile from the said lord Setons house, he was met with sir Robert Meluin knight, maister William Keth one of the kings chamber, and others, which conueied him that night to Edenburgh. The next morrow (after that the English ambassador was come to the citie of E­denburgh) being Whitsundaie, the ambassador was 10 after dinner brought to the kings presence, where he had full audience for the deliuerie of his ambas­sage, consisting vpon the confirming of the old and concluding of a new league of amitie betwéene the two nations of England and Scotland; which the king accepting in honorable part, did for that time dismisse the ambassador, vntill the minds & consents of the nobilitie might be vnderstood and had. With which answer the ambassador then satisfied, tooke leaue of the king for that present, and remained still 20 at Edenburgh some fortnight, interteined with sports of delights answerable to the course of the yéere, and the dutie of an ambassage. From whense the ambassador attending on the king was conuei­ed to Dumfermling, where the king remained some time to repose himselfe, progressing from thense to Falkland, and so to saint Andrews, hauing the am­bassador alwaies with him. When the king was come to saint Andrews, the noblemen and states of the realme repaired thither to hold a parlement, 30 according to the former appointment.

But whilest these things did thus passe at saint Andrews, the time drew on, when the borderers of both the nations of England and Scotland should assemble according to the custome of the true daies, there to determine for recompense of all such iniu­ries as each people had offered to other, in conuei­eng of cattell or other booties from their borders; for which cause there did about the sixtéenth daie of Iu­lie assemble the people of both the borders, and the 40 wardens of the same; at what time the lord of Fern­hurst warden of the Scotish borders, and sir Fran­cis Russell knight lord Russell, and sir Iohn Foster knight warden of the middle marches came with their companie to the borders of Scotland, not far from Berwike, and so entred into spéech with the Scots of such causes for which they repaired thither. After when the wardens were set vpon the bench to heare and determine the same, there did suddenlie arise among the people a contention, whereby fol­lowed at the first some small fraie, which being per­ceiued 50 by sir Francis Russell, he arose from the bench and called for his horsse, who meaning to ap­pease the matter, went among the prease. At what time a certeine number of shot comming on him, he was suddenlie, but most vniustlie, slaine with a peece amongst the rest discharged against him by a Scot borne about that place (suspected by the most to be the brother of the lord of Fernhurst) contrarie to the nature of such assemblies, where each part 60 shuld labor for quiet sith publike faith at such times are giuen, that euerie one shall returne home with­out anie damage or iniurie offered by anie side. The losse of which sir Francis Russell, being a gentle­man of treat hope, was much lamented of the En­glish, and that especiallie sith his vntimelie death so iniuriouslie (by the erle of Arrane, as the common fame went) procured and so suddenlie performed, in the fiue and [...]rtith yeare of his age, did bereaue the realme of England of a goodlie yoong person, well staied in gouernement, bountifull, wise, and vertu­ous, whose death happening the daie before that his honorable father the earle of Bedford (being of the same christian and surname) departed the world, oc­casioned T. G. first in Latine, and then in English, to set downe certeine funerall and moorning verses touching both the father and the son in these words:

En duo Francisci subitò occubuere, simúlque
Et pater & natus, Russellae splendida stirpis
Lumina, quos binos mors abstulit atra diebus:
Londini, comitem prouecta aetate pareńtem,
Finibus ac Scotiae natum florentibus annis,
Ille perit morbo, infidijs cadit alter iniquis:
Dum miser occulta traiecit viscera glande
Incautè Scotus, heu fictae sub nomine pacis.
Occidit ante patrem, non multis filius horis.
Anglia magna tibi est rapti iactura parentis,
Nec leuis est nati, de quo spes optima fulsit.
Quis scit an irati foret haec vindicta Iehouae,
De vitijs poenas dum nostris sumit acerbas?

The English whereof is in this forme drawne in­to verse by the first author of them T. G. in this sort:

Lo Francies twaine at once both suddenlie are gone:
Two shining stars of Russels race, the father and the sonne.
Whom in two daies vntimelie death hath from vs caught awaie:
The earle in London natures debt, the father old did paie.
The sonne his heire, lord Russell hight, of courage fresh and yeares:
On Scotish borders lost his life, whose want now well appeares.
The father did by sicknesse die, the sonne through fraud vniust:
By Scotish hand with gun was slaine, whilst nothing he mistrust.
The sonne before the fathers death not manie houres was slaine:
Great is thy losse, ô England, of these peerelesse nobles twaine.
Thy fathers worthie vertues late knowne well (and long) to all:
From fathers steps the sonne great hope gaue that he would not fall.
Who knowes if God the Lord of hosts, this punishment doth send:
Our sinnes so great thereby to scourge, and wicked liues amend?

Of which erle of Bedford (hauing occasion to men­tion him in this place by the death of his sonne) I suppose not amisse to saie somewhat more, especial­lie concerning such matters whereof he was a dea­ler with the imprisoned quéene of Scots, when she was at libertie and in hir best estate.

In the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thrée score, Francis the French king died at Orleans in the kalends of December. After which, in the yere following, Marie the quéene of Scots, Dowager of France and widow to the said Fran­cis, soiourned a certeine time in France about Ian­uille and Loreine, where the chéefe part of hir friends & kindred (being of the house of Guise) did remaine, during whose abode in France, and before she went into Scotland: this earle of Bedford and sir Nicho­las Throgmorton (ligier ambassador in France for the quéene of England) were sent vnto the quéene of Scots to conclude with hir, that the agréements and conditions of peace, which were established a lit­tle before at Leith should be established by hir con­sent. Whervnto for answere she affirmed, that she could not determine anie thing therein, vnlesse that she were present with the nobilitie of hir king­dome, to whom the administration of the realme of Scotland was committed at the intreatie of the English. And that when she was in Scotland, where by Gods good furtherance she hoped shortlie for to [Page 445] be, she would earnestlie trauell all the might for the establishing of all good conditions of peace. Againe when the king of Scots now liuing was by his god­fathers to be taken from the font and to be regene­rate in Christ; in the yere of our saluation one thou­sand fiue hundred thréescore and six, being the foure and twentith yeare of the reigne of the same Marie quéene of Scots, this earle of Bedford as ambassa­dor from the quéene of England, was sent to the quéene of Scots by waie of deputiship to present the 10 person of his mistresse requested to christen the yong prince of Scotland. At what time this earle of Bed­ford presented, in the behalfe of the quéene of Eng­land, one font of gold curiouslie wrought, weighing thrée hundred thirtie and thrée ounces, and amoun­ting in value to the summe of one thousand fortie thrée pounds & ninetéene shillings. Thus this much spoken by the way of the earle of Bedford.

The report of the death of sir Francis Russell be­fore mentioned, came to the knowledge of the said 20 Edward Wootton, as yet remaining ambassador in Scotland, and then lieng at S. Andrews: where­vpon the ambassador went to the king, and opening vnto him the iniurie doone to the English by the pro­curement, as was thought, of Iames Steward erle of Arrane then chancellor: he obteined that the king (finding the matter to sound both to reason and iustice) did command the said earle to prison, where he remained some time, and was after at the sute of William Steward brother of the earle, vpon the kings remoouing from saint Andrewes, released 30 from the prison, and committed to restreint in his owne house, vntill such time as he had cléered him­selfe of the same imposed crime, and cause of breach of amitie betwéene the two nations of England and Scotland. During which imprisonment of the earle of Arrane, the former appointed parlement or as­semblie at saint Andrewes was holden by the king & the nobilitie there gathered togither, which were Graham earle of Montrosse treasuror of Scotland, 40 Robert Steward erle of March sometime bishop of Cathenesse, and now prior of S. Andrewes, great vncle to the king and to the yoong duke of Leneux, Keith erle marshall, Lesle erle of Rothos, Steward earle of Atholl, & Patrike Constance archbishop of S. Andrews, with diuers others. Amongst whom the king opening the contents of the ambassage sent out of England for the concluding of the league be­twéene the two nations, vsed vnto them this follow­ing spéech, wherein declaring the opinion he concei­ued 50 of the religion, the necessitie of the ioining with England, the sworne league of other nations a­gainst the professors of the gospell, and the reasons which induced him to mooue this matter vnto his people, all which he vttered in this sort.

The kings speech to the estates, con­cerning a league in religion with England.

TWo causesmy lordisand ze all of the e­statis 60 haue mooued me to send for zow at this time to craue zour aduises towardis them, quharof, sith the one is generall & the vther particular, I will begin at the generall as the matter of greatest weight. Amongst all the be­nefeits that God dooth bestow vpoun his elect and church, the triall and sifting of the gud chosin from the bad hipocreitis, is ane of the mast speciall, quhich he hath vsed in all ages for the separatioun of thame, alswell for that to lang companie of the vicked dooth corrupt the godlie, as also that their separatioun is a taken in this earth, of Godis l [...]e towardis them, quhich triall he dooth now chéeflie vse, for that the number of the vicked doth abound in these letter daeis, quherin God dooth permit the deuill most to rage. For quhat greater triall of the faithfull can there be, than the confederating togidder of all the bastard christians, I meane the papistis, in a league quhich they terme holie albeit most vnholie in varie truth, for the subuersioun of the trew religioun in all realmes throuchout the quhole world. This is a matter so manifest and notorious to zou all, euen by the report of the smallest merchantis that trauill, as it dooth dilat the selfe, thought I were silent.

This leagues whome of I speake, are composed of Frenchmen, and Hispaingnols, assisted with the king of Spaines and the papes monie, solemlie sworne to performe the forsaid enterprise before they leaue armes: the performance quhereof we aught to resist for thrée causes (to wit) for conscience, ho­nor, and loue of selffis. For gif they may atteine to their purpose (as God forbid) either will they de­stroie or root out ws, our vitis, and childrein, & quhat­soeuer we possesse, gif we remaine constant; either else must we render Christ Iesus, and suffer our saulis which is the mast nabiest part of man to be bund with the bundis of idolatrie, and our bodies to be vsed at their inordinat plesuris. But sith the loue of our selffis and our honour cannot per­mit the ane, and that our consciencis and the reue­rence we ow to God, cannot suffer the vther: I craue my lords zour best and soundist opinionis and aduisis quhat ze thinke meitest to be vsed for the re­medie hereof. But gif ze desire to haue first my opinioun, it is this in few woardis; that as sondrie christian princis haue alreadie counselled me, our contralcague salbe maid, not anelie in termes, but in effect holie, for the ioining togidder all true christi­an princis to defend themselfis, in case of vtheris inuasioun. A thing hurtfull to none, profitable for selfis, acceptable to God, and vise in the sight of the varld. By this meanes fall our consciencis, ho­nors, and lifis be preseruid, and God and his reli­gioun glorified and aduancid.

And sith the quéene of England is not anlie a true christian, but also nerest ioinit to vs in nigh­bourhed, consanguinitie and gudwill, I thinke it meitest in mine opinioun, that it be our league first & maist adstrictlie maid with hir; for quhich cause I haue maid & set downe a forme of act to be subscri­bit by zou all, quherein ze promes to ratifie and ap­proue in parliament, quhatsoeuer articles I, or anie in my name fall conclude with the quéene of Eng­land, or anie in hir name, for the making and the ef­fectualing of the foresaid league. But for that the act it selfe vill mare ample informe zou, it salbe presentilie read in all zour audiencis.

Upon this spéech, the lords being of diuerse opini­ons, some willing to imbrace the league with Eng­land, and some destrous to leaue it, and to ioine in a­mitie with France according to the most ancientest leagues, which haue béene established betwéene them and the Scots (by most of their former kings, whereof the first was Achaius, who entering league with Charles the great, had a token of confirmati­on thereof, which was the floure delices added to the armes of Scotland) there was nothing doone in that conuention. After which, the banished lords of Scot­land remaining in England, entered their countrie: the manner and time of the entrance of which nobili­tie was in this sort.

Towards the latter end of September, the earls of Angus and Mar, with such others of their faction as were in England, did (after that they had long before this, sent thither the maister of Glames out of England to prepare their waie, which he did verie effectuallie) returne into Scotland; at whose com­ming [Page 446] into that their natiue countrie, there met with them about the borders, manie others of the nobilitie to ioine in one action, for the redresse of such gouernment as was vsed by persons about the king, suspected to nuzzell him in the Romane religi­on. After this their first méeting, they did by ap­pointment disperse themselues, euerie one to the place of his most strength, and where he could make most friends and followers, appointing a daie to méete againe at Fawkirke, a méete place fensed by 10 nature for the assemblie of an armie. Wherevpon, some departed to Lowthian, some to Domefreis, and others to other places. But in short time fol­lowing, they reassembled in O [...]ober at Fawkirke with such power as they could make, which amoun­ted to the number of ten or eleuen thousand per­sons. The report wherof was brought vnto the king, then remaining at a noble mans house (not far from Sterling) whereas a contract of mariage was so­lemnized. Upon which, the king supposing it to stand 20 most for his suretie (iudging these noblemen so as­sembled to be his enimies) conueied himselfe, and such nobilitie as were with him to Sterling, rai­sing power (such as the present state of the time would permit) intending with them to haue subdu­ed the earle of Angus and his companie: for which cause also, the earle of Arrane came from his house to Sterling, and the maister of Greie with commis­sion rode to saint Iohns towne to assemble the kings subiects. 30

After that the earle of Arrane was come to Ster­ling to the king, the earles of Angus, Mar, Both­well, Atholl, Marshall, the lords Hamilton, Hume, Heres, Cambuskeneth, Dribourgh, Paislaie, & Coldingham; the lairds of Sefford, Drumlarige, Codentnewes, Wedderburne, with other earles, barons, gentlemen & commons, with their friends & complices, marching all night from Fawkirke, did in the next morning come to saint Ninians chappell within a mile of Sterling, and presented themselues 40 before the towne of Sterling, before anie suspicion was had of their approch so néere. At what time, be­ing the first of Nouember, they pitched their tents, placed there as it had béene a new towne, to the great terror of their enimies within Sterling: de­liuering for the cause of their comming this pro­clamation following.

The proclamation published by the nobilitie of Scotland, conteining the causes 50 of their repairing towards the towne of Sterling to the kings maiestie, the se­cond day of Nouember.

WHeras the kings maiestieour souereignes good, naturall, and vertuous education is now plainelie vnderstood to haue béene abused, and his roiall qualities giuen to him by the almightie God (which caused his fame far aboue the capacitie of his yeares to be magni­fied, and worthilie praised, to the great comfort of 60 all his subiects) hath béene these yeares past obscu­red by the craft & subtiltie of some lewd and wicked persons of no desert or woorthinesse, and for the most part of base linage, not borne to one foot breadth of land, yet of maruelous aspiring wrongs and cruell inclination; who vnder colour of friendship and bloud créeping in about his maiestie, and séeking onelie theirowne particuliar profit and promotion: shaking off (as it were) not onelie all christian and charitable nature: but euen the generall points and offices of humanitie vsed amongst most barbarous people, without feare of God or man, as subtill fores and bloudie woolues, by wresting of lawes and other deceitfull practises hath so wasted, torne in pée­ces, and deuoured the whole bodie of this afflicted commonwealth, that of the whole ancient forme of iustice and policie receiued of our ancestors, remai­neth nothing, neither in spirituall or temporall e­state; but the naked shadow & counterfeited maske thereof to our souereignes high dishonor, our oppro­brie (who are a part of his nobilitie) and heauie griefe of all good men throughout the realme. It is eui­dentlie knowne what iustice and quietnesse was in the realme, what heartie loue betwixt his maiestie and his subiects, what beautifull countenance the church of God had, what dailie hope of increase, what expectation was of his highnesse in forren na­tions, before the arriuall of Obigneie, afterwards called the duke of Leneux; and the entring in credit of Iames Stéward, and coronell Steward with their vnhappie companies. But what hath succée­ded since no true Scotish heart can remember with­out extreame dolor: for there is no part or corner within the land at this time peaceable or quiet, but all replenished with particular enimities, and cruell reuenges without punishment.

It is also well knowne, that whereas the wisest of his maiesties most noble progenitors labored by clemencie, not by crueltie to possesse the hearts of their subiects, & to kéepe the strengths of their relms in their owne hands (thereby meaning the better to preserue themselues against such inconuenien­ces, as manie princes of that land misgouerned, and lead by peruerse counsell haue béene subiect vnto) that the foresaid abusors had depriued his maiestie both of the one and the other so far as in them laie. For the chéefe strength of the realme are in Arrane his hands, who bragging of his pedegrée by descent from duke Mordacke (one that was beheaded for histreason against his souereigne) was not ashamed to saie (meaning of himselfe) Here stands the person of king Iames the seuenth. And to the end that the hearts of the people might be alienated from, his highnesse, and so (as appeareth) his maiestie made vnable to punish them, if at anie time hereafter he should perceiue their false and treasonable dooings, what can be added more than these said seditious hath alreadie doone in that behalfe, séeing vnder his maiesties name and authoritie, such parcialitie is v­sed in all matters such extortion with crueltie, and incredible dissimulation throughout the whole land, that were it not of his good subiects (vpon the experi­ence of his mild & [...]alme gouernement before these lewd men about him) cleerelie vnderstood that the causes of all these misorders ought to be imputed vnto them, & not to himselfe, they had long agone by vniuersall male-contentment of the people (procée­ding from the causes aforesaid) procured a great di­straction of the kings lééges hearts, and had cast his maiesties honor, crowne, and estate in maruellous danger, whereas now (blessed be God) all his true subiects are certeinelie persuaded, that if the said lewd persons could be separated from his maiestie, he would returne againe to exercise his former cle­mencie and towardnesse in euerie respect, which hath béene these yeares past maruellouslie eclipsed by the craft of those treasonable persons aforesaid, who not onelie haue sought & séeke for their particular com­moditie, the destruction of certeine seuerall persons, but euen (as it appeareth) haue conspired against the whole bodie of the realme, in so much as there is no estate of the land frée from their persecutions.

The worthiest and most ancient of the barons and nobilitie (namelie such as haue giuen best proofe of their forwardnesse in true religion, and fidelitie to their souereigne) are by parcialitie, and wresting of lawes, without mercie either executed, coosoned, im­prisoned, [Page 447] banished, or at the least debarred his maie­sties presence, against the ministerie, schooles, and clergie, acts and proclamations published, inhibi­ting their presbyteries, assemblies, and other exerci­ses, priuileges, and immunities ratified by parle­ments, proceedings, or at the least by laudable cu­stome permitted euer since the first reformation of religion within this land; and without the which the puritie of doctrine, and right forme of the ec­clesiasticall discipline cannot long continue: as 10 being the onelie meanes to trie and examine the liues, maners, and knowledge of euerie person, and to reforme the same if need require. With this the most fearned, and of most vnspotted liues of that number, are either compelled for safetie of their liues and consciences to abandon their countrie, or else inhibited to preach, or depriued of their stipends, Iesuits, seminarie préests, and such as be knowne practisers in diuers nations for the execution of the bloudie councell of Trent are interteined, and in 20 great estimation; yea some indurated papists in ses­sion, to occupie the places from the which the most godlie and faithfull senators haue béene by them de­tected. An euident presage of the ouerthrow of true religion. And concerning the estate of burowes, by intrusion of such magistrates to rule aboue them, as neither are comburgesses, nor apt to discharge them­selues of such offices, but men elected to applause and to consent to the appetite of the seditious afore­said, their priuileges and ancient liberties are so pre­iudiced, 30 that without timelie remedie, that estate (sometime a great ornament of the land) must néeds suddenlie decaie. So as these thrée pillers (whereby the king and common wealth should be preserued, and vpholden) being wasted and vndermined in ma­ner aboue written, what can be expected but vniuer­sall ruine and ouerthrow of the whole bodie of the e­state; except God of his mercie preuent the same. Besides all these, the foresaid abusors not resting content with the enormities aboue expressed, haue 40 practised, and dailie doo practise to turne the happie a­mitie and loue, which now a good space hath stood be­twéene the inhabitants of the whole Ile in open ho­stilitie and hatred, without respect of neighborhood or kindred, standing betwéene the two princes, or re­gard had to the benefits that hir maiestie of Eng­land hath bestowed vpon the king our souereigne, and his whole countrie, first by planting of true re­ligion within this realme, and next by preseruing his maiestie, when as in his minoritie he could not 50 take in hand or enterprise for himselfe.

To this effect they openlie delt with such persons, as by all meanes sought hir maiesties destruction, as by the confession of sundrie hir maiesties rebels latelie executed in England is made manifest. But how soone they perceiued open danger to arise, by o­pen dealing with hir enimies, then fraudfullie to il­lude hir maiestie, they haue pretended these months past, in great freendship and kindnesse, promising largelie in that behalfe, and offering to capitulate a 60 band offensiue and defensiue to stand perpetuallie. But in the end, notwithstanding all these liberall promises, the effects by experience declare nothing to haue béene in their minds but falshood & crueltie, as by the late murder of the lord Russell is manifest to the whole world, who being a yoong nobleman, for his birth and qualities verie honorable and vertu­ous, and of great expectation, & for his earnest zeale to religion, and good affection to the king our soue­reigne, and to all Scotishmen in generall, one that merited great praise, loue and commendation: yet he was murdered in most odious and treasonable maner, euen when as greatest kindnesse and fréend­ship was pretended; which cannot but produce mar­uellous suspicion and slander, aswell against the king our souereigne, as against the whole countrie, to his maiesties great dishonor, and discredit of his innocent subiects, if condigne iustice be not mini­stred vpon the authors and the executors of the hor­rible crime aforesaid.

Last, which is most of all, and necessarilie craueth present reformation, the foresaid abusors couer all these enormities with his maiesties name and au­thoritie, thereby thinking to excuse themselues, and to laie the burden on him. And therefore, as it can­not be but verie slanderous and dangerous to his maiestie, if suchlicentious persons (who hathalreadie made shipwracke of all honestie) be suffered to re­maine in his companie, so is it shamefull to be re­ported in other nations, that such a few number of beggerlie fellowes replenished with all vice, should extinguish the beautie of the nobilitie, haue empire ouer the whole countrie, & keepe his maiestie thrall to authorise by his roiall power their abhominable and execrable facts. For the causes aforesaid and manie others that might be iustlie alleged, we of his maiesties nobilitie here present, in the feare of God and our souereignes obedience, being through Gods frée mercie called to be professors of the blessed euan­gell, and borne councellors to his highnesse our souereigne, bound in duetie not onelie to hazzard, render and renounce our liues, lands, and goods (if néed be) for the same euangell and true religion, but also in conscience charged to be carefull of his maie­sties welfare, honor, and reputation, and to procure to our abilitie, peace and quietnesse to him and his realme, hauing our lands and heritages for that ef­fect, holden of his maiesties most noble progenitors of woorthie memorie.

In consideration of which great enormities and tyrannies, hauing conuened our selues togither for redresse and reformation of the same, séeing the suf­fering thereof hath alreadie wounded the estate of true religion, dishonored his maiestie, disturbed the whole realme, and had almost disioined aswell the hearts of the princes as of the subiects of the two nations, we thinke it therefore high time, and we are in dutie and conscience (all doubt and perill set apart) to procure the separation and thrusting awaie of the said desperate and enorme persons from about his maiestie, that his highnesse being restored to his former libertie, maie fréelie, peaceablie, and wiselie gouerne his subiects and realme, by aduise of graue, modest, and indifferent councellors; onelie respe­cting his maiesties suertie and preseruation, to the end that the afflicted church within this land maie be comforted, and all acts latelie made in preiudice of the same, maie be solemnelie cancelled, and for euer adnulled, his maiestie restored to his former liber­tie, the bodie of his commonwealth (by punishing of vice chéeflie vpon the authors of these late misor­ders, and mainteinance of vertue) maie be once dis­burdened of the heauie oppressions and iniuries that they haue with no small gréefe so long susteined, and the happie amitie with England réestablished and conserued, to the high glorie of God, honor of the king our souereigne, and vniuersall contentment of all good men euerie where. In prosecution where­of, we protest before God and his holie angels, we shall neither spare our liues, lands, nor goods, but frankelie hazzard and expend the same as néed cra­ueth, vntill the said abusors be either apprehended or presented to iustice, to suffer for their demerits, or else (if they cannot be found out) till they be debar­red from his maiesties companie, and expelled the realme.

Wherefore we command and charge (in our soue­reigne lords name) all and sundrie his subiects, as [Page 448] well to burrow as to land, to fortifie and assist this godlie enterprise, and to concurre with vs to that effect, as they will giue testimonie of their affection to the aduancement of true religion, his maiesties suertie and welfare, and the publike quietnesse of the whole realme, certifieng all and sundrie that d [...]oth attempt anie thing to the contrarie, or will not take one fold and plaine part with vs, we will repute them as partakers of all vice and iniquitie, assisters of the treasonable conspirators aforesaid, and eni­mies 10 of true religion, to his maiestie and his autho­ritie, and to the publike quietnesse betwixt the two realmes, and will vse them in bodies and goods ac­cordinglie. And that all iustices as well lords of sessions as shiriffes, commissioners, and other inferi­our iudges sit and administer iustice to the furthe­rance thereof, according to the lawes of the realme, as they will answer vpon their allegiance and vt­termost perill, with certification of the disobeior as is aforesaid. 20

This assemblie of the nobilitie, and the proclama­tion thus knowne; the earle of Arrane and others which were in Sterling with the king, placed foure hundred men vpon the wals of the towne to defend The earle of Arrane flieth. the assault. But the earle of Arrane chancellor, kno­wing that he was the principall person, against whome they directed their force, did secretlie without anie other companie flie from thense to Dunbri­taine, escaping the hands of the lords of the religion, 30 The earle of Angus en­treth Ster­ling. wherevpon small resistance b [...]ing made by such as were within Sterling against the assailants, vsing their force by the space of two houres, the earle of Angus and the rest did quietlie enter Sterling and all parts; which being perceiued by such of the nobili­tie as were within the towne, they (as the earle of Montrosse, Crawford, Rothosse, Glencarne, Arroll and the Colonell) fled to the castell whither the other faction did chase them Now when the lords of the re­ligion (for so they of the presbyterie terme them) had 40 fullie gotten possession of the towne of Sterling, they placed their ensignes before the foreblockhouse of the castell, and so ordered the matter, that there was no waie for anie in the castell to escape their The castell of Sterling be­sieged. hands, for they had by strength inuironed the same, and by siege brought it as some said to that extremi­tie, that they within were in great default of vittels. Wherevpon the king (after agréement made, that persons on each part might passe betwéene to com­pound the matter) sent foorth of the castell vnto the The king sen­deth to the lords of the re­ligion. lords of the religion, the maister of Greie his secre­tarie 50 and sir Lewes Ballentine, iustice Clarke (de­putie to the earle of Argile chéefe iustice of Scotland by inheritance) and colonell Steward, desiring thrée petitions of his nobilitie; the first whereof was, that his life honor and estate might be preserued; that the liues of Crawford, Montro [...]se and the Colonell, might be preserued; thirdlie, that all things might be transacted peaceablie: on which conditions he would hereafter be ruled by their aduise and coun­sell. Wherevnto the noble men answered, first that 60 The answer of the lords of the religion to the kings demands. the lord knew that they neuer had anie other inten­tion but to preserue his noble person, his honor and estate, and to deliuer his maiestie out of their hands, who vnder his name had so gréeuouslie oppressed the church and commonwealth, and therein hazarded as well his life and crowne, as the danger of other of the nobilitie. Wherefore they were onelie there as­sembled in the feare of God, and loue to his person and their countrie, wholie to endeuour themselues to shew the performance of their obedience and du­tie vnto him, and so to shew themselues faithfull and good subiects.

To the second point they answered, that where the liues of such were desired to be preserued, which had disturbed the whole kingdome, and béene instru­ments of the great confusion in the church & com­monwealth, they could doo no lesse in respect of the loue and dutie which they bare to the king and their countrie, but vse all meanes possible to bring them to the triall of iustice, thereby to receiue the reward of their demerite. And for the third they would most humblie craue of his maiestie, that these things might be doone in most peacefull maner in due time required therefore, wherby all his good subiects might be satisfied, towards the execution whereof they offe­red their assistance, with the vttermost of their ende­uour, because they were assembled and come thither for the dooing thereof.

Besides which at the returne of these commissi­oners, The lords of the religion exhibit three petitions to the king. the nobilitie exhibited other thrée petitions vnto the king, whereof the first was, that the kings maiestle would allow of their intention, subscribe their proclamation (conteining the declaration of their cause) vntill further order were established by the estates, and so agrée vnto the reformation of the premisses, & that all the common holds & strengths might be rendred into their hands to be kept as the councell of the ancient nobilitie should appoint, who were there in good number assembled. Secondlie, that the said disquieters of the common-wealth might be deliuered into their custodie, vntill they had receiued their due triall by the law. Thirdlie, that the old gard might be remooued and an other placed of modest, wise, and godlie men. Which pe­titions being so to the king exhibited, the first was vpon diuers considerations granted, and the castels The king granteth the requests of the lords. Dunbarton & Kineile were assigned to the custodie of Iohn lord Hamilton; the castell of Edenburgh was committed to sir Iames Hume of Coden­knolles; the castell of Sterling was restored to the earle of Marre, to whome the custodie thereof did belong by descent of inheritance; the castell of Blacknesse to the lard of Dalketh; Tantallan and Dowglasse were deliuered to the earle of Angus. Noble men committed to custodie. Touching the satisfaction of the second request of the lords, the said earles of Crawford, Montrosse, Clenkarne, Rothosse, Arroll, and colonell Stew­ard, the lords Seton, Leuingstone, Greie, Sum­merwell, sir William Steward brother to the earle of Arrane, and William Steward capteine of Dunbarton (who had béene taken in the towne of Sterling, when the lords of the religion entered thereinto) were committed to the safe custodie of manie noble men. For the performance of the lords third petition, the old gard was immediatlie remooued, & the maister of Glames was appointed The kings gard remooued and a new pla­ced. by the consent of the whole nobilitie capteine of the gard, with such gentlemen as the nobilitie and he should choose of those which are alreadie entred into their places and offices.

In the meane time, as is before touched, Iames Steward earle of Arrane did at the entring of the lords of the religion into the towne of Sterling, flie to the castell of Dunbarton, where he was inclosed, as well by sea as by land, without anie great store of vittels. The bishop of saint Andrews was taken The bishop of S. Andrews taken. by the scholers of the vniuersitie, and yoong men of the towne aforesaid (as was said) to be presented to iustice into the hands of the lords of the religion; The mini­sters called home. and so all capteins were set at libertie, the banished ministers called home (though manie of them still remained in England) and restored to their former offices, dignities, and liuings, and the Iesuits and seminarie priests woonderfullie amazed, who were willinglie minded to flie disguised in mariners at­tire The Iesuits readie to flie Scotland. into the parts beyond the seas. Thus the king granting the requests of the nobilitie, and yéelding [Page 449] to the state of the present time, committed himselfe to the protection of these lords of the religion remai­ning The king in the custodie of the lords of the religion. in their custodie, after that they had once en­tred the castell of Sterling.

Wherevpon much congratulation being made for this returne of those banished lords into Scot­land, the quéene of England hauing intelligence William Knolles sent ambassador in­to Scotland. thereof, did send hir ambassador William Knolles esquire marshall of hir bench into the parts of Scot­land, to vnderstand the parts thereof, and of the ma­ner 10 of the procéeding of these noble men with the king: which ambassador after his abode and hono­rable interteinment in that countrie, returned home in December following. In which moneth there was a parlement called at Lithgo, for the full ratifieng and confirming of the restitution of these lords of the religion: at what time the earle of Ar­rane was displaced both from his earledome of Ar­rane, and office of chancellorship: and the earle of Bothwell was admitted to that office of lord chan­cellor. 20 The earle Bothwell made chan­cellor. Besides which also the custodie of the luna­tike earle of Arrane, sonne of the duke of Chatele­rault was taken from the same Iames Steward earle of Arrane, and committed to Iohn lord Ha­milton lord of Arbroth, and brother to the lunatike earle, sometime remaining in the wardship of the said Iohn Hamilton, before that the said Iames Steward had gotten the possession of that lunatike earle into his owne hands, out of the custodie of the same Iohn Hamilton. 30

But somewhat to leaue the lunatike earle in Iames Ste­ward earle of Arrane mar­ried to the widow of the [...]le of March. safe kéeping, we will speake a litle of this Iames Steward earle of Arrane, and of his wife; who being a woman of delight of change in marri­age, was (after the second shipwracke) marri­ed to this earle of Arrane; for she being one of the daughters of the earle of Atholl, was first married to the lord Louet. After which, iudging it better to marrie than to burne (although by the sequele of the same she felt small contentment therein) she bound 40 hir selfe with the knot of matrimonie vnto Robert Steward earle of March and bishop of Cathnesse; but after finding occasion of diuorce, the contenti­on and sute whereof continued verie long, from the said earle, she was in the end separated; and then the third time bestowed hir selfe in marriage vpon this Iames Steward earle of Arrane, by whome she had issue diuerse sonnes and daughters, the el­dest whereof the king tooke from the font and christe­ned.

Thus leauing this erle of Arrane for this time, I 50 thinke it not amisse in this place to step aside from the matters of these present times; and herein at the aduancement of this earle Bothwell to be lord chancellor of Scotland, to record some things touch­ing some such persons as haue (to my knowledge by reading of Scotish histories) possessed that office of chancellorship before time, as in an other place before at the mention of an other chancellor I haue discoursed of the originall and deriuation of the name of that office. In which this my discourse of 60 the succession of chancellors, although I shall set downe but few persons in number, & can not make a full continuance of their orderlie succession, from their first institution vnto this daie: yet I suppose it better to mention those which haue come vnto my hands, thereby to occasion others hereafter to treat more liberallie of such honorable officers, than vt­terlie to drowne them in the pit of forgetfulnesse. Which treatise of the chancellors I am the willing­er to deliuer, because I haue doone the like (but more amplie) for England, as being better acquainted with our owne than their histories.

The names and times of certeine chancellors of Scotland, gathered out of the histories of that nation.

WIlliam Wood bishop of Dunblaine William Wood. was chancellor to William king of Scots, which began his reigne in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hun­dred eightie and fiue, as some haue (but Lesleus lib. 6. pag. 226 giueth it to the yeare of our Lord God one thousand one hundred and thrée score, whose account herein is false) and continued in that office at the time of the death of the said William, which fell in the yéere of our redemption one thousand two hundred and fouretéene. After whose death he was by Alexander the second confirmed in the same place of chancellor.

Iohn Lion chancellor of Scotland (in the time Iohn Lion. of Robert the second of that name, and the first of the house of the Stewards which ware the crowne) was chancellor of Scotland, who being in great fa­uor with the said Robert the second, maried the ladie Elisabeth daughter vnto the said king, with whome he had in franke mariage diuerse possessions called Glames, whereby he was called lord of Glames; of which Lion is that surname descended, who in me­morie of that marriage beare in their armes the li­ons and lillies with the tresse in such forme as the king of Scotland beareth the same, except that their lions be placed in a blacke field, as Holinshed hath noted. Which Lion being chancellor was slaine in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and eightie, being about the tenth yeare of the same Robert the second, who after banished the earle of Crawford.

Gilbert Grenlaw bishop of Aberden, being Gilbert Gren­law. chancellor about the yeare that the word became flesh, one thousand foure hundred and eleuen in the vacancie of the kingdome, vnder duke Mordacke, betwéene the death of Robert the second (which fell in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and six, and the beginning of the reigne of Iames the first, in the yeare of our Lord God▪ one thousand foure hundred twentie and six) was sent ambassa­dor into France with other noblemen of Scotland, touching which, thus writeth Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 270. Mortuo interea Roberto Scotiae gubernatore, filius eius Mordacus regni procurator designatur. A quo Carolus septimus Francorum rex (in patris quoque locum suffectus) per legatos auxilium contra Anglos postulat. Assensus ille est, & eosdē duces (quos paulò ante in Franciam in copijs traiecisse commemora­uimus) cum valido militum manu Gallo subsidio re­misit. Cum eis quoque Gilbertus Grenlau episco­pus Aberdonensis, vir magnae inter regni primo­res singularem ob prudentiam auctoritatis, qui cancellariatus magistratum magna gessit dexteri­rate, in Galliam mittitur legatus, qui regem Caro­lum consolaretur, & certiorem faceret eos, qui Galliam aduenerāt, & totius Scotiae incolas, adeò in eius fide & amore perstare, vt se atque bona omnia, pro illius Francorúmque salute tribuere ex animo, sunt parati: idque rei exitus probabit. After which ambassage in France this Gilbert liued not verie long, for Henrie Lichton, who came shortlie in his place of the bishoprike, was with other sent ambas­sador into England, to fetch home Iames the first, and to inuest him in the crowne of Scotland.

William Creichton knight, whom Lesleus termeth william Creichton the wisest man that euer Scotland saw, being chan­cellor to Iames the first, was (in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and thrée, about the ninth yeare of the same king Iames) with the earle of Angus, and Adam Hepborne of Hales, [Page 450] sent to the castle of Dunbar, with letters signed with the kings hand, directed to the kéepers of the castle to deliuer the same to the bringers thereof: which the kéepers of that castle durst not disobeie, but permitted them to enter accordinglie. After this, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and fiue, and the eleuenth of the same king, he was sent ambassador▪ into Denmarke, where he conclu­ded a sound peace betwéene the nations of Den­marke and Scotland; which good seruice being well 10 weied, he was after the death of Iames the first, and in the entrance of Iames the second into the go­uernment of Scotland, in the yeare of Christ 1436, confirmed in his office of chancellorship, be­side which he had the gouernment of the kings per­son, and of the castle of Edenburgh committed to his charge. Then by reason of contention which fell betwéene sir Alexander Leuingston the gouer­nour of the realme and this chancellor, they fell to parts taking in the yeare of Christ one thousand 20 foure hundred thirtie and seuen, whereby insued much mischéefe and bloudshed in the realme (as al­waies by my obseruation I haue found to happen during the minoritieand the insufficiencie of kings) at what time the quéene taking part with the gouer­nor against the chancellor, found means by subtiltie to get the king into hir possession out of the hands of the chancellor, after that she had handsomlie trussed vp the king in a troonke like a fardell full of apparell, wherevpon the gouernor besieged the chancellor in 30 the castle of Edenburgh, but in the end they agréed that Creichton should still kéepe the castle of Eden­burgh and of his office of chancellor.

That doone, in the yeare one thousand foure hun­dred thirtie and nine, and the third yeare of Iames the second, the chancellor obteined to haue the quéene Dowager, and hir husband Iames Steward lord of Lorne released out of the prison of Sterling, whi­ther they were committed by the gouernor. Which doone the chancellor kéeping in mind the deceit of the 40 quéene, in ouerreaching him, by getting the king out of his possession, and séeing the gouernor to take the whole authoritie on him at his pleasure, did so worke that he found meanes, that he onlie accompanied with foure and twentie persons, did againe get the king (as he was one morning hunting in Sterling parke) into his possession, whom he carried with him into the castle of Edenburgh, wherewith the gouer­nor was gréeuoustie displeased, but not able to re­medie the same, there was an agréement made be­twéene 50 the chancellor and him, that the king should remaine in the custodie of the chancellor, and the go­uernor continue his office in administrating the af­faires of the realme. Wherevpon in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and fortie, and the fourth yeare of Iames the second, the gouernor and the chancellor assemble a councell of the nobilitie at Edenburgh. In the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fortie and foure, being the eight of the same Iames the second, both the gouernor and 60 the chancellor (at the persuasion of William earle Dowglas) were remooued from their offices by the king, who being now about fourtéene yeres old, had taken the absolute gouernment of the kingdome vpon him: besides which they were also put from the councell, their friends were banished the court, and they were summoned to appeare before the king, which they refused, not as giltie in conscience, but as fearing the crueltie of their enimies, wherevpon they were proclamed rebels and put to the horne, which occasioned William Dowglasse the chancel­lors great enimie to gather a power and spoile the lands of this William Creichton, for requitall wher­of, Creichton gathered a like-power, entred the land of Dowglasse, and spoiled the same all that he could, which thing adding further heat to the Dowglasse, caused him to procure the king in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fortie and fiue, being the ninth yeare of the kings reigne, to demand of Creichton the deliuerie of the castles of Edenburgh and of Creichton, which he denieng to doo vntill the king came to full age, had all his goods confiscat, ha­uing therein no iniurie doone vnto him, for as saith Lesleus: Primus omnium sanciuerat Creichtonus, Lesleus lib. 8. pag. 297. vt qui regi castrum aliquod postulanti restiterit, vio­latae maiestatis arcessatur, cuius ille legis poenam pri­mus subijt, as did he which deuised Phalaris bull. But after when the king had besieged Edenburgh castle nine moneths, Creichton being therein, the same was deliuered with condition, that Creich­ton should still remaine chancellor, which obteined, he neuer after delt in the affairs of the common welth, whereby growing againe into the kings fauour, he was with others in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fortie & six, being the tenth of Iames the second, sent ambassador to the duke of Gelder­land to obteine Marie the dukes daughter to wife for the king, which he brought to passe. All which not­withstanding in the yeare following he fell againe into the princes disgrace, and was by parlement holden in the yere of Christ one thousand foure hun­dred fortie and seuen, forfalted, for that his seruants would not deliuer Creichtons house or castle to the king, as before you haue heard. But after as it sée­meth, such is the mutabilitie of fortune, he returned into the kings grace, for which in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and fiftie, he was by the earle Dowglasse (supposing him to be the cause that the king misliked the earle) assaulted one mor­ning as he was comming out of the castle of Eden­burgh, from which although wounded, he escaped vnto his castle of Creichton, where in short space af­ter he assembled a power, recouered Edenburgh from the Dowglasse, and had destroied the earle at that present, if he had not shifted awaie more spéedi­lie: who being thus dishonorablie chased from Eden­burgh, drew the erle of Crawford and Rosse to ioine with him against Creichton, but he little estéeming thereof and requiting good for euill, did in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fiftie and thrée, or a thousand foure hundred fiftie and foure as some haue, procure a pardon for the earle of Crawford, gréeuouslie fallen into the kings displeasure. In which yeare also the king calling a parlement at E­denburgh, the earldome of Murreie was giuen to sir Iames Creichton, or rather restored to him, from whom it had béene wrongfullie taken by the iniust sentence of William earle of Dowglasse, who had procured it to be assigned to his brother Archibald Dowglasse, although the right remained in the same sir Iames Creichton. But yet when the same sir Iames could not kéepe that earledome without the enuie of diuers persons, he surrendred the same into the kings hands. Beside all which at this parlement was George Creichton created earle of Cathnesse, which I thought good to note in this place, because it touched the name of Creichton, whereof I doo now intreat by reason of this chancellor.

Andrew Steward lord of Anandale was chan Andrew Ste­ward. cellor of Scotland in the yere of Christ one thousand foure hundred three score and eight, being about the eight yeare of the reigne of king Iames the third, & was sent with others into Norweie to conclude a mariage with the king of Denmarke, betwéene his daughter Margaret & the king of Scots, which ladie he brought with him into Scotland in Iulie, at what time they were married accordinglie. Some yeares after which, that is about the yeare of Christ [Page 451] one thousand foure hundred foure score and two, and the two and twentith of Iames the third, when Alex­ander Steward Duke of Albanie with the duke of Glocester were come vnto Rastalrig with the English power, this man amongst others, was sent to the English campe to treat with the two dukes, with whom in the end an agréement was made. By which the duke of Albanie, before fled out of Scot­land, was restored home, and had both honors and offices bestowed on him; who with this chancellor & 10 other noble men had the gouernment of the king­dome for a certeine space: during which time, this duke the chancellor and others, going to visit the queene at Sterling, the duke by the queenes persua­sion without knowledge of the other, went to Eden­burgh, and by force restored the king to libertie, be­fore taken and kept in hold by some of the nobilitie, which being knowne to the chancellor and the other lords at Sterling, they fled to their owne countries.

Iames Beton archbishop of Glascow was chan­cellor 20 in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred & thirteene, being the first yeare of king Iames Iames Be­t [...]n. the fift. This man being of great wisdome, was ap­pointed amongst others to assist the quéene in the gouernment of the realme, wherevnto she was for a time aduanced: but the woman not induring to be directed by others, taking quarell against the bishop, did immediatlie after the mariage, performed the sixt of August, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and fouretéene, betwéene hir and Archi­bald 30 Dowglasse earle of Angus (which this bishop incountred as much as he could) take the great seale from the said bishop of Glascow, at saint Iohns towne, whervpon the bishop got him to Edenburgh, and assisted with manie lords, kept the quéene and hir husband out of that towne, whereby great dissen­tion and part taking was raised amongst the nobili­tie of the realme. But as I gather, peace being made betwéene them, he was againe made chancellor. Af­ter this, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred 40 and fiftéene, he commeth with the earle of Ar­rane, who submitteth himselfe to the gouernor. Short­lie following, the gouernor gaue to this archbishop of Glascow the abbeie of Arbroth, assigning to the earle of Murreie a large pension out of the same, which bishop being thus in fauor with the gouernor, was (in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and seuenteene in Maie, when the gouernor went in­to France) appointed, amongst others, to haue the rule of the realme vntill his returne. Two yeares 50 after which, the nobilitie being diuided about the quarell of the earle of Angus & Arrane, this bishop in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and ninetéene, being then also chancellor, with other no­ble men of the realme, kept the towne of Glascow; but after that, this chancellor who would not come to Edenburgh, the king of England and of France their ambassadors came to Sterling, where a peace was proclamed amongst the nobilitie.

But what can long continue in one staie, or what peace will be long imbraced amongst ambiti­ous 60 minds? sith in the yeare following, being the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and twen­tie, the noble men fell againe to factions: for when di­uerse of the péeres were come to Edenburgh to aid the earle of Angus against the earle of Arrane (this chancellor remaining then in the towne) they pur­sued the earle and chancellor so hotlie, that they were both constreined to forsake the towne, and to flie through the north Loch, about the thirtith daie of A­prill. But as the euents of quarels be doubtfull, now vp now downe, so this archbishop not long af­ter this disgrace, recouered breath, and in Nouem­ber following, did accompanie the regent come out of France to Edenburgh, where was a parlement holden, to summon the earle of Angus to appeare; but he refusing, it was agréed that the earle should passe into England there to remaine.

The bishop thus hauing the better of his eni­mies, Andrew Forman bishop of S. Andrews died, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred twentie and two, being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first, by occasion whereof, this chancellor Iames Beton bishop of Glascow was aduanced to that sée, and further made abbat of Dumfermling. Upon which new honor, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and foure, he was appointed one of the gouernors of the realme by parlement: but he not possessing this honor anie long time, the earle of Angus (who had gotten the king into his vsurped gouernment, and denied the deliuerie of the king, being sent for by this bishop and the other nobilitie) sent to the chancellor for the great seale, which was deliuered to the messengers: vpon which, this bi­shop not forgetting the same, hastened the sentence of diuorce sued before him, betwéene the quéene and the earle of Angus. Whereof the earle, to reuenge the same, did with the king, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and six, séeke for the quéene and the bishop of saint Andrews: but because they were kept secretlie in their friends hou­ses (so that they could not be heard of) he spoiled the abbeie of Dumfermling, and the castell of saint An­drews, taking awaie all that the archbishop had. Notwithstanding which, the archbishop kéeping in fauor with the old quéene and the yoong king, did in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twen­tie and nine, and the sixtéenth yeare of Iames the fift, christen Iames the kings sonne borne at saint Andrews, and not long after, surrendered his soule to God in the said yeare one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and nine: of whome it shall not gréeue me to set downe what Lesleus hath written, which though it be somewhat long, yet because it is necessarie, I had rather set downe the plaine words of the author, than by abridging of them into our our toong, to depriue the author of his due by his owne stile: thus therefore he writeth.

Iacobus Betonius archiepiscopus Santandrea­politanus, qui maximis reipublicae honoribus sum­máque Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 450. gloria apud nos quàm diutissimè floruerat, aetate iam grandior, naturae concedebat, ac in aede sancti Andreae tumulo honorificè tegebatur. Hic an­tistes quosdam, quos egregiè charos habuit, viuus constituebat, vt in beneficia sibi mortuo sufficerétur. In episcopatum autem Santandreapolitanum, ac in abbathiam Arbrothensem, vir summa prudentia, & animi magnitudine praestans Dauid Betonius cardi­nalis, eius ex fratre nepos, in abbathiam verò Dum­firmlingensem Georgius Dureus, in alia denique a­lij: quam illius voluntatem rex non impediuit, quo minùs illi, quos archiepiscopus ante obitum consti­tuerat, beneficijs liberè fruerentur: ne cuius viui mentem semper laudaret, eius mortui voluntatem malitiosè videretur rescidisse. Hic archiepiscopus praecipuum illius collegij quod nouum Santandre­apoli dicitur, partim suo sumptu excitauit, ac maxi­mam pecuniae vim qua reliqua pars inchoata perpo­liretur, testato reliquit: verùm pecunia illa in alios vsus postea traducta, collegij ius (ne quid acriùs di­cam) perierat. Thus much Lesle, and thus much I, touching this chancellor, spoken of also in my trea­tise of the archbishops of sant Andrews.

Gawen Dunbar archbishop of Glascow, and the kings schoolemaister, was chancellor as appeareth by Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 399. who in in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and two, writeth: Non multò post Andreas Formannus epis­copus [Page 452] Santandreapolitanus vità cessit, huius quam primū honore ac titulo insigniebatur Iacobus Beto­nus archiepiscopus Glascuensis, qui quidem archi­episcopatus omniū summa voluntate cessit praestātis­simo cuidam viro Gawino Dunbarro [...]; cui quòd recōditae eruditionis, sincerae vitae consilij que graui­ssimi laudibus praestiterit, regis tenella aetas moribus doctriná que informanda credebatur, quem intimis sensibus ita dilexit rex, vt sui intimi concilij socium, regnique cancellarium postea illum coaptauerat. 10

Dauid Beton (the brothers sonne of Iames Be­ton deceased archbishop of saint Andrews) was chancellor of Scotland, who being abbat of Arbroth, was with others sent ambassador into France in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thir­tie and foure, being the one and twentith yeare of the gouernment of Iames the fift, for to procure the earle of Uandosmes sister in mariage for the king; but the same tooke not effect, because the king going in person into France liked hir not. About thrée 20 yeares after, which was in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and seuen, and the foure and twentith yeare of Iames the fift, this Da­uid was aduanced to the honor of a cardinall, of which title I doo not at this time remember, that e­uer I haue read anie other to haue inioied but Wal­ter Wardlaw, of whome Onuphrius thus writeth: Walterus episcopus Glascuensis presbyter cardina­lis Two cardi­nals onelie in Scotland. creatus, anno Domini 1383, 10 kalend. Ianua. 6 pontificatus Clemētis 7, obijt inter annum 1400, 30 & 1409, whome the Scotish histories make cardi­nall somewhat before in the yeare one thousand three hundred fourscore and two, about the eleuenth yeare of Robert the second (at what time with others he was sent to Charles king of France as ambassa­dor to renew the league betweene France & Scot­land) by Paul the third, then pope of Rome, to whom also the king of France gaue in commendam the bishoprike of Miropen: of the making of which Be­ton cardinall, thus the same Onuphrius writeth: Da­uid 40 de sancto Andrea Scotus episcopus Miropiensis presbyter cardinalis tituli sancti Stephani in Caelio monte creatus, anno Domini, 1538, 13 kalend. Ianuar. per Paulum tertiū, anno pontificatus 13. In which words Onuphrius, and Lesleus following him, refer the creation of this cardinall vnto the yeare one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and eight, though others attribute it to the yeare one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and seuen. In which yeare one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and eight, he was 50 with others sent ambassador into France after the death of the quéene, to procure Marie of Lorreine widow duchesse of Longuile, and daughter to the duke of Guise, to be giuen to king Iames in mari­age; which matter he brought to his desired effect.

The next yeare after, being the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and nine, as you haue heard before, he was by his vncle Iames Beton archbishop of sainct Andrews, & abbat of Ar­broth, appointed to succéed in the same bishops sée 60 and abbeie, which he inioied accordinglie: who ad­uanced with these dignities, did after the death of Iames the fift, falling in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fortie and two, labor by po­licies and other extraordinarie deuises to be gouer­nor of the realme, during the minoritie of the yoong queene; but he was disappointed thereof by the no­bilitie, who chose the earle of Arrane to that functi­on; by meanes whereof, there fell continuall dissen­tions betwéene the nobilitie, which ended not vntill this cardinall was slaine as after it shall appeare. For shortlie after in the said yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and two, being committed to ward (in the castle of Dalketh vnder the custodie of the lord Seton, smallie fauoring the French faction) be­cause he would haue persuaded the nobilitie to for­sake the motion of the K. of England, determining to marie his son prince Edward to the yoong quéene of Scots. But the cardinall did not long remaine there; for by the gouernors appointment he was remoued to his owne castell of S. Andrews, hauing watch and ward about him, to see him safelie kept, in which place also he did not long continue: for cor­rupting his keepers he found meanes to escape; which doone, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and thrée, he came to the coronation of the yoong queene, and shortlie after persuaded the earle of Ar­rane the gouernor to leaue the part of the king of England, and wholie to become French.

Now at the coronation, the cardinall ordered all things, appointing euerie officer, and growing into great credit, did in like sort at other times dispose of the common-wealth as séemed best liking vnto him. Wherevpon, the earle of Leneux taking part with the English, opposed himselfe against the go­uernor and the cardinall, whereby followed sharpe warres, the cardinall still supporting and counsel­ling the gouernor: which troubles being somewhat abated, by reason the earle of Leneux was gone in­to England, the cardinall in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fortie and foure, receiued the patriarch of Ierusalem arriued in Scotland. In which meane time, there was great contention betwéene the cardinall and the archbishop of Glas­cow, for bearing their crosses in the others iurisdic­tion: wherevpon they fell from words to swords, which the gouernor appeased: that doone, the patri­arch the popes legat comming to Rome, procured the legantine power to be granted to this cardinall, which he long inioied not. For being greatlie en­uied by reason of these honors & some gréeuous facts, certeine persons in the yeare one thousand fiue hun­dred fortie and six (after that he had burned George Wischart a learned man, condemned at saint An­drews by an assemblie of bishops) did the thirtéenth daie of Maie (when they had secretlie in the morning entered the castell of saint Andrews where the car­dinall was) expell the porters of the foresaid castell, the cardinals seruants, and flue the cardinall naked as he came to méete them, whose death sir Iames Liermount prouost of saint Andrews thought to haue staied by assembling a power therefore: but after that he saw the cardinals dead bodie hanged out ouer the wals, he made no further attempt. The death of which cardinall comming to the gouernors eares, he banished the author thereof, as writeth Les­leus in these words: Gubernator, quòd nec cognato Lesleus lib. 19. pag. 482. suo sanguinis coniunctio, nec cardinali dignitas, nec cancellario maiestas ac domus propria, ad impio­rum insidias effugendas quicquam profuerit, aeger­rimè ferre. Consilio itaque Huntlei ac Argadij suasu indicto, in caedis auctores capitis proscriptionisque sententia data est.

George Gordon earle of Huntleie, sonne of Iohn Georg Gordon. Gordon, being chancellor of Scotland, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fortie and sea­uen, falling about the fift yeare of the reigne of Ma­rie quéen of Scots, was taken prisoner by the Eng­lish at Muskelborow field, who pitieng the miserie of diuerse of his countriemen, wounded and taken at the same battell, did vndertake for their ransome; wherevpon they were permitted to depart, and left to shift for themselues as well as they might. In the next yeare, which was the yeare of Christ (as hath Lesleus one thousand fiue hundred fortie and eight) the protector of Scotland sent Carnegie knight and senator to the protector of England, to ransome Huntleie, or at the least to obteine that his wife [Page 453] wife might come vnto him. Wherevpon the earle was with his keepers permitted to come to Mor­phet, where expecting his wife, he thought vpon his escape, and from thense after supper, deceiuing his warders, he fled by night into Scotland, through the aid of one George Carre his déere friend, who prouided him speedie horsses therefore. The earle be­ing thus come into Scotland, was ioifullie inter­teined of the quéene, the gouernor, and the other no­bilitie; but chiefelie of his wife, whose earnest de­sire 10 to sée him was the occasion of his escape. But as all ioie hath some hard hap for the most part at­tending vpon the same; so this earle did after féele the force of like misfortune. For about seuen yeares after, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred fiftie and foure, he was againe committed to prison as after shall appeare. Before which, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and fiftie, he with other noble men goeth into France with the quéene mother of Scotland; but before that iournie, 20 whilest he was preparing for the same, he comman­ded William Mackintosch chiefe of the Glenchat­tins to be executed at Stratbolgie, for a priuie con­spiracie made against him, being the kings lieute­nant in the north parts. Which thing raised a great commotion like to haue succéeded to great slaugh­ters (in that the earle of Cassels and manie others fauored Mackintosch) if the wisdome of the quéene mother had not appeased the same.

After that the queene mother had bin in France, 30 she in the same yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and fiftie, returned into Scotland through England: but the earle Huntleie warilie fearing to fall into the dangers of the English (whome he thought would not forget his escape from them, re­turned by sea into his owne countrie: after which, when he had beene about foure yeares in Scotland, the quéene mother regent in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and foure, sent this earle Huntleie into Heitland to take Iohn Mudr [...]ad: 40 but returning without him, he was committed to prison in Edenburgh the eleuenth of October: at what time the regent changed all the officers, tooke awaie the great seale from this earle Huntleie the chancellor, and gaue it to monsieur Rubie a French­man, which monsieur Rubie thus made kéeper of the Monsieur Rubie keper of the great seale. great seale in the said yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and foure, and the twelfth yeare of Marie queene of Scots, had the vse of the same seale in the place of the earle Huntleie then chancel­lor 50 in ward. But the earle of Huntleie after being set at libertie, it seemeth that he was still chancellor. For besides that Lesleus saith that he was restored to all his dignities (except the earldome of Murreie, whereof he had a gift of inheritance, the earldome of Marre, the farmes of Orkeneie & Heitland, and the queenes land at Straitsdie, all which he gaue for his libertie) he is also by the Scotish histories na­med still chancellor, in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand fiue hundred threescore and one, and the nine­téenth 60 yeare of quéene Marie, being then by the no­bilitie amongst other, chosen to be of the priuie coun­cell. Of whome before this also Lesleus writeth, that in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fif­tie and nine, the quéene hauing receiued a bill of sup­plication from the protestants: Illa hunc protinus libellum supplicem per Huntleum regni cancella­rium synodo exhibendum, vt de illis definiret, red­didit.

After this, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and two, in October being the twentith yeare of the same quéene, he was in the faction betwéene him and others (for diuerse mis­demeanors also, vpon his comming with an armie to Cornethie in Mar) slaine, and Iohn Gordon his sonne taken prisoner, brought to Aberdine the nine and twentith of October, and there beheaded. Now for the other chancellors which followed in succession of time, because they fall yet fresh in memorie, and some mention is made of them in this my continu­ation of these annals; I doo not intend to make anie double recitall of them in that place, being a thing superfluous so to doo; & therefore, & because Omne ni­mium vertitur in vitium (whereto the lawiers agrée saieng, that Frustra fit per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora) I will referre thée for the supplement of this title of the chancellors, to the same continua­tion of my annals, there at thy pleasure to collect and dispose them, as best shall serue thine owne memo­rie or knowledge.

Wherefore leauing them, and returning to the consideration of other things, which following time hath begotten and brought foorth in Scotland: we saie, that as the quéene of England had before time, after the taking of Sterling, sent maister Knolles into Scotland to vnderstand the estate of these times: so in like sort the Scots with like congra­tulation, dispatched a messenger vnto the quéene of England, by whome she might haue knowledge of such things as were after doone. For maister William Keith one of the chamber to the king, was William Keith sent into Eng­land. sent from the king of Scots to the quéene of Eng­land in the same moneth of December, a little be­fore Christmas with letters, who comming to the court then remaining at Gréenewich, did there make deliuerie of the same letters. During whose a­bode here in England, some of those which had be­fore assisted the earles of Angus and Marre, against such as séemed to nourish the king in the Romane religion, fell from their former opinion, & either for loue to the same Romane religion, or for malice to other of the nobilitie, or for a desire to be singular to themselues, imbraced the abolished doctrine of the pope, & set vp the ceremonie of Italie. Amongst The lord Maxwell hea­reth masse. whome, one, not of the meanest, the lord Maxwell, who had maried the earle of Angus his sister, did in Ianuarie aduance the same, and heard masse at Linclouden a mile from Dumfries, contrarie to the publike laws appointed in Scotland. Wherof in­telligence being brought vnto the king, he forthwith dispatched a messenger vnto him, commanding him to surcease the same. But the lord Maxwell persi­sting in that his former action, was (in the end ap­prehended, and vpon the refusall of an oth touching the same, according to the lawes of Scotland) com­mitted to prison in Edenburgh, where he long re­mained.

These things thus doone in Scotland, the afore­named Maister Randolph go­eth into Scot­land. maister Keith departed from London to­wards that countrie, about the foure and twen­tith of Ianuarie, with answer that hir maiestie of England would shortlie send an ambassador into Scotland, who should fullie satisfie the king in all things, and further deliuer vnto him the full of hir maiesties determination. Wherevpon Thomas Randolph esquier, a person who had manie times before executed that function in those countries, and was well acquainted both with the state & maners of the people, was by the quéene of England dis­patched into those parts; who being so authorised, tooke his iourneie from London towards Scotland on the eight daie of Februarie. After which, in Aprill 1586 following, maister Archibald Dowglasse (one that had beene sometime of the session or parlement of Edenburgh) hauing remained some yeares here in England, vpon displeasures which the king of Scots conceiued against him, did make his returne into his owne countrie, where he behaued himselfe so [Page 445] wiselie, that he obteined great fauor after his re­turne home. In this yeare, the presbyterie (as they had manie times doone before, but especiallie in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and three, which I thought to note in this place, be­cause I would not often vse repetition of one thing doone at seuerall times in so manie places) did ex­communicat their metropolitan the archbishop of S. Andrews, and the rest of the bishops also, because they would not in all their actions, support and con­firme 10 the doctrine which the presbyterie had esta­blished. Which excommunication the presbyterie did the more boldlie, because they were supported by the assistance of the maister of Lindseie, a great eni­mie to this Patrike Adamson bishop of saint An­drews.

But the king in the beginning did assist him a­gainst them, and the archbishop did in like sort thun­der an excommunication against them. Which di­uision not being méete to be in the cleargie, who 20 ought to be (as the apostles were) of one hart, and of one mind, will in the end as Christ saith, bring the same realme to confusion: for Omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur: which must néedes be, where euerie man will be a lord, & that the inferior of the clergie will neither acknowledge nor obeie anie superiors. In which place, sith I haue menti­oned Patrike Adamson the archbishop of saint An­drews, because I shall not haue occasion to speake anie more of him, I will here set downe a collection 30 of all the archbishops of that sée.

A Cathalog of the archbishops of saint Andrews, collected out of the histories of Scotland.

THe Scots séeking meanes to rid them­selues from subiection of the bishop of Yorke, who was the metropolitane of Scotland, did in the yeare of Christ one 40 thousand foure hundred thréescore and fouretéene ob­teine of the pope that they might haue a metropo­litane sée within themselues, by reason of the conti­nuall wars which was betwéene the two nations; during which, they could neither vse appellations to their metropolitane, nor haue other bishops conse­crated. Wherevpon the pope erected the church of S. Andrews into an archbishoprike in the time of king Iames the third, touching which, thus writeth Les­leus, lib. 8. pag. 317. Hoc anno (which was the yeare 50 of Christ one thousand foure hundred thréescore and fourtéene) Patricius Grahamus sedis Andreapolita­nae ecclesiae episcopus, crebris litteris ac nuntijs a pa­pa efflagitauit, vt metropolitana potestas in diui An­dreae ciuitate figeretur: iniquū esse enim contendit, vt Scoti ab Eboracensi episcopo tanquam primate pē ­derent, cùm propter crebra bella (quibus se Scoti & Angli mutuò lacessunt) Scotis ad illum non pate­retur tutus accessus, nec liberum ius, praesertim in ap­pellationibus. Annuit summus pontifex, vt Andrea­politano deinceps episcopo potestas metropolitana 60 incumbat. Dies indulto pontifici promulgandi mense Septembri dicta est, atque maxima populi no­biliúmque laetitia celebrata. Episcopi reliqui Graha­mi odio flagrantes, illius authoritatem repudiant, re­gisque animum ingenti pecunia (which was as other authors saie, eleuen thousand marks) occupant, ne Grahami partibus studeret. Interea praesules Romā mittunt qui sui defensionem contra Grahamum sus­cipiunt. But in the end they did not preuaile. Gra­ham was made archbishop.

Patrike Graham being bishop of saint Andrews and the first archbishop of that sée, was after his ad­uancement to that title depriued in this sort. In the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thrée score and seuentéene, pope [...]istus the fourth of that Lesleus. lib. [...]. pag. 3. 18. name sent a legat called Husman into Scotland, which should displace this Patrike the archbishop of saint Andrews, condemned by the sentence of the pope and the cardinals for an heretike, schismatike, simoniake, whervpon he was depriued of all ecclesi­asticall dignitie, and commanded to perpetuall pri­son; in whose place was William Schewes chosen, to whose custodie and disposition this Patrike was committed, after which Graham being remooued for his safe imprisonment first to saint Colms Ile, then to Dumfermeling, and lastlie to Locheleuine, there in the end he died, and was buried in saint Sarttis or Seruinianus Ile in Locheleuine after that he had béene thrée yeares archbishop.

William Schewes being created archbishop of saint Andrews in the yeare of Christ one thousand Willia [...] Schewes. foure hundred thréescore and eighteene as some haue, or one thousand foure hundred thréescore and nine­teene as others haue, in the Holie rood house in E­denburgh, in the presence of king Iames and ma­nie of the nobilitie receiued the pall, as the ensigne of his metropolitane power, being declared legat and primat of Scotland, at what time he was not withstood by anie of the other bishops, who being e­stranged from shewing anie fauor to Graham, did often infringe his authoritie, and in the end expelled the same Graham from his archiepiscopall sée. Af­ter which in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fourescore & two, this archbishop Schewes fled into his owne countrie, and after at the request of the king resigned his archbishoprike, contenting himselfe with the bishoprike of Murrie.

Andrew Steward vncle to king Iames the third was vpon the resignation of William Schewes Andrew Steward. made archbishop of saint Andrews, after which in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred foure Lesleus. score and foure the king sent this archbishop ambas­sador to Rome for the obteining of certeine priuile­ges, 1483 which he brought to effect. In the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fourescore and eleuen, in the time of king Iames the fourth, about the third yeare of his reigne was great contention betwéene the archbishops of saint Andrews and Glascow, touching both their authorities: which when it had drawen manie of the nobilitie into diuers factions, it was ceased by the king for a certeine time, vntill all doubt thereof might be taken awaie, by deciding the same by the canon law before ecclesiasticall iud­ges. Then in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and seuen, being about the ninetéenth years of Iames the fourth, the bishop of saint Andrews with the earle of Arrane were sent ambassadors in­to France.

Alexander Steward bastard sonne to king Iames the fourth, was made archbishop of saint Andrews Alexander Steward. in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and ten, about the two and twentith of the reigne of the same Iames the fourth: this man hauing long stu­died with Erasmus in Germanie, and in the low countries was aduanced to this sée of the archbi­shoprike Lesleus. lib. [...]. pag. 353. when he was yet in Flanders; who hauing intelligence thereof by his freends, came forthwith into Scotland, where he was ioifullie receiued by the king, the nobilitie, & his kindred. He was slaine to­gither with his father king Iames the fourth at Floden field, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtéene. After which, Iohn Hepburne prior of saint Andrews stronglie besieging the ca­stle of saint Andrews, forced the same to be yéelded vnto him. The cause of which besiege grew, that Hep­burne being chosen bishop of saint Andrews by his canons of that church (wherevnto the whole nobilitie [Page 455] were helpers) was hindered to possesse that archbi­shoprike, by such stipendarie people of Gawine Dowglasse as kept the castle; wherevpon the queene Les [...]. pag. 373. and the earle of Angus, after that they vnderstood how the castle was by force come into the hands of Hepburne, did take in euill part that he who was so troublesome vnto them, should ascend to so high a dignitie, and that Gawine Dowglasse so déerelie to them beloued, and to whom they had giuen that bi­shoprike should be helplesse of the recouerie therof. 10 Wherevpon the queene and the duke of Albanie dili­gentlie labored by ambassadors sent to Rome, that a third person (sith Gawine Dowglasse could not obteine it) might be aduanced therevnto, which third man was Andrew Forman bishop of Murrie: fur­ther requiring therewithall that he might be abbat of Dumfermling, & Aberbroth, which in the end with much intreatie they obteined of the pope.

Andrew Forman bishop of Murrie was at E­denburgh Andrew Forman. by the popes buls on the eighth kalends 20 of Ianuarie in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and fiftéene (being about the second yeare of the reigne of Iames the fift) declared archbishop of S. Andrews, and abbat of Dumfermeling and A­berbroth. Wherevpon the prior of saint Andrews before named, still contending that he was archbi­shop, both in respect of the election of the couent, and the consent of the nobilitie, did labor all he could a­gainst Forman, appealing him to Rome, for which cause he with the lord Hales and other his freends 30 came to Edenburgh to defend the matter, at what time the lord Hume chamberlaine of Scotland and such others as openlie assisted Forman, did oppose themselues against the prior, which nobilitie (because they were great in the court) did the more molest and hinder Hepburne, shortlie after by publike edict (and proclamation of the king) banishing the prior & his fo­lowers. Hepburne being striken with the sharpnes of that precept, did priuilie depart the towne, and the prior went to Rome, hoping by the popes authoritie 40 to wrest from Forman the archbishoprike, which he could not obteine by violence. But how he sped at Rome I doo not know, for I onelie find this, that in the yeare following, being the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and sixtéene, about the third yeare of the same Iames the fift, that the gouernor perceiuing that all these contentions, hatreds, and diuisions of the nobilitie did arise by these bralles, which were betweene Forman and Hepburne for the see of saint Andrews, desired to cure this gréeuous 50 wound made in the commonwealth. Wherefore he persuaded Andrew Forman that he should resigne all his ecclesiasticall benefices into his hands in an open assemblie at Edenburgh, for by that meanes the gouernour thought that he might pacifie the minds of the nobilitie, and vtterlie root out those breaches of dissention. Wherevpon there was a daie appointed to the nobilitie to assemble: at what time Andrew Forman fréelie resigned to the gouernor the duke of Albanie all his ecclesiasticall promotion, 60 to be disposed at the dukes pleasure. In considerati­on thereof, the duke bestowed the archbishorike of saint Andrews and the abbeie of Dumfermling vp­on the same Andrew Forman, and gaue the bishop­rike of Murrie to Iames Hepburne (greatlie fauo­red of the earle Bothwell and the competitor of For­man) being therevnto substitute by Iohn Hepburne prior of saint Andrews in place of the said Iohn, to whom moreouer the duke appointed a yerelie pen­sion of a thousand marks, to be paied by the same Forman out of the abbeie of Dumfermling. After which, about six yeares or somewhat lesse, this For­man departed his life, being in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and two, and the ninth yeare of king Iames the fift, to whom succée­ded Iames Beton.

Iames Beton archbishop of Glascow and chan­cellor Iames Beton. of Scotland, was made archbishop of saint Andrews (as is before touched) after the death of Andrew Forman, hauing therewith the abbeie of Dumfermling, as his predecessor before had posses­sed it, of whom sée more in my discourse of the chan­cellors of Scotland.

Dauid Beton brother to the same Iames Beton Dauid Beton. was after the death of the last archbishop of saint Andrews named to that sée by his brother before his death, which place he possessed accordinglie, af­ter the death of the same Iames Beton. Of this man being a cardinall I haue spoken more liberal­lie in my discourse of the chancellors of Scotland.

Iohn Hamilton (brother to the gouernour) being Iohn Ha­milton. abbat of Pas [...], was by the same gouernour in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fortie and six, being about the fourth yeare of Marie quéene of Scots made archbishop of S. Andrews, after that be had returned out of France (where he applied his studie) in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred fortie & thrée, being the first or second of quéene Marie of Scotland. This man comming out of France, passed through England, and hauing other learned men in his companie, did visit the king of England, of whome he was most honourablie and courteouslie receiued. From whense going into Scotland he was made treasuror, which office he kept as long as his brother was gouernour, whome he did further in all good counsels at home, and saue & defend in the wars abroad. Then in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and nine, be­ing the seauentéenth of quéene Marie, he was with the queene besieged in Leith. After still following the quéenes part, he with others méeteth hir in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and six, at Muskelborow, and so attendeth on hir, who not long after in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred seuentie & one, being about the fourth yeare of Iames the sixt, was taken in the castell of Dunbritaine, and sent prisoner into Sterling, where being examined by the regent Matthew earle of Leneux, about the murther of Henrie king of Scots, sonne to the said Matthew, he was there drawne, hanged, and quartered, being the first arch­bishop that I haue yet heard of that suffered so ig­nominious a death.

Patrike Adamson aliàs Constance succéeded Patrik [...] Ademston. Iohn Hamilton in the archbishoprike of saint An­drews, who possessing this place at this daie, and ha­uing occasioned me to speake of him in seuerall places in this my continuance of the annales of Scotland, is héere to be ouerpassed, and therefore I referre thée to the same annales, if thou desire to know what I haue said of him. ¶ Thus knitting vp the catalog of the archbishops of S. Andrews, we saie that as you haue heard before, that in Februa­rie last Thomas Randolph esquier was sent ambas­sador from the quéene of England into Scotland, so he still remaining there a long time in that countrie dispatcht his ambassage to good effect. During whose aboade there, there was an assemblie holden at Edenborough in Maie, wherein these things which follow were concluded vpon for the establishing and order of the same commonwealth.

The articles concluded in the assem­blie holden at Edenburgh in Maie.

FIrst, the whole realme was diuided into 52 presbyteries, & the number of ministers and churches appointed to euerie presbyterie.

[Page 456] 2 That there shall be two prouinciall assemblies in the yeare in euerie prouince, the first tuesdaie of Oc­tober and Aprill.

3 There shall be one generall assemblie in the yeare, the first of October next insuing.

4 All assemblies doo consist of these persons, the pastor, doctor, and elders, & all the three to haue votes, as well in the presbyteries prouinciall as gene­rall assemblies: and that all such as haue anie sutes in the assemblies may sée and here, but giue no vote 10 except they be of the number of the thrée afore spe­cified.

5 That there was onelie foure offices in the church, the pastor, doctor, elder and deacon, and that the name of bishop was onlie proper to the pastor or minister, and that he had especiall charge and function in the church, but no greater than a common pastor.

6 Item, that visitation in the church was lawfull, and at this time necessarie, in respect of the elder­ship as yet is not lawfullie planted, and that this vi­sitation 20 did apperteine onelie to a pastor or pastors sent from the assemblie, and not else.

7 That when euer the assemblie maketh mention of a bishop, they meane onelie S. Paules bishop and none other.

8 That the receiuing of presentations, giuing of collations, triall of ministers, deposing them for iust causes, shall be in the power of the most learned and soundest iudgement of two presbyteries, and this to stand vntill the presbyteries be better erected. 30

9 That a commissioner appointed by the generall assemblie, being a pastor, as pastor shall be tried and censured in life and doctrine by the presbyterie, or prouinciall assemblie, but in respect of his commis­sion, he shall be tried by the generall assemblie, of whome he receiued the same.

10 If he admit or doo any thing without consent of his assemblie, it shall be of no effect, and a iust cause of his deposition.

11 The power which he shall receiue shall be Or­dinis 40 causa non iurisdictionis.

12 Commission appointed by the prouinciall or generall assemblies to visit, shall visit presbyteries or particular churches, alwaies not preiudging the power of the presbyterie within the bounds of their visitation.

13 The visitors appointed by the generall assem­blie for this present to stand for one yeare, and there­after as the assemblie shall appoint.

14 That no commission giuen by anie in times 50 past before the date of this assemblie shall be vailea­ble, but such onlie as the said assemblie shall appoint. In which assemblie also it séemeth that the kings ma­iestie made certeine requests, to haue somewhat e­stablished concerning the bishop of saint Andrews, wherevpon these things were concluded against him, and he brought to subscribe the same, to the pre­iudice of his metropolitane iurisdiction ouer the rest of the clergie of his crowne.

The meanes taken in this generall as­semblie, 60 touching the bishop of S. Andrews, at the desire of the kings maiestie.

IF the bishop by his owne handwriting or personall appearance in the assemblie, will in Gods presence denie, that euer he publikelie professed or meant in anie sort to claime a supremasie, or to be iudge ouer other persons and ministers, or euer auowed the same to haue a ground in Gods word: and that if he had so doone, it had béene great error and against his con­science and knowledge.

2 If he will denie, that in the last synodall as­semblie he claimed to be iudge therevnto, and that if he had doone it, [...]at he erred in it, and in his impious behauiour or contempt of the said synod and his brethren, in that he will remit him to the brethren present, and craue pardon for the ouersight thereof, and promise good behauiour in the time to come.

3 If he will promise to claime no further than he iustlie may by God his word, and according to the last conference, and endeuour himselfe in all beha­uiour to shew himselfe in all time to come a mode­rat person, and so serue, as that he may prooue agree­able for a bishop prescribed by S. Paule, and so sub­mit his life and doctrine to the iudgement and cen­sure of the generall assemblie without anie recla­mation, prouocation, or appellation from the same in anie time to insue.

These things being demanded at the archbi­shops hands, he was contented to yéeld to them by subscribing his name with his owne hand therevn­ton, which doone, the said assemblie at Edenburgh did for their part in like sort publish their dutifull mind & obedience to his maiestie, in adnulling the processe of excommunication against the said bi­shop of saint Andrews, and to continue him in his former estate, as followeth.

The decree of the assemblie at Eden­burgh, concerning the restitution of the bishop of S. Andrews.

FOr his maiesties satisfaction, and to giue testimonie with what good will we would obeie his heires so farre as we ought, or in conscience we may, and for good hope we haue in his maiesties fauourable concurrence in building vp of the house of God within this realme, and bicause the processe of excommunication was laid, and the sentence pronounced during the time of the conference, wherevpon his maiestie hath ta­ken occasion of offense, which for manie good causes were conuenient to be remooued, we will forbeare to examine the said processe, or decide it, whatsoeuer prouocation or appellation, or to call in doubt the le­galitie or forme of the said processe, or to condemne the said synod. Yet for the respects aforsaid, and vpon good and weightie considerations, we hold the said processe and sentence as vnlaied, vndeducted or pro­nounced, and restore the said bishops in all respects so farre as may concerne the said processe and sen­tence of excommunication in the former estate he was immedatlie before the same, like as no pro­cesse nor sentence had been laid and deducted against him. Prouiding alwaies he obserue what hath béene promised by him in the premisses, & behaue himselfe dutifullie in his vocation in all times comming.

This doone the earle of Rutland (hauing a com­mission directed to him, to William lord Euers, and to the same Thomas Randolph) went to Berwike as hir maiesties ambassadours, to confirme that league betwéene the two nations of England and Scotland, which the said Randolph had before conclu­ded. Wherevpon the commissioners of England, the earle of Rutland, and the lord Euers, from out of England, and Thomas Randolph from out of Scotland, came to Berwike the place appointed where this league should be fullie stablished. For the meeting of whome at the same place, were commis­sioners of like number, and equall honor and autho­ritie, appointed to come to Berwike for Scotland. But some delaie being made of their appearance, and manie excuses wherewith to interteine time by messengers vsed, at the length commeth to Ber­wike Francis earle Bothwell, Robert lord Boid, [Page 457] and sir Iames Hume of Colden Knowles knight and baron, commissioners for the king of Scots, who there meeting with the foresaid commissioners of England, did conclude a league defensiue and of­fensiue betweene these two nations: which doone, the earle of Rutland returned home, and maister Ran­dolph departed againe into Scotland to take his leaue of the king, whome when he had saluted he left, and returning into England came to London about the fiftéenth of August, where I will now leaue him. 10 But before I turne my pen to any of the persons of Scotland, I determine to set downe certeine ver­ses which Buchanan dedicated vnto him. For al­though they be matter impertinent to this historie of Scotland, yet bicause they were written to him (here mentioned) by a Scot, and are méet for the in­structions of the yoong Scotish king, I will not re­fuse to set them downe in this sort as followeth:

Saepe tibi Randolphe iubes me pingere regem,
Qualem optem, tribuat sic mihi vota Deus. 20
Accipe: sit primùm veraepietatis amator,
Effigiem summi se putet esse Dei,
Pacem amet: & si res poscat, sit ad arma paratus,
Exuat in victos arma, odiúmque simul,
Nolo nimis parcus, nimiùm sit nolo benignus,
Vtráque regno aequa est exitiosalues,
Non sibi sed populo sese putet esse creatum,
Et se communem [...]uibus esse patrem:
Puniat inuitus, cúm res iubet esse seuerum,
Publica cúm poscent commoda lenis erit. 30
Viuat, vt exemplar populo sit recta sequendi,
Sit vultus prauis terror, amórque bonis,
Excolat impense ingenium, corpúsque modestè,
Luxuriem fraenet cum ratione pudor:
Iam tacitus tecum, tentas me fallere, tanquam
In tabula nostram, qui mihi ping it heram.

During the time of the abode of this Randolph in Scotland, there was an ambassador sent from the king of France to the king of Scots, which ambassador being called monsieur D'annauall 40 had at this time small interteinment in Scotland; where not staieng long after that Randolph was come into England, he also came hither out of Scotland, to the end to passe through this countrie into France. This summer Montgomerie erle of Eglinton, whose father died not manie yeares be­fore, hauing married the daughter of the lord Boid was slaine in this sort. The earle being a goodlie yoong gentleman, and like to prooue a good member of his countrie, as manie of his ancestors had doone 50 before, did for his delight ride foorth on hunting (a warlike exercise, & much vsed by the Scots) about fiue or six miles frō his owne castell, where hauing satisfied hispleasure, he returned home. But ha­uing wait laid for him by an ambush of his enimies, he was in his iorneie towards his castell intercep­ted by the lord of Glencarns brother, with the lards of Hacket and Robertslands, and some of the sur­names of the Muirs; at what time he was most mi­serablie slaine by them to their great dishonor, and 60 his countries discommoditie. After which, in Sep­tember Archibald Dowglasse (who as you heard be­fore departing this realme in Aprill last, was ad­mitted to come into his owne countrie) was sent ambassador from the king of Scots to the quéene of England; in whose companie were attendant on him William Murro one of the kings chamber, and Richard Dowglasse nephue vnto the same Ar­chibald. Which ambassador after his comming into England, had full audience at the court then remai­ning at Windsore, on the sixt of the same moneth of September, with whome remaining still here in England, at the writing hereof, expecting the end of his ambassage; I will set end to this slender dis­course. Thus hauing patched vp a Rapsodie of some few things doone in Scotland since the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and one, in which I began my annals of that countrie so na­kedlie deliuered by me, I determine to knit vp all whatsoeuer is set downe before, with a catalog of such writers of Scotland, as either by mine owne search in histories, or by others intelligence by con­ference haue come vnto my hand. The which I haue beene the willinger to doo, because I would ob­serue that course in Scotland which I haue doone in my additions to the historie of England, first writ­ten by Raphaell Holinshed. For hauing there closed vp that historie with a generall catalog of all such as haue written anie thing concerning England, so will I wrap vp these annals of Scotland, much after that manner, with a generall discourse of the writers of that countrie. In dooing whereof I haue not refused to follow the order of Lesleus and other historiographers of Scotland, obseruing the like course in the repetition of the names of a few per­sons at the end of most of their kings.

A generall catalog of the writers of Scotland, with the times in which they li­ued, as well of the yeare of Christ, as of the reigne of Scotish kings.

BEfore I enter into the discourse thereof (which I speake not by waie of impeach­ing anie glorie of the Scotish nation) I must deliuer the opinion which I con­ceiue of some of the Scotish writers, set downe by manie of their historiographers, who (sauing correc­tion) finding manie learned writers to be termed Scots, doo transferre them to all their owne coun­trie of Scotland. But in that they séemé vnto me (holding the same for this present vntill I may sée good authoritie to disprooue it) to be ouer couetous in taking from other that which is their due. For I doo verelie suppose, that manie of those men so termed Scots were Irishmen borne. For vntill late yeres a little before the conquest (if my memorie faile me not) the Irishmen were called Scoti or Scots; wherevpon it is, that the Scots and Irishmen at this daie now knowne by seuerall names, doo cha­lenge Duns, Columbanus, and others to be borne a­mongst them, some calling them Scots, and other naming them Irishmen, and rebuking the Scots for chalenging those men vnto them. For although the Scots came out of Ireland, and the Irish were called Scots, it is no reason to call a Scot borne in Ireland, by the name of a Scot borne in Scotland, as some writers doo vnder the amphibologicall name of Scot. But I (whose determination is not to aduance the one, or derogat from the other) will onlie in this place set them downe as I find them, & shew the different opinions touching the same, still leauing it to the iudgement of others, to thinke thereof as they please; for I neither may nor will sit as Honorarius arbiter betwéene those two nati­ons. Wherefore thus I enter into the catalog of the writers of Scotland as followeth.

Fergusius the first of that name king of Scots, Fergusius. who died, as hath Gesnerus out of Bale, in the yéere of the world three thousand six hundred seuentie and eight, and two hundred ninetie and two before the birth of our Lord Iesus Christ, but Lesleus saith three hundred and fiue before Christ, did write Leges po­liticas lib. 1. This man the Irish make to be there borne amongst them; for thus writeth Stanihurst in his writers of Ireland: Fergusius sonne to Fequar­dus king of Ireland, the first king of Scots, whome some affirme to be borne in Denmarke, the more [Page 458] part suppose to haue béene an Irishman, was in the fiue and twentith yeare of his reigne by misfortune drowned neere a rocke in the north part of Ireland, that of him at this daie is called Caerfergus. Upon whose mishap these verses following were made:

Icarus Icareis vt nomina fecerat vndis,
Fergusius petrae sic dedit apta suae.

Iosina, the ninth king of Scots, after Fergustus Iosina. the first, who florished in the yeare of the world, as hath Gesnerus, thrée thousand eight hundred twentie 10 and six, before the birth of Christ one hundred thirtie and seuen, as the same author saith, but one hun­dred three score and one as hath Lesleus lib. 2. pag. 89 did write De viribus herbarum lib. 1.

Ethodius the first of that name king of Scots, Ethodius. who (delighting in musike) was in the yeare of Christ one hundred ninetie and foure, and the third yeare of his reigne, as hath Lesleus, but one hun­dred ninetie and six, as hath Gesnerus, slaine by a mu­sician of the Hebrides, did write Ad Pictorum 20 regem plures epistolas.

Celius Sedulius a Scot by birth, as hath Ges­nerus, which florished about the yeare of Grace foure Celius Sedulius. hundred and thirtie, in the reigns of Fergusius the second, and Eugenius the second, kings of Scots, who being a companion to Hildebert a learned bi­shop of the Scots, did after the death of Hildebert for further learning trauell into Spaine, France, Italie, Gréece, and Asta, as hath Lesleus lib. 4. pag. 134. whome the pope Gelasius woondering at his 30 vertue and writing was woont to call Venerabilem, or woorthie reuerence, as our English Bede is ac­customed to be termed. This Sedulius did write Carmen paschale lib. 4. which books are intituled Libri mirabilium diuinorum. Besides, he penned Annotationes in omnes Pauli epistolas, printed at Basill by Henrie Peter, Hymnum de seruatore. Ad Theodosium Caesarem lib. 1. In aeditionem Donati lib. 1. In Prisciani volumen lib. 1. Exhortatorium ad fideles lib 1. De Christo lib. 2. with diuerse other 40 verses and epistles.

Merlinus Calidonius otherwise called Merlinus Merlinus Calidonius. Syluestris, or Uplandish (a different person from him which is called Merlinus Ambrosius Britannus) was borne in the borders of Scotland, and the scholer of the British prophet Telesinus. This Merline Calidon executed manie prodigies or strange things against the English Saxons, which man florishing about the yeare of Christ fiue hundred and seuentie, did write De vaticinijs lib. 1. in which he intreated of 50 matter belonging to historie.

Columbanus, whome Gesnerus, Bede, and the I­rish Columbanus. histories affirme to be an Irishman borne in Ulster, but Sixtus Senensis in his Bibliotheca sancta, Lesleus, & the Scotish & Englishmen name to be of other nations, as of Scotland and Eng­land, was a moonke & father of manie monasteries, being Abbas Luxuriensis, as hath Gesnerus, Sixtus Senensis, and Lesle, being a place in Burgundie, which abbeie he built (by the permission of Theodori­cus 60 the king) togither with the abbeie of Fount­nesse in France. This man at the first held the feast of Easter contrarie to the west church, but in th'end was reduced therevnto. He went into Almanie now Germanie, where he left saint Gall, and after passed into Italie, where he liued a most holie life in the monasterie of Bobiens, or (as hath Marianus) of Bouiens, which he built for a perpetuall monu­ment of his liberalitie, and died in the same on the twentith daie of Nouember. He florished in the time of Convallus king of Scots, about the yeare of our redemption fiue hundred ninetie and eight, and left these books to posteritie, Commentaria in totum psalterium lib. 1. Epistolarum lib. 1. Mona­steriorum methodos lib. 1. Aduersus Theodoricum regem adulterum lib. 1. De moribus monachorum metricè lib. 1. Collationes ad monachos lib. 1.

Briget, a most holie woman, whome the Irish Briget. affirme to be borne in Limster, but Gesnerus and Lesle with the Scots doo affirme hir to be borne a Scot, being by Gesner called Brigida Laginensis, she became religious, and was veiled by the bishop of Man, as hath Lesleus lib. 4. pag. 149. she flori­shed about the yeare of our Lord fiue hundred thrée score and sight, as hath Lesleus, in the reigne of Convallus king of Scots; some other saie the flo­rished in the yeare fiue hundred and ten, Gesnerus in the yeare of Christ fiue hundred and eightéene, and wrote twelue books of reuelations verie darke and full of mysteries, which books Lesleus will not haue to be written by this Briget a Scotish woman, but by Briget called Brigita Suetica that florished manie yeres after this Scotish Briget, writing thus: Impe­ritè tamen hanc nostram cum Brigita Suetica, cuius nomine reuelationes multae inscribuntur, quidam cōfundūt: siquidē multis saeculis hanc Brigita nostra fuisse posteriorem satis constat. Tanta veneratione Scoti, Picti, Britanni, Angli & Hibernenses diuam Brigitam sunt vbique prosecuti, vt plura templa Deo in illius memoriam apud illos omnes erecta videas, quàm in vllius caeterorum diuorum omnium. Illius sanctum corpus Hibernici, Duni, quo loco sancti Patricij illorum apostoli corpus seruatur se habere contendunt. Nostri eandem gloriam sibi vendicant, qui idipsum in canonicorum collegio Abrenethi rectè se colere hactenùs putantur, &c. Touching which I haue read these old verses, by which the I­rishmen chalenge hir with Columbanus and Patri­cius to be buried in Ireland, which verses are thus:

Hi tresin Duno tumulo tumulantur in vno,
Brigita Patricius, atque Columba pius.

Maidulphus or Maiduldus Scotus, as Gesnerus termeth him, did flourish in the yeare of our Lord six hundred foure score and nine, he writ De Paschatis obseruatione, whom I take to be Maidulphus, who was notablie learned in the Gréeke and Latine, first a schoolemaster, and after abbat of Malmsburie called in the beginning Maidulphi curia, or Mai­dulphsburie, after the name of this Maidulphus, who as hath Lesleus lib. 4. pag. 137. did flourish in the yeare of Christ seuen hundred and sixtéene. Now it is certeine both by our and the Scotish chronicles, that Maidulphus the builder of Malmsburie mona­sterie was a Scot.

Kilianus a Scot being a moonke, was martyred in Germanie about the yeare of our Lord six hun­dred three score and nine, as hath Gesnerus out of Bale, but Lesleus affirmeth him to liue in the go­uernment of Ethsinus, which died in the yeare of our Lord seuen hundred thrée score and two, being the thirtith yere of his reigne. This Kilianus did write Contra peregrinos cultus, lib. 1. Gesner also out of Mat. Dresserus nameth Lecturā Kiliani super ma­gistrū sententiarum, which peraduenture might be this Kilianus the Scot.

Ionas Monachus being borne in Scotland, and the disciple of the abbat Columbanus, flourished in the yeare of Christ six hundred and thirtie, as hath Gesnerus, he writ Vitam sancti Columbani lib. 1. Vitam sancti Eustacij abbatis lib. 1.

Adamannus Coludius, being a Scot as hath Gesner out of Bale, was a moonke of the apostolicall order, and moderator, ruler, or abbat of the monaste­rie in the Ile of Hua, who flourished in the yeare of Christ six hundred foure score and ninetéene, and writ De locis terrae sanctae lib. 1. De situ Ierusalem lib. 1. De pascheta legitimo lib. 1. Epistolas mul­tas. From this mans works Bede affirmeth that he [Page 459] had manie things which he inserted in his owne bookes. But I much doubt whether this Adaman­nus were a Scot, in that he is called Adamannus Coludius, that is Adam of Coludi, which Coludi is a place in Yorkeshire belonging to the bishoprike of Yorke, and now at this daie is in English called Cawood.

Florentius (whom Scotland brought foorth flou­rished in the yeare of Christ six hundred foure score and eight, in which yeare Eugenius the sixt king of Scots began his reigne) was, as hath Lesleus, no­blie 10 borne, who trauelling into strange countries, conuerted manie from paganisme vnto Christ, lea­ding a most austere life in the solitarie woods, not far from Bruschius the famous riuer in Alsatia, and built a monasterie for such religious persons as came to him out of Scotland, being after the death of Rotharius by the Argentines made their bishop. He was buried in that monasterie before named, builded for his Scots. This man I take to be the same man of whom thus writeth Gesnerus: Floren­tius 20 Volusenus Scotus scripsit theologicā orationē siue cōmendationem piam & eruditam, Griphius excudit Lugduni 1539. Idem de animi trāquillitate carmen ibidem excusum 1543. & Basiliae apud Io­annē Oporinum cum pijs aliquot poetis an. 1551, Idem edidit aphorismos beatae vitae & dialogum de animi tranquillitate, which maie be the booke of that matter before mentioned.

Artuillus, or Artuillis a worthie gentleman, the sonne of a most noble person borne in Scotland, flo­rished, 30 Artuillus. as hath Gesnerus out of Bale, in the yeare of Christ seuen hundred and ten, but Lesleus appointeth him to haue liued in the time of Eugenius the eight of that name king of Scotland, who as he further saith, began his reigne in the yeare of Christ seuen hundred thrée score and two, this Artuillus writ De rebus mathematicis librū vnū, ad Adelmum episco­pum lib. 1.

Sedulius Iunior being bishop of the south Scots did write Statuta concilij Romae ad sanctum Petrum 40 Sedulus Iunior. habiti, and liued in the yere of Christ seuen hundred and fouretéene.

Bonifacius, as hath Marianus Scotus by the wit­nesse of Lesleus lib. 4. pag. 166, being of the Scotish Bonifacius. bloud, went to Rome, from whense by pope Grego­rie the second he was sent into Germanie to con­uert them to the faith, where he was made the first archbishop of Mentz, being called the Germane apo­stle, after which he was the popes legat and sent into France: In qua (as saith Lesle) Thuringis, Hessis, & 50 Austrasionibus ad rectam religionis viam traductis, messem longè copiosissimam collegerat; after which he went againe into Germanie, & from thense into Frisia, where he was martyred in the yere of Christ seuen hundred fiftie and fiue, who being a moonke of the order of saint Benet, did write; Epistolarum ad diuersos lib. 1. Vitam quorundam sanctorum lib. 1.

Ioannes Mailrose whom Gesnerus maketh men­tion 60 to be all one with Ioannes Scotus, being the Ioannes Mailrose. companion of Alcuinus, in the time of Charles the great: this man being skilfull in all diuine know­ledges, liued in the time of Donald the sixt of that name king of Scotland, as saith Lesleus bishop of Rosse, and also florished in the time of Gregorie king of Scots, in the yeare of Christ eight hundred fourescore and twelue. This Ioannes Scotus after many yeares spent at Athens in the Gréeke letters, was called into France by Lodouike emperor of the Romans, who besides other monuments of his learning, at the commandement of the said empe­ror, did turne the Hierarchie of saint Denis into Latine, besides the commentaries of Hugo de san­cto Victore, a most notable diuine. Shortlie after which, the said Iohn was sent by Charles the great into England, to Alured, or Alfred the king there­of, to congratulat so worthie a prince for the victo­ries which he had of the Danes: who after that he had setled a perfect league betwéene the French and the Scots, remained in England continuallie, in­terteined by Alured, of whose children he was ad­mitted to be chiefe schoolemaister and instructor.

But shortlie after, professing diuine and hu­mane learning in the monasterie of Malmesbu­rie, to all such as would come to his lecture, he was by certeine scholers of his (whose pride and euill con­ditions he did sharpelie rebuke, wounded & killed pitifullie with Pugionibus, as saith Lesleus. Which Iohn, the king of England (as I suppose) by the au­thoritie of the pope, procured to be numbred amongst the martyrs of Christ, ordeining a notable monu­ment to be erected ouer him in the same mona­sterie: of whose writings and dooings thus writeth Gesnerus in these words: Ioannes Mailrosius cog­nomine & natione Scotus, Alcuini socius, scripsit super canones Aizachelis lib. 1. Ad Carolū regē lib. 1. Versus diuersi generis lib. 1. In euangel. Mat. lib. 3. De officijs humanis lib. 8. De officijs diuinis lib. 1. Dialogum de natura lib. 1. De naturae diuisione lib. 1. De primo rerù principio lib. 1. De eucharistia lib. 1. Commentaria scripturarum lib. 1. Homilias erudi­tas lib. 1. De German. iuxta Irenium lib. 1. Claruit anno 792, Baleus. Idem libros Dionysij Arcopagi­tae in Latinam linguam transtulit. Carmen eius ad Carolum magnum extat apud M. Dress.

Kennethus king of Scots, who died in the yeare Kennethus k [...]ng of Scots. of Christ eight hundred fiftie & fiue, wrote a booke of godlie lawes which are expressed by Lesleus lib. 1. pag. 75. of whome thus writeth Gesnerus: Kene­thus Scotorum rex, Alcuini regis filius, scripsit Bre­uiarium antiquarum legum, quibus in foris per An­gliam iurisconsulti vtuntur. But in that Gesner is deceiued; for we neuer read (as far as my memorie serueth) that euer the English borrowed lawes of the Scots; but contrarie, the Scots haue borowed, & béene inforced to obeie the lawes of England, as receiuing them from the kings of this land, their superior lords: to whome they haue doone their ho­mage, although time hath now worne the same out of vse.

Claudius Clemens, by birth a Scot & a moonke, Claudius Clemens. being the disciple of Bede, was companion to Albi­nus or Alcuinus, as saith Sixtus Senensis inbiblio­theca sancta: he was verie studious in the scrip­tures, & skilfull in other humane knowleges, who li­uing in the time of Charlemaine, in the yeare of Christ eight hundred, and eight hundred and ten, did in verse and prose write manie learned works, whereof these are knowne to be his: In pentateu­chum lib. 5. In Iosua lib. 1. In Iudicum lib. 1. In Ruth lib. 1. In psalterium. In Matthaeum lib. 1. In Paulum ad Galatas. De euangelistarum concordia. Contra Bonifacium Anglum, & alia multa.

Beornillus bishop of the Scots, of whome thus writeth Parker in his booke of the liues of the arch­bishops Beornillus. of Canturburie: Beornillus Scotorum epis­copus acerrimus verborum & sententiarum acule­is carmine scriptis, monachorum turbam lacessiuit: which Beornillus was also at the councell of Calne in Wiltshire in England, about the yeare of Christ nine hundred thréescore and seuentéene. For Alfri­tha the queene procured Alfrith or Alfred earle of Mercia in England, that he should labor to haue this Beornill to be present there, which this bishop Beornill did performe, and vehementlie spake in defense of the secular priests, against the placing of moonks in their roomes.

[Page 460] Leuinus archbishop of the Scots, being marty­red, Leuinus. and so termed a martyr, is supposed to haue writ­ten certeine homilies; he florished as hath Gesne­rus out of Bale, in the yeare of Christ one thousand and seuen, vnder the gouernment of Grime and Malcolme (the second) kings of Scots.

Malcolme the second of that name king of Scots, who began his reigne in the yeare of Christ one Malcolme. thousand and ten, and reigned thirtie yeares, depar­ting the world in the yeare of Christ one thousand 10 and fortie, did write of his countrie lawes, Lib. 1. being at length slaine by his owne courtiers.

Marianus Scotus so called, because that he was borne in Scotland, was a moonke of the order Marianus Scotus. Benedictine, who when he perceiued all the realme of Scotland to be kindeled with continuall and ci­uill hatred in the time of the tyrant Mackbeth, be­ginning his reigne in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand fortie and six, he forsooke his countrie, and first came vnto the monasterie of Hulda in Germanie; 20 where for a time he continued vnder Richard the ab­bat (a Scot, no lesse famous for his godlinesse, than for his learning) which at the time of his comming thither, had the gouernment of the same abbeie. Af­ter which, Marianus went to Mentz, and passing ouer a solitarie life by the space of thirtie yeares, in an opinion of all men for his vertue, he shortlie after died, who (florishing vnder the said tyrant Macketh, & Malcolme the third of that name king of Scots) did leaue behind him these works of 30 his: Chronica ab initio mundi vsque ad sua tem­pora lib. 3. De concordantia euangelistarum lib. 1. De computo lib. 1. Emendationes Dionysij. Anno­tationes scripturarum. De cyclo paschali Algorith­mum. Breuiarium in Lucam. Epistolas hortatorias, obijt Maguntiae, anno Dom. 1086.

Turgotus by Gesner called deane of Durham, and by our chronicles called prior of that house, was Turgotus. a verie vertuous person, and after created bishop of saint Andrewes, who being in life in the yeare of 40 Christ one thousand fourescore and sixteene, in the time of Malcolme the third, surnamed Camoir, or with the great head king of Scots, did write De Scotorū regibus lib. 1. Chronica Dunelmensia lib. 1. Annales sui temporis. lib. 1. Vitam Malcolmi regis, & vitam Margaretae Angliae reginae. In which Ges­ner hath mistaken himselfe, for there was not anie Margaret quéene of England manie hundred yeres after this Turgotus, vntill the latter time of king Edward the first. Wherefore it should rather be the life of saint Margaret quéene of Scotland, and the 50 wife of that Malcolme.

Dauid Scotus, of whom Gesner maketh two di­stinct writers one after another, first setting downe Dauid Scotus. Dauid Scotus, and next Dauid Presbyter Scotus, this man being borne in Scotland, was first schoole­maister at Wiceburgh, who being after called into the court by Henrie the fift the emperor, of whom Auentinus abbas Vrspengensis & manie others doo write, was after made bishop of Bangor in Wales. 60 This man writing the discourse of the iourneie which the emperor Henrie the fift made into Italie after the pacification had betwéene him and the pope about the inuestiture of bishops, did occasion Willi­am of Malmsburie to saie thus much of him in his fift booke De regibus. At verò Henricus antiquis Cae­saribus in nulla virtute deiectior, post pacatum reg­num Theutonicum praesumebat animo Italicum; re­bellionem vrbium subiugaturus, quaestionémque de inuestitura suo libito recissurus; sed iter illud ad Ro­mani magnis excercitationibus peccatorum magnis angoribus corporū consummatū. Dauid Scotus Ban­chorensis episcopus exposuit, magis regis gratiam quàm historicum deceret accliuis. He liued and pro­spered about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred and ten in the times of Edgar and Alexan­der (the first) kings of Scotland, & did write Henrici imperatoris in Italiam expeditionem lib. 1. Magi­stratuum insignia lib. 1. Apologiam ad Caesarem de regno Scotiae. lib. 1.

Richardus de sancto Victore (of whom I doo not Richardus de sancto victore. as yet find anie mention in Gesner, but in Iohn Maior and Lesleus) liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred twentie and foure, vnder Da­uid the first king of Scotland, who being a religious person of the order of saint Augustine, and not infe­rior to anie diuine of his time, aswell in scholasticall as other diuinitie, did set foorth manie works to be read, & was buried in the cloister of saint Uictor in Paris, whose monument is yet to be séene with this epitaph recited by Iohn Maior in his memoriall:

Moribus, ingenio, doctrina clarus & arte,
Puluereo hîc tegeris docte Richarde situ:
Quem tellus genuit felici Scoticapartu,
Tefouet in gremio Gallica terrasuo.
Nil tibi parca ferox nocuit, nec stamina paruo
Tempore tracta graui rupit acerba manu:
Plurima námque tui super ant monumenta laboris,
Quae tibi perpetuum sunt paritura decus.
Segnior vt lento sceleratas mors petit edes,
Sic propero nimis it sub pia tecta gradu.

Walter the bastard sonne of Dauid the first of Walter the ba­stard sonne of king Dauid the first. that name king of Scots by a widow sometime the wife of one Walter a Scot, was so far estranged from the vaine things of this world, that from his youth he was (as saith Lesleus lib. 6. pag. 223.) who­lie consecrat to holie exercises and offices, being first indued with the rich canonrie of saint Oswald, and after with the honorable priorie of Kirkham. But he rightlie considering with himselfe that there was nothing which did more weaken the force of vertue than riches and idlenesse, did refuse the archbishop­rike of saint Andrewes, and closed himselfein a mo­nasterie, where he remained vntill he was aduan­ced to be abbat of Melrosse, wherevnto being so pre­ferred, he was the author and occasion that Mal­colme (the fourth of that name king of Scots, sur­named the virgin) laied the foundation of manie abbeies. This man made commentaries vpon the booke intituled the Ecclesiasticall rule, and at length being famous through manie miracles (as that age did simplie suppose) he was installed a­mongst the number of the saints, and florished vn­der the same king Malcolme, which began his reigne in the yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred fiftie and thrée, which Walter I suppose to be the same man of whom Gesnerus writeth in this sort: Gualterns Albanensis monachus scripsit de li­bris ecclesiae lib. 1. claruit anno Domini 1180. Baleus.

Thomas Liermant aliàs Ersilton being borne Thomas Liermant aliàs Ersil­ton. in Scotland, was had amongst the common people in great admiration, who not being greatlie learned did by a certeine diuination (as though Apollo had spoken from the curteine) fortell things to come, but with what spirit we will not iudge, whose words ob­teined the more authoritie and credit, because he had foretold the fatall daie of the death of Alexander the third king of Scots, which lost his life in the yeare one thousand two hundred fourescore and thrée. He wrot Praedictiones rerum Scoticarum rithmicis ver­sibus, speaking most commonlie also in rime, and was therefore by the English surnamed Rithmicus, or the Rimer, liuing some yeares after the death of Alexander the third, for Gesner maketh him to flo­rish in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fourescore and six.

[Page 461] Michaell Medicus, being a learned man in all phi­losophie, Michaell Medicus. astronomie, and the other mathematiks, whereby he grew in admiration amongst the people, is twise mentioned by Gesner, a fault which I ma­nie times find in his Bibliotheca, first pag. 607, by the name Michael Mathematicus cognomine Sco­tus, who florished in the time of Iohn Balioll king of Scots, and in the yeare of Christ 1290, being an old man, he wrote In gratiā Frederici 2. imperatoris. De sphera lib. 1. In Aristotelis meteora lib. 4. De consti­tutione 10 mundi lib. 4. De anima lib. 1. De coelo & mun­do lib. 2. De somno & vigilia lib. 2. De generatione & corruptione lib. 2. De substātia orbis lib. 1. De sen­su & sensato lib. 2. De memoria & reminiscentia lib. 2. Contra Auerroem in meteora lib. 1. Imagines astronomicas lib. 2. Astrologorum dogmata lib. 1. In ethica Aristotelis lib. 10. De signis planetarum lib. 1. De chiromantia lib. 1. De physiognomia lib. 1. Abbreuiationes Auicennae lib. 1. De animalibus ad Caesarem lib. 1. whose booke of physnomie was printed 20 at Uenice Anno Dom. 1503. by Iohn Baptista Sessa.

Iohn Duns by some called Iohannes Scotus, and tearmed the subtill doctor, was so surnamed Duns Iohn Duns. of the towne of Duns, eight miles from England, who (when he was yet but a boie) was by two frier minors brought into England to Oxford, there to be instructed: for at that time nor long after was there not anie vniuersitie in Scotland. By means of which two friers he was placed in a house of their 30 profession, in which this Duns at length tooke the ha­bit and order of the Franciscans, proouing of a most singular wit, whereby he became a sharpe and subtill disputer, who departing from Oxford, went to Pa­ris, being called thither by the frier minors, where when he had for some space remained, and read vnto them of scholasticall matters, he traueld to Cullen, and there vntimelie died in his youthfull yeares. He liued in the time of Iohn Balioll king of Scots, which began his reigne in the yeare of Christ 1283. 40 of which Duns all they which follow his opinions are (as saith Lesleus lib. 7. pag. 250) called Scotistae or Scotists as all they of an other faction are surna­med Thomistae or the Thomists, after Thomas A­quinas. But now in our age it is growne to be a common prouerbe in derision, to call such a person as is senselesse or without learning a Duns, which is as much as a foole: although trulie the same cannot stand with anie reason, this man Duns being so fa­mous for his learning as he was, who wrote manie 50 volumes as after shall appeare. But before I come to him, I thinke it not vnfit to set downe what other haue written touching him, sith both the English, the Irish, and the Scots, doo chalenge him to be their countriman, borne amongst them. Thus therefore writeth Stanihurst in his description of Ireland vn­der the title of the Irish writers. Iohannes Duns Scotus an Irishman borne, as in the forefront of this treatise I haue declared. Howbeit Iohannes Maior a Scotish chronicler lib. 4. cap. 16. would 60 faine prooue him to be a Scot. Leland on the other side saith, that he was borne in England. So that there shall be as great contention rise of him as in old time there rose of Homers countrie, for the Co­lophonians said that Homer was borne in their ci­tie, the Chyians claimed him to be theirs: the Salaminians aduouched that he was their countri­man. But the Smirnians were so stiffelie bent in proouing him to be borne in their territorie, as they would at no hand take no naie in the matter, and therevpon they did consecrate a church to the name of Homer. But what countriman so euer this Sco­tus were, he was doubtlesse a subtill and profound clearke. The onelie fault wherewith he was dusked, was a little spice of vainglorie, being giuen to carpe and tawnt his predecessor diuines, rather for blemi­shing the fame of his aduersaries, than for aduan­sing the truth of the controuersies. Thus much Sta­nihurst. Now the bookes which he wrote were these. Super sententias lib. 4. Quodlibeta quoque lib. 1. Sermones de sanctis lib. 4. Sermones de tempore li. 1. De cognitione Dei lib. 1. Cōmentarios Oxonienses lib. 4. Reportationes Parisienses lib. 4. In metaphysicā quaestionē lib. 12. Quaestiones vniuersaliū li. 2. Quae­stiones praedicamētorū lib. 1. In analytica posteriora lib. 1. In Aristotelis physica lib. 8. In Categorias eius­dem lib. 1. Lecturam in Genesim lib. 1. De rerum principio lib. 1. Commentaria in euangelia lib. 4. In epistolas Pauli. Collectiones Parisienses. Tetragrā ­matum lib. 1. & alia. Claruit Anno Dom. 1308. Of whose works thus further writeth Gesn. Iohan­ni Scoto sententiarum interpreti primaeuam sacra­tissimi Dionysij translationem ascribunt, cùm alteri cuidam Iohanni Scoto (before named, and liuing a­bout the yeare of Christ eight hundred ninetie & two, about thrée hundred yeares before this Duns) Qui istū multis saeculis antecessit, & Athaenis Grecè di­dicit, accepta referri debeat. Of the death of this man sée Petrus Crinitus lib. 24. cap. 11. De honesta vita, where he affirmeth that this Duns did turne the hie­rarchie of S. Denis out of Gréeke into Latine.

Thomas Uarreie or Uarraie flourished at the Thomas Uarreie. battell of Otterburne, which was in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred eightie and eight, in the time of Robert the second of that name king of Scots, at what time the English were put to the worst. This man vpon this victorie did compose ma­nie things in Latine time beginning in this sort:

Musarefert fatum fore scriptum carmine vatum, &c.

Who being maister and ruler of Bethwallie, is not greatlie estéemed of the Scotish historiographers. Gesnerus referreth the time wherein he liued, to the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred and nine­tie, which is almost a hundred yeares before that, in which the histories of Scotland make anie mention of him.

William Elphinstone being borne in Scotland William Elphinstone. was a great learned man, but because I doo find one hundred and fortie yeares difference touching the time wherein he liued, set downe within three or foure lines the one of the other by Gesnerus, I will saie nothing of him, but onelie verbatim set downe the words of the same author in this sort. Gulielmus Elphinston natione Scotus, Albonensis episcopus, scripsit antiquitates Scotorum, & conciliorum sta­tuta librum vnum. Claruit anno Domini 1480. Laudat hunc valdè Bostonus Buriensis in magno scriptorum catalogo, ob singularem eruditionem. Vixit circa annum 1340. Thus much Gesnerus.

Iames Steward the first of the name of Iames, Iames Ste­ward. being brought vp in England as a person estran­ged from his natiue soile, is by Gesnerus said to haue béene by some called Robert the third, which can not be so; for he that was so named was Iohn Steward, and not Iames. This man in the time whilest he remained in England, being a kind of banishment from his owne countrie, did compose one booke of verses, and manie other songs, he be­ing both a learned diuine, philosopher, and musician, who was in the end slaine of his owne people, in the thirtéenth yeare of his reigne, falling in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand foure hundred thirtie and six.

Iohannes Maior borne in Scotland, whom Six­tus Iohannes Maior. Senensis in his Bibliotheca sancta dooth (not rightlie) call an Englishman, was brought vp in Oxford, where atteining to sufficient learning, he went into France for the obteining further know­ledge, [Page 462] and applied his studie in Paris, where he fo­lowed and professed diuinitie, as appeared by his owne workes. He was borne at Hadington in Scotland, as appeareth by Gesnerus, of whome he is named Iohannes Maior Hadingtonensis, he did write Decisiones sententiarum lib. 4. Sophisticalia Parisiensia, Placita theologica, Commentarios in Matthaeum, Historiarum maioris Britanniae lib. 6. Caxtonum Anglum transtulit lib. 7. He florished at Paris, as hath Gesnerus, in the yeare of Grace 10 one thousand fiue hundred & twentie, vnder Iames the fift king of Scots, vnto whome he dedicated his storie of Britaine, conteining England and Scot­land. There is one Iohn Maior vouched and aledged in Crisopasso Ioan. Eccij, which I doo take to be this man. And Sixtus Senensis in his Bibliotheca sancta amongst the writers of the bible dooth speake of one Iohn Maior in this manner: Iohannes Maior An­glus scripsit in quatuor euangelia scholastica postil­lam, and liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand 20 and foure hundred, being an hundred and twentie yeares before the time appointed by others, and by Maior himselfe wherein he should liue. Of which Maior Bucchanan hath verie scoffinglie set downe these foure verses here vnder written as followeth:

Cùm seateat nugis solo cognomine Maior,
Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro,
Non mirum titulis quòd se veracibus ornat,
Nec semper mendax fingere Creta solet.

William Gregorie borne in Scotland, and stu­dent 30 William Gre­gorie. in Paris, where he professed diuinitie, did liue, as saith Bibliotheca sancta, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and seuenteene, and al­so, as hath Bibliotheca Gesneri in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and seuen. He left manie books behind him which he had care­fullie and learnedlie written, whereof these are the titles: De duplici potestate lib. 1. Elucidationes sen­tentiarum lib. 4. Quaestiones vesperales lib. 1. In politica Aristotelis lib. 8. De triplici animae poten­tia 40 lib. 1. De regno Christi aeterno lib. 1. De triplici principatu lib. 1. De scripturae sensibus lib. 3. Ad vocabulare theologicū lib. 1. Collectiones Sorbo­nicas lib. 1. De disciplina Iuniorum lib. 1. De sacra synaxi lib. 1. In psalterium commentarios lib. 1. Sermones in euangelia & epistolas per circuitum lib. 2.

Hector Boetius of Dundée in Scotland, was a Hector Boe­tius. learned and an eloquent historiographer, whose stile in manie parts goeth beyond the truth of times, 50 places, and persons in his Scotish historie. He florished in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred twentie and six, vnder Iames the fift king of Scots, of whome I will saie no more, but set downe Gesnerus words: Hector Boetius Deidona­tus, natione Scotus, scripsit catalogum regum Sco­tiae. Descriptiones eiusdem regni lib. 1. Historias Scotorum lib. 17. Aberdonensium pontificum vitas, eius historiae Scotorum excusae sunt Parisijs, anno 1556: earundem historiarum à prima gentis origine 60 cum aliarum & rerum & gentium illustratione non vulgari lib. 19. Duo postremi huius historiae libri nunc primum emittuntur in lucem. Accessit & huic aeditioni eiusdem Scotorum historiae continuatio per Ioannem Ferrerium Pedaemontanum recens & ipsa scripta & edita fol. Parisijs apud Iacobum Dupuys 1580.

Gawine Dowglasse, borne of the noble house of Gawine Dowglasse. the Dowglasses in Scotland, being of a rare wit and learning, was made bishop of Dunkeld; who for contention betwéene him and the gouernor of Scotland, forsooke his countrie and fled into Eng­land, where he died at London, in the yeere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one, in the time of Iames the fift of that name king of Scots, who in his life time did write Palatium honoris lib. 1. Aureas narrationes lib. 1. Comoedias aliquot lib. 1. De rebus Scoticis lib. 1. Transtulit in patrium sermonem Aeneidos Virgilij lib. 12.

Dauid Lindseie of the mount or hill, otherwise by his office of principall herald of the realme of Scotland, surnamed Lion, was both a knight and a learned person, as may appeare by his works writ­ten in his owne toong in verse, which were Acta sui temporis lib. 1. De mundi miserijs lib. 1. Tragoedia Dauidis Beton lib. 1. Testamentum cardinalis Be­ton lib. 1. as hath Gesnerus (if that booke and the tragedie of Dauid Beton cardinall be not all one) Testamentum psitaci lib. 1. Dialogus aulici & ex­perientiae lib. 1. Somnium Dauidis Lindsei lib. 1. Deploratio mortis reginae Magdalenae lib. 1. Of most of which his works Gesnerus maketh no men­tion, although that he affirme that he florished in the yeare of Grace one thousand fiue hundred and fortie, in the time of Iames the fift king of Scot­land, with whome in his youth this Lindseie was brought vp, and whome he after painfullie serued in the court.

Patrike Hamilton, borne of the noble familie Patrike Ha­milton. of the Hamiltons, being the nephue of the earle of Arrane by his brother, was (as saith Lesleus lib. 9. pag. 427) Abbas Fenensis, who hauing applied his time in studie in Germanie, and followed the doc­trine of Luther, did returne into Scotland, was af­ter by the bishops condemned for an heretike, and burned in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred twentie and eight, as haue Gesnerus and Bale in the time of Iames the fift of that name king of Scots. He wrote diuerse books, amongst which were these, De lege & euangelio lib. 1. De fide & operibus lib. 1.

Iohannes Altus, so called by Gesner, being a Ioannes Altus. Scot borne, had some contention with one Eusdan Morphet, to whome he did write in verse a sharpe and rebuking apologie which conteined one booke; besides which also he did write another booke Contra Antiscotiton of this Morphet, & Epigrammata lib. 1. He liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtie vnder Iames the fift.

Iohn Bellendon or Ballentine, who florished in Iohn Bel­lendon. the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and six, vnder king Iames the fift, translated Hector Boetius out of Latine into Scotish and En­glish, and wrote the description of Albanie or Scot­land.

Iohn Wouran being a canon regular, hauing Iohn Wour [...]. applied himselfe to the studie of diumitie, wherein he much profited, did write in his owne language Ca­techismum fidei lib. 1. and liued in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred fortie and six, and in the fourth yere of the reigne of Marie queene of Scots.

Iohn Herrison a Scot, liuing in the yere of our Iohn Her­rison. saluation one thousand fiue hundred fortie and eight, being the sixt yéere of Marie queene of Scots, did applie his time in the studie of diuinitie, and wrote, De amplectanda in christiana religione con­cordia lib. 1. which was written to Edward Sei­mor duke of Summerset protector of England.

Iohn Makbeth called in Latine Ioannes Macha­baeus, Iohn Mak­beth. being descended of a noble familie of the Scots, did follow his studie in matters of diuini­tie; who florishing in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred and fiftie, being the eight yeare of the reigne of Marie quéene of Scots, did compose, De vera & falsa ecclesia lib. 1.

Iohn Mackebraie borne in Scotland, did flo­rish Iohn Macke­braie. in Germanie in the yere that the word became [Page 463] flesh one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and eight, be­ing the sixteenth yéere of the reigne of Marie quéene of Scots. This man, whome Gesnerus supposeth might fortune to be the same Iohn Makleth before touched, did write Anglorum ecclesiae originem & progressum lib. 1. Explicationem suae fidei lib. 1.

George Bucchanan an Irish Scot, greatlie lear­ned, but manie times maliciouslie affected, and that George Buc­ [...]anan. so vehementlie, as that he would not forbeare in the highest degrée of malice to vpbraid and backebite e­uerie person and nation which had offended him, as 10 maie appeare by his immodest spéeches, not besée­ming a man of his learning, was schoolemaster to Iames the sixt of that name king of Scotland, of whom liuing in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred three score and ninetéene, I will forbeare to saie what I could, least I might offend in that which I mis [...]ke in him, & therfore will onlie set down what Gesner hath written of him. Georgius Buchananus Scotus rudimenta grāmatices Latinae Thomae Lina­cri ex Anglico sermone in Latinum vertit: ea Nicol. 20 Brilingerus impressit Basiliae anno 1542. extant eius & elegantissima poemata: Iephtes tragoedia, Lutetiae apud Vascosanum. Franciscanus & fratres, quibus ac­cesserunt varia eiusdem & aliorum poemata, Basiliae apud Guarcinum an. 1568. Eiusdem psalmorum pa­raphrasis poetica, Geneuae, Argentinae, Antuerpiae impressa in 8 & 16, eiusdem Baptistes siue calumnia tragoedia, in 8. Francof. apud Wechelum. De iure reg­ni apud Scotos editio secunda, Edinburgi 1580. Psalmi Dauidis ab eodem versibus expressi nunc primùm modulis 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, vocum a I. Seruino de­cantati 30 4 Lugduni 1580. Rerum Scholasticarū histo­ria lib. 20. Edinburgi in folio an. 1583.

Iohn Knokes borne in Scotland, a great enimie Iohn Knokes to the Romane religion, was sometime remaining in England as banished from Scotland, after be­ing returned home he preached at the coronation of Charles Iames, the sixt of [...]at name king of Scot­land, and writ manie bookes in the Scotish Eng­glish, amongst which were Ad Londonienses & alios lib. 1. Ad euangelii professores lib. 2. Qualiter sit o­randum lib. 1. Contra missam papisticam lib. 1. Do­ctrina 40 missalium lib. 1. De fide eucharistiae epistola 1. Ad ecclesias afflictas epis. 1. Ad Scotiae reginam Ma­riam epist. 1. Concilium in his angustiis epist. 1. Buc­cinae afflatum primum lib. 1. Appellationem a sentē ­tia cleri lib. 1. Ad populares Scotiae librū vnum. He liued in the yere of Christ 1569.

Iohn Langeie a Scot borne, following his studie Iohn Langeie in Paris became a Sorbonicall doctor, who liuing in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and ten, did write a booke of the life, doctrine, 50 and death of Martin Luther and Iohn Caluin, and of manie other ministers of the new gospell (as he scornefullie termed it) which bookes were out of French turned into Latine, and latelie into the Germane toong, printed in 4 at Ingelstade in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred foure score and two.

Iohannes Duraeus or Durie, whom Gesner cal­leth Bureus, being borne in Dumfermling, and the Iohn Durie. son before he was abbat of the abbat of Dumferm­ling 60 brother to the lord of Duries, was brought vp in Paris and Louan, after which he became a priest, and then a Iesuit, who now liuing did in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred foure score and foure, write a booke which was intituled Confutatio responsionis Iohannis Whitakeri, ad rationes decem quibus fretus Edmundus Campianus Anglus Iesuita certamen Anglicanae ecclesiae ministris obtulit in causa fidei: which booke was printed at Paris in 8 by Thomas Brunelius, In clauso Brunello sub signo oliuae.

Patrike Adamson liuing in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred three score and thirteene, Patrike A­d [...]mson. did write certeine verses, whereof this was the title and effect, as hath Gesnerus, Patricii Adamsoni gra­tiarum actio illustriss. & potentiss. principi Eliza­bethae Angl. Franc. & Hiberniae reginae, propter libe­ratam ciuili seditione Scotiam, & redactam munitis­simam Edenburgi arcem sub fidem regis carmen e­legiacum, which man being now liuing, is archbishop of saint Andrews.

Patrike Cockburne borne in Scotland, and flou­rishing in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred Patrike Cockburne. & fiftie, in the time of Marie quéene of Scots, did write, De vtilitate & excellentia verbi Dei, which was printed at Paris by Michaell Fezandate, and Robert Grauson, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand fiue hundred fiftie and one. He writ also De vulgari sacrae scripturae phrasi, lib. 2. whereof the first doth intreat of the sinne against the Holie-ghost, which they call irremittable or vnto death: the se­cond booke dooth with great diligence and fidelitie vnfold the most hard and most obscure places of both the testaments, hitherto by manie euillie vn­derstood, and worse interpreted: which worke was printed at Paris by Robert Messtline in the yere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and two in 8 chart. 13.

Iohn Lesle sometime officiall of Aberden, and Iohn Lesle. bishop of Rosse, of whom I haue spoken in the con­tinuance of the annals of Scotland, being an obsti­nate fauorer and furtherer of the Romane religion dooth yet liue in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred eightie & six, in the time of Charles Iames the sixt king of Scots, and hath written Pii afflicti a­nimi consolationes diuinaque remedia lib 1. Animi tranquilli monumentum lib. 1. De origine, moribus, & rebus gestis Scotorum lib. 10. printed at Rome.

Ninianus Wenzetus, who flourished in the yere Ninianus Wenzetus. of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and one, in the time of Marie queene of Scots, was a fauorer of the popes doctrine, and enimie to Iohn Knokes, touching whom I will set down the words of two seuerall authors, whereof the one is Lesleus a Scot, and the popes and his friend, and the other is Bibliotheca Gesneri, whereof the first saith: Haec res (which was a disputation in religion) Niniano Win­zeto maximam apud haereticos inuidiam confla­uit, vnde cum audirent illum (Ninian Winzet) iam apud typographum calere in libro excudendo, quo cogitarat cum Knoxio de fide violata ad nobilitatem expostulare, consilium ineunt de opere disturbando, Winzeto capiendo, typographo mulctando. Magi­stratus cum satellitibus irruit in typographiam, libros quos reperit, aufert, Iohan▪ Scotū typographū bonis mulctatum in carcerem abripit: sed Winzetum, quē tantopere cupiebant, prae foribus magistratui occur­rentem quòd incognitus elapsus fucrat, dolent haere­tici, rident Catholici. On the other side thus writeth Bibliotheca Gesneri: Ninianus Winzetus Renfrous, S. theologiae doctor, & apud sancti Iacobi apud Sco­tos Ratisponae, abbas flagellum sectariorum qui reli­gionis praetextu iam in Caesarē aut in alios orthodox­os principes excitare student, quaerentes ineptissimè quidem, Deo ne magis an principibus sit obediendū. Accessit velitatio in Georg. Bucchan. circa dialogū, quem scripsit de iure regni apud Scotos 4. Ingolstadii ex officina typographica Dauidis Sartorii, an. 1581.

Adam Blackwood borne in Scotland in Dum­fermeling, Adam Black­wood. was brought vp in Paris, where attei­ning to manie degrées of learning, is now liuing, being aduanced to the place of one of the chiefe coun­cellors of Poitiers. This man hath learnedlie writ­ten manie works, amongst which are his bookes De coniunctione religionis & imperii, Funebres oratio­nes admeralli regni Franciae, & Iacobi Stuarti primi regentis (after that Charles Iames the sixt, atteined to the crowne) Scotiae. Besides which hauing writ­ten against the work of Bucchanan intituled De iure regni, he is now in hand with a booke which he writeth against the chronicle of the same Bucchanan.

Andrew Meluin one of the presbyterie in Scot­land, Andrew Meluin. [Page 464] and one who came hither into England with the earls of Angus and Mar, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fourscore and foure, hath written manie epigrams, and amongst the rest, one inuectiue against the quéene mother, to the king of France, which beginneth Vipera cum ca­tulis.

Iames Tirie did (as hath Lesleus lib. 10. pag. 587) Iames Tirie. go to Rome, after which he became a companion of the Iesuits, who comming to Paris, trauelled by writing with his elder brother being a baron, to for­sake 10 the doctrine of Caluin; he florished in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred thréescore and one, vnder Marie quéene of Scots, and did write Ad fratrem epistola 1. Responsio ad Knoxium lib. 1.

Charles Iames the sixt of that name king of Charles Iames. Scots now liuing, a toward yoong prince, and one well furnished with the gifts of nature and learning by birth and instruction, did in his yoongest yeares about the age of seuentéene or eightteene, write a booke of verses in his mother toong, conteining ma­nie 20 matters of sundrie rare inuentions, and of sun­drie forme of verses both learned and eloquent, which booke was after published to the world; whom I haue here placed the last in this catalog of Scotish writers, to the end that I would close vp the same ti­tle with no lesse honorable and rare person, than I first made entrance thereinto: and therefore begin­ning with a king, I thought good also to knit it vp with a king.

Thus setting end to my trauels touching Scot­land (which I haue not performed as the maiestie of an historie requireth, but as my skill, helps, & intel­ligences would permit) I desire thée reader to take it in good part, remembring that Vltra posse non est esse, sith according to our old prouerbe, A man cannot pipe without his vpper lip. For being denied furtherance (as in the beginning I said) both of the Scots & other of mine owne nation, and thereby not hauing anie more subiect whervpon to worke, I can doo no more than set downe such things as come to my knowledge. And therefore contenting my selfe with this, that In magnis voluisse sat est; I commit my selfe and my labors to thy fauorable iudgement, who measuring my meaning with the square of in­differencie, and pardoning all imperfections in these my first labors, in respect of the shortnesse of time to performe the same (for I protest to thee that both the historie of England and Scotland were halfe printed before I set pen to paper to enter into the augmentation or continuation of anie of them, as by the inserting of those things which I haue doone maie well appeare) thou shalt incourage me hereaf­ter vpon more lesure, and better studie, to deliuer to the world rare matters of antiquitie, and such other labors of mine (Absit verbis philautia) as maie both shew the discharge of my dutie to God, to my coun­trie, to my prince, and to my fréends. For though I maie séeme to be idle, yet I saie with Scipio, Nun­quàm minùs sum otiosus quàm cùm sum otiosus.

‘Post tenebras lucem, sed nondum hora.’

The first table alphabeticall Conteining an absolute extract of such names and matters as the description of Britaine and England doth afford, by present view whereof the reader may iudge what frutefull knowledge is to be gathered out of the same: collected by Abraham Fleming.

A.
  • ABbeie of Bangor now plo­wed ground, 83, a 30
  • Abbeie of Founteins famous how seated, 94, b 60
  • Abbeie of moonks Benedictine suppressed, 103, a 60
  • Abbeie of O [...]ncie by whom and wherevpon it was begun to be built, 149, a 10
  • Abbeis in France how manie, 139, b 10
  • Aber in Brittish is the mouth or fall of euerie riuer, 68, b 20
  • Abertaw the Brittish name of Berstable. 65, b 60
  • Abstinence of the north Bri­tons, 166, a 60
  • Adamant stones, 239, b 20
  • Adder in the Saxon toong de­scribed Atter, 228, a 10. b. 60
  • Admerall, and the reason of the name, 200, b 60
  • Adulterie. ¶ Sée Fornication and Whoredome.
  • Aegypt how manie cities it cō ­teined, now decaied, 193, a 40
  • Aeuum. ¶ Sée Age.
  • Age of thirtie & thrée score, &c. yeares, and what Epaminon­das said thereof, 115, b 20
  • Age in Latine Seculū or Aeuū and what that word signifi­eth, 244, b 10
  • Aid forren and the hurt there­of, 6, b 10, 20, &c.
  • Aitites stone, 239, b 20
  • Alabaster white where to be had, 235, a 40
  • Albania how first called Scot­land, 117, b 60. What it con­teined as Brute left it, 116, b 20. The portion of Albanac­tus the yoongest son of Bru­tus, 92, b 60. Diuided by Fer­gus among his capteins and soldiers, 118, a 10
  • Albanact the yoongest sonne of Brute had Albama giuen him, 116, b 10. He is slaine, & his death reuenged by his brethren, 117, a 20
  • Albion how long he gouerned Britaine, and by whome he was slaine, 4, a 10. He with a companie of [...]is race procée­ding from Cham, 5, b 10. He & Bergion ioined powers a­gainst Hercules, 4, a 40. His name died not, though he were slaine in fight, 4, b 10
  • Albion the name of Britaine, & why so called as some coniec­ture, 3, b 10. The ancient reli­giō vsed therin, 19, a 10. The name thereof how long it re­mained, 4, b 10. How long it was so called, 4, b 10. The name of it better knowne to the Gréeks than that of Bri­taine, 5, a 10. What sundrie natiōs had dwelt in it, 5, a 50 ¶ Sée Britaine & England.
  • Alchumie a mettall worthie to be banished out of England, 238, b 40
  • Alcluide a famous citie, 88, a 50 Anciēt & how seated, 191, a 40
  • Alder growing in England whose barke serueth to die blacke, 213, b 10
  • Aldermarie church in London why so named. 113, a 60
  • Alderware a town about Tame and why so named, 113, a 60
  • Ale diuerslie termed for the strēgth, 202, a 60. What slights are vsed for the vtterance of it, 170, a 60
  • Alen the east and west, riuers described, 90, b 30
  • Alexander ouerthrew and kil­led a lion, 226, b 10
  • Alexander Phereus and his dog, 231, b 10
  • Alfrijc the seuenth abbat of S. Albons, 192, b 20
  • Alfred first diuided England into shires, 153, a 50. King of Northumbers and the place of his buriall, 93, b 10. His death laid to earle Goodwins charge, and how he was slaine, 132, b 10
  • Alkes and Ures, 226, b 60
  • Alps, and that sundrie cities & holdes were placed among them, 4, a 60
  • Alps or hils of Snowdonie, no lesse famous than the trans­marine Alps, 80, b 10
  • Alume: note, 236, b 10
  • Amber great store to be had in certeine Ilands of Scot­land, 43, b 60. Amber a kind of geat stone, 239, a 40
  • Amber riuer described, 97, b 60
  • Amcolme & Witham riuers of which goeth a byword, 100, b 10
  • Amneie riuer his course. 47, b 40. ¶ Sée Riuers.
  • Amphibologie of the woord Swords, 78, a 10
  • Anandale taketh his name of the riuer Anand, 88, a 40
  • Ancarig or Crowlād Ile, why so called, 103, a 10
  • Ancaster séemeth to haue béene a great thing, 217, b 20
  • Anchors of wood cōmon to the Gothlanders & others, 3, b 60
  • Ancres bore great sway in time past in Ancarig, 103, a 10
  • Andredeschester, 217, b 10
  • Andrew Boord writ of fanta­sticall Englishmen. 172, a 10
  • Angles one of the six nations that came with the Saxons into Britaine, 5, a 30
  • Angles land one of the names of Britaine, 5, a 20
  • Angleseie why so named, 36, b 10. Cut from Wales by wor­king of the sea, 35, b 60. Lost in the conquerors time and recouered againe in William Rufus time, 36, b 10. Fullie as great as the Wight, 36, a 10
  • Angusian king of Scots bea­reth king Arthurs sword be­fore him in signe of homage, 120, b 10
  • Anselme archbishop of Can­turburie pretending an vn­willingnesse to be placed in that sée, 133, a 60
  • Anthropophagi of the Irish in Britaine, 6, a 10
  • Anti [...]onie, 236, b 10
  • Antiquities found in sundrie places of England. 216, b 60 217, 218
  • Antoninus his thorow fares, 249, a 30
  • Ape an enimie to yong children. 227, a 60
  • Apparell of clergie men in En­gland, 139, a 10. And of the laie people. 171, b 60
  • Arcadian dogs. 232, a 20
  • Archbishop of Canturburies title and office at kings coro­natiōs, &c. 132, a 10. He crow­neth the king, 134, b 60. Bée­reaued of his pall, 143, a 10.
  • Archbishop of yorks authoritie extended thorough out all Scotland, 120, b 10. Fighteth against the king of Scots, 126, b 60. Crowneth ye quéene whose perpetuall chapleine he is, 134, b 60. His chappell called Cawood, and the vse thereof, 95, a 50
  • Archbishop Cranmer of Can­turburie spitefullie abused as being thought an ostler, 152, a 20
  • Archbishop of London named Fastidius, 27, b 40
  • Archbishop Richard of Can­turburie misliked exemption of clergimen from the court & councell, 135, a 60
  • Archbishop Robert of Cantur­burie a Norman. 7, a Am­bitious and malicious. 132, a 60. Expelled out of Eng­land, 7, a 50
  • Archbishops authoritie at the first equall, 134, b 60. Thrée in Britaine in times past, 131, b 30
  • Archbishops of London their names, 140, b 60. So manie as are extant to be had from the faith first receiued, 147, a 10.
  • Archbishoprike of Caerlheon vtterlie extinguished, 131, b 30. Of London translated to Canturburie, 131, b 30. Of yorkes restitution, circuit, and valuation. 145, a 60
  • Archbishopriks in France how manie. 139, b 10
  • Archdeacōrie of Canturburies iurisdiction, 140, b 10. Of S. Albons, 141, a 40
  • Archdeacons vnder bishops & called the bishops eies, their office, 135, b 20. Belonging vnto the bishoprike of Lon­don foure, 141, a 20
  • Archerie. ¶ Sée Bowes.
  • Archflamines (like bishops) cō ­stituted, 117, b 40. Conuerted into bishops, 118, b 50
  • Armie of able men that Eng­land can leauie, 198, a 60
  • Armour and munition in Eng­land, 198, a 10. Differing from that of other nations, and wherin it consisteth, 198, a 60
  • Armorie of the prince and of the nobilitie, 199, a 20
  • Arnold sir Nicholas knight bred the best horsses in Eng­land, 220, b 60
  • Arthur the great held a parle­ment at Chester, 73, b 50. His feast roiall held at Caerleon, whereat were present all the king his subiects, 120, b 10. His bodie higher by two foot than anie mans that came to sée it, 10, b 30. His last and fa­tall conflict, & where fought. 65, a 10
  • Artificers diet, 167, b 50
  • Arundell Iohn archbishop of Cāturburie fled to Rome for feare of his head, 134, b 20
  • Arundell towne and the castell so named of the riuer Arun. 54, a 60
  • Ash commeth vp naturallie of it selfe euerie where in Eng­land, 213, a 50
  • Aspe growing in England, whereof fletchers d [...] make their arrowes, 213, b 10
  • Asses none yéeldeth England, 220, b 60
  • Athelstane K. of Britaine sub­dued Scotlād wholie & gaue land therof by déed, 121, b 60
  • Athelstane chéefe priuileger of Berstable, 65, b 60
  • Athelstane ouerthroweth thou­sands of aliens at Seton in Deuonshire, 59, a 20
  • Atheniens, when they began their yeare, 244, a 10
  • Atteinct, 155, b 60 156, a 10
  • Atturnies multiplied how in­conuenient, 156, a 10
  • Atwater the bishops purpose in beginning to clense the Fosse dike, 100, b 40
  • [Page] Augustine the moonke his con­uerting of the Saxons from Paganisme, 27, a 20. One and twentie hundred moonks slaine in his quarell, 35, b 40
  • Auon riuer, and his course de­scribed, 57, a 60
  • Auon riuer the third by sundrie occasions growne famous, 67, b 10
  • Auon or Nene riuer giueth Hampton his name, 101, b 60
  • Ax riuer in Summersetshire described, 58, b 60
  • Ax riuer the secōd of that name described, 67, a 50
B.
  • BAdgers in Englād, 225, b 30 Ba [...]iffes office, 155, a 60
  • Ba [...]nards castell, when and by whom builded, 195, b 30
  • Baldwine archbishop of Can­turburie, 226, b 60
  • Bangor bishopriks erectiō, cir­cuit, and valuation, 145, a 30
  • Bangor monasterie now plou­ghed ground, 83, a 30
  • B [...]nke of Chesill & the strange nature thereof, 58, b 10
  • Baptisme without préests. 41, a 20. Ministred to a great sort at once, 43, b 50
  • Banneret an order of knights, 162, a 30
  • Bards and whervpon they had their name, 21, a 30. Degene­rate from their first instituti­on, 21, a 40. A name contemp­tuouslie ascribed to idiots & fooles, 21, a 50
  • Bardus the fift king of ye Celts 21, a 10. A Celtike word and what it signifieth, 21, a 50
  • Barnacles generation verie strange, 222, b 60. Great plen­tie in Mona and Ireland, being neither fish nor flesh, 38, a 40. Their generation by di­ligent inquirie partlie know­en, 38, a 50
  • Barnet & Sullomaca all one or no [...] far in sunder, 191, b 10
  • Baro a word yet in vse, and commonlie pronounced Bar­nes, 157, b 10
  • Baron whereof he beareth his name, & his dignitie, 157, a 60. Who is so [...], 158, b 10
  • Baron chéefe lord of excheker, 157, b 20
  • Barons in England how ma­nie, 165, a 20
  • Barrie Iland went fiftie yeers ago for ten pounds, 75, b 10. And of certeine strange noi­ses to be heard at a ri [...]t ther­of, 129, b 40
  • Bath how called in the Romās time, 190, b 50. And of the an­cientnes of the same, 215, b 10
  • Bath and Welles counted but one citie, 189, b 30
  • Bath bishoprikes erection, cir­cuit, and valuation, 142, a 20
  • Baths hot, with their number, names, & colour of their wa­ter, &c. 216, a 30. Whether na­turall or artificiall, 215, b 10. 216, a 10
  • Baths cold in Summerset­shire, 214, b 40. ¶ Sée Welles.
  • Battell first on the water that euer was fought. 3, b 60
  • Battell cruell betwéene H [...]r­cules, Albion, and Bergion, &c. 4, a 50
  • Battell on Bloreheath. ¶ Sée Bloreheath, Conflict, and Warre.
  • Beasts sauage in England, 225, a 40. Uenemous. 227, b 60
  • Beauchampe Henrie crowned king of Wight, &c. 31, b 60
  • Becket Thom. writeth proud­lie to king Henrie the se­cond. 133, b 30
  • Beda a famous préest & where he was brought vp. 91, a 40 b 10. Where he was borne and dwelt, 91, a 10. The first doctor that euer was in Cā ­bridge, 150, b 10
  • Béere and the maner of brew­ing thereof, 169, b 30. What water best to make it, 170, a 40. March béere, 167, b 40. ¶ Sée Ale.
  • Bées how ingendered, 228, b 40. ¶ Sée Honie.
  • Beggers termed idle, who they be, 183, a 30, 60
  • Belforrest his opinion touching the name Anglia, 5, a 40. He maketh but [...]oure parts of the earth, 1, b 30
  • Beline & Bren part the whole empire betwixt them, 117, b 30
  • Belines gate, 195, b 60
  • Belus a riuer: note. 187, b 60
  • Bendishes gentlemen of an an­cient and seruiceable house, 106, b 40
  • Bendish hall cousined from the Bendishes by the moonks of Feuersham, 106, b 40
  • Benedict bishop the moonke, 187, b 40
  • Benefices in England so small that they will not mainteine a scholar much lesse a learned man, [...]36, b 10. Di [...]se waies fléesed, 136, b 20. 137, a 10. Tenths paid out of thē year­lie to the prince, 136, b 30. Two by dispensa [...]ion how they may be held, 136, a 60. A direction for patrons to be­stow them well in ye vacancie, 151, a 10. ¶ Sée Ministers.
  • Bergion reigned ouer the Or­chades as supreame lord, 4, a 40. He and Albion slaine by Hercules. 4, a 10. ¶ Sée Al­bion.
  • Berill [...]n vse of glasse for win­dowes. 188, a 10
  • Bernicia otherwise called Nor thumberland. 120, b 20. ¶ See Brenicia & Northumberlād.
  • Berstable [...] somtime wal­led with foure gates: note. 65, b 60
  • Berwike yéelded vp to ye king of England without resi­stance, 127, a 10. Woone by the Scots but not the castell, 126, b 60
  • Berwike vpō Twéed by whom builded, 118, a 50
  • Biston. ¶ Sée Castell
  • Beuer no where to be found in Britaine, but in ye riuer Tei­fie, 79, a 50. His hinder féet and taile supposed to be fish, 225, b 60
  • Beuerleie how called in old time, and how it came to the present name, 93, b 20
  • Beuerleie Iohn the first doctor that euer was in Oxford, 150, b 10. First teacher of di­uinitie in Oxford, 93, b 20
  • Birds: ¶ Sée Fowles.
  • Bishop first of the Ile of Man, 38, b 20. But a bishops sha­dow, and why, 38, b 20. Of the Orchades whose sée is at Pomona 42, b 40. Of Shire­burne slaine in the battell of Athelstana, 95, a 30. Of Win­chester perpetuall prelat to the honorable order of the garter, 141, b 10
  • Bishop and his clerks, certeine dangerous rockes, so named, 78, b 50
  • Bishops in their anciencie as they sat in parlement An. 5. reg. Elisab. 165, a 60. They prech diligētlie, though their predecessors in times past were occupied in temporall affaires, 135, a 60. They are called honorable, 157, b 40. And lords 50. Greatlie estée­med in times past, 158, a 10. Their liuings fléesed, & sun­drie actions of theirs against this spitefull age defended, 139, a 30. Italiās fiue succée­ded each other in Worcester sée, 142, b 20. Of Durham sometimes earls Palantine, 145, b 40. Of Lichfield for a while called bishops of Che­ster, 143, a 10. Of London so manie as are extant to be had from the faith first receiued, 147, a 30. Thrée chiefe in Britaine, 24, a 20. Preferred from the pulpit to the kéeping of the kings wardrobe, 142, b 50. ¶ Sée Clergie.
  • Bishoprike of London why cal­led honorable, 147, b 60. In the Ile of Man and whose donation, 146, a 60
  • Bishoprikes in England their erections and their seuerall circuits, &c, 140, a 50. Their tenths & to what sums they yearelie amounted, 146, a 30. Under the sée of Canturbu­rie twentie one, and Yorke, foure, 135, a 10. They beare the names of cities, and why, 192, b 40. Ouerthrowne and now out of name, which in old time were famous, 146, b 20. Bought & sold as other mea­ner liuings, 137, b 30. Thrée thorough out all this land, 118, b 60. How manie in En­gland with archbishoprikes, 189, b 20. In Wales their e­rection, circuit, & valuation, 145, a 10. In France how manie, 139, b 10
  • Bitumen, 236, b 20
  • Blackne [...]e and of what bredth the sea is there, 3, a 20
  • Blockehouses. ¶ Sée Castels.
  • Bloreheath battell betwéene Henrie the sixt and the duke o [...] Yorke purposed, but not ex­ecuted. 69, b 50
  • Bloud stone. 2 [...]9, b 20
  • Bodge [...]s suborned and licen­ced: note. 202, b 30
  • Bodinus & whense he deriueth the name Albion. 3, b 10
  • Bones of dead men of greater stature thā is credible found in Godmancester, 102, b 60 ¶ See Giants.
  • Bores nature, & how he is to be hunted being wild, 226, b 20. Tame made brawne, 221, b 60
  • Borsholder, 154, a 20
  • Botes guided by the ferri­men by a rope without ores, 58, b 20. What number of them & water men are kept and mainteined vpon the Thames, 47, a 60. Made of rushes & reeds, 3, b 60
  • Bowes long of great vse some­times in Englād. 198, a 50, 60 ¶ Sée Archerie.
  • Brackleie sometimes a noble towne, now scarse a good vil­lage, 102, a 60
  • Brackwort. 169, b 60
  • Brawne of the bore, wherein note the termes, 222, a 40. A meat not vsuallie knowne to strangers, 221, b 60. Eaten in Lent by a papist that tooke it to be fis [...], 222, a 10
  • Bread why it holdeth not out the size, 168, b 10. Of diuerse sorts, 168, b 10. Not looked vnto tither for ye size or s [...]e, 202, a 40
  • Brenucham towne by what ar­tificers chieflie mainteined. 97, a 10
  • Brennicia aliàs Northumber­land a kingdome, 16, b 60. Whereof it sometime tooke that name. 89, a 10
  • Brennich riuer whereof Bren­nicia kingdome tooke ye name 89, a 20
  • Brereton blockes neuer séene, but against some mischéefe to befall to that house. 67, b 20
  • Bride riuer mouth naturallie placed betwéene two hils, fit for a hauen. 58, b 40
  • Bridge of London a continuall stréet situate ouer ye Thames, 47, a 50. Of Rochester by whome begun and by whome finished, 52, b 60. Of Uske ouerthrowne by the rage of a riuer, 74, a 60
  • Bricke burning a decaie of wood, 234, b 50
  • Bristow how called in the Ro­mans time, 190, b 60. Bishop­rike thereof, erection, circuit, and valuat [...]on, 144, b 50.
  • Britaine when not cut frō the maine by Noahs floud, 225, b 30. The first conquest therof, 3, a 60. The gospell preached there and by whome, 23, a all. Diuided by ye Romans into fiue prouinces, 17, b 30. The manifold alterations and cō ­uersions of the estate therof, since the time of Samothes, 28, a 10. How it lieth from the maine, 2, a 60. Unto what por tion of the earth it is refer­red. 2, a 60. Why called Albi­on (as some cōiecture) 3, b 10. Ships wrought of wicker sometime vsed in it, 3, b 60. The kings therof from Sa­mothes to Brute, and so for­wards, 17, 18, 19. Of Paules presence there, 23, a 10. It hath néed of no nation but of it selfe, 237, a 50. Subdued by Iulius Cesar, 118, b 30. Edgar king thereof rowed in a barge by six or seuen kings, 122, b a 60. Inioied by Brute & his posteritie during two and fiftie descents, 118, a 10. Why named the great, 118, [...] 40. The souereingtie thereof how it remaineth to the prin­ces of the same, 116, b 50 Of the people there, their consti­tution of bodie, age, &c. 114 a 60. 115, a 10. How first diui­ded into thrée portions, 116, a 10. Generallie commended in an ancient monument, 112, a 20. The foure high waies sometime made in it by the princes of the same, 112, a 40. The aire, so [...]le, and commodi­ties thereof, 108, b 30. Under the Celts thrée hundred and one and fourtie yeares. 3, b 10. The distance of it from the maine, 3, a 20. Called Ualen­tia, 5, a 20. The name of it knowne to some of ye Gréeks, 5, a 10. The longitude & lati­tude thereof, 2, b 20. A long while called Samothea, 3, a 60. The anciēt names of it, [...], a 50. Promontories thereof, 3, a 10. The forme of it three cornerd, 2, b 60. Uariance a­mong [Page] writers about the cō ­passe therof, 2, b 40. A parcell of it inhabited sometime by the Irish, 6, a 10. Pestered with manie sorts of people, 5, b 30. What sundrie people and nations setled themselues in it, 5, 6, 7, &c. Called Angles land by an edict, 5, a 20. Ilāds to be seene vpon the coasts of it, 29, b 30. The first prouince that receiued the gospell ge­nerallie, 24, b 20. Into how manie kingdoms it hath bin diuided, 14, 15, 16. What nati­ons came with the Saxons into it, 5, a 30. At the first one entier kingdome, 14, b 50. How soone inhabited after the diuision of the earth, 5, a 10. The differing opinions of men touching the name of it, 4, b 20 Whether it were some­time parcell of the maine, 4, b 50. How long it was called Albion, 4, b 10. Deliuered of a tyrant by Hercules, 4, a 60. ¶ Sée Albion, England, Picts, Romans, & Scots.
  • Britons diuided this Iland in­to cantreds, 153, a 50. Their abstinence, 166, a 60. They had some vse of Logike and Rhetorike from the Galles, 20, a 60, b 10. The speach of ye ancient sort and of the Celts much alike, 12, b 40. They & the Celtes indifferentlie cal­led Cimbri, 13, a 10. They are driuen into Wales & Corne­wall by the Saxons, &c: 6, b 30. Diligent and readie in pe­degrées, 13, a 60, b 10. Their industrie in the vse and appli­cation of the benefits of their countrie, 111, b 20. Defended against their slanderers, 115, a 10, b 10. Ualourous, 114, b 10. The constitution of their bodies, 114, a 60. Their slight building, 187, a 20. ¶ Sée Welshmen.
  • Brookes. ¶ Sée Riuers.
  • Bruing. ¶ Sée Béere.
  • Brute the sonne of Syluius ar­riueth in Britaine with his ships, 5, b 10. What time he arriued in Britaine, 4, b 10. He surueieth all Britaine, 116, a 10. He diuided all Bri­taine to his thrée sonnes, 116, a 50. From whense he learned his religiō, 22, a 60. His death the maner thereof not certein­lie knowen, 116, a 30. Inter­red at his new citie, 116, b 30
  • Bruton Iohn bishop of Here­ford kéeper of ye kings ward­robe, 142, b 50.
  • Bucchanan partlie followeth the error of Goropius about Britaine, 3, b 10
  • Bucke, & what names he hath before he be so called, 226, a 30
  • Buckingham & Bedfordshires haue the riuer Clée rising in their verie confines, 102, b 20
  • Buckhurst lord ambassador to the French king in Henrie the seuenths time, 231, a 30
  • Bubali olim in Anglia, 208, a 10
  • Building and furniture of hou­ses in England described, 187 a 10. With stone now cōmon­lie vsed, 234, b 40. New & cu­rious deuises vsed therein, 212, b 10. Quarries of stone seruing thereto, 234, b 20
  • Buildings in Englād of what manner, 109, b 10
  • Buls wild sometimes in Eng­land, 225, b 10
  • Burchier sir Rafe knight his deuise of casting alabaster in moolds, 235, a 60
  • Burgesses & citisens, 162, b 60. Ancient maner of buriall in Angleseie, 36, b 60
  • Burials of the kings of Ire­land, 40, a 20
  • Burials of the kings of Scot­land, 40, a 20
  • Burrow, 154, a 20
  • Burrow kind what kind of cu­stome, 180, b 20
  • Burrowes how they were wal­led about with stone walles, 217, b 60. And to what vse the Britons put them, 218, a 10
  • Buttermen and the cause that butter riseth in the price, 203, b 30
  • Buxston baths. 214, b 30
C.
  • CAesar made a fabber of En­glish pearle, 239, a 60
  • Caim an English saint and of his effectuall praiers, 68, a 30
  • Cair Carador a strong place of incamping, 195, a 50
  • Cairmarden how called in the Romans time, 191, a 10
  • Caius de canibus Anglicis, 229, b 50
  • Calaminarie stones, 239, b 20
  • Calcedonie stone, 239, b 20
  • Calendar of England how it might be the more perfect, 244, a 30, 60
  • Calendar Romane, 242, b 60. Papisticall in vse in the ar­ches, 182, a 20. Generallie cor­rected by the pope, 244, a 50
  • Calendar of the greatest faires in England, 245, a 10. Of the greatest trauelled thorow­fares and townes in Eng­land, 247, a 40
  • Calends of the moneth conse­crated to Iuno, & the reason of the name, 243, a 10
  • Calice a towne in Picardie, & how far distant from Rome, 3, a 20
  • Camelon the principall citie of Picts, ouerthrowne by Iu­lius Cesar, 118, b 30
  • Camber the second sonne of Brute had Cambria giuen, 116, a 60
  • Cambria why so called, 68, b 10 A peninsula or byland, now named Wales, 116, a 60
  • Cambridge how called in the Romans time, 191, a 20. Uni­uersitie erected by Sigibert, 144, a 50. Fortie six miles frō London, 148, b 20. Not long since burned, 148, b 60. Col­leges with their founders names, 151. Kings col­lege chappell of what stone it is builded, 234, b 60. ¶ Sée Uniuersities.
  • Candels of tallow eaten vp of an Isleland gentlewoman, 231, b 50
  • Candida casa, 146, b 60
  • Cane stone, 234, b 60
  • Cantaber a Spaniard begun the vniuersitie of Cābridge, 148, a 60
  • Cāting. ¶ Sée Pedlers Frēch.
  • Canturburie how called in the Romans time, 190, a 60. The chiefe citie of the kingdome of Kent, 16, a 50. One of the two onlie prouinces now of Eng­land, 131, a 30. Bishoprikes vnder the said sée twentie one 135, a 10. Bishop of Rochester crossebearer in times past to the archbishop of the said sée, 140, b 30. Archbishoprike when and by whom first ere­cted, & the circuit of the same, &c. 140, a 60. Archbishops of the popish stampe, proud, am­bitious, contentious, &c. 132, 133
  • Canutus lawes for his forrest, 206, b 50. 207, a 10. He was a glutton, 170, b 40. His autho­rising of the clergie to punish whoredome, 185, a 60
  • Capons made of gelded cocks a practise brought in by the Romans, 223, a 40
  • Caradocks a linage of great ho­nor, antiquitie and seruice, 69, a 30
  • Carcer Aeoli an hole so called in old time, 67, a 50
  • Cardans fond opinion touching dogs become woolues, and woolues dogs, 232, a 30. His report of Henrie the eight, 196, b 10
  • Carduus benedictus, 209, a 60
  • Carleill how called in the Ro­mans time, 190, b 30. Some­times named Cairdoill, 146, a 20. Standeth betwéene two streames or riuers, 88, a 10. The bishopriks erection, cir­cuit, and valuation, 146, a 10
  • Carolus Clusius, 210, a 10
  • Carpenters of England high­lie cōmended, 188, a 40. They passe in their new frames the finest of old, 212, a 60
  • Carpes latelie brought into England and later into the Thames, 46, b 20
  • Carthamus bastard saffron, 234, a 60
  • Castell of Bungie & Leicester, &c: when & by whom defaced, 195, a 20. Of Bestons prophe­sie, 195, a 10. Of Cambridge higher than that of Oxford, 148, b 60
  • Castels and holds in England, 194, a 40. Manie & by whom sometimes builded, 194, b 10. What and where mainteined, 194, b 40. The ruine of manie cities, 194, a 50. The cause of their ruine & decaie, 194, b 30. At Cambridge and Oxford by whom builded, 149, a 10
  • Cathnesse how far distant from England, 113, b 30
  • Cattell kept for profit, 219, a 40. Somtimes féed vpon saffron, 232, b 10. In England of di­uerse sorts, 110, b 20
  • Caues wherein are hals, cham­bers, & all offices of houshold cut out of hard rocke, 130, a 30
  • Cawood castell belonging to the archbishop of yorke, 95, a 50
  • Celts properlie called Galles, 12, b 50. Britaine vnder them thrée hundred fortie and one yeares, 3, b 10. Whether they spake Gréeke or no, 12, b 50. They & the Britons indiffe­rentlie called Cimbri, 13, a 10
  • Chalke in some places sold by the pound, 187, a 60
  • Cham notwithstanding his lewdnes made a god, 21, b 40. The doctrine of him and his disciples, 21, b 30. What reli­gion his posteritie brought o­uer into Britaine, 21, b 50, 60. 22, a all.
  • Chamberleine. ¶ Sée Innes.
  • Chancellor lord of England his dignitie, 164, b 40
  • Chanons of old Sarum togi­ther by the eares: note, 57, a 10
  • Chapell of the kings college of what stone it is builded, 234, b 60
  • Chapmen. ¶ Sée Innes.
  • Charles the fourth emperour glased church windows with geat stone, 239, a 40
  • Chase and parke how they dif­fer, 206, a 10
  • Chases & what beasts to them properlie belonged, 206, a 20
  • Chedderhole or Chedder rocke in Summersetshire an Eng­glish woonder, 129, b 20
  • Chelme [...]ford or Chelmerford so named of the riuer Chelmer, 107, a 50
  • Cherwort, ¶ Sée Béere.
  • Chesill riuer described, being like a narrow banke: note. 58, b 10
  • Chester how called in the Ro­mans time and when it was an vniuersitie, 190, b 20. How seated, why called Caerleon or Ciuitas legionum, and how statelie in old time, 73, b 50. Raced to the ground and not since reedified, 35, b 40. Bi­shoprikes erection, circuit, and valuation, 145, b 30
  • Chestershire & Lancastershire diuided by the riuer Tame, 84, a 20
  • Cheuiot hils twentie miles in length, 109, a 60
  • Chichester how called in the Romans time, 190, b 60. Bi­shoprike when first begun, & the circuit therof, &c. 141, a 50
  • Chimnies now manie, in times past few, 188, b 30
  • Chipping Walden, why so na­med, 206, b 20
  • Christians spared from the fu­rie of the sword, 121, b 10
  • Chronicles of Barnwell, 113, a 40. Of Burton, 23, b 10. Of Cogshall, 12, a 60
  • Chrysocolla, 236, b 20
  • Chrystall stone, 239, b 20
  • Church of England more bene­ficiall to the princes coffers than the state of the laitie, 137 b 10. The ancient & present estate thereof, 131, a 30. It is become the asse whereon eue­rie market man is to ride and cast his wallet, 137, a 60. Lands of it and college pos­sessions pried after by ding­thrifts, 152, b 20. Whether that which Lucius builded at London stood at Westmin­ster or in Cornehill, 24, a 60. That of S. Martins turned into a barne, 56, b 60. ¶ Sée Uniuersitie.
  • Churches in England scowred and cleansed from all relikes of idolatrie, and how beauti­full, 138, b 30. Priuileges granted to them and church­yards, 197, b 50. Stone in times past was vsed and de­dicated to the building of thē, 234, b 30. The old estate of cathedrall churches, 139, b 40 Exercises kept in them, 135, a 50. Why so called, 135, a 10. In part conuerted into mar­kets & shops, & why, 135, a 50. Churches collegiat diuers in England, 151, b 20. Parish churches whervpon they be­gan & were erected, 135, a 40. Exercises vsed ordinarilie in them, 138, a 10. Decaied in Lelands time, 193, b 60. In Lincolne fiftie two in times past, 193, b 40. In France how manie, 139, b 10. ¶ Sée Clergie and Parishes.
  • Cicester how called in the Ro­mans time, 190, b 40
  • Cidmouth hauen wherof so na­med, 59, a 40
  • [Page] Cinnabarum, 236, b 20
  • Cities that stood in this land in the Romans time, 190, a 50 When first builded and multi­plied, 190, a 20, Greater in times past when husbandmē were also citizens, 190, a 30. That send knights, citizens, burgesses, and barons to the parlemēt, 174, b 40. Souther­lie builded were ancient, faire & great, 189, b 40. That stood in this land in the Romans time, 190, a 50 Ancient so de­caied as that their ruines are no where to be séene, 191, a 30. The names of them in Eng­land, 192, b 10. ¶ Sée Towns
  • Citizens & burgesses, 162, b 50
  • Claie of diuerse sorts occupied in building, 187, a 50
  • Clarens duchie whense it had the denomination, 105, b 20
  • Claudia Rufina a British la­die, 23, a 60
  • Cle hils in Shropshire, 109, a 60
  • Clée riuer rising in the verie consines of Buckingham & Bedfordshire, 102, b 20
  • Clergie of England reuerentlie thought of in forren regions, 158, a 40. Fauourable in pu­nishing whoredome, 185, b 10
  • Clergie men vsed kings as they listed, 133, 134. Had the best wine in old time, 167, b 30. Immunitie of them greater vnder idolatrie than vnder the gospell, 20, b 40. ¶ Sée Préests.
  • Clocks, 241, a 60
  • Cloten inheritor to the whole empire, and why he diuided it, 117, a 60
  • Cloth carried out to be shorne, &c. 236, a 60
  • Clothworkers starue and beg, 236, b 10
  • Cobham lord Iohn begun to build Rochester bridge, 52, b 60
  • Cobham Thomas bishop of Worcester: note, 142, a 60
  • Co [...]ll traitorouslie slaine in his bed, 117, b 60
  • Coines forren both of gold and siluer, 219, a 10. Of England in times past & now present, 218, a 50, ¶ Sée Monie and Romans.
  • Colchester in old time called Ca­malodunum, 106, a 10. Wan by the Romans, 107, b 10. Whe­ther so named of the riuer Coine or Colonia Romano­rum, 106, a 30. How called in the Romans time, 190, b 10. Named a long time Colonia, 217, b 60
  • Colemines, 236, b 40
  • Colewort medicinable, 209, b 50
  • Colonie what it is, 191, b 40
  • College. ¶ Sée Uniuersitie.
  • Collet Iohn deane of Paules founder of Paules schoole, 147, b 40
  • Combat betwéene Corineus & Gomagot. 8, b 50. ¶ Sée Con­flict.
  • Comes. ¶ Sée Earle.
  • Commons in England to what vse they serued, and how their vse is peruerted, 112, a 10. Incroched vpon by the erec­ting of tenements, 112, b 40.
  • Complaint first tendered out of England to Rome, 7, a 60
  • Complexions of people accor­ding to the climat where they dwell, 114, b 30
  • Conies so fat, that the grease of one weied six or seuen oun­ces, 110, b 40
  • Conflict betwixt churchmē cal­led The holie conflict, 57, a 10 Hot & bloudie betwixt Athel­stane and certeine aliens at Seton in Deuonshire, 59, a 20
  • Conquest of England attemp­ted in Atheistans times, but withstood, 59, a 20. A seuenth of England out of the north prophesied, 8, a 30. Diuerse since duke Williams time, that prospered not, 8, a 10, 20
  • Consigne quéene of Bithenia torne in péeces of a mastife, 231, a 40
  • Constables high and petie their offices, 155, b 10
  • Contention gréeuous betwéene the king of England & Lild bishop of Elie: note, 143, b 10
  • Coopers, 236, b 20
  • Copiholders oppressed, 189, a 40
  • Copper, 238, b 20
  • Corbridge sometimes inhabited by the Romans, 91, a 10
  • Corineus twelue cubits high, that is, eightéene foot, 8, b 50
  • Cormorants about the Ile of Elie, 227, b 50
  • Corne in England and other kinds of graine, 110, a 60. What obseruations are kept in the countrie for the price thereof the yeare following, 203, a 30. What great abuse is suffered therin both for price, &c. 202, b 10, 203, a 10
  • Cornwall called the promonto­rie of Helenus, and why, 34, b 30. The Britons call it Cer­niw, 14, a 50. The bredth of it & Deuonshire, 66, a 30
  • Corrall white, 239, b 30.
  • Counties. ¶ Sée Shires.
  • Court of England alwaies kept where the prince lieth, 196, a 50. Punishment of such as smite within the bounds of it forbidden, 197, a [...]0
  • Court kept at Kings hill in Rochford after midnight: note. 156, b 10
  • Courts of some princes beyond sea compared vnto hell, 196, b 60, 197, a 10
  • Courts of chancerie at Yorke & Ludlow, 181, a 40
  • Courtiers of England the best learned and worst liuers, 196, a 60
  • Cranmer archbishop of Can­turburie supposed to be an ostler: note, 152, a 20
  • Créekes noted by seasaring men for their benefit vpon ye coasts of England, 108, a 10. ¶ Sée Hauens and Riuers.
  • Crocus (in English Saffron) with the occasion of the name, 232, b 30
  • Crokers, or saffron mens ob­seruation, 233, b 40
  • Crosses of wood foūd about Ha­lidon, & how they came there, 130, b 60
  • Crowdon hils reaching to the borders of Scotlād, 109, a 50
  • Crowes car [...]ē, 227, b 30. White, 223, b 20. Tame crowes of a tinminer & a shoomaker with strange tales of them, 238, a 20, 50
  • Crowne of gold the first that was euer worne in this na­tion, 117, b 10
  • Cubit geometricall, 9, a 40
  • Cumberland and Westmerland by what riuer beūded, 86, d 20
  • Custome of Hali [...]x, 185, b 20. ¶ Sée Law.
  • Curres. ¶ Sée D [...]gs.
  • Cymbri of likelihood came out of Britaine, 13, a 30
  • Cynike yeare: note, 244, a 20
D.
  • DAie naturall when it begin­neth, 241, a 60. Longest in some parts of Britaine, 2, b 40. Of how manie houres it consisteth: note, 241, a 40. Di­uersite accounted by hour [...]s, 241, b 10. Artificiall, 241, b 30
  • Daies of the wéeke named after the English, Saxonish, and Scotish maner, 244, b 20. Ca­ied Atri among the Romans, why, 243, a 20. Diuerslie ac­counted and named of diuerse people, 242, a 60
  • Daies thrée whereof men doub­ted whether théeues or true men doo most abound in them, 91, a 20
  • Danes how they came first into Britaine, 6, b 30. Prospered not in their purpose establish­ing of themselues in Bri­taine, and why, 6, b 40. Arriue in Scotland & kill king Con­stantine, 121, a 60. Some­times lords of Pomona an Ile in Scotland, 42, b 60
  • Danefield and why so named, 93, b 10
  • Dāsers, a kind of dogs, 231, b 60
  • Darbie towne so named of the riuer Darwent, 96, a 10
  • Dartford by whome builded, now a palace roiall, 196, a 30
  • Darwēt riuer described, 92, b 50
  • Dauid king of Scots earle of Huntington, 123, b 10
  • Deacons in the church of Eng­land but no subde [...]cons, 136, a 40
  • Deanes of cathedrall churches not knowne before the con­quest, 135, a 10. Of Paules in their succession to the last na­med Alexander Nowell, 147, b 20
  • Deceit in saffron, and how to be perceiued, 233, b 60
  • Dée or Deua a noble riuer rising in M [...]rionethshire, 82, a 50. A troublesome streame when ye wind is at southwest: note. 83, a 10
  • Dele an old Saxon word signi­fieng a bottome or vale, 206, b 20
  • Demetrius his vaine tales told in his treatises, 128, b 50
  • Dennie Iland in the [...]ddest of the Seuerne, 37, b 40
  • De [...]aticus king of the Swes­sions held Britaine in sub­iection, 5, b 20
  • Deuonshire parted from Corn­wail by the intercourse of the riuer Thamar, 61, a 10. The bredth of it and Cornwall, 66, a 30
  • Dials, 241, a 60
  • Diamond stones, 239, b 20
  • Diamond foūd in a marble qua­rie at Naples, 235, b 60
  • Diet of the English, 165, b 30. Of the nobilitie, 166, a 60. Of merchants, 167, a 40. Of arti­ficers, &c. 167. b 50. Of the an­cient Gentiles, 170, b 50, 171, a 10
  • Dinas Bren a castell: note. 227, b 20
  • Dis one of the sons of Iaphet originall beginner of Bri­taine. 3, a 60
  • Discipline sent for to Eleuthe­rius from Lucius, 24, b 40. Uerie necessarie in yt church, 24, b 40. Wished. 213, b 50
  • Doctrine that Cham & his dis­ciples taught, 21, b 30. That Druius preached to his hea­rers in Albiō, 19, b 30, 20, a 10
  • Doctor a word of large signifi­cation, 150, b 10
  • Dodon riuer yt bound to Cum­berlād & Westmerlād, 86, b 20
  • Dogs of England & their qua­lities, 229, b 40. That serue ye falcon of two sorts called spa­niels, 230, a 60. What sort of all most cruell & iugging, 232, a 10. Of a homelie kind, 230, b 40. Diuided into seuerall kinds, 230, a 10
  • Dolphin of France the title of the French kings eldest son, 157, a 10
  • Domitians follie noted plaieng with flies, 226, a 40
  • Doue a swift riuer and for his noblenesse notable, 98, b 50
  • Douer castell whense of likeli­hood it tooke the name, 53, a 60
  • Drake sir Francis knight his voiage, 1582. 237, b 10
  • Driféeld sometimes a goodlie towne now a small village, 93, a 60, b 10
  • Drinke vsed in England, 169, a 20. ¶ Sée Beere.
  • Drinkers great & yet no drun­kards, 42, a 60
  • Dropping well and the wonder­full nature thereof, 129, b 60
  • Drugs. ¶ Sée Simples.
  • Druides or Dru [...] preests and their estimation, 20, b 30. Why so called, 19, b 10
  • Druius and what points of doctrine he preached & taught in Albion, 19, b 30, 20, a 10
  • Duchesse of Lancaster the ladie Wake, 143, b 40
  • Duke in Latine Dux, à ducen­do, a name now of honor, 157, a 10. Created of the prince, 158, a 60. In England none, 164, b 60
  • Duke Humfreie of Glocester builded Grenewich, 196, a 20
  • Duke of Summersets in king Edward the sixts time, wise answer to sutors for college & church lands, 152, b 20
  • Duke William of Normandie, &c: arriued in Britain to visit Edward the confessor, 7, a 10. His dead carcase twelue in­ches longer than anie mans dwelling in yt coūtrie, 10, b 30 ¶ Sée William.
  • Dunwallon king of Britaine caused foure principall waies to be made in his kingdome, and why, 112, a 10. His laws, priuileges, & other acts, 117, b 10. He is praised, 177, a 10
  • Durham what hauens it hath, 108, a 30. The bishoprikes c­rection, circuit, and valuatiō, 145, b 40
  • Durham place conuerted into a palace roiall, 195, b 40
E.
  • EAdmerus abbat of S. Al­bons, 191, b 60
  • Ebranke the lineall he [...]re from the bodie of Loc [...]ne, 117. a 30
  • Ebranke now called Yorke, 117, b 40
  • Ecberts edict to call Britaine Angles land, 5, a 20
  • E [...]ēborough castell why so cal­led, and by whome builded, 117, a 40
  • Edgar king of Britaine sitting in a barge is rowed vpon the water by six or seuen kings, 122, a 60. His nauie of one thousand six hundred, aliàs thrée thousand six hundred saile, 201, b 50
  • Editha (wife to Robert d'Oilie) [Page] superstitious & credulous: note, 149, a 10
  • Edward the first did first coine the penie & small péeces round, 218, b 60
  • Edward the second held a parle­ment at Salisburie, 57, a 50
  • Edward the confessor of whome descended, & his laws, 122, b 50. Son in law to earle Goodwine, 7, a 30. Surnamed the saint, 7, b 60. Preferreth the Normans to the greatest offices in ye realme, 7, a 10. Uisited by duke Williā of Normandis, 7, a 10. He had no issue, 123, a 10
  • Edward the third deuiser of the order of yegarter, 141, b 10. Got the Ile of Wight wholie into his hands, 31, b 60, First plan­ted saffron in Walden, 232, b 50
  • Edward the fourth granted licēce to transport rams & ewes into Spaine, 221, a 10
  • E [...]les deuouring fishes, 224, a 10. How to haue brood of them, 224, a 50. ¶ Sée Fishes.
  • E [...]ts both of land and water, 228, b 30
  • Egs great store laid by diuerse kinds of [...]oules in the Ile of [...], 44, a 60
  • Egbert the first that began to know the necessitie of a nauie, 201, b 40
  • Egbright king of Northumbers and his palace where seated, 93, b 10
  • Egles in England: note, 227, b 10
  • Eldred abbat of saint Albons, 191, b 50
  • Eleutherius sendeth preachers o­uer into Britaine, 24, a 20. Be­ing dealt therein by king Lu­cius. 23, 24, 25
  • Elie a famous Ile seuen miles e­uerie waie, and not accessible but by thrée causies, 112, a 10. In the Normans time called the Ile of wines, 111, a 20. Bi­shoprikes [...]rection, circuit, and valuation, 143, a 50
  • Elisabeth quéene furnisheth En­gland with munition, & where­vpon, 198, a 20
  • Ella the S [...]xō first held the king­dome of Sussex, 16, b 10
  • Elmes great store in England, 213, a 30. On the southside of Douer court notable, 213, a 40
  • Eltham by whome builded, 196, a 30
  • En [...]lius opinion of the gene­ration of gold and siluer, 237, a 30
  • England called Lhoegres, 116, a 50. Why called Britaine the great, 118, b 40. Angellandt, or Angles land, 5, a 20. The cen­tre, nauill, or middest of it wher­abouts, 48, b 30. How manie ci­ties and townes it hath, 189, b 20. Lesse néed of other nations than other nations of it, 235, a 10. Gouerned by thrée sorts of persons, 164, a 60. Little En­gland or low England, 44, b 30. Miles betwixt the greatest townes for trauell, how manie, 247, a 40. Degrées of people there, 136, b 50. Poore people in it of thrée sorts, 182, b 50. Laws since the first inhabitatiō ther­of, 176, b 50. It and Scotland by what riuers diuided on the east and the west, 107, b 20. Of the ancient and present estate of the church thereof, 131, a 30. Thrée things growne to be ve­rie gréeuous in it, 189, a 30. It will as well yéeld wine, as kéepe it long, 110, b 60, 111, a 10. When there is like to be plentie and when scarsitie there, 111, b 40. Of the aire, soile, wind, hils, pastures, corne, ground, &c: 108, b 40. Not vnfurnished of hot baths and wels, 214, b 20. How the souereigntie of it remaineth to the princes of the same, 116, b 50. The tax of the whole realme, 137, a 50. Gouernement thereof vpon what thrée kinds of lawes it depéndeth, 179, b 50. Building and furniture of houses in it, 187, a 10 The par­tition wall betwéene the Picts and Scots, 127, b 10. Thrée things greatlie amended there­in, 188, b 30. The partition of it into shires and counties, 153, a 10. The accompt of time and hir parts there, 241, a 40. Of the maruels thereof, 128, b 20. Punishments therein for ma­lefactors, 184, b 60. Of castels and holds in it, 194, a 40. It and Wales in times past full of woods, 211, b 60. Of parkes and warens therin, 204, a 50. Lesse people in it neuer than now, 205, b 10. Foure things wished to be reformed therein, 213, b 50. Of the princes court and the courtiers of England, 196, a 50. Palaces for the prince in England, 195, a 60. How ma­nie parishes and market towns it conte [...]eth, 194, a 10. Able men that it can make out a­gainst the enimie, 198, a 60. Of armour and munition in it, 198, a 10. Well furnished with guns and artillerie, 198, b 40. Coines thereof in times past and now present, 218, a 50. Of cattell kept for profit therein, 219, a 40. It and Scotland diuided by the riuer Twéed, 88, [...] 60. Much euill transported into it out of France, 20, b 10. The number of religious houses therein at their dissolution, 26, b 10. In the south parts of it are thrée seuerall toongs vsed, 14, b 10. Six times subiect to reproch of conquest, 8, a 10. The cause of the conquest thereof by the Normans, 7, a 10. ¶ Sée Albion, Britaine, Conquest, Danes, Normans, Saxons, &c.
  • Englishmē noisome to their owne countrie, 153, b 10. Their foo [...] and diet, 165, b 30. Best on foot, 163, b 40. Disguised in cuts, iags, &c. 172, a 20. Their mise­rie vnder the French and Nor­mans, 7, b 30. Their apparell, 171, b 60. Brought in loue with outlandish to [...]es, 235, b 10. 236, a 40
  • Emerita néece vnto Lucius, 24, b 30. Martyred in Rhetia, 25, b 60
  • Emma the mother of duke Wil­liam of Normandie, 7, a 10
  • Epaminondas neat saieng touch­ing the age of thirtie, and thrée score, &c. 115, b 20
  • Epistle of Eleutherus to Lucius 25, a 10
  • Equinoctiall. ¶ Sée Calendar and Yeare.
  • Equites. 158, b 60
  • Erasmus Roterodamus was in the vniuersities of England, his report of both, 149, b 20
  • Erkenw [...]n king of Essex, 16, b 20
  • Erle and aldermen by whom first appointed, 153, b 30. Baldwin [...]e Be [...]oun first earle of the Ile of Wight, 31, b 50. Of Bu [...]en maried king of Scots daugh­ter, 205, b 50. G [...]reie of Essex constable of the towre, 111, a 20. Goodwine defaced by the Norman writers, 132, a 40. Iohn of Sūmerse [...], 127, a 50. Hugh of Chester in William Conquerors time, 36, b 10. Hugh of Shrewesburie in William Conquerors time, 36, b 10. Of [...]ent Goodwins father in law to Edward the confessor, 7, b 60. Of Kent He­rald sonne to Goodwin, 7, b 60. Leo [...]ric of Chester, 132, b 30. Richard of Warwike, 31, b 60. Of Sarum lord Wiliam Montacute, 37, b 50. Siward of Northumberland sirna­med Fortis, 132, b 30. Tho­mas of Lancaster, 126, a 20. Uoldosius of Huntington & Northumberland, 123, b 10. A name of office among the Romans, in Latine Comes: note. 157, a 30. Created of the prince, 158, a 60
  • Erles in England how manie, 164, b 60. Now farmers and grasiers, 204, b 60. Eight slaine in a conflict of Athel­stane against certeine aliens, 59, a 30, Of Darbie common­lie said to be kings of the Ile of Man, 37, b 50
  • Erne and eagle taken to be all one, 227, b 20
  • Erne stone, 239, b 20
  • Erning stréet one of the foure highwaies principall of Bri­taine and how it is extended, 113, b 30
  • Erth diuided into fiue parts, 1, b 30. Unto what portiō ther­of Britaine is referred, 2, a 30. Uariance among writers about the diuision of it, 1, b 10. The diuisiō of it not yet per­fectlie knowne, 1, a 30. Diui­ded into thrée patts, 1, a 10
  • Erth worth fiue shilling a lode thirtie yeares ago, 236, b 60
  • Erths sundrie kinds in Bri­taine, and which kind most common and best, 111, b 30
  • Esquire a French word, and who be such. 162, a 40
  • Essex a kingdome begun vnder Erken [...]n, 16, b 20, In time past hath wholie béene forrest ground, 206, a 60. What ha­uens it hath, 108, a 60. It and Suffolke parted by the ri­uer Sture, 105, a 40
  • Estrildis drowned by Guen­doline, 68, b 30
  • Euesham monasterie fell downe by it selfe, 67, b 10
  • Excester bishoprike when it first began, the circuit [...] the same, &c. 141, b 60
  • Excheker when it openeth, 182, a 10
  • Excommunicate persons how disabled, 197, b 60
F.
  • FAculties a great cause of the ruine of the cōmonwealth, 205, a 60. Commodious to the prince and yet exclaimed a­gainst, 136, a 60
  • Faires and markets in Eng­land, 202, a 10. When and where kept through out the yeare, 245, all. Paltrie fairs and their abuses, 244, b 60. One or two euerie yeare in the great market townes of England, 204, a 30
  • Fallow déere by whome first brought into this land, 204, b 20
  • Fam [...]e at hand is first séene in the horss [...]manger, 168, b 20
  • Farmers when hardlie pa [...] could their rents, 188, b 60, 189, a 10
  • Fastidius archbishop of Lon­don. 27, b 40
  • Fawie towne in what kings dais it grew first famous, 62, a 20
  • Fellon a word deriued from the Saxon toong, 184, b 60
  • Fellons that speake not at their arreignement how punished, 185, b 60
  • Fellonie how punished, 186, b 50. In what cases the gailor doth commit it, &c. 184, b 20. Compriseth mani [...] gréeuous crimes: note. 185, a 10
  • Fennes in England and with what things indued, 111, b 60 ¶ Sée Marishes.
  • Fergus why made king of the Scithians that arriued in Albanie, 117, b 60
  • Ferrex and Porrex miserabli [...] slaine, 117, a 60
  • Festiuall daies. ¶ Sée Holidais
  • Fire hindred by al [...]me, 236, b 10
  • Firre growing in Englād, 213, a 60. In times past in Lan­cashire, 214, a 40
  • First fruits. ¶ Sée Tenths.
  • Firth streame of some called the Pictish and Scotish sea, 88, b 40. And what riuer or streames it receiueth, 88, b 50
  • Fishes of sundrie sorts great store in the [...]hames, 46, b 10. Thrée kinds in a lake, which fishes haue but one ei [...], ap­péere, 129, b 50. Fiue sorts, 224, b 40. A [...]erd to come with in the wind of Ospraie oile, 227, b 50. What sorts vsual­lie taken vpon the English coasts, 223, b 60. Of the sea how they come in season, 224, b 20. What kind preserued by prouiso of sharpe lawes, 224, a 10. Without [...]ns in Lomund lake, 88, a 60
  • Fitzhenries originall and ad­uancement, 15, b 60
  • Fitzwaters necke broken as he was taking horsse [...]acke, 106, b 20
  • Flamines and archflamines in Britaine, [...]2, b 40. Eight and twentie, 189, b 20
  • Flax ought to be sowne by law in England, 111, a 60
  • Flies of a noisome kind, 228, b 30, 229, a 40
  • Folkmote ordeined by king Ar­thur, 155, b 20
  • Fornication ridiculouslie puni­shed, 185, a 50
  • Forrestes in England & Wales diuerse, 206, a 50
  • Forts how they came to be erls of Aumarle, Wight, and De­uonshire, 31, b 60
  • Fosse dike clensed by bishop At­water, 100, b 40
  • Fosse one of the highwaies of Britaine, and how it is ex­tended, 112, b 60
  • Fosse streame able to beare a good vessell, 94, b 10
  • Fo [...]ks de Warren ye red knight, 15, b 40
  • Fowles wild & [...]ame in Eng­land, 222, b 10. [...]ame of di­uerse kinds, 223, a 10. From beyond sea, 223, a 10. R [...]ue­nous to be destroied by law, 223, b 10. 227, b 10. Uncleane. 223, b 10
  • Founteins abbeie famous, how seated, 94, b 60
  • Fox bishop builder of Corpus [Page] Christi college in Oxford, his opinion, 150, b 40
  • Foxes in England, 225, b 30
  • Fraie betwéene the duchesse of Lancasters men and the bi­shop of Elies, 143, b 60. ¶ Sée Quarell.
  • France how manie archbishop­riks, bishopriks, & churches it hath, 139, b 10. Much euill transported from thense into England, 20, b 10
  • Franke chase, 206, a 10. ¶ Sée Parke.
  • French best on horssebacke, 163 b 40. Exiled out of England, 7, a 50. The first footing of them in Britaine since the time of Ethelbert and Sige­bert, 7, a 10. The miserie of the English vnder them, [...], b 20. In reporting their owne affaires not to be trusted, 115, a 60. They deride our new archerie, 198, a 60
  • Fréendship betwéene fishes by nature, 224, a 20
  • Fridaie why called the king or the worling, 242, a 40
  • Frith an arme of the sea diui­ding Pentland from Fiffe, 118, b 40
  • Frobishers voiage for gold, in the yeare of our Lord, 1577. 237, b 10
  • Frogs commonlie found where adders be, 228, a 60
  • Furniture. ¶ Sée Houses and Building.
G.
  • GAgates, 239, a 10, 40 Gaile deliuerie or great as­sises, 155, b 30
  • Gailers in what case guiltie of fellonie, 184, b 30
  • Galatea married to Hercules, 4, a 30
  • Galles receiued their religion from the Britons, 20, a 60. What sort of them aduentured into Britaine, 5, b 20
  • Gallies belonging to the quéens maiestie and hir seruice, 201, a 30. In old time of sundrie sorts and seruice, 200, a 60
  • Gardens and orchards in En­gland, 208, a 60. Of our time péerelesse, 210, b 10. Ioining to houses how beautified and furnished with floures, herbs, &c. 209, a 10
  • Gardens of the Hesperides, 210, b 10
  • Garget a disease in cattell, 110, a 40
  • Garnish of pewter vessell how much, 237, b 40
  • Gauell kind deuised first by the Romans, and why, 180, a 60
  • Geat stone, 239, a 10. Of fiue kinds, 239, a 50
  • Gelousie of mastifes, 231, a 40
  • Gentlemen in England of thrée sorts, 156, b 60. Gentlemen gouernors of two sorts, 164, b 10. Gentlemen of bloud, 161, a 40. Gentlemen, who to be counted, 162, a 50. Gentle­men Italionats, 162, b 30. Gentlemen of the second de­grée, 158, b 20. Gentlemen of the greater sort, 156, b 60. Gentlemen rauenners of cō ­modities, 240, a 60. Gentle­men shifters, robbers, 186, a 40. Gentlemen dingthrifts théeuish practises, 199, b 50
  • Gentlemens manours, 188, a 40
  • Gentleméns diet. ¶ Sée Diet.
  • Germander, 209, a 60
  • Giant thrée of whose téeth weid an hundred ounces, &c. 9, b 30. Bones of one seuentéene or eightéene cubits long, 9, b 60. The bodie of one found in a coffin of stone in Alderneie, 32, b 60. Ones mouth of six­téene foot widenesse, 11, b 60. The bones of one whose car­casse was two and twentie foot long, 10, b 50. One of Spaine that died by a fall vp­on the Alpes, 8, a 60. One found dead sitting with a staffe in his hād like the mast of a tall ship, 9, b 50
  • Giants whether anie were or inhabited Britaine, 8, a 40. Sundrie exāples of proofe to confirme the opinion of them, 10, a 10. The last of the race left in the land of promise, 9, a 30. Proued by scripture to haue béene in former times, 9, a 10. To what purpose God created such men of mightie stature, 12, a 60
  • Gigas or Nephilim signifieng a giant, 8, a 10. ¶ Sée Gi­ants.
  • Gilpins preaching effectuall in Ridsdale, Tiuidale, and Lid­desdale, 91, a 20
  • Gir in the old Saxon spéech, signifieth déepe fens and ma­rishes, 101, a 60
  • Glasing by whome first brought into this land, 187, b 40
  • Glasse how first found, 187, b 60. Of diuerse sorts, 188, a 20. How it might be made tough­er, 238, b 10 Hath béene made in England before the Ro­mans time, 111, b 10
  • Glasses to drinke in greatlie v­sed, 167, a 10. Of the best sort from whense, 167, a 10
  • Glasses to looke in made of tin, 237, b 60. Of siluer common to euerie dishwasher, 238, a 10
  • Glocester how called in the Ro­mans time, 191, a 10. It and Summersetshire by what riuer parted asunder, 68, a 30. Bishoprike verie ancient, 146, b 30. Erection, circuit, & valuation of it, 142, b 30
  • Gluttonie of England in Ca­nutus time, 170, b 40
  • Godmanchester in old time cal­led Gumicester, whilome a towne of great countenance and verie ancient, 102, b 60.
  • Gods inferior how hatched at the first, 21, b 50, 60, 22, a 10, Men made such and so ho­nored, 22, b 10. Who was pro­perlie said in old time to haue a seat among them, 21, b 50
  • Gogmagogs hill, a strong place of incamping, 195, a 40
  • Gold how ingendered in the earth, 237, a 30 Not wanting in England, 237, a 50. From the west Indies, 237, a 60. Graines thereof inclosed in stones, 235, b 60. Drosse in triall: note, 237, b 10
  • Goldwell bishop of Oxford a Iesuit, 143, a 30
  • Goodwine of Kent earle father in law to Edward the con­fessor, 7, a 30. Accused of high treason verie slanderouslie, 7, b 10. Defaced by the Nor­man writers, 132, a 40
  • Goose doong beneficiall, 223, a 60
  • Gooseheard how he leadeth his géese to the séeld, 223, a 50
  • Goropius trifling about the names of places noted, 3, b 10
  • Gospell preched how effectuall to conuert and amend mens maners, 91, a 20. The suc­cesse thereof after the death of Christ, 22, b 60. Had neuer frée passage in Britaine till Lucius time, 23, b 30. The propagation thereof in Bri­taine, 23, b 24, a b 25
  • Gotes great store in England & Wales, 221, b 30. Their milke medicinable, 221, b 40
  • Goths deuise for the destruction of their white crowes, 223, b 20, They & Uandals made lawes against learning, 153, a 10
  • Gothlanders vse wodden ancors, 3, b 60
  • Grafton Richards tale of the bons of a giant, 10, a 60
  • Granlings. ¶ Sée Umbers.
  • Granta a noble and excellent streame described, 103, a 20
  • Grantabrishire so called of the ri­uer Granta, 103, a 20
  • Grashoppers powdered in bar­rels and eaten, 229, b 20
  • Grasiers growne verie cunning, 220, b 20
  • Grasing superfluous how restrai­ned by the Romans, 213, b 60
  • Grasse verie fine on Doue banke growne in a prouerbe, 98, b 60
  • Gréekes manie trauelled into Britaine in the time of Gur­guntius, 20, b 10. They knew Britaine by none other name a long time than Albion, 5, a 10
  • Gréenewich by whome builded & inlarged, 196, a 20
  • Gréet outlandish, 234, b 60. ¶ Sée Whetstones.
  • Greihounds, 208, a 20. ¶ Sée Dogs.
  • Gresham sir. Thomas knight his pauing stones for the bursse, 235, b 30
  • Grindstones, 235, b 20
  • Groues. ¶ Sée Woods.
  • Gun belonging to the Turke drawne with seuentie yoke of oxen, and two thousand men, 199, a 20
  • Guns good store and of sundrie sorts in England, their names, weight, widnesse at the mouth, and what powder will serue for shot, 198, b 40. 199, a 10
  • Guendolena the wife of Locri­nus gouerned the kingdome of Britaine, hir crueltie, 68, b 30
  • Gurguintus builder of Cābridge castell, 149, a 10
  • Gwinbach towne, and why it was so named, 106, a 40. It and Radwinter, the lords where­of were at variance: note, 106, a 60
H.
  • HAbren or Hafren base daugh­ter to Locrinus, 68, b 20. Drowned by Guendolena, 68, b 30
  • Hadrian the emperour first be­ginner of the Picts wall, 127, b 30
  • Halidon hill how it is seated and standeth, 88, b 50
  • Halifax law, 185, b 20
  • Halliwell bath, 214, b 30
  • Hampton beareth the name of A­uon or Nene a riuer, 101, b 60
  • Hampton court by whome buil­ded, 195, b 60
  • Hanoch a citie builded sometime by Cham, 9, a 10
  • Harald earle of Oxenford sonne to Goodwine earle of Kent and after king of Englād, &c. 7, b 60
  • Harald a gréeuous mall to the Britons in the time of S. Ed­ward, 78, a 60
  • Haraldston so named of Harald successor to S. Edward, 78, a 60
  • Hartland called Promontorium Herculis, 4, b 40
  • Hartlepoole towne lieng ouer into the sea in maner of a byland, 91, b 20
  • Hauen of Southhampton called by Ptolomie Magnus portus de­scribed, 53, a 30
  • Hauen with little cost might be made of Bride riuers mouth placed betwixt two hilles, 58, b 40
  • Hauens in Britaine that the Ro­mans vsed for their passage to and fro, 3, a 30. ¶ Sée Ports.
  • Hawkes their seuerall names and kinds, 227, a 10
  • Hebrides in old time subiect to I­reland, their number and situa­tion, 29, b 60
  • Hecatompolis decaied, 193, a 30
  • Hed or heued in old English sig­nifieth chéefe, 105, b 60
  • Hedningham or Heuedingham why so called, 105, b 60
  • Hell kettels or the diuels kettle, thrée litle pooles so named, 130, b 40
  • Hematite stone, 239, b 20
  • Hengist and his Saxons arriue in Britaine & purpose a vni­uersall conquest, 6, b 20. Began the first kingdome of the seuen in Kent, 16, a 50. Thirsting for the whole kingdome of south he was banished, &c. 120, a 30
  • Henrie first what kind of beasts he cherished to fight withall & to hunt, 226, b 10
  • Henrie the second defaced castels & holds in England, 194, b 20
  • Henrie the fift swift of foot, 226, b 40. Hunted fallow déere on foot: note, 226, b 40
  • Henrie the sixt crowned Henrie Beauchampe king of Wight & Iardscie, 31, b 60
  • Henrie the seuenth what kind of dogs he commanded to be han­ged, 231, a 10. His thrée notable piles péerelesse within Europe, 149, a 60
  • Henrie the eight the most proui­dent prince that euer reigned in England: note, 194, b 50. His seuere executing of idle persons by thousands at once, 186, b 20. In building not inferior to A­drian or Iustinian, 195, b 10. His answer to certeine sutors for college lands, 152, b 10
  • Herbs, Fruits, &c. ¶ Sée Gardēs.
  • Hertoch what kind of president, 157, a 40
  • Hercules passage out of Spaine by the Celts to go ouer into I­talie, 4, a 10. He marrieth the daughter of king Lucius, 4, a 30. Whether he came into Bri­taine after the death of Albion, 4, b 40. He killeth Albion & his brother Bergion, 4, a 10. Sun­drie monuments in memorie of him, 4, b 50
  • Hereford bishoprikes erection, cir­cuit, and valuation, 142, b 40
  • Hereford and Monmouthshires betwéene which Monbecke ri­uer is the march, 73, a 60
  • Heremits and monks onelie al­lowed of in Britaine, 26, a 50, 60
  • Heresie & monasticall life brought into Britaine at one time by Pelagius, 26, a 10
  • Heretikes how punished, 185, a 40
  • Hide or Hideland somewhere v­sed in England & somewhere not, 30, b 20. What it is, 205, b 40
  • Highwaies foure made somtimes in Britaine by princes there­of, 112, a 40
  • Highwaies incroched vpon by the [Page] erecting of tenements, &c. 112, b 40 That are common ill séene vnto, 113, b 60. Greatlie incroched vpō within these twentie yeares, 114, [...]40. ¶ Sée Waies, Thorow [...]ares and Townes.
  • H [...] in England great store, 109, a 50. Westward whereon in faire weather one may see the clouds gather together in a certeine thicknesse, &c: 129, b 20. Alps or Snowdo [...]e hils famous as the Alps beyond sea, 80, b 10
  • Hindes haue béene milked, 226, b 60
  • Hiues. ¶ Sée Home.
  • Holds. ¶ Sée Castels.
  • Holidaies verie manie vnder ye pope reduced now to seuen & twentie in England, 138, b 60. Necessarie to be remoued quite and cleane from the church, 138, b 60
  • Home of England reputed the best, 229, a 10. The néerer the bottom the better. 229, a 30
  • Hon [...]e soi [...] qui mal y pense. 162, a 20
  • Hops planting growne to be a great trade in England, 108, b 10. In times past plentifull in this land, 208, b 60
  • Hora among the Grecians what it signifieth, 242, a 30
  • Hornets and Waspes how ingen­dered, 228, b 30
  • Horsse more infortunate than ten of S [...]ians colts, 78, b 50
  • Horsses in Englād of sundrie sorts, 220, b 60. Outlandish, 220, b 50. ¶ Sée Innes.
  • Horssecoursers. ¶ Sée Ostlers.
  • Horssemarkets, 220, b 40
  • Horssestcalers, 186, a 60
  • Hospitalitie of the clergie bountiful­lie and thriftilie kept, 139, a 10
  • Hounds of eight sorts & their names and games, 230, a 10. ¶ Sée Dogs.
  • Houre, & the originall of the word, 242, a 30. What portion of time, 241, a 60
  • Houres vnequall or temporall, 241, b 10. ¶ Sée Time.
  • Houses. ¶ Sée Building & Wood.
  • Hugh earle of Chester in the Con­querors tune, 36, b 10
  • Hugh earle of Shrewesburie in the Conquerors time, 36, b 10
  • Hull water a riuer, 92, b 10. Aboun­ding with sturgeon and lamprei [...], described, 93, a 60
  • Humber described & what streames run thereinto, 92, b 20. Where­vpon it was so named, 92, b 40
  • Humber K▪ of S [...]thia ouerthrowne in Britaine, 68, b 20. Séeking to be monarch of Britaine is drow­ned in Humber, 92, b 40
  • Hundred & wapentak all on, 154, a 10
  • Hundreds in England why so cal­led, 153, b 30
  • Hunting & which be the best games, 226, a 50. A pastime for ladies and gentlewomen rather than gen­tlemen, 226, a 60. What kind v­sed in old times, 226, a 60. That the princes of Scotland vsed it, 226, b 10
  • Husbandmen, 163, b 50. Their good lucke, 217, b 20. Sometimes citi­zens, 190, a 30. Their diet, 167, b 60. ¶ Sée Farmers.
  • Husbandrie in England well amen­ded, 109, b 20
  • Huntington earldome giuen to Da­uid king of Scots, 123, b 10. For­feited and neuer after restored to the crowne of Scotland, ibidem b 40, 124, a 10
  • Hydromel, 170, b 30
I.
  • IAmes the fourth king of Scots maried the king of Denmarkes daughter, 43, b 60
  • Ianigenes were the posteritie of Noah in Italie, 4, a 10
  • Iardseie an Iland of thirtie miles compasse, 32, a 50
  • Icenes ill placed by Leland in Nor­folke and Suffolke, 113, b 50
  • Ida, king of Northumberland, 16, b 60
  • Idlenes auoided in the court, speci­allie of the ladies, 196, b 20
  • Idols monstrous proportions, 22, b 50
  • Idolatrie how hatched at the first, 21, b 50, 60
  • Id [...]s why so called, 243, b 10. ¶ Sée Moneth.
  • Iesuit Goldwell bishop of Oxford: note, 143, a 30
  • Iewell Iohn bishop of Salisburie commended, 141, b 40
  • Iewes whē they begin their weeke, 242, a 50, They and other nati­ons reckon their moneths by the moone▪ 242, b 30. Did cat brawne, 222, a 10
  • Ikenild stréet one of the foure prin­cipall highwaies of Britaine and how extended, 113, b 50
  • Ilices aliquando in Britannia nisi in­telligatur de quercu, 208, a 20
  • Ile of man described, 37, a 50. Ile of Pigmeis in Scotland, 41, a 60. Ile of rats, and why so called, 32, b 20. Ile of S. Clement, and why so called, 33, b 20. Ile of Shrews, 40, a 40
  • Iles eastward to the point of Ra [...]s­head, 38, b 60. Iles moouing and remoouing by force of the water, 88, a 60. Iles in Scotland, 39, a 10
  • Iland called a continent, 42, b 60. Iland holie otherwise called Lin­des [...]arne, 44, a 40. Iland carried to and fro as the wind bloweth, 129, b 50
  • Ilands such as are to be séene vpon the coasts of Britaine, 29, b 30. Such as lie in the mouth of the Thames. 30, a 50. Such as lie vpon the west and north shore, 34, b 30. Such as lie betwéene the Wight and the maine land, 31, a 20. Thrée inuironed with salt streames in Maldon water, 44, b 60. Ilands inuironed with the ocean waues, 29, b 40
  • Ingratitude. ¶ Sée Unthankful­nesse.
  • Innes and thorowfaires with the maner of vsage, 246, b 10. None worsse than in London, 247, a 10. Of great capacitie and well fur­nished, 247, a 10
  • Inkéepers what knaues & théeues they haue to their chamberlens, ostelers, tapsters, &c: 246, b 40
  • Inquests at assises, 155, b 40
  • Insecta animalcula, 228, b 30
  • Intercalation. ¶ See Calendar and yeare.
  • Iohn king of England restreineth all taking of wildfoule, and why, 222, b 40. He ouerthrew and spoi­led manie parkes and warrens, 205, b 50. Benefactor to Lich­field bishoprike, 143, a 20. Abused euen by the verie rakehels of the popish clergie, 134, b 20
  • Iohn of Ludlow aliàs Mason a sore promooter: note, 181, a 60
  • Iosephus preached in England & at what time he came ouer, 23, a all,
  • Ireland in times past called Scot­land. 14, b 30
  • Irish sometime inhabited a parcell of Britaine, 6, a 10. A kind of Scots noted by Ierom, 6, a 10. yéeld to subscribe to receiue no Scots into their dominion, 6, b 10
  • Irish Scots speake the Irish toong 14, b 20
  • Iron, 238, a 60
  • Isis described and what streames run thereinto, 92, b 20
  • Isuriu [...] whense it taketh denomi­nation, 93, a 30
  • Italie called the paradise of the world, 110, a 10
  • Italians fiue successiuelie bishops of Worcester, 142, b 20
  • Iuie cup whether it will hold wine or no, 239, b 50
  • Iulius Cesar subdued all Bri­taine, 118, b 30. Corrected the ca­lendar, 242, b 60
  • Iupiter why feigned to throw downe stones vpon Albion and Bergion, 4, a 60
  • Iustices of peace and coram, other­wise oier and determiner, 156, a 30
K.
  • KEeper lord priuie feale his dig­nitie, 164, b 40
  • Kempe Thomas a poore mans son his fortunat prefermēts, 140, b 40
  • Kensands a forked arme of the sea receiuing diuerse riuers, 86, a 30
  • Kent what hauens it hath, 108, b 10 A kingdome called Gantwar­land and the limits therof, 16, a 50
  • Kine kéeping profitable, 219, b 60, 220, a 10
  • Kings college at Cambrige of what stone it is builded, 234, b 60
  • Kings hill in Rochford & of a court kept there after midnight, 156, b 10
  • Kings Newnam baths, 214, b 60
  • Kingstone vpon Thames in times past verie famous, 219, b 10
  • Kisse dangerous & deadlie, 231, a 50
  • Kneuet sir Edmund knight for stri­king in the princes court should haue lost his hand, 197, b 40
  • Knight none borne but created, and how, 158, b 60
  • Knight of the garter how disgra­ded, 161, b 50. His maner of buri­all, 161, b 40
  • Knight red, Fowkes de Warren, & why so called, 15, b 40
  • Knights of the Bath, 159, a 40
  • Knights of the garter: note, 159, a 60, 106, b 40
  • Knights of the round table, 159, b 10
  • Knols knight Robert begā to build Rochester bridge, 52, b 60
L.
  • LAbourers by the date, &c: the fourth degrée of people in En­gland, 163, b 50
  • Ladies of the court enimies to idle­nesse, 196, b 20
  • Ladies that made great gaine by selling ventson and butter, 204, b 50
  • Lake. ¶ Sée Waters.
  • Lancashire in times past hath had store of [...]rre, 214, a 40
  • Lancaster whense it tooke the name, 85, b 20. Wherof ladie Wake was duchesse, 143, b 40. It hath béene wholie forrest heretofore, 206, b 30
  • Landaffe bishoprikes erection, cir­cuit, and valuation, 145, a 10
  • Langton bishop of Lichfield benefi­ciall to his clergie, 143, a 20
  • Language British with the Gréeke hath great affinitie, 12, b 60 Eng­lishmen apt to learne anie forren, 14, a 30. ¶ Sée Toong▪
  • Languages spoken in this Ile of Britaine, 12, b 40
  • Lapidaries outlandish their subtil­tie, 239, b 30
  • Lath, whereof named and what it is, 153, b 30
  • Law Agraria kicked against, 183, a 60
  • Law ciuill and canon and their vse 179, b 30
  • Law common and customarie, 180, a 40
  • Law of parlement, 179, b 60
  • Law of Hal [...]ax, 185, b 20
  • Law Ordalia [...] described, 177, b 40, 178, a 20
  • Law vndooth men: note, 181, a 60
  • Law for lawfull age and wardship of heires, 122, a 50
  • Lawes of England for a long time written in French, 13, b 50. Of thrée sorts, whervpon dependeth the English gouernement, 179, b 50. How passed in parlement, 173, 174. Their great numbers bréed a generall contempt of all good order, 111, a 60. In vse be­fore the conquest, 176, b 50▪ 177, 178, 179, b 10. Altered and abro­gated, 177, b 40. Giuen in sun­drie places of the land and why, 177, b 40. Since the comming o [...] the Normans, 179, b 10. Since the first inhabitation thereof, 176, b 50. Manie made, none kept, 213, b 30
  • Lawes of Canutus made for his forrest, 206, b 50, 207, a 10. Of Edward the confessor, 122, b 50. Of Mulmutius in vse to this daie, 177, b 10
  • Lawes made against learning, 153, a 10
  • Lawes penall, 180, a 30
  • Lawdaies, 155, b 10. Accustomablie vsed in the arches, 182, a 10
  • Lawiers of England not alwaies constant in iudgement, 179, b 40▪ haue all the wealth of the land: note, 180, b 50. Manie stooped not at small fées, 181, a 20. ¶ Sée At­turnies, 156, a 10
  • Led, 237, b 20. Blacke and white, 236, b 10
  • Ledmines in Wales, 238, a 10
  • Léets of our time wherof they beare a shadow, 154, a 10
  • Legion what it conteined, 190, a 60
  • Leicester how called in the Romans time, 191, a 20
  • Lelands notes intricate of set pur­pose (as may be suspected) 63, b 40
  • Lep yeare. ¶ Sée Calendar and yeare.
  • Lerning how effectuall, 152, b 30. Lawes made against it and what followed, 153, a 10. Choked by the Uandals and Goths: note, 186, a 10
  • Lestrigo weakened by the slaugh­ter of his brethren, 4, a 60. He and his issue pla [...]e the tyrants, 4, a 10
  • Lether for shooes ill wrought, 212, b 50, 213, a 10
  • Leucotion like sa [...]ron, 232, b 60
  • Lhoegres now called England: 116, a 50. And how inlarged, 92, b 60
  • Licences for priuat profit wished to be les [...]e granted, 111, b 10
  • Lichfield called Mortuorum campus, note, 142, a 30. It and Couen­trie counted but one citie, 189, b 30. The bishoprikes erection, circuit, and valuation, 142, b 60
  • Liddesdale without the marches of England, 91, a 20
  • Lieutenants appointed in shires when and why, 155, a 30
  • Lild Thomas bishop of Elie at con­tention with the king of Eng­land, 143, b 10
  • Lilingwan lake in Wales of strong nature, 211, a 60
  • Limendune what it signifieth, 56, a 10
  • Lincolne how called in the Romans [Page] time, 190, b 10. Somtime builded by Lud brother to Cassibelan, 214, a 60. Written Nicholl by the Normās, 100, b 30. In times past had two & fiftie parish churches, 193, b 40. Bishoprikes erectiō, cir­cuit, and valuation, 144, b 60
  • Lincolneshire what hauens it hath, 108, a 40
  • Lincolnshire men in times past cal­led Coritani, 100, b 10
  • Lindeseie so named of ye riuer Lin­dus, 100, b 50
  • Lindus or Lindor the head citie in Lincolneshire and why so named, 100, b 10
  • Lion ouerthrowne and killed of A­lexander, 226, b 10
  • Lions in England in times past manie in the north parts, 225, b 10
  • Locrine the eldest sonne of Brute, & what part of Britaine was gi­uen him, 116, a 50. King of Scot­land, 116, b 30. He seized vpon Al­bania as excheted vnto himselfe, 117, a 20
  • Locust and the grashopper whether all one or no, 229, b 10
  • Lode stone, 239, b 30
  • Lodging hard in England some­times, now amended, 188, b 40
  • Logike and Rhetorike out of Gal­lia into Britaine, 20, b 10
  • Lomund lake swelleth outragious­lie in calme and windie weather, 88, a 60
  • London called Trenouant erected by Brute, 116, a 10. Sometimes called Augusta and why, 217, b 10 How called in the Romans time, 190, a 60. Old and ruinous & in­habited onelie by Britons, 191, a 60. No innes worsse than there, 247, a 10. Bishoprike by whome erected, and the circuit of the same, &c. 140, b 60
  • Lopoole a riuer why so named, 63, b 60. Full of trout and éeles, 64, a 10
  • Lord a title vnited to some offices, 157, b 30, A title grudged at as not fit for bishops, 157, b 40
  • Lords by office publike and priuat, in their dignities: note, 164, b 40. In Englād how manie, 165, a 20
  • Loue in mastifes, 231, a 40
  • Lucius K. of Britaine brings true religion to a kind of good forme, 23, b 40, 50. Sendeth for a forme of discipline to Rome, 24, b 40. The first christian king of this nation counted, 119, b 50. Whe­ther the church that he builded at London stood at Westminster or in Cornehill, 24, a 60. The errors of them noted which saie that he renounced his kingdome and be­came a pope, 25, b 10
  • Lucius king of Celts, 4, a 40. Deli­uered from an vsurper, 4, a 60
  • Lume riuer (giuing the name to Lancaster) [...]escribed, 85, b 20
  • Lunarie an hearbe, and the strange effects thereof, 131, a 10
  • Lycisca a kind of dog, 232, a 10
  • Lydius lapis, 235, a 60
M.
  • MAdder a commoditie sometime in England, 111, a 40
  • Magi and why so called, 19, b 10
  • Magus the sonne of Samothes & what learning he taught in Al­bion, 19, a 20
  • Maine Iland sixtéene miles in length, &c: described, 43, a 60
  • Maldon a towne erected out of the ruines of Ithancester, 106, a 10
  • Malefactors, 184, b 10. ¶ Sée Pu­nishments.
  • Malice of mankind what mischéefe and reuenge it séeketh, 106, a 10
  • Malt & the making therof, 169, a 40. The best how tried, 169, b 10
  • Malton and of a prouerbe there v­sed, 94, a 60
  • Man Ile, kings, and petie kings thereof, 38, b 30. ¶ Sée Ile and Mona.
  • Manifold riuer and why so named, 97, a 30
  • Manslaughter how in times past and how now punished, 185, b 10
  • Marble mines, 235, a 10. White, store in England, 235, a 20. ¶ Sée Me­tals and Minerals.
  • Marbodeus commendation of the English geat stone and pearle, 239, a 30, b 10
  • Marchasites called of the Grecians pyrites: note, 215, b 60
  • Markets & faires in England, 202, a 10. On the sundaie to be redres­sed, 213, b 50. Abused, 203, b 10. How they would be better serued than they are, 204, a 10. Of horsse, 220, b 40. ¶ Sée Faires.
  • Marishes in Englād, 211, b 60. And [...]enie bogs, 214, a 30. ¶ Sée Fens.
  • Marle, 236, b 60. White (excellent good cōpesting of ground) in En­gland, 109, a 30
  • Marquesse a name of honor next the duke, 157, a 30. Created of the prince, 158, a 60. In England but one, 164, b 60
  • Marterne a beast of chase, 226, a 10
  • Martia Proba hir lawes in vse to this daie, 177, b 20
  • Martyrs that suffered for the gos­pell in Britaine, 25, a 60
  • Masse hindered by the comming in of waters into the minster of Sa­lisburie, 57, a 50
  • Massinissa confidence in dogs, 231, a 60
  • Mast of oke, hogs meat and hens meat, 212, b 50
  • Mastife whereof named, 231, a 10. ¶ Sée Dogs.
  • Maximus the first that draue the Scots out of Britaine, 6, a 60
  • Mead a kind of drinke made in Es­sex, 170, b 20
  • Medowes in England great store and why, 110, a 10
  • Medwaie water in Kent described, 52, a 30
  • Meliùs inquirendū: a writ, 137, a 60
  • Merchants & their dealings, 163, a 10. Their attire least altered in England, 172, b 60. Their coue­tous dealing to be redressed, 213, b 50. Their diet: note, 167, a 40. Their follie in carrieng ouer sea English rams & ewes, 221, a 10
  • Merlin Syluestris where buried, 35, b 40
  • Merseie riuer of no lesse fame than most in our Iland, 84, a 10, b 40
  • Merton Walter bishop of Rochester and lord chancellor of England, 141, a 60
  • Mesures diuerse in the markets of Englād, 203, b 30. ¶ Sée Markets.
  • Mettals, 237, a 10
  • Metheglin the Welshmens Nectar, 170, b 10
  • Milke of what beast best, 221, b 30
  • Milites. 158, b 60
  • M [...]stones, 235, b 10
  • Minerals, 236, a 30
  • Minerall stone, 236, b 20
  • Minister not to be striken, and how punishable, 197, b 60
  • Min [...]sters kéepe hospitalitie, 139, a 10. How weaponed when they trauell, 199, b 20. Primitiue church how prouided of able ones 139, b 60, 140, a 10. They & decons in the church of England, 136, a 40. Unlearned how & by whom they swarmed, 158, a 50. Why not so manie learned as otherwise would be, 140, a 10. Gréeuouslie charged with diuers impositions, 137, a b. They haue no such means to ease themselues of taxations as laiemen, 137, a 30. Shameful­lie abused, 137, b 20. In thredbare gownes: note a practise, 139, a 50. Learned not mainteineable by di­uerse liuings in Englād, 136, b 10
  • Mints diuerse in England in old time and where kept, 219, a 20
  • Minute what part of time, 241, a 60
  • Miracle of Doue riuer rising excée­dinglie without apparant cause, 98, b 50
  • Miracles wrought by praiers and other meanes of certeine saints, 68, a 30
  • Mochoacan, 209, a 60
  • Mona greater than Angleseie by a third, 37, a 60. Townes, riuers, hils, hauens, & maner of gouerne­ment there, 38, a 10. Wonne from the Scots by the princes of En­gland, 37, b 50. It had a king in Henrie the second times, 38, b 30. Once spoiled by the Scots, by whom, and when, 37, b 30. Descri­bed by the name of Mona Caesaris, 37, a 50
  • Mona bishoprike named Episcopa­tus Sodorensis, in the Ile of Man 146, a 60
  • Monbecke riuer march betweene Hereford and Monmouthshires, 73, a 60
  • Moneth diuided into calends, ides, and nones, 243, a 10
  • Moneths whereof they consist and how reckoned, 24 [...], b 30
  • Monie purchaseth all things: note, 139, b 20. Of copper currant in Britaine before the Romans comming hither, 217, a 40. ¶ Sée Co [...]es.
  • Moone in what time she maketh hir full reuolution, 242, b 50 La [...]ie of moistu [...]e and ripener of wines, 111, a 30
  • Moonkes commended and discom­mended, 193, b 60. They and here­mits onelie allowed of in Bri­taine, 26, [...] 50, 60. Slaine 2100 in the quarrell o [...] Augustine, 35, b 40 More than 2100 in the college o [...] abbeie of Bangor, 26, b 40. Bene­dictine in the abbeie at Awdle [...]e end, 103, a 60. What apparell they ware, 83, a 40. Of Canturburie plagued, 27, a 50. Of Feuersham cousening of a gentleman of his lands, 106, b 40. Of Founteins abbeie lustie, 94, b 60
  • Monmouth & Glamorganshires, & what riuer is march betwéene them, 75, a 20
  • Monuments found at the bigging of the ruines of Uerolamium, 191 b 50. 192, a 10. ¶ Sée Antiquities.
  • Mortimer Roger, 159, b 30
  • Mothelagh a Saxō word, 155, b 10
  • Mount Iland (hauing no inhabi­tants) described, 33, a 50
  • Mount of saint Michaell described by Leland, 33, b 10
  • Mountacute lord William earle of Sarum selleth the Ile of Man & the crowne thereof, 37, b 50
  • Mountioy lord egregiouslie abused about his minerals, 236, b 10
  • Municipium what it is, 191, b 30
  • Munition. ¶ Sée Armour.
  • Murana a towne néere to Uenice situat on the Adriatike sea, 167, a 20
  • Murther wilfull how punished, 184, b 60
  • Musters of able men for warre ta­ken, An. 1574, & 1575. pag. 198, b 20
N.
  • NAuie of Edgar of 1600 aliàs 3600 sailes, 201, b 50
  • Nauie of England of thrée sorts, 200, b 30. ¶ Sée Ships.
  • Nauigation mainteined by the Ro­mās, 214, a 10. Either neglected or not knowne how hurtfull, 201, b 10
  • Nauis how to be vnderstood, 200, a 50
  • Neomagus a citie in England, 189, b 60
  • Nephilim. ¶ Sée Giant.
  • Neptune god of the sea, and how he obteined to be so reputed, 3, b 40. His thrée & thirtie sonnes, 4, a 10
  • Nesse a riuer neuer frosen and well stored with sammon, 88, b 20
  • Newport a towne of the east Sax­ons, 103, a 50
  • Newstria lieth opposit frō Austria, that is, the east region, 6, b 60
  • Newton baths or wels medicina­ble, 215, a 50
  • Newtons the surnames of the ladie Cobhams ancestrie, 69, a 20
  • Nichomedes king of Bithinia, 231, a 50
  • Nidde riuer called Nidor in ye booke of statutes, 95, a 10
  • Niddesdale is so named of the riuer Nide, 88, a 50
  • Night & the parts thereof, 242, a 10
  • Nisi prius wherevpon growne to be so manie & so common, 156, a 10
  • Noah first diuided the earth among his sonnes, 1, b 10. His posteritie in Italie, 4, a 10
  • Noblemēs [...]iet in Englād, 166, a 60
  • Nones foure or six in euerie moneth & why so named, 243, a 60
  • Normans first comming into Bri­taine, whense they came, and of what people they consisted, 6, b 60. Builded manie towns & villages in England, 192, b 60. Why dead­lie enimies to ye English Saxōs, 7, a 10. Preferred to the best pla­ces of authoritie in England, 132, a 40. All (saue thrée or foure) bani­shed out of the land by the king for their vile dealing, 133, a 50. Glut­tonous, 170, b 60
  • Northampton said to be the middest of England, 48, b 40
  • Northfolke what hauens it hath, 108, a 50
  • Northumberlād a kingdome other­wise called Brennicia vnder Id [...] 16, b 60. In manner inclosed be­twéene the Tweed and the Tine, 88, b 60. What hauens it hath, 108, a 30
  • Northumbers kingdome how farre sometimes extended, 88, b 40
  • Norwich sometimes called Venta Icenorum, 104, a 60. The bishop­rikes erection, circuit, and valua­tion, 144, a 50
  • Nouiomagus a citie in England, 189, b 50
  • Numbers fatall to women & men, 28, b 10
  • Nundina dea, 243, a 60
O.
  • OEnon a citie builded sometime by Cham, 9, a 10
  • Offices peculiar to the kings house, 164, b 30. Concerning the whole realme, 164, b 30. In the prince of Englands court furnished with books, 197, a 30
  • Oile in vessels that néerest the top is best, 229, a 20. Odoriferous found in a stone, 236, a 10
  • Oilie Robert builder of Oxford ca­stell, 149, a 10
  • Oisters where continuall eaten, 225, a 20
  • Oke for what vse it is to be reser­ued, 212, b 40. Honored whereon mistle did grow, &c: 20, a 50. Gro­wing in Englād what sort is the softest, 213, a 10. To what vse it was put in times past, 212, a 40. As fine as wainescot, 213, a 20
  • Oke barke bought by the faddam to tan lether withall, 212, b 50
  • [Page] Okes whose rootes are verie hard stone, 130, a 20
  • Orban the Dane a good enginer, maker of ye Turks guns, 199, a 20
  • Orchades which inhabited & which not, 42, b 60. The description of them that belong to the crowne of Scotland, 42, a 40. They & other Ilands when perfectlie vnited to the crowne of Scotland, 43, b 60. Their number and situation, 30, a 10. First inhabited by the Sci­thians, 42, a 40
  • Orchards and gardens in Englād, 208, a 60. Furnished wt all kinds of fruits, 210, a 30 ¶ Sée Gardēs.
  • Ordalian law brought in by the Saxons, 177, b 60, 178
  • Order of the garter by whome first deuised, 141, b 10. The institution and ceremonies thereof: note, 159 a 60, b 40, 160. Degrées of reproch inhibiting from the same, 161, a 50. ¶ Sée Knight.
  • Order of the golden fléese and saint Michaell, 162, a 10
  • Order of the round table, 159, b 10. ¶ Sée Knights.
  • Orders that are good & prouided by law why so easilie brokē, 111, a 60
  • Ordinance. ¶ Sée Guns.
  • Orpiment red and yellow, 236, b 10
  • Orwell hauen aliàs Urewell why so called, 105, a 40
  • Os [...]ert of Barnewell runneth at [...]t with a spirit, 129, a 20
  • Osneie. ¶ Sée Abbe [...]e.
  • Ospraies where they bréed, 227, b 30
  • Ostlers knauerie, 220, b 30. ¶ Sée Innes.
  • Osyris the grandfather of Lestri­go, 4, a 10. Slaine by the sonnes of Nep [...]ne and why, 4, a 20
  • Oth of king Edward the confessor, 132, b 40
  • Ouze riuer described, 92, b 60. Cal­led the third Isis and his fall in­to the sea, 102, a 60
  • Oxen of England not to be matched in all Europe, 220, a 10
  • Oxford how to be thought and estée­med the elder vniuersitie, 152, a 20 Fiftie miles from London, 148, b 10. The longitude and latitude thereof, 148, b 40. Erection of col­leges therein the ouerthrow of halles, 152, a 30. Colleges there with their founders names, 152, The bishoprikes erection, circuit, and valuation, 143, a 30. ¶ Sée Castell, and Uniuersities.
P.
  • PAdstow, a corrupted word for A­dlestow, 64, b 60
  • Palace of the prince, and of striking within it how punished, 197, b 10
  • Palaces belonging to the prince of this land, 195, a 60
  • Pal [...]adius accounted the apostle of the Scots, 27, b 50
  • Pant and what spring méeteth or ioineth with it, 107, a 10. A wa­ter that sometimes hath borne botes: note, 106, a 60
  • Papist did eat brawne in Lent, 222, a 10
  • Papists dedicated their citie gates & ports to Botulph & G [...]es, 22, b 10
  • Parishes how manie in euerie shire of England, 194, a 10
  • Parkes and Warrens in England, 204, a 50. How commonlie inclo­sed, 204, b 10. More in England thā in all Europe, 205, b 6 [...]. None left in England at the comming of the Normans, 205, b 30. Til­lage and mankind diminished by them, 205, a 10
  • Parkekéepers ordinarie sée, 204, b 40
  • Parlement held at Berwike, 125, b 20. At Chester, 73, b 50. At Salis­burie by Edward ye secōd, 57, a 50 Number of the congregats there­in, 180, a 20
  • Parlement court, the orders, offi­cers, and authoritie of the same, 173, a 10
  • Parlement law, 179, b 60
  • Pasalpine in Scotland and why so named, 121, a 30
  • Pasture best in what part of Eng­land and Wales, 109, b 50. It dif­fereth according to the soile, 109, b 50
  • Patrons directed well to bestow benefices in the vacancie, 151, a 10 ¶ Sée Benefices and Ministers.
  • Paules presence in Britaine, 23, a 10
  • Peace mainteined within the prince of Englands court: note, 197, a 60
  • Pedegrées wherin the Britons are diligent and readie, 13, a 60, b 10
  • Pedlers French whereof compact, 183, b 50. ¶ Sée Beggers and Roges.
  • Pelagius brought heresie and mo­nasticall life into Britaine at one time, 26, a 10. Attempted to be suppressed, 27, b 30
  • Pence & small coines when square, and by whome made round, 218, b 60. ¶ Sée Coines and Monie.
  • People in England of foure sorts, 156, b 60. Lesse neuer than now, 205, b 10. Their deca [...]e by diuerse causes, 205, a 10. Their decaie the destructiō of a kingdome, 205, a 30
  • Perie made of peares, 170, b 10
  • Per [...]urie how punished, 185, a 40
  • Perle mother in an Ile of Scot­land, 39, b 60
  • Perles in England, 239, a 60. Mi­nerall, 236, b 20. Why called Ori­ent, 240, a 20. Whether they be good that are found in muskels or no. 240, a 10
  • Peterpence first granted in Eng­land, and by whom, 121, b 10
  • Petifoggers. ¶ Sée Lawiers and Promooters.
  • Peterborow bishoprikes erection, circuit and valuation, 144, b 10
  • Petriolum, 236, b 20
  • Pewter how mixed, compounded, & made, 237, b 50. The garnish, 237, b 40
  • Pewterers verie cunning, 237, b 30. Beyond sea not so cunning as here, 237, b 60
  • Physicke litle vsed among the Or­chades, 42, b 20, 50
  • Physicians partition of the daie and night, 241, b 40. Of our time thanksworthie, 210, a 10
  • Pigmeies Ile in Scotlād, 41, a 60
  • Picts longer planted in Britaine than the Scots, and why so cal­led, 5, b 60. Called Redshanks & Pictons, and when they were set­led in Britaine, 6, a 30. Whether th [...]se be they of whom Cesar spea­keth to staine their faces, &c. 6, a 50 When they came out of Sarma­tia and arriued in Britaine, 6, a 40. From whense they came and arriued in Britain, 6, a 30. Their crueltie in slaieng the English, 17, a 10. The first beginner and finisher of their wall, 117, b 30. They sweare to the king of Bri­taine neuer to erect anie peculiar king of their owne natiō, 118, a 60
  • Pike a deuouring fish, 224, a 20. As he ageth so he receiueth diuerse names, 224, b 30
  • Pirats how punished, 186, a 20
  • Plentie and scarsitie when there is like to be in England. 111, b 40
  • Plentie recompensed with penurie, 233, b 10
  • Plimmouth standeth betwéene two rockes, 61, a 10
  • Plumbum cinereum, 238, b 40
  • Poisoning how punished, 185, a 30
  • Policie of throwing of stones in warres at the enimie, 4, a 50
  • Polymnestor Milesius a swift run­ner, 226, b 40
  • Pomona an Iland called a conti­nent, 42, b 60
  • Pontium the name of Reading in times past, 45, b 60
  • Poore peoples increase in England how it is procured, 193, a 50. Pro­uision for them, 183, a 10. Of thrée sorts, 182, b 50. ¶ Sée Beg­gers.
  • Pope writeth verie vehementlie to the king of England, 144, a 30. His gaine out of England in time of blindnesse, 146, a 30. His generall correction of the calen­dar, 244, a 50
  • Poplar growing in England and serue Turners to make dishes, &c. 213, b 10
  • Porpasse neuer but once heard to be found in Auon, 67, b 10
  • Porphyrie stone, 239, b 20
  • Ports noted by scafaring men, for their benefit vpon the coasts of England, 108, a 10
  • Portchester how called in the Ro­mans time, 191, a 10
  • Portlands commended to be good slingers of stones, 32, a 10
  • Potato root venereons, 167, a 60
  • Pouertie preferred, 140, b 40
  • Praiers of S. Caim effectuall to worke mir [...]cles, 68, a 30
  • Prebends superfluous additamēts to former excesse, 140, a 30
  • Prescription a law, 179, k 50. What it is, 180, b 30
  • President lord of the councell his dignitie, 164, b 40
  • Préests of old in Britaine as arch­bish [...]ps are now, 22, b 40
  • Préests of the Druides in what e­stimation, 20 b 40
  • Préests popish beholdē to their good fréends the Gothes, 223, b 30. What honour was doone to them of old time in Rome, 21, a 10. Ap­parelled in colours like peacocks with spreaded tales, 139, a 10
  • Pretious stones, 239, a 10 How to be tried. 239, b 40
  • Priapus and of the honor that the Saxonish women did him, 27, a 10
  • Prices of things why become ex­cessiue, 203, b 20. ¶ Sée Markets.
  • Prime. ¶ Sée Calendar & Yeare.
  • Prince a title properlie belonging to the kings eldest sonne, 157, a 10
  • Princes palaces, 195, a 60
  • Priuileges doo harme sometimes, 240, b 40. A great cause of ye ruine of the commonwelth, 205, a 60
  • Priuileges of princes palaces, churches and churchyards, 197, a 60
  • Promontorie of Helenus otherwise called Cornwell, 34, b 30. O [...] Her­cules in the West countrie, 4, b 40 Or the byland called Holie head, 36, b 20
  • Promontories of Britaine, 3, a 10
  • Promooters séeke matters to s [...]t lawiers on worke, 181, a 60. ¶ Sée Lawiers.
  • Prouincis onelie two now in Eng­land, 131, a 30
  • Prophesie of Besto castell, 195, a 10
  • Prophesie or conference vsed in churches of England, 135, b 50. Suppressed, 136, a 20
  • Prophesies to be doubted frō what spirit they procéed, 8, a 30
  • Prouerbe, Abushell of rie and ano­ther of malt worth six pence, 94, a 60. Ne musca quidem, 229, a 60. No better féed on Doue banke, 98, b 60. Of plentie and scarsitie like to be in England, When the sand, &c. 111, b 40. Yoong seruing­men old beggers, 164, a 10
  • Psal [...]er by whome distributed into psalmes and appointed to be read amongst the pr [...]bendaries, 147, a 20
  • Pu [...]s a kind of soules described, 44, b 10
  • Pulpit in S. Paules churchyard. ¶ Sée Sermon.
  • Punishments in England for ma­lefactors, 184, b 10. For such as smite within the limits of the princes court prohibited, 197, a 60. In England what greatest, 184, b 30
  • Purueiours pester most places of England: note, 203, b 10
  • Pyramides of stone of the Romans placing, &c. 113, b 10
  • Pyrites found in euerie veine of metall in great plentie: note, 215, b 60
Q.
  • QUalities of the mind according to the qualities of the bodie, 115, a 40
  • Quarell in the daies of Edward the confessor, and what mischeefe grew thervpon, 7, a 10. Of monks Augustine cost 2100 monks liues 35, b 40
  • Quarries what they be and their sundrie sorts, 234, b 30. Of stone [...]now in England: note, 232, b 60, 233, a 10. In Scotland of sun­drie kinds, 109, b 10
  • Quickesiluer, 236, b 10. It and sul­phur father and mother to all met­tals, 237, a 10
R.
  • RAdegund a maid droue crowes to the pound which hurt hir corne whiles she went to masse, 68, a 40
  • Radwinter, the lord whereof at va­riance with the lord of Gwin­bach: note, 106, a 60
  • Ramhounds, 208, a 30
  • Rape à Rapiendo, 154, a 60
  • Rape oil [...] made sometimes within England, 111, a 40
  • Rat Iland and why so named, 34, a 40
  • Rauen & Uulture of some thought to be all one, 227, b 10
  • Reb [...]llion cannot properlie be but of subiects, 118, a 60
  • Read William bishop of Chichester a famous man, 141, a 60
  • Reading named of [...], that is, too­uerflow, 46, a 10. In times past called Pontium and why, 45, b 60
  • Redshanks the wild or rough footed Scots, 14, b 20
  • Religiō that the posteritie of Cha [...] brought ouer into Britaine, 21, b 50, 60, 22, a all. Ancient vsed in Albion, 19, a 10. When it fell in de­caie after it was first established in Albion, 21, b 10. From whense Brute did learne his, 22, a 60. Of the Druides and their chéefe schoole held in Britaine, 20, a 60. Houses thereof in England, their reuenues & number at their disso­lution, 26, a 50, 60, b 10. Corrup­tors of it, 19, b 10
  • Rents inhansed, 189, a 30
  • Reuther king of Scots slaine, 118, a 60
  • Rhée or Rée a Saxon word for a water course, 45, b 60. A word in vse in Essex for a riuer, 46, a 10. A common name of all waters that run from their head, 96, b 40
  • Rhene riuer swalloweth bastards & casteth vp ye right begottē, 46, b 10
  • Richard de la Wich bishop of Chi­chester: note, 240, b 10
  • Richard earle of Warwike, 31, b 60
  • Richmond by whō bu [...]ded, 195, b 60
  • [Page] Richmondshire and Westmerland in some places bounded by the ri­uer Swale. 94, b 10
  • Riddesdale where it lieth, 91, a 20
  • Right mainteined by might, 117, b 10
  • R [...] in the old Scithian toong dooth signifie a region or king­dome, 6, b 60
  • Ripe signifieth the banke of euerie brooke, 240, a 50
  • Riuer what finest for water in all Scotland, 88, b 30 One by Che­ster that changeth hir chanell e­uerie moneth, 129, b 50
  • Riuers in Angleseie and their cour­ses, 81, b 50. Great plentie in En­gland, 109, a 50. That fall into the Thames, 46, a 20. The lesse min­gle their names with the greater, 93, [...] 30. That fall into the sea betwéene the Thames & the Sa­uerne mouth, 53, a 10. In Den­bighshire and Flintshire, 81, b 10. In Deuonshire, 65, a 60. Upon the coast of Northfolke, 103, b 40. That fall & [...]oine with the sea be­twéene number & the Thames, 100, a 10. That fall into the sea in cōpasse of the Iland betwéene the Sauern & Humber, 72, a 10. That discharge themselues into the Sauerne, 68, b 10. Lieng vpō the coast of Southwales, 72, a 10. In Summersetshire, 58, b 60. To be found vpon the Scotish shore, 88, a 30. Of strange qualities as au­thors write, 46, b 10. Two called the two swords, 78, a 10. Thrée called the thrée sisters, 68, b 60. Of forren parts indued with strange properties, 210, b 60
  • Robert a Norman archbishop of Canturburie, 7, a 10. An ambiti­ous priest and contentious, 132, a 40. ¶ Sée Archbishop.
  • Robin whoods baie, 92, a 50
  • Robberies doone in England oft, by whom, & in what maner, 186, a 40
  • Rochester called Durobreuum, 217, b 10. How called in the Romans time, 190, b 60. The bishoprike when, & by whom erected, and the circuit of the same, &c. 140, b 20. A preparatiue to an higher place, 140, b 40. The bridge by whome begun and finished, 52, b 60
  • Rocke called the Horsse more infor­tunate than ten of Setans colts, 78, b 50
  • Rocks called the Checkstones, 60, a 10. Called the cow and calfe verie cruell, 79, a 30. Dangerous lieng on a row vpon the west end of Southwales, called the bishops & his clerks, 78, b 50. Taken for Iles, 33, a 40
  • Roger a bishop builder of Uies ca­stell, 141, b 60
  • Roges how punished, 185, [...]40. Full of much mischéefe: note, 196, b 10. Egyptian, 183, b 50. ¶ Sée Ua­gabonds.
  • Rome a Babylon & sinke of mischéef saith the popes owne factor: note, 136, b 60
  • Romans colonies in what places of this land, 217, b 60. What coins they had, of what mettall, & with what stamps, 217, a 50. Made loo­king glasses of English tin, 237, b 60. Secure authoritie in this land apparant, 217, a 10. Wore lōg haire before they receiued barbars into their citie, 102, b 60. Coine found in Godmanchester, 102, b 60. Cō ­temptuouslie call their fooles, bards, 21, a 50. Diuide all Bri­taine into fiue prouinces, 17, b 30. What hauens in Britaine they v­sed for their passage & repassage to and fro, 3, a 30. Armie consisted of many sorts of people, 5, b 40. Sub­due Britaine to their dominion, 5, b 10. Brought in the Latine toong into Britaine, 13, b 20. In what places of Britaine they planted their legions, 5, b 30. Wofull ghests to Britaine and why, 5, b 40. Their senat fol­lowed the trade of merchandize, 204, b 60. Decrée for the restraint of superfluous grasing, 213, b 60. Brought fallow déere first into this land, 204, b 20. Prescribed li­mits to euerie mans tenure, 193, b 50. Coine found in the course of the Pictish wall, 128, a 50. Deui­sed Gauell kind first, & why, 180, a 60. Brought in the gelding of cocks, 223, [...]40. Placed certeine pyramides of stones, 113, b 10. Sometime inhabited Cabridge, 91, a 10. Soiourned at Chester, 73, b 50. Their ancient calendar, 242, b 60 ¶ Sée Britaine.
  • Romeneie a march betwéene Mon­mouth & Glamorganshire, 75, a 20
  • Romeneie marsh in old time called Romana or Romanorum insula, 3, a 30
  • Rootes. ¶ Sée Gardens.
  • Rose that bare a triple number of leaues to thrée score vpō one but­ton, 210, b 30
  • Rot in shéepe and cattell whense it commeth, 221, b 10
  • Rother riuer separateth Suffex frō Kent, 53, b 10
  • Rouers. ¶ Sée Pirats.
  • Round Ile, & why so called, 39, b 40.
  • Runners on foote verie swift, 226, b 40
  • Rutters deride our new archerie, 198, a 60
S.
  • SAint Albans martyrdome found written in an old booke, 191, b 60
  • S. Albons when most of all it excel­led, 191, a 60. How called in the Romans time, 190, b 30. Some­times Uerlamcester, 113, a 20. ¶ Sée Verolamium.
  • S. Andrews in Scotland standeth vpon the mouth of the lake Lon­dors, 88, b 40
  • S. Assaphs bishoprikes erection, circuit, and valuation, 145, a 50
  • S. Cutberts foules, 44, b 10
  • S. Dauids bishopriks erection, cir­cuit and valuation, 145, a 20
  • S. Dauidsland, 78, b 60. 79, a 10
  • S. Iames sometimes a nonnerie by whom builded. 195, b 60
  • S. Magnus bole, 42, b 10
  • S. Marie ouer Rhée, 45, b 60. 46, a 10
  • S. Néeds. ¶ Sée Newton.
  • S. Osmond, why commended and extolled by the papists, 141, b 40
  • S. Patrikes staffe full of vertue, 68, a 40
  • S. Uincents bath, 214, b 30
  • Sabrina a wood compounded of A­ber and Ina, &c. 68, b 20
  • Sacrifices of mankind to idols and yet thought most acceptable, 22, b 10, 20
  • Saffron in England described and the dressing thereof, 232, a 40. Not commonlie planted here till Ri­chard the seconds time, 234, a 60. English reckoned among spices, 232, a 40. How commonlie priced, 233, a 10. That more deceit is v­sed in no trade more, and how to perceiue it, 233, b 60. Hot in the se­cond and drie in the first degrée, 233, b 60. When great plentie and whē scarsitie, 233, b 10. The ver­tues thereof, 234, a 10. When the cōmoditie of it was first brought into this Iland, 234, a 60. Where the gretest mart is for it, 234, b 60
  • Salisburie the old how it tell into vtter decaie, 56, b 60, 57, a 10. The new when begun and hindered by waters, 57, a 30. The bishopr [...]e by whom erected, and of the cir­cuit, and iurisdiction of the same, 141, b 40. ¶ Sée Sarisburie.
  • Salsa parilla, 209, a 60
  • Salt artificiall of sundrie sortes: note, 240, a 40. Baie salt made in England, 241, a 20
  • Saltpéeter, 236, b 60
  • Salters thrée hundred in Wich, 240 a 60
  • Salt springs thrée in the towne of Wich, 240, a 60
  • Sammons where in season, when out of season else where, 72, a 40. When to be taken, 224, a 10, Of the greatest size in what riuers of Scotland to be found, 88, b 20. Taken in the Thames, 46, b 10
  • Samothea the name of Britaine a long while called, 3, a 60
  • Samothes brought a parcell of the linage of Iaphet into Britaine, 5, a 60. One of the sonnes of Ia­phet, 3, a 80. The religion that he published in Albion, 19, a 10 ¶ Sée Dis.
  • Satisburie so named of Saron, 190 a 10
  • Saron the son of Magus and what teaching he practised in Albion, 19, a 30
  • Saronides and whereof they were so called, 19, a 30
  • Sauerne described, & what waters discharge themselues thereinto, 68, b 10. Whense it tooke his name, 68, b 20. Wherein comparable to the Thames and wherein infe­riour, 68, b 40
  • Saxons diuided this land into fa­milies, 153, a 50. Builded manie townes & villages in England, 192, b 60. What natiōs came with them into Britaine, 5, a 30. Left no idoll vnhonored no not filthie Priapus, 27, a 10. Cōuerted from paganisme by Augustine ye monke 27, a 20. Became first acquainted with Britaine, 6, b 10. Under Hēgists armie in Britaine, 6, b 20 What name they gaue the wéeke daies, 242, a 60. The Hormans why deadlie enimies to the Eng­lish Saxons, 7, a 10. Their kings vsed to be crowned at Kings towne vpon Thames, 219, b 10
  • Schooles of Grammar a great nū ­ber through out England, 150, b 10. Full of abuses and by what means, 249, b 60
  • Schooles in the primitiue church vnder the bishops iurisdiction, 139, b 50
  • Scithians arriue in Albania, made thēselues Scots, 117, b 60. First inhabited the Orchades, 42, a 40
  • Scolds how punished, 185, b 60
  • Scorie Edward builder of the new crosse in the market place of Chi­chester, 141, b 10
  • Scorpion, 228, b 20
  • Scots why so often ouercome of the English, 114, b 20. Alwaies desi­rous to shake off the English sub­iection, haue often made odious attempts so to doo, but in vaine, 116, b 50. Enter in league with Charles king of France, & what effect followed, 120, b 60, 121, a 10. Newlie arriue in Albania and crowne a second Fergus king, 118, b 10. Their king feined him­selfe a minstrell & harped before him: note dissimulation, 121, b 50. Slender shift alledging that their kings homage to the kings of England was for the earledome of Huntingdon, 123, b 10. 124, a 10. Driuen out of all the bounds of Britaine by Coell, 118, a 60. Their dreame that a stone (now at Westminster) was the same wheron Iacob slept when he sted into Mesopotania, 125, b 20. Thréescore thousand slaine at Fawkirke, 125, b 60. Des [...]tute of anie heire to the crowne from A­lexander their last king, 125, a 10. Palladius accounted their apo­stle, 27, b 50. Called Scoti because they are an obscure nation in the sight of the world, 6, a 20. Wild called the Redshanks or Rough­footed Scots, & why so called, 14, b 20. Mixed of the Scithian and Spanish bloud, 5, b 50. When they arriued in Britaine out of Ire­land, 5, b 50. They came stealing into Britaine and are no long continuers, 5, b 50. Neuer made cōquest in England, 8, a 10. Great crakers, braggers, and liers in their histories, 8, a 10. Properlie the Redshanks and Irish, 6, a 10. First driuen out of Britaine by Maximus, 6, a 60. Dwelt some­time in the Ile of Man, 37, b 10. Greatlie giuen to witcheraft and vnto sorcerie, 37, b 60. Used to féed on the buttocks of boies and womens paps, 6, a 20. ¶ Sée I­rish, & Picts.
  • Scotland had sometimes two king­domes, besides that of the Or­chades, 16, a 30. Stored with plē ­tie of quarries of sundrie sorts, 109, b 10. Iles in it, 39, a 10 Hun­ting that their princes vsed, 226, b 10. Not so fruitfull as Wales, 109, a 10. The souereigntie of it all belongeth of right to the kings of England, 117, a 10. A parcell of ground besides the new palace of Westminster why so called, 122, a 40. All the holds thereof taken by Constantine king of Britaine into his owne possession, 120, a 10. How it first tooke that denomina­tion, 117, b 60. Deliuered vp of the king by his letters patents, 127, a 10. When the Orchades and o­ther Ilands were vnited perfect­lie to the crowne thereof, 43 b 60. All the land inhabited with Bri­tons, 118, a 60. Giuen to gorman­dising and bellichéere, 165, b 60. Under the dominiōs of the kings of Britaine, 118, b 60. Conuerted to the faith of Christ, 27, b 10. The first attempt of the bishop of Rome to bring it vnder his obe­dience, 27, b 30. Thrée seuerall toongs spoken in it, 14, b 10
  • Scroope William the kings vice­chamberlaine bought the Ile of Man and the crowne thereof, 37, b 50
  • Seas tempestuous about the Or­chades and why, 42, b 50
  • Seculum. ¶ Sée Aeuum.
  • Seimors descent supposed to be from Eldulph de Samor a noble man of Britaine, 120, a 40
  • Semiramis / ouercōmeth Stauro­bates to his losse, 3, b 60
  • Sermon at Paules crosse and the pulpit when first ordeined, and builded, 140, b 50
  • Sermons ordinarie in cathedrall churches, 135, a 62
  • Seruice in the vulgar toong offen­siue to the popes, 138, a 60
  • Seruingmen noted, 164, a 10. Shif­ters and robbers, 196, a 40
  • Sessions quarterlie and petie sessi­ons, 156, a 50
  • Seton in Deuonshire full of aliens that sought the conquest of Eng­land, &c: note, 59, a 20
  • Seuerus by birth a Romane but in bloud a Briton, 118, b 60. Fini­sher of the Picts wall, 127, b 30
  • Shaftesburie how called in the Ro­mans [Page] time, 190, b 60
  • Sheepe of England passe all other. 221, a 10. Without horns, 221, a 40 Wild o [...]t hunted but seldome or neuer [...]ten, 41, a 40. As big as our fallow deere. 41, a 20
  • Shilling currant of siluer, when [...] by whom first coined. 218, b 60
  • Ship called great Henrie, 200, b 20
  • Ships well builded how far they will passe in a wéeke, 201, b 60. Of fiue hundred tun, &c: 201, a 50. Old of what burthen, and how ours & theirs differ, 200, a 50, b 20 Belonging to the queenes maie­stie and hir seruice, 200, b 40. 201 a 10. The northerlie regiōs [...]tie not theirs with iron, and whie, 3, b 50. The maner of dressing them in old time, 3, b 50. Wrought of wickers sometime vsed in Brit­taine, 3, b 60. Made of canes, 3, b 60. When first made and prouided in this Iland, 20, b 20. Made of wicker and couered with buffle hides, 201, b [...]0
  • Shires fortie in England, 154, a 60. By whom first made out, 153, a 50 Some lieng in [...]d parcels, 154, b 60, 155, a 10. Diuided into la [...]hes, 153, b 30. In time of néed haue their lieutenants, 155, a 30. The number of their market townes & parishes, 194, a 10. Such as send knights and burgesses to the par­lement, 174, b 40. Thirtéene in Wales, 154, a 60
  • Shires and shares all one, 153, a 60
  • Shirifles authoritie and office, and the reason of the name, 155, a 40. Their turne, 155, b 10
  • Shireburne bishoprike diuided into thrée, 142, a 40
  • Shelts a kind of dogs out of Ise­land, 231, b 40
  • Shooters hill and the length of the saie, 109, a 50
  • Shrimps in Midwaie as much estéemed as the westerne smelts, 52, b 10
  • Shrewes Ile in Scotland, 40, a 40
  • S [...]ill king of Britons warreth a­gainst ye Scots, 118, a 60. He & his brother at ciuill discord, 118, [...] 60
  • S [...]er made of apples, 170, b 10
  • S [...]cester how called in the Ro­mans time, 190, b 50
  • Sillan Ilands their number & dif­ference in greatnesse, 33, b 40
  • Siluer not wanting in England, 237, a 50. How producted and in­gendred, 237, a 30
  • Simonie practised to obteine a bi­shoprike, 137, b 40
  • Simples thrée [...]dred in a litle gar­den of litle aboue thrée hundred foot of ground, 210, b 40. ¶ Sée Gardens,
  • Sistérs thrée being thrée riuers, 68, b 60
  • Sisters seuen being seuen springs in an [...]ll, 66, a 60
  • Sitomagus a citie in England, 189, b 50
  • Skie the greatest Ile about Scot­land, 40, b 20. ¶ Sée Ile & Ilāds.
  • Skipton castell by whome founded and finished, 31, b 50
  • Slate of sundrie colors, 235, b 30
  • Slaues none in England, 163, b 50
  • Sloworine described, 2 [...]8, b 10
  • Smithfield in the east giuen by Ca­nutus to certein knights, 111, a 10
  • Snake described, 228, a 60
  • Snowdoonie hils verie famous, 80, b 10
  • Soda salt, 236, b 60
  • Sonchus somewhat like our saf­fron, 233, b 10
  • Southāpton hauē described, 53, a 30
  • Spaniards set whole woods on fire in the west Indies, 212, a 10. Their words at the sight of the small munition in England, 198, a 20. Their words at the English plaine building and great fare, 187, a 40
  • Spaniels, 230, a 10, 60. ¶ Sée Dogs
  • Sparhawkes nature, 227, a 60
  • Specular stones, 239, b 20. ¶ Sée Stones.
  • Spider and the flie, 229, a 40
  • Spider of Naples, 228, b 20
  • Spirit that ran at tilt in complet armor in a moone shine night, 129, a 20
  • Spring néere Saffron walden of a notable ve [...]tge, 211, b 50
  • Springs seuen in an hill called the seuen sisters, 66, a 60. ¶ Sée Ri­uers and Waters.
  • Scafford how called in old time, 191, a 50
  • Stag accounted the noblest game to hunt, & so others in degrée, 226, a 50
  • Starre honoring how hatched at the first, 21, b 50, 60. 22. a 10
  • Sta [...]es. ¶ Sée Weapons.
  • Statutes penall not executed, 212, b 60, 213, a 10. ¶ Sée Lawes.
  • Staurobates his ships of canes wherein he sought against S [...] ­miramis, 3, b 60
  • Stéele, 238, b 40
  • Stéeples in France how manie, 139, b 10
  • Stephan king of England licenced his barons to build castels, but with repentance, 194, b 10. Ill dealt withall of his clergie, 133, b 40. 134, a 10
  • Sterbirie a place where an armie hath lien, 218, a 30
  • Stockfish is light loding saie the Hollanders or Hulmen, 235, b 40
  • Stone that had verie swéet fauou­ring oile in it, 236, a 10. Regall of Scotland now in Westminster abbeie, and called Iacobs stone, 125, b 20. Huge at Pe [...]ber in Gu [...]therie parish, 130, a 50. Spe­cular vsed before glasse was knowne, 187, b 60. Uerie great, how moueable, & how vnmouea­ble, 130, b 10. Pretious how to be tried, 239, b 40. Used & dedicated in times past to building of chur­ches, 234, b 30. ¶ Sée Quarries.
  • Stones vpon Salisburie plaine to be woondered at, 129, a 60. Found vpon certeine hils in Glocester­shire: note, 239, b 60. Throwne a defense against the enimie, 4, a 50. Found in the heads of certein fi­shes, 240, a 10. Pretious, 239, a 10 Taken out of oisters, toads, mus­kels, &c: 239, b 60. With verie strāge things found in them, 235, b 50. Including graines of gold, 235, b 60. Fashioned like cockles & mightie oisters, 130, a 10. Of sun­drie sorts & not of common kinds where dailie found, 215, b 60
  • Strangers suffered to vse our pri­uileges & commodities in Eng­land, &c: which we may not doo in their countrie, 115, b 10
  • Streames that fall into the sea be­twéene the Thames & the mouth of Seuerne, 53, a 10. ¶ Sée Ri­uers.
  • Siure riuer whereof Sturbridge faire hath his name, 103, a 60. Parteth Essex from Suffolke, 105, a 40. By Ptolomie called E­domania, 105, a 50. With his six heads described, 57, a 60. With what kind of fishes it aboun­deth, 57, b 40
  • Sturbridge faire the most famous mart in England. 103, a 60
  • Sturgeon great plētie in Midwaie riuer in times past, 52, b 10. Ta­ken in Rochester water & giuen to the queene, 67, b 10
  • Sturton baronie whense it taketh the name, 57, b 10. What the lord giueth in his armes, 57, b 10
  • Subsidies greater imposed vpō the clergie than the la [...]e, 137, a 20
  • Suffolke what hauens it hath, 108, a 60
  • Su [...]omaca. ¶ Sée Barnet.
  • Sulphur, 236, b 10. It and quicksil­uer father and mother to all met­tals, 237, a 10
  • Summerset place, 195, b 50. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Summersetshire & Glocestershire parted asunder by Swinford ri­uer, 68, a 30, Cold baths there, 214, b 40
  • Sunne lost his light in the daies of Athelstane, 59, a 40
  • Sundaie prophaned, 213, b 50. By paltrie faires, 244, b 60
  • Superstition of some foolish countri­folks when their cattell die of the garget, 110, a 40
  • Sussex separated from Kent by the riuer of Rother, 53, b 10, A king­dome vnder E [...]la the Saxon, 16, b 10. What hauēs it hath, 108, b 20
  • Sutherie why so called, 45, b 60
  • Swale riuer the bound in some pla­ces betwéene Richmondshire and Westmerland, 94, b 10
  • Swifts a noisome vermin, 228, b 30
  • Swine in England, & how diuerslie their flesh is vsed, 221, b 50
  • Swineford riuer parted Summer­set and Glocestershires asunder, 68, a 30
  • Swords two being two riuers so named, 78, a 10
  • Syria Phenices, 187, b 60
T.
  • TAbaco. 209, a 50
  • Taberd made of English pearle 239, b 60
  • Taffe a citie of countenance indued with the see cathedrall of a bishop, 74, b 20
  • Taffe a swift riuer and violent in Glamorganshire described, 74, b 20
  • Tagus riuer yéeldeth clots of gold, 46, b 10
  • Tale of a Welshman that slept be­twixt two swords with a knife at his hart, 78, a 10
  • Tame riuer and the course thereof, 96, b 10. Diuideth Chestershire & Lancastershire, 84, a 20
  • Tanners buie oke by the faddam yearel [...]e in Maie, 212, b 50
  • Tanster his diuision of the daie and the night, 241, b 60
  • Tapsters. ¶ Sée Innes.
  • Tarantula or Neapolitan spider, 228, b 20
  • Taw the finest riuer for water that is in all Scotland, 88, b 30
  • Tax. ¶ Sée Benefices, & Tenths.
  • T [...]fie a noble riuer, where the be­ [...]er is onelie found, 79, a 50
  • Tench is the pikes leach or surge­on: note, 224, a 20
  • Tenths first deuised by the pope & after taken vp by prescription of the king, 137, a 10. Two granted to the king of England towards the recouerie of Burdeaux, 136, b 40. Yearelie paid to the prince in times past not annuall but volun­tarie, 136, b 30. Of the bishopriks in Englād to what summes they yearelie amounted, 146, a 30
  • Termes quarterlie kept through out the yeare, 180, b 40. A rule to know the beginning and ending of them with their returnes, 181, b 50. Their times no hinderance vnto iustice, 181, b 20. When they begin at the ciuill law courts, 182, a 20
  • Thamar parteth Deuonshirs from Cornwall, 61, a 10
  • Thames [...]bbeth and floweth [...] daie and night, & at what houres, 46, b 50. Whether it came by S. Albons or no in times past, 192, a 50. The cause why it ouerflow­eth hir banks néere to London, 47, a 10. Whense it hath his head or beginning, 45, b 20, The length of it with the commodities or the same, 46, a 60 Such riuers as fall into the same described, 45. a 30. Choked with sands and sheiues. 46, b 30. The number of botes and watermen kept and mainteined vpon it, 47, a 60 With what fishes it aboundeth, 46, b 10. Carps late­lie brought into it, 46, b 20 The course thereof, 47, b 10
  • The [...]e (and hir thrée sonnes) con­spire the death of hir husband, 231 b 10
  • Theft how punished, 185, b 20
  • Théeues how to be appr [...]hended by law, 186, b 30. Sau [...] by their booke how punished, 185, b 60
  • Theodosius chan [...]eth the name of Britaine into Ualentis, & wh [...]e, 5, a 20
  • Thin knight sir Iohn his sta [...]e house, 46, a 30
  • Thi [...]e benet, 209, a 60
  • Thorowfares ascribed to Antoni­nus, 249, a 30. And Innes, 246, b 10. ¶ Sée Townes.
  • Tigers bastard in Scotlād, 41, a 50
  • Tillage and mankind diminished by parkes, 205, a 10. ¶ Sée Hus­bandmen.
  • Timber. ¶ Sée Wood.
  • Time and hir parts how accounted in England, 241, a 40
  • Tin, 237, b 20. And lead to be found in six of the Orchades, 43, a 10
  • Tin looking glasses, 237, b 60
  • Tine north notablie stored with sammon, &c: described, 90, a 20
  • Tine south described, 90, b 20
  • Tith of wines in Kent, 111, a 10
  • Tithes paid with great scrupu [...]si­tie, 43, b 60
  • Tithingman in Latine Decurio, 154, a 20
  • Tithings, ¶ Sée Hundreds.
  • Tithwhales in Scotland, 41, a 50
  • Tinidale where it lieth, 91, a 20
  • Todes commonlie sound where ad­ders be, 228, a 60
  • Toong British called Cam [...]acc. 13, a 40. Could neuer by anie at­tempts be extinguished, 13, a 60, Corrupted by Latine and Sax­on, 13, a 40. Cornish hath some af­finitie with the Armorican, 14, a 60. Helpers of our English to be restored and perfected, 14, a 10. When the English began to reco­uer and grow in more estimation than before, 14, a 10. The French brought into England & in great practise, 13, b 50. When it ceased to be spoken in England general­lie, 14. a 10. The Latine brought into Britaine by the Romans, 13, b 20. The Saxon brought into England whereof some relikes remaine vnabolished, 13, b 50. In the south parts of England are thrée seuerall toongs vsed, 14, b 10.
  • Touchstone, 235, a 60
  • Townes and cities in England, how manie, 189, b 20. What called thorowfares, 246, b 10. Of grea­test trauell, 247, a 40. More in old time than now, 192, b 80. 193, a 10. How manie market townes in e­uerie shire, 194, a 10. Decaied by changing of one waie, 56, b 60. ¶ Sée Cities.
  • Towre of London, sometimes a kings palace, 195, b 50
  • Trauellers. ¶ Sée Innes.
  • Trées in England of what sorts, 213, a 10
  • [Page] Trées supposed to haue béene in the ground since Noahs floud, 214, [...] 50. ¶ Sée Orchards.
  • Trent riuer described, 96, a 10
  • Treson in the nobilitie how puni­shed and tried, 184, b 30
  • Trespasses ¶ Sée Punishments.
  • Tresuror lord of England his di­gnitie, 164, b 40
  • Tribut to Augustus out of Britain of what things raised, 111, b 10
  • Tribute of woolfes skins, 225, a 60
  • Turkes great gunnes made by one Orban a Dane, 199, a 20. When they begin their wéeke, 242, a 50
  • Turkes or Indish peacocks gel­ded, 223, a 40
  • Tunstall bishop of Durham baselie borne: note. 130, b 50
  • Turner doctor of physicke his sai­eng, 150, b 60. His opinion of the hot baths, 216, a 10
  • Turne spits a kind of dogs. 231, b 30
  • T [...]de riuer the bound betwéene England and Scotland descri­bed. 88, b 60
  • Tweiue men in euerie hundred, 154, a 40. ¶ Sée Inquest.
  • Twilight, 242, a 10. ¶ Sée Night.
  • Tyrannie of Lestrigo and the sons of Neptune, 4, a 10. ¶ Sée Crueltie.
V.
  • VAgabonds their seuerall disor­ders and degrées, 183, b 60. How punishable by law, 184, a 10
  • Ualentia one of the names of Bri­taine, 5, a 20
  • Ualuasores a name applieble to all degrées of honours, 158, b 40
  • Uallies in England that are fa­mous, 111, b 50. ¶ Sée Dales.
  • Uandals where incamped at ye en­tring into this Iland, 129, a 10
  • Uenison in Englād neither bought nor sold: note. 204, b 50. ¶ Sée Hunting and Parks.
  • Uermilion, 236, b 20
  • Uermine. ¶ Sée Beasts venemous and Flies.
  • Uerlamcester, 191, b 10
  • Uerelamium now S. Albons, 113, a 20. Whether the Thames came by it or no in times past, 192, a 50. ¶ Sée S. Albons.
  • Uertex the crowne of the head, and why so called, 10, b 10
  • Uessell exchanged now in Eng­land, 188, b 60
  • Ugh growing in England, 213, a 60
  • Uicount a name of dignitie next to the earle, 157, a 50. Is created of the prince, 158, a 60
  • Uicounts in Englād two, 165, a 10
  • Uies castell the strongest hold in England in Henrie the first time. 141, b 60.
  • Uillages more in England in old time than now, 192, b 60. 193, a 10. The cause of their increase, 190, a 40.
  • Uincentius Clemens the popes fa­ctor in England, 136, b 40
  • Uiper. ¶ Sée Adder.
  • Umber a fish onlie in the riuer Wie, 72, a 40
  • Undershiriffes office and charge, 155, a 60
  • Uniuersitie in Chester verie fa­mous, 73, b 60. In Arthurs time, 190, b 20. In London, 151, a 40
  • Uniuersities in England some­times manie, 148, a 10. Now in England thrée at this daie, 148, a 30. Of Cambridge and Oxford by diuerse abuses out of order, 149, b 30. How seated and their prouision, 148, b 10. Their orders, schooles, colleges, 149. Exercises, studies, degrées, & dignities, 150. When builded, vncerteine, 147, a 60, Their lands laid watt for and gaped at: note. 152. b 10. Eleuen in France, 139, b 10.
  • Unthankefulnes punished, 233, b 10
  • Uortiger sent for the Saxons into Britaine, 6, b 10. His vale, 81, a 10
  • Uratislaus duke of Bohemia durst not erect seruice in the vulgar toong without the popes con­sent, 138, b 10
  • Ure mouth, where is a pit whose bottome is not soundable, 104, a 40
  • Ure riuer described, 93, a 10
  • Ures and alkes, 226, b 60
  • Usurie a trade brought into Eng­land by the Iewes: note. 189, a 50
  • Uulture. ¶ Sée Rauen.
W.
  • WAd a commoditie sometime in England, 111, a 40
  • Waggons for warre when vsed in England, 199, b 60
  • Waie high & of townes decaied by changing of them, 56, b 60. ¶ Sée Highwaies.
  • Wainescot equalled by some Eng­lish oke, 213, a 20
  • Wake, ladie and duchesse of Lanca­ster against bishop Lild: note. 143, b 40.
  • Walden in Essex, wherof so named, 206, b 10. Somtimes called Wal­denburg when first planted with saffron, 232, a 50
  • Waldes in the Celtike toong signifi­eth forrests, &c. 206, b 10
  • Wales a word deriued of the Sax­ons, 116, a 60. Not so fruitfull as England, 109, a 10. So called of the German word Walsh, 68, b 10 Full of sens and bogs, 214, a 30. Diuided into thrée kingdomes, 15, a 30
  • Walsh vsed of the Saxons as we vse the word strange, 116, a 60
  • Walles that in times past were li­mits to England and Scot­land, 127, b 10. 128, a 10
  • Wandleburne hi [...]s and whie so cal­led, 129, a 10
  • Wandles in times past called Wind­les, 195, a 40
  • Wapentake a word compounded, & how, 154, a 50. ¶ Sée Hundred.
  • Warens. ¶ Sée Parkes, 204, a 50
  • Warne riuer runneth almost nine miles from the head within the land, 89, a 60
  • Warfare in waggons when vsed in this land, 191, b 60
  • Warners or whapels a kind of dogs, 231, b 20
  • Warre ciuill turneth to the enimies aduantage, 118, a 60. How God disappointeth as abhorring it, and louing peace, 98, b 50
  • Warwike how called in the Romas time, and how manie parish chur­ches it had. 190, b 20
  • Waspes. ¶ Sée Hornets.
  • Watches. ¶ Sée Night.
  • Water what best to brue béere with­all, 170, a 40. The greatest fresh in England, 86, a 60
  • Waters in England of what sorts, natures, and qualities, 210, b 50. None hurtfull, 211, a 50. Of spe­ciall vertues to help the wounded and diseased, 214, b 50. 215, a 10
  • Waters came into ye minster of Sa­lisburie at high masse time, 57, a 50 ¶ Sée Riuers.
  • Wat [...]ng stréet (rightlie named Gu­theline stréet, and whie) one of the highwaies of Britaine, and how it is extēded, 113, a 10. By whom bilded, 112, a 40. ¶ Sée Highwais.
  • Wéeke & of how many daies it consi­steth: note, 242, a 40. Named after the English, Saxonish, and Sco­tish maner, 244, b 20
  • Well in Gnaresborow forrest con­uerting wood, &c: into hardstone, 129, b 60. That ebbeth and flow­eth as the sea dooth, 131, b 10
  • Wels in sundrie places of diuerse strange qualities. 130, b 10. Two whose water participating of one soile differ in qualitie, 130, b 60. Thrée néere Couentrie of strange and effectuall vertue, 215, a 10
  • Wels & baths hot, 214, b 20. ¶ Sée Baths, Riuers, Springs and Waters.
  • Welshmans tale that slept betwéene two swords and a knife at his hart, 78, a 10
  • Welshmen call Angleseie the mother of their countrie, 36, a 10. They let in the Saxons, and whie, 6, b 30. The errours of some noted, which will haue them come from the French, &c. 3, b 30. Contenti­ous to go to law, 181, a 50. What shift they make for plastering, 187, a 60
  • Wepons of what kinds vsed and worne in England, 199, a 60. ¶ Sée Armour.
  • Were riuer described, whose mouth is eight miles from Durham. 91, b 10
  • Weremouth monke, and whie so cal­led, 91, b 10
  • Westburie vnder the plaine neuer without a théef or twaine, 67, b 60
  • Westmerland and Richmondshire how bounded, 94, b 10. By cer­teine stones in ye edge of Stanes moore, 113, b 10
  • Whales tithed in Scotland, 41, a 50
  • Wheat of summer, & wheat of win­ter, 169, b 10
  • Whetstones, 235, b 20. ¶ Sée Quar­ries and Stones.
  • White bishop of Lincolne his com­ming to be bishop of Winchester: note. 137, b 40
  • Whitehall, when and by whom erec­ted, 195, b 40
  • Whiteherne (in Latine Candida ca­sa) whie so called, 146, b 60
  • Whoredome how punished in Ca­nutus daies, 185, a 60
  • Wich how it is situated, 240, a 50
  • Wie riuer described, 97, b 30
  • Wight wholte gotten into the hands of Edward the third, 31, b 60. Called in Latine Vectis, 31, a 50. The names of the parsonages and vicarages in the same, 31, b 10. First conuerted to the faith though the last that harkened to the word, 31, b 40
  • Wiland or Welland riuer described, 101, a 50
  • Wilfride first conuerted the Ile of Wight to the faith, 31, b 40
  • Wilton hauing sometime twelue pa­rishs churches, how it grew to be but a poore village, 56, b 60
  • William conqueror so named, not by cōquest but by challenge, 123, a 30 Constituted heire testamentarie to Edward confessor, 123, a 20
  • Winchester how called in the Ro­mans time, 190, b 40. Bishoprike when first erected, by whom, and the circuit thereof, 141, b 10
  • Wind sold to mariners vnder cer­teine knots of thred, &c: 38, a 10. Uehement and strong issuing out of the hilles called the Peake: a woonder, 129, a 60
  • Windleburie, 195, a 40
  • Windsor builded by king Arthur or Aruiragus, &c. 196, a 10
  • Wine wanting in England, and whereto the fault is to be impu­ted, 110, b 50. Sometime grew in England, 111, a 10. No where more spent than in England, 167, b 10. Whether it will be kept in an iu [...] cup or no, 239, b 50. Naturall and artificiall, 167, b 10. Some­times tithed in Kent, 111, a 10. The best called Theologicum: note, 167, b 20
  • Winander riuer maketh the greatest méere or fresh water in Eng­land, 86, a 60
  • Wire a créeke where ships lie oft at rode, 87, a 10
  • Witchcraft and sorcerie much vsed in the I [...]e of Man, 37, b 60. How punished, 185, b 20
  • Witha [...] riuer and what riuers fall into the same, 101, a 10
  • Wiuer riuer watereth all the west parts of England, 83, b 10
  • Women of England excessiue and vaine, 172, b 10
  • Wood decaied by burning of bricke, 234, b 50. Consumed in Wales by melting of lead, 238, a 10. Excée­dinglie wasted with making of pots, glasies, &c: 238, b 10. Sold in some countries of England by the pound, 214, a 200. Whie in some places of England it can­not grow, 212, a 20. What kinds were occupied vsuallie in buil­ding in times past, 212, a 40. What will follow of the decaie thereof, if not looked vnto, 213, b 10. One acre of ground of fortie, wished for the supplie of it, 213, b 50. Much destroied by making of salt, 240, b 60
  • Woods euerie where decaied and by what means, 106, a 40. In Eng­lād great store in times past, 211, b 60. Of béech & hazel, 213, a 40. De­caied in the west Indies & how, 212, a 10
  • Woords of a Spaniard that taught quéene Elisabeth wit, 198, a 30
  • Woodstocke by whom builded, 195, b 60
  • Wooll of English shéepe excellent, & how emploied, 221, a 10
  • Woold what it signifieth, 206, b 30
  • Woolues become dogs, and dogs woolues, 232, a 30. Destroied in England and how, 225, a 60
  • Woonders or maruels of England, 128, b 20. Of dogs, 229, b 60. Of mastifes, 231, a 40. Found in stones, 235, b 30. 236, a 10
  • Worcester how called in the Romās time, 190, b 60. In old time called Cair Brangon or Cair Frāgon, 70, b 10. The bishoprikes ere [...] ­on, circuit, and valuatiō, 141, a 60
  • World diuided into thrée parts, 1, a 10. ¶ Sée Earth.
Y.
  • YEare counted after the course of the sunne, 243, b 60. 244, a 20 Begining therof different among diuerse people, 244, a 10. Cynike: 244, a 10. The beginning thereof not vniforme & certeine. 243, b 60
  • Yeomen in our law called Homines legales: note, 163, b 10. How inti­tuled and named, 146, b 10
  • Yorke somtims called Uictrix, & why 217, b 10. Placed in Scotland by Leouitius, 190, a 60. Called Urewije, and whie, 93, a 30. The chiefe citie of the kingdome of Northumberland, 16, b 60. How called in the Romans time, 190, a 60. The archbishoprike curtai­led, & whie, 145, a 60. Bishopriks vnder the said sée foure, 135, a 10
  • Yorkeshire what hauens it hath, 108, a 30
FINIS propositi, laus Christo nescia FINIS.

The second table Alphabeticall, being a complet extract of names and matters dispersed in the historie of Britaine and England: wherein the reader is aduisedlie to distinguish of persons and actions in perusing euerie discourse, least by taking one for another (diuerse persons being of one name) his memorie be confounded, and some error or doubt arise.
By this table you may obserue how manie archbishops, bishops, earles, dukes, &c: haue beene in this Iland before the conquest: as also matter of discourse and woorth the marking, wher­soeuer you see this word (Note) which dooth oftentimes come to hand. Gathered by Abraham Fleming.

A.
  • ABbie of saint Augustine at Canturburie built, 102, a 60. Of R [...]pon burnt by K. E­dred, 158, a 50
  • Abbies built by Adelstane, 156, a 40. Founded by Alured, 148, b 50. Building of them thought a full satisfaction for sins, 163, b 20. What their state was in the daies of Iohn of Beuerlie & Beda. 130, b 20
  • Aborigenes, and the opinion cō ­cerning them gainsaid, 4, a 60
  • Aboundance. ¶ Sée Plentie.
  • Acca bishop of Hexham, 129. a 40
  • Achelnotus archbishop of Can­turburie, 182, a 20
  • Ackwold king of Eastangles, 129, a 10
  • Ada the son of Ida king of Bre­nitia, 95, b 30
  • Adeliza the daughter of duke Wil­liam, whome Harold should haue married, 197, a 40
  • Adelme rebelling against his king, and pardoned, dooth good seruice in the field, 131, a 30
  • Adelstan king of England crow­ned & consecrated at Kingston vpon Thames, 154, a 10. Sorie too late for exiling his brother, 155, b 10. He goeth out of his waie to sée where S. Iohn of Beuerlie was buried, 155. a 40 His victories against diuerse kings conspiring against him, 154, b 60, 155, a 10. His victorie against six kings, all slain with diuerse others, 156, a 10. De­scribed, his death, and what presents were sent him, 156, a 40
  • Adelstan bishop of Shireburne cōmended, 143, a 40. Of K. Eg­berts councell, 140, b 20
  • Adelwold king of Sussex recei­ueth the [...] of Wight as a gift vpon condition, 119, a 30. He causeth the Essexmen to yéeld vnto him, 150, b 60. He is slaine, 151, a 20
  • Adelwold K. Edwards brother taketh part with the Danes, 150, b 40
  • Adelwold bishop of Winchester builder of Elie abbie, 161, b 20
  • Adras [...]e worshipped and praied vnto, 44, a 40
  • Adrian abbat of S. Augustines at Canturburie commended, 120, b 10. He that came [...] Theodore, and died, 129, a 60
  • Adrian the emperor passeth into Britaine, 53, a 40 His wall di­uiding Britaine and Scot­land, 53, a 50
  • Adrian the pope sendeth legats into England, 134, b 30
  • Aduancement of a bondman dis­dained, 46, a 30
  • Adulterer mainteined by an ad­ulteresse: note, 40, b 40, 60
  • Adwin bishop of Winchester cō ­mitted to prison, 187, a 60
  • Aegiptus and his fiftie sonnes, 5, b 20
  • Aganippus a prince of France married Ceadeilla, 13, a 40
  • Agathyrsi. ¶ Sée Picts.
  • Agi [...]bert bishop of Paris, 115, b 60, 116, a 10
  • Agneius and Hubba two Da­nish capteins brethren, 144, a 30
  • Aidan bishop, 114, a 60. A Scot commeth into England to preach the gospell, 113, b 40, 60. His coniecture touching Os­win fell out true, 115, b 10. He dieth, 115, b 20
  • Alban a citizen of Werlamcester martyred vnder Dioclesian, 62, a 10
  • Albania now Scotland, 27, a 30 By whom built. 12, a 20
  • Albine his treatise against king Charles his articles, 135, a 60. ¶ Sée Alcwine.
  • Albion now England why so na­med as Bodin saith, 3, b 50. Di­uerse opimons of the name, 4, a 10, 5, a 20
  • Albion the giants comming into this Iland, 4, a 10. The son of Neptune, subdueth the Ce [...]ts 3, b 20, He and Bergion slaine with the most part of their ar­mie, 4, b 50
  • Alchfled daughter of Oswie ma­ried to Peda, 116, b 60
  • Alcluid citie destroied by the Danes, 144, b 20. Whether in Scotland or no, 21, a 40
  • Alcwine a famous clerke an En­glishman. 132, a 60
  • Aldhelme bishop of Shireburne, 129, a 60
  • Aldinius. ¶ Sée Ealdbright.
  • Aldelme archbishop of Canturb. 154, a 10. Bishop of Worcester in fauour with K. Edward the third, 192, a 60, b 10. Archbishop of Yorke, 196, b 20. 152, b 10. Slaine by duke Chorthmond, 137, a 10
  • Aldroenus king of litle Britaine in France, 71, b 20
  • Aldulfe king of Eastangles de­parteth this life, 129, a 10
  • Alectus counted a ringleader of théeues: note, 59, b 20. Killeth Carausius & succéedeth him in rule ouer Britaine, 56, b 50. U­surped the title and dignitie of king of Britaine, 61, b 10
  • Alexander pope the second fauo­red duke Williams conquest of England, 199, a 10
  • Alfer. ¶ Sée Elfer.
  • Alfin bishop of Winchester, 161, a 40
  • Alfred the daughter of Offa king of Mercia maried to Ethel­bert, 136, b 60
  • Alfred the son of Egelred maketh chalenge to the crowne, 181, b 60. Striueth in vaine to kéepe Adelstane from the gouerne­ment, 154, a 10. Taken prisoner, his eies put out, his death, 183, a 10, 184, a 40. Suspected per­sons for his death examined, 185, a 20. ¶ Sée Alured.
  • Alfred the beautifull daughter of duke Horgerius: note, 160, a 60 The wife of king Edgar di­eth, and what offense it caused him to doo, 160, a 60. Hir wic­ked purpose to kill hir sonne, 163, a 30
  • Alfreda the daughter of K. Offa of Mercia maried to Ethel­bert, 133, a 60. Gréeued at the death of hir husband, becom­meth a nun, 133, b 30
  • Alfride king of Northumbers, 129, a 10. A bastard, 125, b 20
  • Alfrike archbishop of Yorke, 185, a 20
  • Alfrike duke of Mercie, banish­ed, 165, a 60. Uiceadmerall of king Egèlreds nauie a traitor to his countrie, 166, b 20
  • Alfwald king of Northumbers his death, 135, a 50. His sonnes miserablie slaine by Ethelbert, 136, b 50
  • Alfwen sister to Elf [...]da, 152, b 40
  • Algar the sonne of earle Leo [...]rike hath Harolds lands giuen him 193, a 60. His intended rauish­ing reuenged, 133, b 60. His eies put out for his fathers treason, 166, b 30
  • Algar made earle of Chester, exi­led, he recouereth it by force, 193, a 60
  • Algar earle of Oxford, 191, b 30 Banished, 192, b 10
  • Aliance aduisedlie to be made, 79, a 40, &c. ¶ Sée Mariage.
  • Allegiance. ¶ Sée Loialtie.
  • Alleluia: note a stratagem, 83, a 30
  • Allered archbishop of Yorke, 188, a 20
  • Almaricus a traitorous deacon, 170, a 60
  • Alricke the son of Herbert slaine in fight, 137, a 10. ¶ Sée Wich­tred.
  • Alstan bishop of Shireburne a warrior, 138, b 10
  • Alswald. ¶ Sée Alfwald.
  • Alswine the brother of king Eg­frid slaine, 123, a 60
  • Altred king of Northumbers, 133, a 20
  • Alured king of Westsaxons and the greatest part of England, 144, b 60, Persecuted by the Danes, 145, a 10. He vanqui­shed them by sea, 145, a 50. By their meanes put to his shifts, 146, a 50. Disguiseth himselfe like a minstrell, 146, b 10. King Ethelwulfes sonne and con­secrated king at Rome, 141, a 30. His prouision for the safe­tie of his land against the Danes, 148, a 20. Learned, and what workes be wrote, 148, b 60. Described and commended, 148, b 10. His court learned 149, a 10. How he diuided the time for his necessarie vses, 149, a 30. His death, 148, a 30. Last will & epitaph, 149, a 40
  • Alwin. ¶ Sée Adwin.
  • Amphibalus instituted S. Al­ban, 62, a 10. Borne in Caer­leon, 19, a 10. Martyred at Redburne, 63, b 10
  • Amphibalus abbeie at Winche­ster, 76, b 10
  • Ambition to rule alone, what mischéefe it inferreth, 16, a 40. It causeth bloudshed, 5, b 20. And slaughter, 11, b 50. Cause of dissention betwéene bre­thren: note, 14, b [...]50. Bewar­ded with shame, 13, b 20
  • Ambition of nephues for monar­chie or sole regiment: note, 14, a 10
  • Ambition in noblemen, 89, b 60
  • Ambition of Bassianus: note, 56, a 60. Of Carausius but a mean man séeking to be a king, 54, b 20. Of Hengist the Sax­on, 78, b 40. Of Leirs two sons in law, 13, a 50. Of Romans, 40, a 60. Of the old emperor Seuerus, 54, b 60, 55, a 10. Of Ueramius discouered at his death, 41, a 60. Of Uortigerne, 77, a 10
  • Ambrie now Salisburie, 82, a 10
  • Andates the goddesse of victorie worshipped of the Britains, 45, a 20
  • Andragatius killeth Gratian by treason, 68, b 10
  • Andredecester a citie in Britaine 86, b 60
  • Androgeus abandoneth Bri­taine bicause the people hated him as a traitor, 32, a 60. Aided Cassibelane against Cesar. 27, a 40. Duke of Troinouant, 31, a 30. ¶ Sée Earle.
  • Angell. ¶ Sée Uision.
  • Anger what mischiefes it procu­reth men vnto, 194, a 10
  • Angles came ouer with the Sax­ons into Britaine, 78, b 60, 79, a 20
  • Angleseie innaded by the Ro­mans and wone, 41, b 10. Yéel­ded to Agricola, 48, a 20
  • Angli, quasi Angeli, 99, b 40. Of authoritie in Germanie, 79, a 20
  • Anglia, why so called, 98, a 40
  • Anna king of Eastangles slaine by Penda, 116, b 10. His daugh­ters professed nuns, 114, b 60
  • Antigonus brother of Pandra­sus taken prisoner, slain, 8, a 50
  • Antoninus Pius emperor sen­deth Lollius Urbicus to kéepe the Britains in order, 53, a 50
  • Apostasie. ¶ Sée Idolatrie, and Sighere.
  • Arbitrement of right graue counsellors to end controuer­sies, 87, b 60, 88, a 10
  • [Page] Arbogaster a Goth slaieth Flani­us victor Nobi [...]ssimus, 68, b 50
  • Archbishop Aldelme of Cantur­burie. 154, a 10. Athelred of Cā ­turburie, 150, b 30. Athelnotus of Canturburie, 182, a 20, 185, a 10. Alored of yorke, 152, b 10, 196, b 20. Alfrike of yorke, 185, a 20. Allered of yorke, 188, a 20. Augustine the moonke of the English nation, 101, a 30. Bert­wald of Canturburie, 129, b 60 Brightwald of Canturburie, 126, b 20, 30. Bosa of yorke, 125 b 50. Ceadda of yorke, 119, b 20 Dannanus of Cant. 116, b 40. Deusdedit of Cantur. 116, b 40. Eaubald of Canturb. 137, b 40. Edsinus of Canturburie, 186, b 40. Elnothus of Canturbu­rie, 182, b 30. Elphegus of Can­turb. murthered by the Danes, 170, b 10, 40. Egbert of yorke: note, 130, a 60. Guetheline of London ambassador for Bri­tains, 71, b 30. Honorius of Canturburie, 110, a 30. He re­ceiueth his pall, 110, b 10. Iohn of yorke resigneth, 125, b 50. Lambert of Canturb. 135, a 20 Depriued, 132, a 20. Laurence of Canturb. ¶ Sée Laurence, Nothelmus of Canturb. 130, b 50. Odo of Canturb. 136, b 60. Oswald of yorke, 161, b 20. Pleimond of Canturb. 149, a 20. Paule of yorke receiueth his pall, 110, b 10. Robert of Canturburie, 187, b 20, 60. Si­ricius of Canturb 166, a 60. Stigand of Canturburie an intrudor: note, 191, a 40. Tack­wine of Canturburie, 129, b 60. Theodore of Canturburie cre­ated vpon condition, 120, a 20. wilfride the second of Cantur­burie, 129, a 50. wolfhere, 150, a 10. wolstan of yorke, 156, a 50
  • Archbishops authoritie exempli­fied: note, 181, b 30. Thrée in Britaine, 52, a 30. They flée with their clergie into woods & mounteins: note, 98, b 20. The sée of Canturb. monks refuse, 120, a 10. The sée remoued to Lichfield, 132, a 10. Of Can­turburie & yorke with a decrée concerning their election, 110, b 20. The sée restored to Can­turburie, 136, a 40. The sée of Canturburie void, 135, a 20
  • Archigallus king of Britaine giuen to dissention, and depri­ued, 21, a 10
  • Ardulfe made king of Northum­berland and consecrated, 136, b 60. His acts & déeds, 137, a 10
  • Areani, and their charge: note, 73, b 40
  • Arelius Ambrose. ¶ Sée Aure­lius.
  • Arlete duke Robert of Norman­dies paramour, that bare him duke william the conqueror, and of hir pleasantnesse and da­liance, 201, b 20
  • Armorica by whom first peopled, 68, a 40. Giuen to Conan Me­ridoc, & the plot to people it dis­appointed, 67, a 20. The etymon or reason of the name, 69, b 10
  • Armorica in France where it li­eth, 12, a 40
  • Arnuife. ¶ Sée Ardulfe.
  • Arthur begotten out of wedlock, 90, b 10. And of whom begot­ten, 88 a 20. He beginneth to reigne, 90, a 40. Of a mightie making, 92, a 10. And what is left written of him, 93, a 10. He had two wiues, 93, b 10. His exploits, 91, a 10. His twelue battels against the Saxons, 90, a 60. He is wounded and di­eth, his buriall: note, 91, b 50
  • Aruiragus K. of Britaine, 32, a 10 He surueteth this land & repa­reth the ruines of it, 36, b 20, 35 b 60. His valiantnesse, 36, a 10. In what state Britaine was in his reigne, 46, a 50. King of the Iceni, 42, a 60. He putteth the Romans to flight, 35, b 40. He is most villanouslie abused by them, 42, a 60. He is buried at Glocester, 37, a 10
  • Asburga a gentlewoman maried to king Ethelwulfe, 140, a 40
  • Asclepiodotus. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Ashbert protector or gouernor of yoong king Kenelme bribed, murthereth his lord and mai­ster, 139, b 50
  • Assaracus interteineth Brute, 7, b 40
  • Asserius Meneuensis bishop of Shirborne, 149, a 10
  • Asturians, 33, a 10
  • Athelnotus archbishop of Can­turburie, 185, a 10
  • Athelred archbishop of Cantur­burie, 150, b 30
  • Athelstane king of Kent & duke Ealhere vanquish the Danes by sea, 141, a 20. ¶ Sée Adel­stane.
  • Aualon Ile now Alpes Ile, 92, a 30
  • Augustine ordeined archbishop of the English nation, 101, a 30. His sée at Canturburie, 102, a 60. He receiueth the pall, 101, b 60. Surnamed the English­mens apostle, 102, b 60. He re­quireth thrée things of the Britains to be obserued, 103, a 20. His miracles, his acts and déeds, 102, a 10
  • Augustus the emperor is denied his tribute out of Britaine, his acts and déeds: note, 32, b 30
  • Aulafa K. of Norweie baptised, 166, b 50. Banded with Danes & others maketh against Adel­stane, discōfited, 155, b 30. Cha­sed by king Edmund, he recur­neth into Northumberland, & expelled by the people, 158, a 40. He taketh vpon him the rule of the Northumbers, 156, b 60. Disguised he commeth to view the English campe, 155, b 60. King of the Danes of Nor­thumberland attempteth war against king Edmund, his death, 156, b 60
  • Aulus Atticus a Romane cap­teine slaine, 50, b 30
  • Aulus D [...]deus sent into Bri­taine to supplie the roome of O­storius, 40, b 10
  • Aulus Plautius with his armie arriueth in Britaine, 34, a 10
  • Aurelius Ambrosius & his bro­ther Uter arriue in Britaine with their powers against Uortigerne, 84, a 10. He & Uter Pendragon flée into little Bri­tain, 77, a 40. He with his Bri­tains encounter the Saxons, 88, a 30. He putteth Saxons out of Britaine, 84, b 50. He fal­leth sicke at winchester, 85, a 10. ¶ Sée Uter Pendragon.
  • Aurelius Conanus made king of Britaine, & described, 94, b 60. He killeth Constan [...]ine, 94, a 60. He is noted by Gyldas to be a verie bad man, 95, a 10
  • Authun ¶ Sée Berthun.
B.
  • BAd [...] hill, 88, a 40
  • Baldred vsurped the king­dome of Kent & departeth into exile, 139, b 30
  • Baldud. ¶ Sée Bladud.
  • Baldwin earle of Flanders com­meth into England to visit Edw. 3. his brother in law, 188, b 10. Earle of Flanders aideth duke william to conquer En­glend, 198, b 30
  • Banket fatall, 79, a 50
  • Bap [...]isme of bondmen and bond­women and making them frée, 123, a 60. How gratious being receiued: note, 123, [...] 10. Recei­ued of the British armie & how beneficiall, 83, a 10. At the mini­string thereof godfathers were in vse, 114. b 10. Ministred to ten thousand in the riuer of Suale, 100, b 60. Egelred defi­led the font with his ordure when he was baptised, 165, a 20
  • Bardi, their vsage and professi­on, 3. a 50
  • Bardus the son of Druis, 3, a 30
  • Basreeg, ¶ Sée Halden.
  • Bassianus borne of a British woman ruleth Britaine, 54, b 10. He practiseth with physici­ans to poison his father Seue­rus, 55, b 60
  • Bastards made kings as Al [...]rice king of Northumberland, 125, b 20. Harold so proclamed and consecrated, 181, b 20. Morin­dus admitted to rule Britain. 20, a 40
  • Batatti, now Hollanders, 72, a 30
  • Bath called Carbadon, 14, b 10. Besieged by the Saxons and Germans, but ouerthrowne & slaine, 90, b 60, 91, a 10
  • Bath ¶ Sée Caerbran.
  • Baths hot when first made or re­pared and by whom, 12, b 40
  • Battell of Ashdon fought be­twéene K. Edmund Ironsite & Cnute with his Danes, 177, a 10. Of foure houres continu­ance betwéene the English and the Danes, 176, b 40
  • Beasts wild deuour rulers of Britaine, 11, b 40, 50
  • Beatrice put to death by hir step­sons for poisoning hir hus­band, 154, b 10
  • Beautie a snare to intrap: note, 78, b 60. A ba [...]t, & also a deadlie baine, 160, a 60, b 10. Abused to a shamefull end, 191, b 60. It hel­ped not to saue life, 171, a 10
  • Beautie of Edg [...]a most excel­lent. 153, a 10. ¶ Sée Ronix.
  • Béda dieth, diuerse things noted concerning him, 130, b 10
  • Beline and Bren made fréends, 17, a 60. ¶ Sée Brennus.
  • Belinus generall of Cassibelans armie valiant, 27, a 40
  • Belins gate (now Billingsgate) whervpon the ashes of Belins bodie were kept in a vessell of brasse, 19, a 10
  • Bell of S Ellutus: note, 161, a 60
  • Bels vsed in battell caused ter­ror: note, 27, b 10
  • Bergion brother to Albion kept Ireland & the Orknets, 4, a 60
  • Berking, and who built the ab­beie there, 122, a 60
  • Bericus expelled out of Britain, his counsell to Claudius. 34, a 10
  • Berne iudge burned for crueltie, 135, a 30
  • Berne a noble man about yorke, the rauishing of whose wife bred much mischéefe, 144, b 20
  • Berne an earle maliciouslie slaine by his cousin, 188, a 20. 60
  • Berne K. of Estangles. 129, a 10
  • Bernred by murther vsurpeth the kingdome of Mercia, he is slaine, 128, b 10
  • Bernulfe of Mercia slaine, 138, b 20. He stomacheth king Eg­bert, 138, a 50
  • Bertegils bishop of Eastangles, 116, a 60
  • Bertha king Cher [...]erts daugh­ter wife to Ethelbert king of [...]ent, 99, a 50
  • Berthfride a valiant Northum­ber capteine, 129, a 20
  • Berr [...]ckshire, now Barkeshire, 143, b 40
  • Berthun a duke of Sussex slaine 124, b 50
  • Bertwald archbishop of Can­turburie, 129, b 60
  • Bertwolfe K. of Mercia tribu [...]a­rie to the westsaxons, chased out of his countrie by the Danes, 142, a 20
  • Birinus a bishop Italian con­uerteth the westsaxons to the christian faith, 114, b 10
  • Bis [...]p a moonke builded two ab­bies, and what artificers he brought into England that were not in it before, 120, b 30
  • Bisi. ¶ Sée Bishop.
  • Bishop Acca of Hexham, 129, a 40 Adelstan of Shireburne of K. Egberts councell, 140, b 20, A­delwold of winchester, 161, b 20 Adwin of winchester, 187, a 60 Aldhelme bishop of Shire­burne, 129, a 60. Alfin of win­chester, 161, a 40. Alstan a war­riour, 138, b 10. Asserius of Shireburne, 149, a 10. Bisi of the Eastangles, 121, b 60. Bo­nifacius of the Estangles, 121, b 60. Brightelme of Dorche­ster, 161, a 40. Camelgaret ta­ken prisoner of the Danes, & redeemed by K Edward, 151, a 60. Cedda of the Eastsaxons, 117, a 60. Co [...] in armes on horsbacke destroieth idols, 109, b 10. Colman of Northūbers, 119, a 40. Cutbert of Lindes­ferne, 125, a 30. Daniell of win­chester, 129, a 60, Diuma first bishop of Merc [...]a, 118, b 20. Dunstane of worcester and London, 160 a 10. Eadh [...]dus of Lindseie, 122, b 60. Eata of [...]exam, 125, b 50. Edmund of Shireburne slaine in battell. 144, a 10. Eadu [...]s of Lichfield adorned with the pall, 132, a 20. Egwine of worcester, 128, a 60. Elutherius of westsaxons, 129, b 10. Elphegus of win­chester, 166, b 60. 165, b 50. Er­kenwald of the Estsaxons, his sée at London. 122, a 60, Ethel­wold of winchester, 160, a 10. Felix. ¶ Sée Felix. Finan of Northumbers, 119, a 40. Ge [...] ­mound of Rochester, 122, b 60. Ieroman is sent to the East­saxons to reduce them to the faith, 121, a 10. Lincolne slaine in the battell at Ashdon, 177, a 20. Oswald of worcester, 160, a 10. Putta of Rochester a good musician, 1 [...]0, b 10. Of Roche­ster & king Egelred at strife, 165, a 60. Sexvulfe of Mer­cies, 122, a 50. Swithune of winchester of king Egberts councell, 140, b 20. Tida of Northumbers, 119, b 10. wald­ [...]r of London, 122, a 60. were­ [...]dus of worcester, 149, a 10. wilfrid of Northumbers his diligence, 119, b 10. william of London banished, 191, a 20. william the poore bishop of Rochester, 122, b 50
  • Bishop not disgraded and yet li­uing a priuat life, 120, a 60. None of westsaxons for the space of seuen yeeres, 153, a 50. A kings son & heire a bishop, 141, b 60. One i [...]ineth his [Page] power to Adelstans armie, is slaine by the enimie, 155, b60
  • Bishops authoritie exemplified: note, 117, b 20. Went to war & aid the king, 139. a30. Foure of Mercies, 119, a10. Two notable in Ethelwulfs daies: note, 140, b 20. Two elected in place of one, 122, b 60 Prospe­rouslie conduct British host against the Saxons: note, 83, a 10. Of Northumbers h [...] their sée at Lindesferne, 119, a 50, b 10. Two elected & conse­crated for one, 121, b 60. Creat archbishops, 119, b 20. How to be ordered, 101, b 20. Ordeined for auoiding the popes disple­sure, 153, a 60. What maner of men they haue béene, 191, a 60 In Britaine twentie eight, 52, a 30. What prouinces they gouerned in 731 yeares, 129, b 60, 130, a 10. ¶ Sée Synod.
  • Bishoprike at Donwich, 110, [...] a 40. At Dorcester, 114, b 20. Two made of one, 129, a 60. Two vnder one bishop, 160, a 10
  • Blasing starre of thrée moneths continuance, 122, b 60, What insued: note, 123, a 60, 162, b 10 Séene in England onelie of seuen daies continuance, 197, a 60. The yeare before Ed­ward the thirds death: note, 195, b 40. Two, one appéering in the morning, the other in the euening, and what insued, 129, b 20
  • Bladud the ninth ruler of Bri­taine, 12, b 40. Presuming to flie is pasht in péeces with a fall, 12, b 50
  • Blackwell hall in old time cal­led the temple of peace. 15, b 30
  • Blecca gouernor of the citie of Lincolne, 110, a 50
  • Blederike duke of Cornewall, 104, b 10
  • Bloud rained, 14, a 60
  • Bondslaue in honor, 46, a 30
  • Bondm [...]n made trulie free, 123, a 60
  • Bonifacius bishop of Eastan­gles, 121, b 60
  • Bonifacius B. of Mentz his e­p [...]stle to Ethelbald, 128, b 20
  • Bosa archbishop of yorke, 125, b 50
  • Boudicia. ¶ Sée Uoadicia.
  • Bren maried the duke of Alo­brogs daughter, 17, a 10. Duke of Alobrogs, 17, a 50. He and Beline ioin [...]ng forces take Rome, 17, b 10. He & Be­line their ioint gouernement intollerable, 16, a 30
  • Bre [...]cia kingdome when it be­gan, 95, a 50
  • Bretamons castell beyond sea built by the Britons, 61, b, 40
  • Brethren at strife and banded one against another, 16, a 60. Slaine, 14, b 60, 15, a 10
  • Brigants now yorkeshire, dis­daine to be subiect to a wo­mans gouernment, 40, b 60
  • Brightnod earle of Essex gaue battell to the Danes, slaine, 166, a 60
  • Brighthelme bishop of Dor­chester, 161, a 40
  • Brightrike K. of Westsaxons, 135, a 20. His policie to rule quietlie, 135, b 30. Marieth Ethelburga K. Offas daugh­ter, 132, a 50, His deth, 136, a 10
  • Brightwold chosen to be arch­bishop of Canturb. 229, b 20, 30
  • Brinchild a prince of Henaud, his valiantnesse, 12, a 30
  • Britains whether an Iland at the first or no. 1, a 40. Gouer­ned by lieutenants & treasu­rors o [...] Romane emperours, 37 a 60. Diuided from Scot­land by the emperor Adrian: no [...]e, 53, a 50. Gouerned by British rulers, 7, 10. First in­habited by the [...], 3, b 50. Rulers & kings thero: bitter­lie inueied against by Gyldas 94, a 60, 95, a 10, 96, a 60, b 10. The state of it during Arui­ragus reigne, 46, a 50 Afflic­ted by the inuasion of barba­rous nations, 75, a 20. Spoild pitifullie by Gurmudus, 98, a 30. Kings thrée of it slaine in one battell at once, 97, a 30. The state of it vnder Mari­us, 46, b 60. Ruled by women, 11, b 30, 13, b 50. Gouerned by kings of their owne nation, 20, 21, &c. Gouerned by fiue kings at once, 14, a 20. The state of it vnder kings, 15, 16, 17, &c. In France, 67, a 10. So calied by cōmandement of the subduer, 11, a 10. It receiueth faith: note, 37, a 30. Diuerse people inhabited diuerse por­tiōs of it, 23, b 50. Diuided in­to realms, 21, b 40. Unknowne to the Romans but by report, 24, a 20. Whether the kings of it were kings or rulers of the commonwelth or tyrants, &c: 23, b 40. A part of it called Ualentia, 73, b 30, The suc­cession of the kings therof or­derlie in their yeares to Eli­durus, 22, a 10. Of whom first inhabited, 1, a 20. Pentarchie, 15, a 10, Sometimes called Samothea, 2, a 60. The sub­iection of it to the Romans when it was, 31, a 60. A mo­narchie how long after Bruts death, 31, b 40. The state of it touching gouernment when Cesar did conquer it. 31, b 30, 60. The state of it vnder ru­lers, 11, 12, 13, &c. It receiueth the faith, 52, a 20. It tasted the crueltie of Dioclesian, &c. 61, b 60. The state of it vnder British kings, 76, a, 10
  • Britains repine to be gouerned by men of base degrée, 53, b 50. Commonlie called Welshmen, 127, a 10. The sauage sort, their vsage & attire: note, 55, a 40. Outragious crueltie ha­uing gotten victorie against the Romans: note, 45, a 10. Their lamentable case after ouerthrow by I. Agricola, 50, b 50. They, the Scots, and Picts in a league, 77, a 20. They of Calendarwood as­sault the Romans vpon ad­uantage, 49, a 40. Their mise­ries manifold: note, 41, b 60, 42 a 10. They go to Rome & com­plaine of Perhennis to Cō ­modus the emperor, 53, b 40. What practises Agricola vsed to traine them to ciuilitie, 48, a 20. Skilfull in swimming, 48, a 10. Admitted as well wo­men as men to publike go­uernment, 42, b 60. Readie to defend their countrie against Cesar, 24, b 40. They refuse to paie tribut to Augustus, 32, b 30. Their maner of fighting in chariots, 26, a 40. Sustei­ned a sore ouerthrow at the hands of Scapula, 39, b 10. Persecuted by the Scots & Picts, 70, a 50. An armie of them newlie christned, 83, a 20 They choose a place of aduan­tag [...] to encounter the Ro­mans, 38, b 30. The ridicu­lous voiage of Caligula at­tempted against them, 33, b 10 Driuen by Romans out of their wood of refuge, 28, a 60. Plaged by the Saxon [...] from time to time at appointment of God for their foule sins, 96, b 30. Made tributarie to the Romans, 30, b 10. At conten­tion among themselues after the death of Lucius, 52, b 60. By consent giue rule of all things in the wars to Cassi­belane, 28, b 40, Pursued by Centwine K. of Westsaxons with fier and sword, 123, b 50. Defended the christian faith euen with the sheding of their bloud, 63, b 10. Their fierce­nesse against the Romans, 25, a 60. Not all vanquished by Cesar, 31, a 60. They send to Cesar about a treatie of peace 25, b 30. Utterlie disabled by Pla [...]tius & his power, 34, b 40. Th [...]ir maner of fighting in war, 29, a 30. Remoued in­to Wales & Cornwall, 98, b 10 40. Receiued into the subiec­tion of the Estangles & Bri­tish kings, 131, b 20. Discom­fited, leaue their countrie a preie to the Saxons, 81, a 50. They l [...]st the more part of their ancient seats, 98, b 20. They laie armor aside, & be­take them to the reading of holie scriptures, 130, a 50. Seruing in war vnder Cō ­stantine fortunat, 65, a 30. Under the conduct of Uoadi­cia giue the Romans a shame­full discōfiture, 44, b 20. They obteine the field against the Saxons, 80, b 10. Their mi­serable state vnder Uorti­gerne, 78, b 10. They rebell a­gainst Alectus & his Romans 56, b 60. Oppressed of Sax­ons, craue aid of two bishops & preualie: note, 83, a 10. Their good zeale to religion in their troubles by Hengist: note, 82, b 30. Ouerthrowne by the Saxons & slain in gret num­b [...]rs, 89, b 10. Their disloialtie to Uter Pendragon, 87, b 60. Their kings séeke to rule in this land, 127, a 20. At va­riance among themselues af­ter the death of Lucius, 54, a 60. For lacke of skill gaue place to the Romans, 58, a 10
  • Britannia, why it ought rather to be called Bridania, 123, b 60. ¶ Sée Britaine.
  • Brithriks profered seruice hath ill successe, 169, b 10
  • Britons expert in art magike, 2, b 10. Why they vsed to paint their faces, 9, b 40. Suing for aid to the Romans against the Scots & Picts, could get none, 71, a 20. Welshmen, 105, b 60. Utterlie subdued by the Romans but not without much slaughter & bloudshed, 28, b 60. In gret miserie spoile one another, 70, b 60. Where the line and gouernment of their kings ended, 126, b 40. ¶ Sée Britains.
  • Brocmale earle of Chest [...]r de­fender of the moonks of Ban­gor against the Northum­bers discomfited, 104, a 20
  • Broemale. ¶ Sée Brocmale.
  • Brudeus king of Picts killeth Egfride, 125, a 30
  • Brute, his descent, arriuall in Britaine, killing of his fa­ther, &c. 7, a 10. He & his wife Innogens arri [...]all in Leogi­tia, &c: 8, b 40. He was not the first that inhabited this Ile, 6, b 50. Incountered by the grants of the Ile, 10, b 40 His line ended, 15, a 10. His letter to king Pandrasus, with cer­teine martiall exploits of his, 8, a 10. His th [...]ee sonnes, th [...]ir names, & how vpon his [...]eth­bed he diuideth all Britaine among them, 11, a 10 His ar­riuall in this Ile, 10, b 10. He & Corineus [...]ome companies, 9. b 10. H [...] with his companie landed in A [...]frica, 9, a 50. His death and buriall, 11, a 30
  • Brute G [...]éeneshield the six [...] [...] of Britaine, 12, a 30
  • Bund [...]cia. ¶ Sée Uoadicia.
  • Burge [...]. ¶ Sée Qu [...]ndred.
  • Bur [...]hred K. of Mercia mari­eth king Ethelw [...]es daugh­ter, 141, a 30. Aide [...] against the Danes, 143, b 20▪ Flieth his countrie & dieth, 145, a 30
C.
  • CAdor earle of Cornwall, 93, a 60. Duke of Cornwall killeth Cheldrike, 91, a 10
  • Cadwalline. ¶ Sée Cadwallo.
  • Cadwallo K. of Bri [...]e rebel­leth against Edwin, 11 [...], b 50. What the British writers re­port of him, 112, a 60. His i­mage of br [...]sse set on a brasen horsse and set vpon & udga [...]e, 113, a 30. Terrible both in na­ture & counce [...]ance, 111, a 20, b 10, 112, a 10. Slaine by Os­wald at Denisburne, 111, b 60
  • Cadwallader king of Britons, constreind to for sake the land, 124 a 30
  • Cadwan chosen K. of Britaine after 24 yeares space without anie one speciall gouernment, 105, b 60 His acts and déeds, 106, a 10. K. of Northwales, 104, b 10
  • Caerbardon now called Bath, 14, b 10
  • Caerbran now Beth, when first built, 12 [...] 40
  • Caerbrank, 12, [...] 10. ¶ See yorke.
  • Caergrant, now Cambridge, 20, b 40, 21, a 10
  • Caerguent, 12, b 30. ¶ Sée Win­chester.
  • Caerleir now Leicester when first built, 12, b 60
  • Caerleon by whom erected and built, 18, b 60, 19, a 10, 40, a 50, 36, a 20. ¶ Sée Chester.
  • Caerlud, now London, 23, a 60
  • Caermalet, 38, a 50
  • Caius Trebonius lieutenant of thrée legions, 29, a 40
  • Caius Uolusenus sent ouer in­to Britaine to view the Ile, 24, a 40
  • Calaterwood in Scotland, 16, b 20. Néere yorke, 21, a 40
  • Calendarwood, 49, a 40
  • Calis. ¶ Sée Itius portuss
  • Caligula emperour of Rome purposeth to search the vtter­most bounds of Britaine: note, 33, b 10
  • Calphurnius Agricola lieute­nant of Britaine, 53, a 60
  • Caltrops of iron [...]. & cast among people, 33, b 60
  • Camaletum, 38, a 50
  • Cambridge by whome builded, 20, b 40. The vniuersitie by whom [...]ounded, 116, a 20. Fa­uoured of king Sigebert and bishop Felix, 21, a 10. Pe­stered with the Danes a whole yeare, 145, a 40. [Page] The towne & the vniuersitie when first founded, 19, b 20. Burnt by Danes, 170, a 10. The vniuersitie founded be­fore Oxford 265 yeares, 145, b 60
  • Camedolon a citie belonging to the Trinobants, 38, a 60
  • Camelgaret a Welsh bishop ta­ken prisoner of the Danes, & redéemed, 151, a 60
  • Camelodunum whether Col­chester or no, 38, a 30, 44, b 10 Supposed of Polyd. Virg to be Doncaster or Pontfret, 38, a 60. (Now Coichester) taken by the Romans, 35, a 20. Peo­pled with souldiers by Osto­rius Scapula, 38, a 10
  • Cangi inhabitants of Den­bighshire, 37, b 50
  • Canons. ¶ Sée Préests.
  • Cantaber whether builder of Cambridge or no, 20, b 60
  • Cantabrians, 33, a 10
  • Canturburie in old time Kaer­kir, by whom first builded, 12, b 30. Of saint Agnes church built there by Eadbald, 107, a 20. The sée of archbishop Au­gustine, 102, a 60. Like to haue béen taken by the Danes but for composition, 169, b 30. Ta­ken of the Danes by treason, 170, a 60. Citizens & the earle of Bullongne togither by the cares, 188, b 10. The archbi­shoprike void, 120, a 10
  • Caratake renowmed in Italie & Rome, 39, a 50. His wife & daughter taken prisoners by the Romans, 39, a 30. His couragious words (being ca­ptiue) to Claudius the empe­ror, 39, a 50. His prowesse a­gainst the Romans, 38, b 10
  • Carausius a Britaine of low birth killed Bassianus in fight, 54, b 20. Of a bondman made king of Britaine, 56, b 10 Slaine, b 50
  • Care [...]cus made K. of Britaine full of dissention, 97, b 60. His acts and déeds, 98
  • Car [...]ll by whom builded, 12, a 60, ¶ Sée Caerleill.
  • Carpwald slaine by Richbert his countrieman, 110, a 10
  • Cartimandua quéene of Bri­gants betraieth Caratake in­to the Romans hands, 39, a 30. At square with hir hus­band Uenutius: note, 40, b 40
  • Cassibelane protector of the Bri­tains, 23, b 20. With what kings he was assisted against Cesar, 27, a 30. He sendeth to foure kings of Kent for aid against Cesar, 30, a 10. He ru­led Oxfordshire, Barkeshire, Buckinghamshire, Hamshire Bedfordshire, 28, b 40. Chose cheefe gouernor of the Bri­tish armie, 28, b 40. Uanqui­shed by Cesar, 30, a 40, b 60. His noble acts & stratagems against the Romans, 29, a 60. He opposeth himselfe against Cesar in the behalfe of Bri­taine, 24, b 10. His sharpe stakes pitcht and set on the Thames banke, 31, a 20. His towne taken by Cesar, 31, a 40 The time of his regiment & vanquishment, 31, b 10
  • Catagrine. ¶ Sée Catigerne.
  • Cataratacus vanquished by the Romans, 34, a 40
  • Catigerne the brother of Uorti­mer killeth Horsus, 80, b 10
  • Catus Decianus taketh flight, 44, b 20
  • Cead bishop of Mercia his sée at Lichféeld, 121, a 40. Ordeined archbishop of Yorke, his dili­gence, 119, b 20. Why remoued from the see of Yorke, 120, a 60
  • Ceadwalio king of Westsaxones malicious against Kentish­men, 126, a 20. Driuen out of his countrie, his descent, his exploits, 124, b 20. His vow, 124, b 50. He inuadeth Kent, 124, b 60. His death, 125, a 10. He dieth at Rome, 127 a 20
  • Cedda bishop of Eastsaxons his deuout déeds to prefer religi­on, 117, a 60. Had in reuerence of king Ediswald, 117, b 60
  • Celric king ouer the Westsax­ons, 99, a 10
  • Celtica, 2, a 40
  • Celts that came first ouer to in­habit this Iland what they were, 3, b 40. Subiect to the giant Albion, 3, [...] 20
  • Celvulfe king of Northumber­land dead, 133, a 10
  • Centiuinus. ¶ Sée Cen [...]ine.
  • Centwine king of Westsaxons ouercommeth the Britains, 123, b 50. How long he reig­ned, 124, a 60
  • Ceoloulph. ¶ Sée Ce owlfe.
  • Ceolred king of [...] dieth, 128, a 60
  • Ceolvulfe souereigne king ouer the Northumbers, 130, a 30, 129, a 30
  • Ceowlfe king of the Westsax­ons, 103, b 20. His acts and déeds in battell, 104, b 60
  • Cerdic king of the Westsaxons, 8, 7, a 40, 89, b 30
  • Cerdicshore (no [...] Yarmouth in Northfolke) why so called, 87, a 40
  • Cesar vanquisheth Britaine and maketh [...]ributarie, 30, a 40. He v [...]nquished not all Brita [...], 3 [...], a 60. He with his Romans at Kingston vp­on Thames [...]r not far off, 29, a 60. He repa [...]th his nauie, 28 b 20. His nauie sore beaten & spoiled in [...]empest, 28, b 10. Uanquished of the Britons, & put to his sh [...]fts, 27, a 10. He incampeth [...]éere Canturbu­rie, 30, b 50. He taketh a new occasion to make war against Britaine, 2 [...]7, b 60. He retireth with sha [...] enough out of Britaine, 27, b 30
  • Cesius Nasuca, his legion van­quish the Britans, 41, a 10
  • Cewulfe ma [...]e king of Mercia by the Danes, 149, b 30
  • Chariots to fight in vsed of the Britons, 26, a 40, 29, b 20
  • Charitie of Oswald to the poore: note, 114, a 60. ¶ Sée Hospi­talitie.
  • Chastitie. ¶ Sée Uirginitie.
  • Chelderike K. of Germanie cō ­meth in aid of Colgrime, 90, b 30. Ouerthrowne, 90, b 50. Slaine by Cador duke of Cornwall, 91, a 10
  • Chenwald K. of Westsaxons o­uercome of Penda, 115, b 40. Admitteth bishops & expelleth them again, 115, b 60, 116, a 10 Uanquished, by Uulshere, 119 a 30
  • Cheolred K, of Mercia, 127, b 10
  • Cheribert ¶ Sée Bertha.
  • Chester a colome of Romans: note, 40, a 40. Taken by the Danes, 147, b 50. Builded by Marius, as some thinke, 51, a 50. Conquerd by Egbert, 139, a 10. Defaced by the Danes, 152, a 50. Two churches there built by earle Leofrike, 193, a 60. Supposed to haue béen be­gun to be builded by Ostori­us, 40, a 30. Repared by Leill, & when first so called, 12, a 60
  • Cheuling encountereth with Britans & vanquisheth them 97, a 30. K of Westsaxons en­deth his life in exile, 98, b 50 ¶ Sée Kenrike.
  • Children 50 of Ebranke, 11, b 60
  • Chorea Gigantum, 88, b 20
  • Christ Iesus his birth, 32, b 10. Diuerse things that were occupied about him crucified sent to Adelstane for presents 156, a 60
  • Christians gréeuouslie afflicted after Edwins death, 111, a 30 Persecuted vnder Dioclesi­an, 61, a 60, 62, a 40. Honored & cherished in Constantines time, 64, b 20. In word but not in déed & how Peda thought of them, 117, a 10
  • Church neglected whiles the Danes kept such a stirre in England: note, 153, a 50. In­riched by Cnute and his wife Emma, 182, a 10. Gouerne­ment thereof prescribed by Gregorie, 101, a 40. Articles of reformation for it from pope Adrian: note, 134, b 30
  • Church discipline, 101, b 10
  • Churches built euerie where in Northūberland when Aidan preached, 114, a 50. Repared by Aurelius Ambrose, 84, b 50. Destroied, 98, a 60, b 20. How bountifull king Ethelwulfe was to them, 141, a 50, 60
  • Cicero matched by Fronto, 58, b 20
  • Cinegiscus & his sonne Riche­linus reigne iointlie ouer the Westsaxons, 105, a 10
  • Cinevulfus. ¶ Sée Kinewulfe.
  • Cingetorix king of Kent taken prisoner of Romans, 30, a 40
  • Cirencester, now Chicester ta­ken by Gurmundus, 98, a 10
  • Gissa sonne to Ella the Saxon, 89, b 10
  • Cities, townes & monasteries o­uerthrowne with wind, 135, a 60. Defaced with fire, 133, a 20
  • Ciuilis a mainteiner of iustice, 73, a 30
  • Claudianus report of Britaine in the decaie of the Romane empire, 74, b 10
  • Claudiocestria, now Glocester, 36, a 20
  • Claudius the emperor moueth war against Britaine, & why, 33, b 60. He sendeth legions of soldiers into Ireland, 36, b 10. He giueth his daughter Ge­nissa in mariage to Aruira­gus, 36, a 20. He woone Port­chester, 35, b 30, 36, a 10. He set­teth Caratake, his wife & kin­red at libertie, 39, b 30. He in person commeth into Bri­taine, 35, a 20
  • Cleanders hatred against Per­honnis, 53, b 60
  • Clergie fauour Cnute for their oth sake, 175, b 30, 176, a 10
  • Clodius Albinus lieutenant in Britaine, 54, a 40
  • Cloten K. of Cornwall, 15, b 10
  • Cneus Trebellius lieutenant of Britaine, 51, a 40, 53, a 10
  • Cnute the son of Sweine suc­céeds his father in England, 173, a 30. Absolute K. of Eng­land, 178, a 60. He passeth in­to Denmarke to subdue the Uandals & Swedeners that annoied his land, 180, b 20, 40. His diuerse acts politike, and memorable saiengs, 181, a 60, b, all. He refuseth combat prof­fered him by K. Edmund I­ronside, 175, b 60. At Guling­ham in Dorsetshire he is put to flight, 176, a 10. He is mari­ed to the widow of Egelred, 179, a 60. He sendeth awaie his Danish nauie into Den­marke, 179, b 40. His endeuor to establish himselfe in the kingdome, 173, a 60. He would command the sea in his pride, & is taught humilitie, 181, b 10 He renounceth the wearing of a crowne roiall anie more, 40, His children, 60. He taketh vpon him the rule of all Eng­land, 179, a 20. He causeth Ed­riks throte to be cut, 179, b 50. What countries he passed through, 174, b 60. He retur­neth into England, 174, a 60. He and K. Edmund Ironside fight a combat, 177, b 40. His lawes, 182, a 20. He is forced to forsake England, 173, b 20. His death, 191, a 30
  • Coelus gouernement in Bri­taine, 62, a 40
  • Cogidunus king of Britaine, 32, a 10. Faithfull to the Ro­mans, 40, a 60
  • Coifi an hethenish bishops zeale to destroie idolatrie, 109, a 60,
  • Coillus king of Britaine de­scribed, 51, b 10
  • Colchester builded, 51, b 30. Walled by Helen, 66, a 10. Whereof Eldad was bishop, 84, b 40
  • Colman bishop of Northum­bers, 119, a 40
  • Combat betwéene Catigerne & Horsus, 80, b 10. Offred by K. Edmund Ironside to Cnute the Dane, 175, b 40. Fought betwéene K. Edmund Iron­side & Cnute, 177, b 40. Pur­posed of Edgar against the king of England & Kenneth king of Scots, 161, b 50
  • Comius of Arras ambassadour from the Romans staid of the Britons as prisoner, 25, b 40.
  • Commodus the emperor sen­deth Ulpius against the Bri­tains, 53, b 10. He enuieth the renowme of Ulpius, 53, b 30
  • Cōpremise. ¶ Sée Arbitrement,
  • Conan Meridoc duke of Corn­wall, 65, b 40
  • Conspiracie notablie punished, 155, a 60. Rewarded with murther, 4, b 20. Of Kineard against Kinewulfe, 134, a 50. ¶ Sée Treason.
  • Constantine brother to Aldroe­nus K. of Britaine vpō coue­nant, 76, a 50. His three sons, & his death by treason, 76, b 10. A Britaine borne, his regi­ment in this Ile, why surna­med Great, 63, b 50. An as­sured branch of the British race, 66, a 10. Commended, 65, a 10. His decease, 66, a 30
  • Constantine consine to Arthus reigneth ouer Britaine, his exploits, 94, a 40. Noted by Gyldas, to be a verie ill man, 94, b 20, 69, b 10. Slaine in battell, 94, a 60
  • Constantine the emperour & his sonne slaine, 76, b 20
  • Constantius his reigne ouer Britaine, 62, b 20. A simple [...]. end slaine by his gard, 77, a 20
  • Constantius the Romane lieu­tenant taketh Coels daugh­ter a Britaine to wife, 62, a 40 His notable talke & behauior on his death bed, 63, a 10
  • Contention about succession to the crowne of England, 16 [...], [Page] a 60. ¶ Sée Discord.
  • Controuersies to be ended by arbitrement, 87, b 60, 88, a 10
  • Copa. ¶ Sée Eopa.
  • Cordeilla gouerneth Britaine & killeth hir selfe, 13, b 40. Re­gan & Gonorilla, the thrée sole daughters of Leir, 12, b 60
  • Cor [...]eus duke of Cornewall, 11, b 10. He wrestleth with Gogmagog, 10, b 40. He kil­leth Imbert, 10, a 10. ¶ Sée Brute.
  • Cormans preaching among the Northumbers taking small effect, maketh him depart, 113, b 20
  • Cornishmens seruice against the Romans, 27, b 10. Sub­dued by Adelstan, 156, a 30
  • Cornewall why giuen to Cori­neus, 10, b 60
  • Corona ciuica, à ciuem redimen­do, 37, b 50
  • Correction doone vnnaturall by a mother on hir son, 165, a 30
  • Couentrie made frée of toll and custome, 193, a 40
  • Couetousnes how dangerous. 18, b 10. Of bishop Adelstan, 143, a 60. Of Harold in diui­ding spoiles of the Norwe­gians, 198, a 50. It caused murther, 174, a 40
  • Counsell in issue vnhappie, 78, a 20. Tending to safetie, neglec­ted bréedeth danger, 160, b 30. Pestilent of a wicked wife, 133, b 10. Of yoong heads per­nicious, 16, a 40. Good giuen of a woman, 104, b 50. Good neg­lected, & what insued, 125, a 30 For safetie neglected with losse & ieopardie, 151, a 10. Un­aduisedlie taken, hurteth, 78, b 50. Euill what mischéese it worketh, 187, a 60. Euill fal­leth out ill to the counsellor, 187, b 20. Good ill requited, 131 a 50. Euill followed procu­reth hurt, 192, b 10
  • Crida first K. of Mercia, 97, b 20
  • Crosse borne before them that came to conuert Ethelbert & the English Saxons to the faith, 100, b 20. Erected in full hope to be an ensigne or tro­phe of victorie: note, 111, b 50. Reuerenced by Constantine, 64, b 60
  • Crosses of bloudie colour fell frō heauen on mens garments, signifieng affliction, 135, b 50
  • Crossing bringeth sight of the diuels, and crossing driueth them awaie, 157, b 40
  • Crowne roiall set on a crucifix & renounced of Cnute, 181, b 40. Of England recouered out of the hands of Dan [...]s, 179, b 30 Of gold what king did first weare, 15, a 30, 16, a 10 Controuersie for that of En­gland, 182, b 10
  • Crowne called Corona ciuica, 37, b 50
  • Crownes shauen controuersed, 119, a 50
  • Crueltie of the Britains too too outragious, 45, a 10. Executed vpon Beatrice K. Edwards daughter, 154, b 10. In go­uernment purchase malice & deth, 151, b 60. In an extreme kind, 179, b 60. Of Cnute a­gainst the English pledges, 173, b 30. Unspeakeable vsed against Alfred by his tormen­tors, 183, b 60. Of the Danes in winning of Canturburie: note, 170, b 10. Of erle Tostie, 194, b 20. For vsing wherof a [...]dge was burned, 135, a 30. Of Penda & Cadwallo, 111, a 30. ¶ Sée Tyrannie.
  • Cumberland giuen to the king of Scots to hold in homage, 157, a 30. Wasted by the Danes, 167, b 10
  • Cumbra slaine for speking truth & giuing good counsell, 131, a 50
  • Cunedag sole ruler of Britaine, 14, a 30
  • Cuneglasus inueighed against by Gyldas aleud liuer, 69, a 60
  • Cursse of the pope when first thundered out at England: note, 153, a 50. Of the Irish­men when thought to take place, 125, a 20, b 40
  • Custome paid out of Britaine to the Romans, 33, a 30
  • Custome of Northumberland, to sell their néere kinsfolks for a small price, 99, b 10
  • Cutberd bishop of Lindesterne, 25, a 30
  • Cutha fighteth with the Bri­tans at Bedford, 97, a 30
  • Cuthred K. of Westsaxons, his exploits, 131, a 10
D.
  • DAlmatia, now Slauonia, 32, b, 50. 33, a, 10.
  • Damianus consecrated archbi­shop of Canturburie, 116, b 40 ¶ Sée Fugatius.
  • Danes arriue vpon the English coasts, & doo much mischeefe in K. Eg [...]lreds time, 165, a 50. Ouer all England like gras­hoppers, 166, a 60. Wintered at London, 145, a 20. Enuiron K. Edmund in Framingham castell, & pitifullie put him to death, 144, a 60. Cause of their comming into Northumber­land, 144, b 20, That first arri­ued on the English coasts, & when, 135, b 50. How manie shires they wasted, 170, a 20. Norwegians & they encoun­ter, 16, a 60. Sought the de­struction of this land, 140, a 60 b 10. Ioine with the Welsh and are vanquished, 139, a 40. Landed & spoiled the abbie of Lindesferne & did much hurt in Northumberland, 137, a 50 How long the persecution of them lasted, 140, b 20. With a nauie of 35 ships arriue on the English coasts, 139, a 20. En­tring vpon diuerse parts of England are vanquished and slaine, 140, b 50. Come to Rea­ding are put to flight, 144, a 10 Come within 17 miles of Bristow, 145, a 60. Compelled to flée to their ships wt shame & losse enough, 137, a 60. Forced to paie tribut to the king of Britaine, 19, a 40. Slaine by multituds at Tenet, 141, a 40 Loose one of their kings and fiue earles in a discomfiture, 143, b 60. Grow in puissance, 142, b 60. Fauoured of K. Ed­gar, 159, b 50. Truce brekers. 145, a 60, b 60. Their campe viewed by Alured disguised like a minstrell, 146, b 10. Be­siege Notingham, 143, b 30. Soiorne at London, 145, b 60 Went into Northumberland, 145, a 40. Wast all the east part of Kent, 142, b 10. Nine earles & one king of them slaine in Ethelreds time, 142, b 40. Di­uerse méetings & encounters betwéene them & K. Edwards forces, 151, a 20, &c. Remained at Cambridge a whole yeare, 145, a 40. Besiege Rochester, 147, a 60. Build them a castell in the borders of Wales, 148, a 10. With their armies come into yorkeshire, 143, a 10. Di­uerse baptised, 146, b 60. Win­tered in Cirencester, 147, a 50. Constreined to eat horseflesh, 147, b 50. Winter in Lindseie, 150, a 10. Meant to inhabit Northumberland, 150, a 10. Arriue in Essex, 147, b 50. Their armie diuided into thrée parts, 148, a 10. Take preies about Chichester, 147, b 50. Béereued Alured almost of all his kingdome, 148, b 40. Destroie Winchester, 144, b 10 Assembled in Staffordshire, 151, b 40. Had the whole go­uernment of this land frō the Thames northward, 145, a 60 Crueltie in the winning of Canturburie citie. 170, a 60, b 10. Ouercome at Brentford, 176, a 60. Inuade the West parts of this Iland, 167, a 50. Trucebreakers, 168, b 60, 169 a 10. Wast this land in all parts after Dunstans death, 166, a 40. First entrie of them cōtrouersed among writers, & all their attempts impeach­ed, 164, a 40. Spoile Sand­wich in Edward the thirds time, 88, a 30. Deliuer to king Alured hostages & couenants to depart his dominions, 146, b 50, Egelreds deuise to murther them all in one daie, 168, b 30, Ouercome by sea & otherwise vanquisht, 141, a 20 In great miserie for lacke of vittels, 151, b 10. Rule & per­secution when it ceassed in England, 185, b 60. Kings & earles of their armie slaine, 151, a 40. Tributarie to the Britains, 16, b 40. Utterlie expelled out of England by decrée, 187, a 20
  • Danegilt, 166, a 60. Ceased in England, 195, a 20
  • Danaus & his fiftie daughters, 5, b 20. The murthering of their husbands how reuenged and their names, 6, a 50
  • Daniell bishop of Winchester, 129, a 60
  • Daughters vnkind to their fa­ther, 13, a 60
  • Dearth in England by means of tempest, 188, a 10
  • Dearth and mortalitie in Bri­taine and Ireland, 119, b 10
  • Death after dearth, 188, a 10
  • Decima a surname of a Romane legion wherein the eagle was painted, 25, a 40
  • Deira kingdom when it began, 95, b 10. Now Northumber­land, 99, b 50. Deliuered De ira Dei, 99, b 50
  • Demetia now Southwales, 18, b 60, 27, a 30
  • Denbighshire spoiled by Osto­rius, 37, b 50
  • Deuonshiremen vanquish the Danes, 141, a 20
  • Deusdedit archbishop of Can­turburie, 116, b 40
  • Didanus the father of Fris­wide, 133, b 60
  • Dindimus & Uerianianus bre­thren slain in battell by Con­stans, 69, a 30
  • Dionethus duke of Cornewall, 67, a 20
  • Dioclesian a tyrant, 52, a 50. He & Maximian emperors, 61, b 60
  • Discipline. ¶ Sée Church.
  • Discord bringeth decaie, 88, a 40 Of brethren: note, 197, b 30, 194, b 10: note, 150, b 40, 151, a 10. Ciuill openeth a gap to the forren enimies, 142, b 60, 143, a 10. Bringeth miseries ma­nifold, 124, a 40
  • Disdain how dangerous, 18, a 10
  • Disobedience punished by fier and sword, 158, a 50. Punished with wasting and spoiling, 153, a 30
  • Dissention damnifieth the au­thor, 21, a 10. ¶ Sée Discord and Warres ciuill.
  • Dissimulation requited with dissimulation, 187, a 50. Of Edrike brought him vnto a shamefull end, 179, b 50, Of earle Goodwin, 183, a 10, 184, a all. Of Hengist notable, 81, b 60. Of Herculeus Maximia­nus, 64, a 20. Of quéen Alfred 163, a 30. Of Uortigerne no­table, 77, a 40. Of Edrike, 169 a 50. ¶ Sée Edrike.
  • Diuell waits at the table when Dunstan sat with the king, 157, b 60. He laugheth at Dunstans exile, 159, a 30
  • Diuision. ¶ Sée Dissention.
  • Di [...]a the first bishop of Mer­cia, 118, b 20
  • Doctrine confirmed by miracle, 83, b 10
  • Domi [...]ian Nero emperour of Rome, 41, a 50. He enuieth A­gricola his honor, 51, a 20
  • Dorcester bishoprike, 114, b 20
  • Dragons firie flieng in the aire, 135, b 60
  • Dreame of Alured comfortable to him, 146, a 60. Of Bright­wold a moonke of Glastenbu­rie, 185, b 20. Of Dunstane, 165, b 60. Of Edgi [...]a K. Ed­wards conc [...]bin, 153, a 10. Of duke Elstane interpreted by Dunstane, 157, b 50. Of arch­bishop Laurence: note, 106, b 60, 107, a 10. Wherebie Rollo was warned, 146, a 30
  • Drunkennes. ¶ Sée Quaffing.
  • Druis the son of Sarron, 2, b 50
  • Druides where they made their chiefe abode: &c. 2, b 60. Cursse the Romans, 41, b 40
  • Duke Alfrike of Mercia, 165, a 60 Androgeus of Troino­uant, 31, a 30. Asclepiodotus of Cornewall his exploits a­gainst the Romans, 56, b 60. King of Britaine, 57, a 10. He is slaine, 2, a 3 [...]. Berthun & Au [...]hun of Sussex, 124, b 40 Blederike of Cornwall, 104, b 10, Chorthmund a murtherer 137, a 10. Conan [...] of Cornwall, 65. Corineus of Cornwall. ¶ Sée Corineus. Dionethus of Cornwall, 67, a 20. Eardulfe taken & woun­ded, 136, b 30. Elsing of Nor­waie, 16, a 50. Gluni of Deme­tia, 36, a 20. Gorolus of Corn­wall, 88, a 20. Heninus of Cornwall, 13, a 20 Horge [...]ius of Cornwall or Deuonshire, 160, a 60. Magianus of Alba­nia, 13, a 20. Octauius of the Gewisses, 65, a 60. Salomon of Cornwall, 66, a 60. Uorti­gerne of the Gewisses and Cornwall, 76, b 30. ¶ Sée Uortigerne. Wade a conspi­rator, 137, a 10
  • Duke William prepareth to in­uade England & conquer it, 198, b 20. His proclamation telling the causes of his en­trance into England, 174, b 60. His policie to disorder his enimies, 202, a 10. Ioi­fullie receiueth Harold, 193, b 60, 194, a 10. Sendeth an a [...]bassage to Harold putting him in mind to remember his [Page] oth, 196, b 60. Erecteth & buil­deth tortresses for his soldi­ers, 199, a 30. He landed in Sussex, 198, b 90. Was base­lie borne of the bodie of Arlet a burgesses daughter of Fa­lois, 201, b 10. The battell be­twixt him & K. Harold fought 200, a 10. His comming ouer into England, and returne, 190, b 60. Pretended a title to the crowne of England, 196, b 10. His enterprise fauoured of pope Alexander, 199, a 10. Sendeth to K. Harold requi­ring him to take his daugh­ter to wife, as he promised, 197, a 30. Promiseth Harold his daughter in mariage, 194, a 20. His pedegrée 201, a 30
  • Dukes rebell against Oswie, 118, b 60
  • Dubright bishop of Caerleon, 90, b 20
  • Dubritius bishop of Landaffe his diligence in his professi­on, 94, a 20
  • Dulcitius an expert capteine in war, 73, a 30. Appointed to put Ualentinus to death, 73, b 10
  • Dune a riuer where Doncaster now standeth. 85, b 60
  • Dunmailes sonnes eies put out by king Edmund, 157, a 30
  • Dunstan, & what is reported of him, 165, b 10. His prophesies, 165, a 20. His sharpe message sent to K. Ethelred, 165, a 60. He is restored & in estimation with Edgar, 159, a 60. Made bishop of Worcester, 160, a 10. In fauour with Edred, 158, b 10 By working miracies he had his will when argumēts failed, 163, a 10. His hipocrisie, 161, a 10. His vision: note a vaine tale, 157, b 40. He is ba­nished, 159, a 20
  • Dunwich a bishoprike, 110, a 40
  • Duresme citie besieged by God­frie king Adelstans enimie, 155, a 20
  • Durham from Yorkeshire how diuided, 88, a 50. The towne and minster builded, 167, a 10
  • Durmo, or rather Gurmo, Angli­cus, why so named, 147, a 40
E.
  • EAdbald king of Kent, ince­stuous, irreligious, & ta­ken mad, 106, a 40. Baptised, becommeth a christian, and buildeth a church, 107, a 10
  • Eadbert K. of Northumberland becommeth a moonke, 132, b 60
  • Ealdbright K. of Southsaxons slaine in battell, 127, b 20
  • Eadhidus bishop of Lindseie, 122, b 60
  • Eadulfus bishop of Lichfield adorned with the pall, 132, a 20
  • Eardulfe a duke taken & woun­ded, 136, b 30
  • Earle. ¶ Sée Erle.
  • Eartongatha a kings daughter a professed nun, 114, b 50
  • Easter. ¶ Sée Ester.
  • Eata bishop of Hexam, 125, b 50
  • Eaubald archbishop of Cantur­burie, 137, b 40
  • Eaufled king Edwins daugh­ter borne, 107, b 60
  • Eaufride and Osrike kings of Northumberland slaine: note 111, a 60, b 10
  • Ebranke first inuaded France after Brute, 12, a 10. Fift ru­ler of Britaine, 11, b 60. He had 21 wiues, 20 sonnes, 30 daughters, to be maried with Troian bloud, 11, b 60, 12, a 10
  • Ebusa. ¶ Sée Occa.
  • Eclipse of the sunne, 119, b 10. note, 130, a 60. That in the yeare when it appéered died king Ercombert & the arch­bishop Deusdedit, 119, b 60
  • Edan K. of Scots warreth a­gainst Edelferd of Northum­berland, 103, b 50
  • Edbert. ¶ Sée Ethelbert.
  • Edelferd K. of Northumberlād his exploits & victories, 103, b 50, 104, a 10. He entereth Che­ster, 104, b 10. Associated of the Saxon princes méeteth Cadwan in the field, 106, a 10 Wounded in fight and put to flight, 104, b 20, 60
  • Edelhere slaine by Oswie, 116, b 30
  • Edelwulfe earle of Barkeshire fought at Englefied with the Danes, 143, b 40
  • Edelwulfe king of Kent chased out of his countrie, 138, b 10
  • Edenburg castell by whome builded, 12, a 20
  • Ederus king of Scots, alias Cridiorus, 27, a 30, 60
  • Edgar K of England his dispo­sition, & diligent prouision for defense of his realme, 159, a 60 b 10. Murthereth Ethelwold & marieth his wife, 160, b 30. His wiues & children, and in what state the land was in his time, 162, a 20. Rowed on ye water eight kings driuing his barge, 159, b 40. He pre­ferred moonks to bishopriks, 160, a 10. Put to seuen yeares penance for deflouring Wil­frid, 161, a 20. In loue with duke of Cornewals daughter sendeth to hir about mariage, & is preuented by the messen­ger, 160, a 60, b 10 Described, 161, b 50. Subdueth the Welshmen, his spoiles, his vi­sion and death, 161 a 60
  • Edgar Edeling why the péeres of England would not make him king, 196, a 60
  • Edgitha. ¶ Sée Editha.
  • Edgiua the wife or (as some saie) the concubine of king Edward hir dreame, 153, a 10 Mother of K. Edred, 158, b 10
  • Edhirike. ¶ Sée Edrike.
  • Edilbald king of Mercia figh­teth against Cuthrid, 131, a 10 30. Put to flight, 131, a 30
  • Edilred king of Mercia inua­deth Kent, 122, b 40. ¶ Sée Ethelred.
  • Edilwald king of Northumber­land, his acts & déeds, 132, b 60
  • Edilwalke king of Southsax­ons licenceth Wilfrid to prech to his people, 123, a 10. Expel­led out of his kingdome by his subiects & slaine, 124, b 40
  • Ediswald king of Deira dispo­sed to deuotion, 117, b 60
  • Editha the daughter of earle Goodwin maried to Edward the third, 187, a 40. Put awaie by hir husband king Edward the third: note, 189, b 40. A wife & yet a virgin, 154, b 20. Base daughter of Edgar made a nun, 160, b 60. Abbesse of Wil­ton, 161, b 10
  • Edoll earle of Glocester or Che­ster his valiantnesse against the Saxons with a stake, he taketh Hengist, 82, a 10.
  • Edmund bishop of Shirburne slaine, 144, a 10
  • Edmund king Egelreds eldest son marieth the widow of Si­geferd ye Dane, 174, a 60. His valiant exploits, 174, b 20, 60
  • Edmund fighteth in cōbat with Cnute, 177, b 40. Distressed by the Danes withdraweth into Glocestershire, 177, a 20. K. Egelerds eldest sonne sent into England, 173, a 40. Ioi­neth Northumberland vnto his owne estate, 157, a 20. K. of England by intreatie con­cludeth peace with Danes of Northumberland, 136, b 50 His lawes, 157, a 60. His death & the lamentable maner thereof, 157, a 60, b 10. Diuerse and discordant reports of his end, 178, b 40. His deth reuen­ged, 179, a 40, his sons bani­shed, 50, they are maried, 60
  • Edmund why surnamed Iron­side, 175, b 60. Proclamed K. of England, 175, b 30. Offe­reth the combat vnto Cnute the Dane, 175, b 60. He & his English discomfit Cnute and his Danes in a pitcht field, 176, b 30. He sheweth himselfe to his soldiers, partlie belée­uing that he was slaine, 176, a 40. Traitorouslie slaine in Oxfordshire, 178, b 10
  • Edmund king of Estangles in armes against the Danes, he is cruellie murthered of them 144, a 60
  • Edmund the martyr gouerned the Eastangles, 133, b 50
  • Edred K. of England his acts and déeds, 158, a 20. Impri­soneth archbishop Wolstan, 158, b 60. He dieth, 158, b 10
  • Edrike a Dane ruler of the Est­angles, 149, b 60. Author of K. Edmunds death, 178, b 10. Commandeth faire Gunthil­dis to be put to death, 171, a 10 A close furtherer of Danes dooings, 169, b 30. Taketh part with the Danes against Edmund, 176, b 60, 177, a 10. Put to death after he had re­uealed his traitorous hart, 179, b 50
  • Edrike de Streona his trai­tors practise against two Da­nish noble men, 174, a 40. He with a great power flieth to ye Danes, 174, b 20. Made duke or earle of Mercia, 169, a 50. His treason against ye Eng­lish, 176, a 40. His treason co­loured with sicknes, 168, b 50
  • Edrike king of Kent slaine in warres, 126, a 10
  • Edsinus archbishop of Cantur­burie, 186, b 40
  • Edwine the sonne of king Ella banished out of Northumber­land, 104, b 30. He displaceth moonks and putteth secular préests in their roomes, 159, a 40. Preuaileth against the Westsaxons, 108, a 10. Useth the helpe of Petitus a sooth­saier, 112, b 50. In a doubt what religion to imbrace, 108, 109, His vision: note, 108, a 40 He with his people receiueth the christian faith, 109, b 40. King of Northumberland, his regiment inlarged, and his reputation, 107, a 60, b 10. A good commonwealth man, 110, a 60. His zeale in setting foorth religion, 110, a 10. His two wiues and his children, 109, b 60. King of England. his filthie lust, 159, a 10. He and his two sonnes slaine in battell, 110, b 60. He dieth with gréefe, 159, a 50
  • Edwin king Adelstans brother accused of conspiracie, & how punished, 155, a 60
  • Edward the elder king of En­gland, and consecrated, 150, b 30. Subdueth the kingdome of Eastangles, 152, a 10. Sei­zeth into his hands the c [...]s of London and Oxford, 151, a 40, Sendeth presents to the pope to appease his displea­sure, 153, a 60. Builder and reparer of townes, 152, b 50. Put the Danes still to the worst, 151, b 40. His thrée wiues, his issue by them, and his death, 153, a 10
  • Edward the secōd king of En­gland after much contention, 162, b 10. Gouerned by good counsell, 163, a 20 Shameful­lie murthered by his mo­thers procurement, 163, a 30, surnamed Martyr, 163, b 30
  • Edward the third king of Eng­land by generall cōsent, crow­ned, 186, a 60, b 40. Promiseth to make duke William heire, 191. a 10. Absteineth from the companie of his wife, 187, a 50. Dealeth strictlie with his mother Emma, 60. In person maketh out against Goodwin and his complices, 190, a 10. His lawes instituted, 191, b 10. Marieth earle Goodwins daughter, 187, a 40. Putteth awaie his wife Editha: note, 189, b 40. Departeth this life, his manners, and mind, 195, a 10. Canonised by the name of Edward Confessor, 195, a 60. His words vpō his death bed, b 10. Described, b 30
  • Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside surnamed the ou [...] ­law, his death, 192, b 10
  • Egbert archbishop of Yorke: note, 130, a 60. He hath his pall from Rome, b 50. Depar­teth this life, 135, a 10
  • Egbert king of Kent, 119, b 60. Dieth, and what is written of him, 122, a 20
  • Egbert king of Northumber­land, 131, b 10. Expelled from his kingdome by his subiects 149, b 60. Receiued as king of the Westsaxons, 137, b 60, His notable exploits & conquests, 138, a 40, 139, a 10. His death, buriall, his issue, and how he diuided his kingdome among his sonnes, 139, a 50
  • Egbert one of the bloud roiall banished, 135, b 40
  • Egelred is sent for home & re­turneth, 173, a 40. K. of Eng­land & negligent in gouerne­ment, 164, b 50. Maketh him­selfe strong against Danes, 173, b 20. Marieth Emma a ladie of Normandie, 168, a 10. His deuise to murther all the Danes in one daie, 168, a 30. Diuerse foretokens of euils like to befall in his time, 165, a 20. Maried earle Egberts daughter, 165, a 60. Deter­mineth to giue place vnto Swaine, 172, b 10. Hath no remedie against the Danes outrages, 170, a 60. Passeth to Normandie, 172, b 20. Had no remedie against crueltie of Danes, 196, a 20. Discom­fited by them, 171, b 60. His o­ratiō to his soldiers, 172, a 10 Recouered of his sicknesse, assembleth an armie against the Danes, 174, b 40. Com­poundeth with the Danes for peace, 166, b 50. Dieth and is buried, his qualities, and is­sue, 175, a 10
  • Egelfrida one of the wiues of [Page] Edgars. 162, a 10
  • Egilbert K. of Estangles head chopt off by falshood, 132, a 10
  • Egfrid king of Northumber­land, 121, a 60. He and Edil­red fight in aimes, 123, a 60. Banished bishop Wiltred, 122 b 60. His armie wast Ireland 125, a 10. Slaine by Brude­us king of Picts, 125, a 30
  • Egfrid king of Mercia, his acts and déeds, 132, b 20
  • Egriens. ¶ Sée Sigibert.
  • Egwine bishop of Worcester, 128, a 60, 129, a 10
  • Elanius king of Britaine how long he reigned, 20, a 20
  • Elcu [...]us king of Westsaxons, his acts and déeds, 122, a 10
  • Elcwold. ¶ Sée Akwold.
  • Eldad bishop of Colchester, 84, b 40
  • Eleutherius. ¶ Sée Elutherius
  • El [...]er duke of Mercia & others immediatlie after Edgars death remoued the monks & restored the canons, 162, b 10. Departeth this life, 165, a 60. Eaten to death with lice, 163, b 30
  • Elfleda gouernesse of Mercia by K. Edwards assignement, 152, a 30. K. Alureds daugh­ter hir continencie & chastitie, 148, a 60. Hir victories against the Danes & others, hir deth, buriall, and epitaph, 152, a 50
  • Elfrida. ¶ Sée Egellrida.
  • Elnothus archbishop of Can­turburie refuseth to conse­crate Harold, 182, b 30
  • Elphegus bishop of Winche­ster, 165, b 50, 166, b 60
  • Elphegus archbishop of Can­turburie murthered by the Danes, 170, b 10, 40
  • Elie Ile whereof it tooke the name and by whome builded, 23, a 10. ¶ Sée S. Auderie.
  • Elidurus king of Britaine la­boureth to haue his brother restored to the kingdome, 21, a 10. Taken prisoner of his owne brethren, 21, b 30. Deli­uered out of prison and crow­ned king, 21, b 60
  • Ella the son of Histria first K. of D [...]ira. 95, b 10, 30. King of the Southsaxōs his exploits, 89, b 10. He & his thrée sons enter Britaine, 86, a 20, b 60. He and Osbright king of Nor­thumbers are slaine by the Danes, 143, a 20
  • Ellas croft in yorkeshire why so named, 144, b 40
  • Elsing. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Elstrida king Alureds daugh­ter maried to Baldwin earle of Flanders, 149, a 60
  • Elutherius bishop of Rome his aduise to Lucius touching religion, 52, a 10
  • Elutherius bishop of Westsax­ons, 129, b 10
  • Embert a notable man & first husband to Ethelred, 125, a 60
  • Emma daughter to Richard duke of Normādie maried to K. Egeldred, 168, a 10. Sent for out of banishmēt, 185, a 10. Accused of diuerse crimes purgeth hir selfe by the Or­dalian law, 187, a 60. The wi­dow of Egelred married to Cnute, 179, a 60. Sendeth hir sonnes into Normandie, 176, a 60. The praise of hir wise­dome, 179, b 30. Harolds coū ­terfeit letter tending to the destruction of hir & hir sons, 183, a 60, b 10 all, 184, a all. Banished after she had béene spoiled, 184, a 60
  • Emma K, Edward the thirds mother dieth, 191, a 30
  • Empire. ¶ Sée Rome.
  • Emperor, a name that no Ro­mane should take vpon him oftener than once in anie vei­age, 35, a 30
  • England somtimes calle [...] Hen­gistland, 98, a 30. Frée from troubles both on sea & land in Edward ye thirds daies, 191, a 60. Danes vtterlie expelled out by decrée, 187, a 20. The foure notable conquests ther­of set downe in an aduertise­ment, 202, a 10. Miserable state of it vnder the Danes, 168, a 60. Pestered by Danes as thicks as grassehoppers, 166, a 60. The more part of it conquered by Swaine, 172, b 10. Subiect to Swaine the Dane, 172, b 60. How manie shires therin ye Danes wasted 170, a 20. The cause that it was so afflicted by ye Danes in K. Egelreds time, 167, b 10 The maiestie and glorie of it fell with the deth of Edmund 178, b 50. Parted betwéene K. Edmund and Cnute, 178, a 10, 60. Freshlie inuaded by Swaine, 171, a 60. Cōtention about successiō to the crowne therof, 162, a 60. First accur­sed by the pope: note, 153, a 50 Pestered with wolues & how rid of them, 160, a 20. Absolut­lie in Cnutes hands, 178, a 60 State of things much altered therein by the deth of Cnute, 184, b 60. State of it in king Edgars daies, 162, a 20, Foure especiall destructions thereof, 140, a 60. When the Danes rule & persecutiō cea­sed in it, 185, b 60. The name of this Ile when changed & made a monarchie, 139, a 10. ¶ Sée Albion and Britaine.
  • Englishmen of whom they lear­ned their excessiue féeding, 185, b 50. Behaue themselues like beasts, 199, b 50. Their valiantnesse and skilfulnesse in fight against the Normās, 200, a 10. Order imbattelled against duke William & his Normans, 199, b 40. Preuaile against the Danes, 145, b 10. Why they went into France and became monks, 114, b 60. A [...]ct themselues with ciuill wars, 137, a 20. Practised in wars are commonlie victors, 150, b 60. Obteine grants be­neficiall at the instance of K. Cnute, 181, b 10. Their good seruice vnder Cnute against the Uandals, 180, b 30. Flie to the Danes & take part a­gainst their owne king, 171, b 60, 172, a 10. In a perplexitie, 172, a 60. Hardlie handled by Swaine, 172, b 60. Receiue the faith in Ethelberts time, 100, b 40. Lerne vices of strā ­gers, 159, b 60. Learned to quaffe of the Danes, 159, b 60 Discōfited by duke Williams Normans, 200, a 40. Happie when Theodore was archbi­shop of Canturburie, 120, b 20 Discomfited by the Danes, 139, a 30, ¶ Sée Britains, Britons, and Welshmen.
  • Englishsaxōs. ¶ Sée Saxons.
  • Ensigne bearer of the Romans his valiantnesse, 25, a 40
  • Enuie an enimie to honor, 51, a 30. To vertue & honor, 53, b 30
  • Enuie at anothers welfare, 110, b 50. At an others aduance­ment, 90, a 60
  • Enuie of kinsmen conceiued a­gainst their vncle breaketh in­to murther, 117, a 60, b 10
  • Enuie of Cleander against Per hennius: note, 53, b 60. Of Penda against Oswald for his good procéedings, 115, a 10
  • Enwulfe earle of Summerset a conspirator, 141, a 60
  • Eopa a Saxon, but disguised Britaine, poisoneth Aure­lius, 85, a 20
  • Erchenwin first king of East­saxons, 90, a 30
  • Ercombert the first of the Eng­lish kings that destroied all idols in his kingdom, 114, b 40
  • Erkenwald bishop of Eastsax­ons, 122, a 50
  • Ericke a Dane king of Estan­gles, put to flight, he is mur­thered of his subiects, 151, b 60
  • Erle Algare of Oxford, 191, b 30. Androgeus of London: note, 30, b 30. Baldwine. ¶ Sée Baldwine. Brightnod of Essex giueth battell to the Danes, sla [...]ne, 166, a 60. Broc­male of Chester, 104, a 20. Co­ell of Colchester, 62, a 40. Fa­ther to the good empresse He­len, 66, a 10. Edelwulfe of Barkeshire his valiantnesse, 143, b 40. Edol of Glocester or Chester. ¶ Sée Edoll. Enulfe of Summerset, 141, a 60. Of Essex namelesse, 162, b 10. Go­da of Deuonshire slaine, 166, a 50. Goodwin of Kent, 182, b 10. ¶ Sée Goodwin. Leofrike of Chester, 180, a 40, 188, b 60. Nonneus, 74, a 10. Oddo hath Deuonshire & Summerset­shire giuē him, 189, b 30. Rafe of Hereford, 188, b 60. Si­ward of Northumberland, 188, b 60. His exploits against the Scots, 192, a 30, 60
  • Ermenredus his two sonnes cruellie slaine, 122, a 30
  • Erming stréet. ¶ Sée High­waies.
  • Erocus king of the Almans a friend to Constantine, 64, a 10
  • Escuinus, ¶ Sée Elcuinus.
  • Esseda, 17, a 60. ¶ Sée Chariots.
  • Essex arriued in by the Danes, 147, b 60. The kingdome ther­of taketh end, 139, b 40
  • Essexmen yéelded themselues to Adelwold, 150, b 60
  • Estangles where planted in Britain, 82, a 20. Their king­dome brought into decaie and subiect to diuerse, 133, b 40. It ceaseth, 144, b 10. Conquered by Offa, 133, b 30. Subiect vnto the Danes, 149, b 60. Kingdome & when it began, first called U [...]ines, 87, a 30. They haue Gurthrun a Dane their king, 144, b 20, 146 b 50. Their kingdome subdu­ed by king Edward, 152, a 10 Their vaine hope made them venterous to their cost, 116, a 50. Wholie conuerted to the faith, 110, a 30
  • Estsaxons when their kingdom began, 90, a 10. Will not re­ceiue Melitus to his sée at London, 107, a 10. Receiue ye faith which they had renoun­ced, 117, a 10. Gouerned by a Dane, 144, b 20. Notablie cō ­firmed in the faith, 121, a 10. Kingdome ceased, 133, b 60
  • Ester feast to be vniformelie kept, 110, b 30. Obseruing wherof ye Scots will obserue their owne custome, 119, a 50. About the obseruing whereof there was contention in Au­gustines time: note, 102, b 40, 103, a 20. About the obserua­tion wherof the Scots varie, 114, a 10
  • Ethelard king of Westsaxons taketh flight out of his land, his death, 129, b 10
  • Ethelbald K. of Mercia of what puissance he was [...] 130, a 30. His vertues and vices: note, 128, b 20. His acts, and death in battell, 128, b 10. ¶ Sée E­thelbright.
  • Ethelbert king of Estangles highlie commended, 133, a 40. Builded saint Andrewis in Rochester, 102, b 10, 103, a 50
  • Ethelbert king of Kent, 97, a 20. He imbraceth the gospell, 99, a 60, 100, all. Subdueth all the Englishsaxons, 99, a 50. Taken prisoner and released in Winchcomb church, 136, a 50. His lawes, death, and bu­riall, 106, a 40
  • Ethelbert K. of Northumbers his cruelties, his ill life, & ill death, 136, b 30. ¶ Sée Alrike, and Ethelbrit.
  • Ethelbright & Ethelbald diuide their fathers kingdome be­twéene them, 144, a 60
  • Ethelbrit, 125, b 60. ¶ Sée Lo­ther.
  • Ethelburga sister to K. Eadbald maried to K. Edwin, 107, b 30. Wife to king Inas hir de­uise to persuade hir husband to forsake the world, 127, b 6o, 128, a 10. Deliuered of a child, 107, b 60. Desired in a letter from the pope to continue in the faith, 108, a 40. Returneth into Kent, 111, a 50. An ill woman & proud as the diuell, hir end: note, 136, a 10. A nun. ¶ Sée Erkenwald.
  • Etheldrida. ¶ Sée Ethelreda.
  • Ethelgina K. Egelreds wife, 165, a 60. She dieth, 168, a 10
  • Ethelred king of Estangles, 131, b 10
  • Ethelred king of Mercia becō ­meth a monke, 128, a 40
  • Ethelred K. of Westsaxons he fought with the Danes nine times in one yeare, 142, b 10. His death, 144, a 60. ¶ Sée Edilred.
  • Ethelreda king Egfrides wife a virgine: note, 125, a 50
  • Ethelswida king Burthreds wife died in Pauia, 149, b 30. ¶ Sée Elstrida.
  • Ethelwold bishop of Winche­ster, 160, a 10. Put in trust to sue for king Edgar to spéed him of a wife, deceiueth the king. 160, a 60, b 10
  • Ethelwulfe K. of Westsaxons, a subdeacon, &c: note, 140, a 30 Marieth his butlers daugh­ter, 140, a 40. Marieth the French kings daughter, 141, b 40. His genelogie as the old Saxōs draw it, 141, b 40. His victories against the Danes, 140, b 20 His last will, how he diuideth his kingdome and dieth, 141, b 20, 30
  • Euclie or Eweline alied to An­drogeus, 30, b 30
  • Eumerus a murtherer sent to kill Edwin & why, 107, b 40
  • Europe by whom first peopled, 1, b 30
  • Excester besieged by Danes, 147, b 40. Taken by them and spoiled, 168, b 40. Fortifi­ed by Brian, and besieged by king Edwin, 112, b 50. [Page] Besieged of Uespasian, 36, b 40. Repared by Adelstane, 156, a 30
  • Excommunication for vnlaw­full marriage, 117, b 10. Of Uortigerne by bishop Ger­mane, 84, a 20
F.
  • FAmine in Sussex for want of raine, 123, a 30. Among the Danes in Chester, 147, b 50. warre and it signified, 135, b 60. ¶ Sée Hunger.
  • Fast in what maner obserued in old time, 118, a 10. ¶ Soo Lent.
  • Fausta the daughter of Maxi­mianus & wife to Constan­tine, 64, a 50
  • Feare effectuateth submission, 172, b 20. Force of feare, 171, a 60
  • Feast. ¶ Sée Banket.
  • Felix bishop of Burgogne prea­cheth the word to the East­angles, 110, a 30
  • Felix bishop of Dunwich a Burgundian, 21, a 20
  • Ferrex the ninth ruler of Bri­taine, 14, b 50. Slaine, 14, b 60
  • Fier defaced sundrie cities, &c: 133, a 20
  • Finan bishop of Northumbers, 119, a 40
  • Fishes caught with nets whose deuise in Sussex, 123, a 50
  • Flamines and Archflamines in Britaine, 52, a 30
  • Flatterie of Uerannius, 41, a 60. Reproued actuallie by Cnute: note, 181, b 50
  • Flauius Uespasianus his va­liantnesse against the Bri­tons, 34, b 40. ¶ Sée Ues­pasian.
  • Flauius Victor nobilissimus, 68, b 10
  • Flies notsome and mortall, 14, a 60
  • Fosse. ¶ Sée Highwaies.
  • Fra [...]e in Canturburie betwéene the citizens and the earle of Bullongne, 188, b 10
  • France by whome inuaded af­ter Brute, 12, a 10
  • Franci or Frankeners people of Germanie, 61, a 60
  • Frankeners now Frenchmen, 76, b 10
  • Fratricide, 11, b 50, 14, b 60, 56, a 60
  • Frea wise to woden, 79, a 10 ¶ Sée woden.
  • Fréendship. ¶ Sée Loue.
  • Frenchmen or Noruians first entred into England, 187, b 60. ¶ Sée Galles.
  • Fridaie why so named, 79, a 10
  • Friswide daughter to Dida­nus hir chastitie: note, 133, b 60
  • Fronto counted Ciceros match 58, b 20
  • Frost verie great and long, 133, a 10
  • Fugatius. ¶ Sée Ioseph of A­rimathia.
  • Furius Camillus with his Romans ouerthroweth the Galles, 18, b 10
  • Furseus a deuout person that came out of Ireland, 116, a 60
G.
  • GAlgagus capteine of Bri­tains fighteth against A­gricola, 49, a 60
  • Gallia now called France, 9, b 20. Inuaded by Bren and Beline, 17, b 10. Celtica the hither parts of France, 32, b 50
  • Galles put to flight by Brute and Corineus, 10. b 50. Bea­ten backe by the Romans, 18, a 10. Enter into Rome, 18, a 10. Their couetousnes pr [...]iu­diciall to themselues, 18, b 10
  • Gallies an old inuention, 4, a 10 rowed with ores strange to the Britans to sée, 25, a 30
  • Gallio Rauenna sent into Bri­taine to succor the people, 70, b 10
  • Gawaines loialtie, fighting a­gainst his owne brother in his princes quarell, and di­eng, is honorablie buried by Arthur, 91, b 10
  • Gebmound bishop of Roche­ster, 122, b 60
  • Genissa the daughter of Clau­dius the emperour giuen in marriage to Aruiragus, 36, a 10. Maketh Aruiragus and Uespasian fréends, and so en­ded their warres, 36, b 50
  • Gerent king of Britans chased and put to flight, 127, b 10
  • Germanus and Lupus bishops arriue in Britaine and pre­uaile against the Pelagian heresie, 82, b 40. He conducteth the British armie against the Saxons, 83, a 10. His mi­racle of a calfe, 84, a 40. He re­turneth into little Britaine, 83, b 10. His death and buri­all, 83, b 20
  • Germans assistants to the Ro­mans, 49, b 50
  • Geta. ¶ Sée Bassianus.
  • Geuesses inhabitants of that part of Britaine which the westsaxons afterwards held, 77, b 30. why so named, 65, a 60, b 10
  • Giants, and how the word is meant, 4, a 50. How long they continued in this Ile, 5, a 60. whom our chronicles meane by that name, 5, a 30. Encoun­ter Brute, 10, b 40
  • Gigas. ¶ Sée Giants,
  • Gift. ¶ Sée Present.
  • Gillomanus king of Ireland discomfited, 84, b 60. Slaine in battell, 85, a 10
  • Gipswich, now Ipswich, 169, b 60
  • Githa the wise of earle Good­win departeth England, 189, a 60
  • Girth king Harolds brother would not haue him fight in person against the duke, 199, a 50
  • Giruij what people, 125, a 60
  • Glamorgan. ¶ Sée Glau Morgan.
  • Glasiers first brought into En­gland, 120, b 30
  • Glastenburie monasterie buil­ded, 127, b 40
  • Glouernia now Glocester, 36, a 20
  • Giuni. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Goda-erle of Deuonshire slaine, 166, a 50
  • Goda, sister to king Edward the third, married to Baldwin earle of Flanders, 188, b 10
  • Godfathers, 117, b 60, 147, b 20, 157, a 10. ¶ Sée Baptisme.
  • Goffarius surnamed Pictus, 9, b 20. Sendeth to Brute, 9, b 60
  • Gogmagog in wrestling slaine, 10, b 50
  • Gonild the néece to K. Swaine with hir sonnes auoid out of England, 187, a 20
  • Goodwin currieth fauour with king Edward the third, and good cause why, 186, b 50, 60. Offended with king Ed­ward the third, for fauouring strangers, 188, b 40. well fréended, 190, a 60. In fauour with king Edward the third none greater, 187, a 40. Put to his purgation for the death of Alfred, 185, a 60. He and his two sonnes rise in armes against king Edward the third, they flie, 189, a all. They are proclaimed outlawes, b 30. Receiued into fauour re­turneth home, 190, a 30. His qualities, his wiues, his chil­dren, with the lewd life and foule end of his mother, 191, b 60. Dissembling freendship to Alfred mischéefous, 183, a 10, 184, a all. He & his sons practise pirasie vpon the En­glish coasts, 189, b 60. His ser­uice in Denmarke, 180, b 20. His authoritie in England, 182, b 20. His sudden death: note, 191, b 10
  • Gorbodian. ¶ Sée Gurgustius,
  • Gorbodug the eightéenth ruler of Britaine, 14, b 40
  • Gorbonianus king of Britaine his acts and déeds, 20, b 20
  • Gorolus duke of Cornewall slaine for his wife, 88, a 20
  • Gospell, and that Augustine the monke is sent into Britaine to preach it, 99, b 10
  • Gosseline archbishop of Lon­don, 71, b 30
  • Gothlois disdainefull against Nathaliod his countrieman both Britains: note, 87, b 50
  • Granchester, 21, a 10
  • Granta now Cambridge, 20, b 40
  • Grantham by whome builded, 20, b 40
  • Gratian, who and what sent from Rome to rule in Bri­taine, 67, b 60, 68, a 10. In­trapped by a policie, 68, a 60. His rough regiment causeth his owne destruction, 70, a 10
  • Gréefe inward bringeth death, 159, a 50
  • Gregories willingnesse and de­sire to win the Englishsax­ons to the faith, 100, a 10. whereby mooued to send Au­gustine the moonke to preach in this Iland, 99, b 10. His se­uenfold Letanie, 100, a 60. His platforme of ecclesiasti­call gouernment sent to mōke Augustine in Britaine, 101, [...] a 40
  • Griffin king of wales destroi­eth Hereford, 189, b 60. In armes with Algare against king Edward the third, 192, b 20. He with his welshmen are subdued, 188, a 40. A pre­sent aid alwaies against king Edward the third, 193, a 60. His palace burned, b 10. Re­nounced of all people & as a banished person, he is slaine, and his head sent to Harold, 193, b 20
  • Guanius king of the Hunues a mercilesse murtherer, 67, a 30
  • Gudwina the wife of earle Leo­frike rideth naked thorough Couentrie towne, and why, 193, a 50
  • Guenouer and why so named, 93, a 60. Arthurs wife, néere kinswoman to Cador earle of Cornewall, 91, a 30. Buried with hir husband Arthur, the tresses of hir haire: note, [...]2, a 20.
  • Guendolena daughter to Cori­neus duke of Cornewall, 11, b 10. Ruleth Britaine du­ring hir sonnes minoritie, 11, b 20
  • Guetheline ¶ Sée Gosseline.
  • Guiderus king of Britaine de­nieth tribute to the Romans, 33, a 90. Traitorouslie slaine, 35, b 30
  • Guillomer king of Ireland ai­ding the Scots is repelled by Arthur, 91, a 20
  • Guilthdacus K. of Denmarke landed in Northumberland, 16, a 60
  • Guintoline king of Britaine, his a [...]s and déeds, 19, b 20
  • Guoron [...]us gouerned Kent vn­der Uortigerne, 79, b 10
  • Guortigerne. ¶ Sée Uortimer.
  • Gunthildis the sister of king Swaine murthered, 170, b 60 171, a 10
  • Gurguint king of Britaine his acts and déeds, 19, a 40
  • Gurgustius the fouretéenth ru­ler of Britaine, 14, a 60
  • Gurmundus K. of Affrica ai­deth the Saxons against the Britains, 98, a 10. Spoileth Britaine in pitifull wise, 98, a 30. ¶ Sée Gurthrun.
  • Gurthrun a principall man of the Danes is baptised, 146, b 50. King of Eastangels di­eth, 149, b 60
  • Guthlake a man of great ver­tue and holinesse, 133, b 40
  • Guthmond a Danish capteine with his Danes spoile Ips­wich, 166, a 60
  • Guthred king of Northumber­land: note, 150, a 10
  • Guthrun a Dane king of East­angles, 144, b 20
  • Guy of warwike when he liued 136, b 10
  • Gyldas words inuectiue a­gainst the British rulers and kings, 94, a 60, 95, a 10, b 60, 95, a 60, b 10
H.
  • HAlden and Baseréeg two leaders or kings of the Danes, 143, b 40. A Danish king inuadeth Mer [...]a, 145, a 20
  • Ha [...]o apparelling himselfe like a Britaine killeth the king thereof, 35, b 30. Slaine by Aruiragus, 35, b 40
  • Hampton wh [...]e so called: note, 35, b 50
  • Hardiknought. ¶ Sée Har [...] ­enute.
  • Hardicnute proclamed & crow­ned king of England, 185, a 10. His sudden death, his conditions, 185, b 20
  • Harold father to one Hirke K. of Northumberland, 158, a 50
  • Harold the base sonne of Cnute proclamed king and conse­crated, 182, b 20. Degenera­teth from his father Cnute, 194, b 10. Why surnamed Hare [...]oot, 181, b 60. His coun­terfeit letter tending to the destruction of Emma and hir sonnes, 183, b 10. His bodie taken vp and throwne into the Thames. 185, a 10
  • Harold Ha [...]farger king of Nor­weie is persuaded by Tostie to make conquest of England 197, b 50, 198, a 10. He is slaine, 198, a 30
  • Harold king of England, wher­in note the diuerse opinions of writers, 196, b 20. Hated & disdained of the pope and car­dinals, [Page] 199, a 10. Battell be­twixt duke William and him, 200, a 10. He and his brother Leo [...]win inuade the shires of Dorset and Summerset, 189, b 60. They ioine with Good­win in the Ile of wight, 190, a 10. He goeth ouer into Nor­mandie, 193, b 30. He hath more hautinesse than hardi­nesse, 199, a 50. Highlie wel­commed to duke William, 194 a 10. He had his father Good­wins carldome, 191, b 30. His pride, 197, a 10, b 20. His coue­tousnes, 198, a 40. He séeketh to win the peoples harts, 196, b 50 He promiseth duke Wil­liam to kéepe the realme of England to his use, 194, a 20. Made generall of king Ed­ward the thirds arme, his ex­ploits against the welshmen, he fortifieth the citie of Here­ford, 192, b 30. His answer to duke Williams ambassadors touching his oth and promise made to the duke, 197, a 10. He inuadeth Griffins dominiōs and burneth his palace. 193, b 10. He is taken prisoner by the earle of Ponthieu, and set at libertie at duke Williams request, 193, b 60. His death diuerslie reported, he is descri­bed, his acts and déeds, 200, a 60, b 10
  • Hasting capteine of the Danes, besieged, he receiueth an oth touching baptisme: euer vn­true of his word, 147, b 20
  • Hatfield, 110, b 60
  • Hatred and death for good will, 163, a 30. ¶ Sée Enute.
  • Hector Boetius his fault to ad­orne the Scots with the ho­nor of the Britons, 23, b 50. His error touching the Sil­lures, Brigants, & Nouants 41, a 20
  • Helie king of Britaine his acts and déeds, 23, a 10
  • Helen the daughter of Coell a Britaine married to Con­stantius a Romane lieute­nant, 62, a 60. The religious empresse hir deuout acts and déeds, 64, b 30. Hir loue to London and Colchester, hir death and buriall, 66, a 10
  • Hengist purposeth at the first to conquer the Britains, 78, b 40. He and Horsus two Sax­onish brethren, 78, a 30. His deuise to make Uortigerne in loue with his daughter, 79, b 10. He and Horsus of what li­nage they came, 78, b 60, 79, a 10. He with his Saxons re­turne into Britaine, 81, b 40. He deuiseth a new kind of treson against the Britains, 81, b 50. Counted Regulus a litle king. 82, b 10. He wor­keth all vpon the aduantage, 77, 78, 79. Taken and behea­ded, 84, b 40. Contrarietie a­mong writers touching his death, 85, a 60, 86, b 40
  • Hengistland (now England) & the reason of the name, 98, a 30
  • Henninus. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Heptarchie. ¶ Sée Britaine, & Kings seuen.
  • Heraclitus lieutenant of Bri­taine, 54, a 50
  • Hercules his being in Britaine proued, 5, a 10 why he pursu­ed & slue his cousins Albion and Bergion, 4, b 20
  • Heresie to veritie as poison to the bodie, 110, b 40. Of Pela­gius spred in Britain, 82, b 20 Reuiued in Britaine, 94, a 20
  • Hericius. ¶ See Hirke.
  • Hertfort castell biult, 151, a 50
  • Heuenieeld, 111, b 60
  • Hide of land is an hundred a­cres, 169, b 10
  • Hegelbald a noble man west sax­ons slaine in battell, 127, b 10
  • Highwaies foure finished by Beline, that his father begun 16, b 50. Priuileged, 17, a 10
  • Hiknell street ¶ Sée Highwais.
  • Hilda an abbesse: note, 118, b 10 Abbesse of whitbie, she dieth, a description of certeine hir actions, 123, b 30
  • Hilde [...]ha a nun. ¶ Sée Erken­wald.
  • Hirke the sonne of one Harold K. of Northumbers, 158, a 50 they put him awaie, 158, a 60
  • Hirtida nephue to Cassibelane, 30, b 30
  • Histories should not sauour of lies, 84, a 60
  • Honorius commended by Clau­dianus for deeds doon in Bri­taine, 74, b 10. His drift to re­couer the empire that vtter­lie fell, 69, a 60
  • Honorius archbishop of Can­turburie, 110, a 30. He dieth, 116, a 60
  • Hope, vaine of Eastangles, 116, a 50
  • Horgerius duke of Cornwall or Deuonshire and of his faire daughter: note, 160, a 60
  • Horrestians inhabitants of An­gus and Merne, 51, a 10
  • Horsus. ¶ Sée Hengist.
  • Hospitalitie of a herdman to bi­shop German how rewar­ded, 84, a 40
  • Hostages deliuered for assurāce of loialtie, 190, b 20. Deman­ded by Cesar of the Britans, 25, b 50. Giuen to Cesar by Androgeus, 30, b 50. ¶ Sée Pledges.
  • Houres 24 of the daie and night how Alured diuided for his necessarie vses, 149, a 30
  • Howell king of litle Britaine cōmeth ouer in aid of Arthur against the Saxons, 90, b 40. Besieged by the Scots. 91, a 10
  • Hugh a Norman conspireth with the Danes, 168, b 50
  • Humber gulfe or riuer why so named, 11, a 60
  • Hundreds. ¶ Sée Tithings.
  • Hungar. ¶ Sée Agnerus, Hub­ba, and Ubba.
  • Hunger what it forced the Bri­tons to doo, 70, b 60. ¶ Sée Famine.
  • Hubba a Danish capteine slaine 145, b 20. ¶ Sée Agnerus.
  • Hypermnestra hir loue to hir husband commended, 5, b 60
I.
  • IAmbert. ¶ Sée Lambert.
  • Iaphet and his sonnes, &c: first peopled Europe, 1, b 30
  • Iaroman bishop, sent to the Estsaxons to reduce them to the faith, 121, a 10
  • Iceni, Northfolke men, 38, a 60 42, a 60
  • Ida the first king of Brenicia, 95, a 50. Of Northumberland his acts, déeds, and death, 96, b 60
  • Idols destroied by king Er­cōbert, 114, b 40. Destroied by a heathenish bishop, 109, a 10
  • Idolatrie erected by Sighere king of Eastsaxons, 120, b 60
  • Ierusalem when taken by Na­buchodonosor, 14, b 10
  • Iew. ¶ Sée Inas.
  • Igerna. ¶ Sée Igwarne.
  • Igwarne the wife of Uter af­ter the slaughter of hir first husband, 81, a 20
  • Ilands none at the first as some coniecture, 1, a 40
  • Images proued by a fabulous vision, 128, a 60
  • Imanuentius slaine by Cassi­belane, 29, b 50
  • Imball king of Armorica slaine 67, a 10
  • Imbert slaine by Corincus, 10, a 10
  • Ine. ¶ Sée Inas.
  • Inas king of westsaxons, his acts and deeds, 127, a 20. Sel­leth peace for monie, 126, b 10. Diuideth the westsaxons prouince into two bishopriks 129, a 60. How persuaded by his wife to resigne vp his crowne & become a p [...]lgrime, 128, a 10. Went to Rome and there died, 127, b 30
  • Indians fond adorning them­selues with pretious stones, 9, b 50
  • Indigenae, 4, a 60
  • I [...]ogen the wife of Brute, 8, b 40
  • Interteinement. ¶ Sée Hospi­talitie.
  • Iohn archbishop of yorke, 125, b 50
  • Iohn the archchanter of saint Peters at Rome sent to the synod at Hatfield, and why, 123, b 10
  • Ioseph of Arimathia, 52, a 40. His comming into Britaine, 37, a 20
  • Ipswich spoiled by the Danes, 116, a 60
  • Ireland and the Orkneies by whom first gouerned, 4, b 10. when it laie wast and not in­habited, 19, b 10. The peoples cursses against king Egfride preuaile, 125, a 20, b 40. Ciuill discord there when Agricola was lieutenant of Britaine, 49, a 10. Conquest therof pur­sued by Turgesus, 98, a 10. Inuaded by the Northum­bers, 125, a 10. Subdued to Edgar, 162, a 20
  • Irmenrike the son of Oth the Saxon, 89, a 20
  • Irmenrike of Kent dies, 97, a 10
  • Ithamor bishop of Rochester consecrateth archbishops of Canturburie. 116, b 40
  • Itius portus supposed to be Ca­lis, 24, a 50
  • Iudith the daughter of Charles the Bald married king E­thelwolfe, 141, a 60
  • Iudge Bearne burnt for cruel­tie, 135, a 30
  • Iudwall, 160, a 20. ¶ Sée Lud­wall.
  • Iue. ¶ Sée Inas.
  • Iugants a people, 40, b 40
  • Iulius Agricola lieutenant of Britaine. 47, b 40. His good gouernment, 48, a 40
  • Iulius Cesars purpose to make a discouerie of Britaine, 24, a 30. Appointed for to conquer Gallia, 24, a 10. with two le­gions passeth ouer into Bri­taine, 24, b 30. His ships lie at Calis, 24, a 50
  • Iulius Cassianus at square with Suetonius, 46, a 20
  • Iulius Frontinus lieutenant of Britaine, 46, b 40
  • Iustine. ¶ Sée Guthmond.
  • Iustus archbishop of Cantur­burie, 107, a 30
  • Iustus bishop of Rochester, 103 a 40. He and Melitus depart into France, 106, b 50. Both sent for againe, & the one re­frored to his bishoprike, 107, a 10
  • Iutes called Ibitti a kind of people that came into Bri­taine with the Saxons, 78, b 60, 79, a 20
K.
  • KAerkin, 12, b 30. ¶ Sée Can­turburie.
  • Keneline murthered by his mo­ther Quēdred, 136, b 10. King of Mercia shamefullie mur­thered, 139, b 50
  • Kenneth king of Scots durst not combat with K. Edgar: note, 161, b 60, 162, a 10
  • Kenred king of Mercia descri­bed, 128, a 50
  • Kenrie the son of king Cathred slaine, 131, a 10
  • Kenrike K. of westsaxons, his acts, déeds, & death, 96, b 40
  • Kent, when it began to be a kingdome, & how it was ex­tended, 82, a 40. Of whom the kings thereof descended, 95, a 50. wasted, spoiled, and dis­quieted, 126, a 20, b 10. Uoid of a king for the space o [...] seuen yeares, 126, b 10, The foure kings thereof in Cassibelans time, 30, a 30, Noble off spring of the kings thereof decaied, 137, b 10. The kingdome had two kings at once, 126, b 10. Giuen to Hengist in reward, 79, b 10. when it began to be a kingdom, 86, b 10. The king­dome taketh end, 139, b 30
  • Kentishmen plate the men a­gainst the westsaxons, 126, a 20. Uanquished in fight of the Danes, 167, a 60. Descended of the Iutes, 79, a 20. Diso­beieng K. Edwards cōman­dement are surprised by the e­nimies, 151, a 10 Buie peace with monie, 127, b 10. Desti­tute of a king, 126, a 50
  • Kenulfe king of Mercia his vertues, 136, a 40. His libera­litie toward churchmen, 136, a 50
  • Kenwalch king of westsaxons dieth, his acts & déeds, 121, b 60
  • K [...]mrus king of Britaine his sudden end, 20, a 10
  • Kimbeline king of Britaine in great fauour with Cesar, 32, b 10, 33, a 10
  • Kineards conspiracie against Kinewulte, 134, a 50
  • King becommeth a pilgrim for­saking a crowne, 128, a 10. In name but not in rule, 77, a 20. A philosopher, 125, b 30. Dis­possessed of his kingdome and restored, 13, b 20. Made of a herdman, 84, a 40. Made of a seruant, 149, b 30. Made of one bought and sold, 150, a 10. Becommeth a moonke, 129, a 10, 132, b 60. The first that ware a golden crowne, 15, a 30, 16, a 10 Depriued, 79, b 60 ¶ Sée Crown & Uortigerne.
  • Kings seuen in Britaine called Reguli, 82, a 60. By vsurpatiō and not by succession, 126, b 10 Eight of the English & Sax­on nation at once, 98, b 10. Eight row king Edgar in a barge vpon the water, 159, b 40. They béecome monks, 122 a 60, 131, b 20. Their daugh­ters professed nuns, 114, b 60. Fiue ruled this Iland all at once. ¶ Sée Pentarchie.
  • [Page] They gouerned Britaine be­fore the Romans subdued it, 31, b 40. Crowned & gouerne Britaine, 11, 12, 13, &c. The British kings gouernement endeth, 126, b 40
  • Kingdome of Eastangels when it began, 87, a 20. Of South­saxons when it began, 86, a 30. Seuen erected by the Saxons: note, 97, b 40
  • Ki [...]gils king of Westsaxons becommeth a christian, 114, 10. ¶ Sée Cinecistus.
  • Kingstone vpon Thames fa­mous by meanes of kings there crowned, 158, a 30
  • Ki [...]macus the seuentéenth ru­ler of Britaine, 14, b 20
  • Ki [...]marus. ¶ Sée Kinimacus.
  • Ki [...]wulfe king of Westsaxons, his victories and exploits, he is slaine of his seruants, 134, a 30
  • Knight of the field in Cesars time, 32, b 10
  • Knighthood of Kimbeline king of Britaine giuen him by Ce­sar, 32, b 20, 33, a 10
  • Knought. ¶ Sée Cnute.
L.
  • LAabin. ¶ Sée Hercules.
  • Labienus a Romane tri­bune slaine, 27, a 50
  • Lambert archbishop of Can­turburie, 135, a 20. Dep [...]iued, 132, a 20▪ D [...]eth, 137, b 40
  • Laurence archbishop of Can­turburie laboureth to inlarge the church and augment the [...]aith, 105, a 30. Meaning to leaue his sée he is otherwise warned in a dreame, 106, b 60.
  • Law Ordalian: note, 187, a 60
  • Lawes of king Alured: note, 148, b 10. Of Cnute, 182, a 20. Of king Edmund, 157, a 60. Of king Edward the third, 191, b 10. Morall of king I­nas, 127, b 30. Of Martia, 19, b 60. Of Mulmutius, 15, b 30
  • Lawes and decrées how dange­rous to be broken of them that make them, 141, a 60
  • Lecherie ingendered of slouth, 11, b 50
  • Legats from the pope into En­gland, 134, b 30
  • Legions of souldiers sent by Claudius into Ireland, 36, b 10
  • Leicester, 12, b 60. ¶ Sée Caer­leir,
  • Leill the seuenth ruler of Bri­taine, 12, a 60
  • Leir the tenth ruler of Britain, 12, b 60. Driuen to great di­stresse, 13, a 60. Restored to his kingdome, 13, b 10
  • Lent how fasted, 118, a 10. First ordeined to be kept in Eng­land, 114, b 50
  • Leofrike earle of Chester, 180, a 40. Bare great rule in the commonwelth, 182, a 20. A furtherer of Edward third to the crowne, 187, a 10. He dieth and was buried at Co­uentrie, 193, a 40
  • Leogitia an Iland wherein Bru [...]e arriued, 8, b 50
  • Leolin king of Southwales an aider to K. Edmund, 157, a 30
  • Leporius Agricola a Pelagi­an, 82, b 20
  • Lichfield, whereof it tooke the name, 62, a 30. The bishop of Mercia his sée, 121, a 40
  • Licinius chosen fellow with Maximianus in the empire, 64, a 60
  • Lilla his zelous seruice cost him his life, 107, b 60
  • Lincolne besieged by Cheldrike king of Germanie and the Saxons, 90, b 40
  • Linde [...]erne the bishop of Nor­thumbers sée, 119, a 50, b 10
  • Lindseie a part of Lincolne­shire, 110, a 40
  • Liuius Gallus slaine by Ascle­piodotus, 57, a 10
  • Locrine the second ruler of Britaine, 11, a 50. Forsaketh Guendolina his wife & mar­rieth Estrild, 11, b 10. Hath both a wife and a paramour, 11, b 10. In loue with Estril­da a Scithian kings daugh­ter, 11, b 10. Slaine in bat­tell, 11, b 10
  • Loialtie of Gawaine. ¶ Sée Gawaine.
  • Lollius Urbicus lieutenant in Britaine, 53, a 50
  • London walled by Helen, 66, a 10. In danger to be spoiled in the time of the Romans, 59, b 30. Recouered out of the hands of the Danes, 147, a 60 In obedience to Cnute, 177, a 60, Not greatlie peopled with Romans in Suetoni­us his time, 44, b 60. The chéefe citie of the Eastsaxons kingdome, 90, a 10. A great part of it burnt by casuall fier, 165, a 60. Pestered with the Danes, 145, a 20, Besie­ged by Cnute & his a [...]dants, 176, a 10. Assa [...]ted by Swaine the Dane & notablie de [...]ended by the Londoners, 171, b 20. Besieged by the Danes and defended by the citizens, 166, b 50. How first named, 23, a 60. Cal [...]ed Augusta, 72, b 60, 73, a 40. A great part of it consumed with fier, 135, a 60
  • Londoners victors against the Danes, 147, b 60. Uerie vali­ant against Swaine and his Danes, 171, b 20. Submit themselues to Swaine, 172, b 20. Receiue Edmund I­ronside verie ioifullie, 175, b 60. Slaine by the Danes, 166, b 20
  • Londorike▪ ¶ Sée Roderike.
  • Lord Dane became a word of contempt, 168, a 60
  • Losses recompensed, 123, b 10
  • Loth king of Picts ioineth with the Saxons against Arthur, ouerthrowne, 90, b 10
  • Lothaire the king of Kent, 122, a 20. Durst not méet Edelred in the field, 122, b 40. He dieth of a wound, 125, b 60
  • Loue put to triall: note, 12, b 60 13, a 10. Betwéene Aidan & Oswin, 115, b 20. Of Amphi­balus and Alban, 62, a 10. Of Locrine lewd ill rewarded, 11, b 10. Betwéene brethren long at discord, 17, a 60. Bro­therlie notablie exēplified, 21, a 40. Towards enimies, &c: purchased hatred and death, 117, b 10. Of a wi [...]e to hir hus­band, exemplified, 133, b 30. Like to cost losse of life: note fond Ethelwulfes dooing, 141, a 60. Maketh men blind and sottish: note, 79, b 50. In a woman with lust what mis­chiefe it bred, 40, b 40. Un­lawfull of Algar reuenged, 133, b 60. Unlawfull of Kine­wulfe: note, 134, a 10. Tur­ned into no loue, 13, a 60. Of ones countrie maketh a man offend against his calling, 158, a 60. ¶ Sée Lust.
  • Lucius king of Britaine re­nowmed in writers, 51, b 20. Built S. Peters at West­minster, 52, a 60
  • Lud king of Britaine, his acts and déeds, 23, a 30
  • Ludgate by whome builded, 23, a 40
  • Ludhurdibras the eight ruler of Britaine, 12, b 20
  • Ludwall paieth a tribute of Wolfeskins to Edgar, 160, a 20
  • Luidhard bishop appointed to instruct quéene Bertha: note, 99, a 50
  • Lupicinus is sent from Rome to reléeue the Britons a­gainst the Scots and Picts, 72, a 30
  • Lupus. ¶ Sée Germanus.
  • Lust and what inconueniences it bréedeth in men, 79, a 40. Unlawfull what mischéefe it bred, 144, b 20. Fleshlie to sa­tisfie occasion of deadlie vil­lanie, 160, b 30, 50. Of Algar in séeking to rauish Friswid punished with blindnes, 133, b 60, 134, a 10, Unlawfull of king Edwin, 159, a 10. ¶ Sée Loue.
  • Lynceus preserued by his wife, 5, b 60, 6, a 30
M.
  • MAckbeth the vsurper of the crown of Scotland van­quished, 192, a 30
  • Maclogunus his wicked acts and déeds detected by Gyl­das, 96, b 10
  • Madan the third ruler of Bri­taine deuoured of wild beasts 11, b 30
  • Magike taught throughout all the realme, 12, b 50
  • Maglanus. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Maglannus and Henninus slaine, 13, b 20
  • Magus the son of Sa [...]thes and what parts of the earth he gouerned, 2, b 10
  • Maides murthered by thou­sands, 67, a 40
  • Malchenus. ¶ Sée Marcha­rus.
  • Malcolme king of Scots hol­deth Cumberland in homage, 157, a 30
  • Malgo made king of Britaine, comelie of person but filthie of condition, 96, a 50
  • Malice and the nature thereof: note, 191, a 10. Causeth mur­ther, 57, a 30▪ Of Wilnot in burning king Egelreds ships, 169, b 10. ¶ Sée Enuie.
  • Malmesburie and the Uies by whom built, 15, b 30. The ab­beie founded, 129, b 10
  • Mamertinus panegyricall ora­tion in praise of Dioclesian and Maximinian emperors: note, 57, b 30
  • Mandubratius in fauour with the [...], and for whome they sued to Cesar to be their gouernor, 29, b 40
  • Manlius slaine of his brother Mempricius, 11, b 50
  • Marcharus made earle of Nor­thumberland, 195, a 10
  • Marcus Papirius indignation and disdaine, 18, a 10
  • Margadud K. of Southwales, 104, b 10
  • Mariage made vpon godlie conditions: note, 99, a 50. Unlawfull punished, 117, b 20. Sued for by messenger not without deceit: note, 160, a 60, b 10 Granted vpon con­dition of becomming a chri­stiā, 116, b 60. Without dower & consent to a prince, 13, a 40▪ Made through mistrust of e­nimies, 132, a 50. Unlawfull & incestuous, 144, a 60. U [...]id of fleshlie pleasure, 187, a 40. Unpleasurable by meanes of hatred, 189, b 50. Granted vpon religious conditions: note, 107, b 30. Come to by murther, 88, a 20. Of a king to his butlers daughter, 140, a 40. Fatall, 5, b 50, 79, b 10, 133, a 60, b 10, 160, b 10, 168, a 20
  • Mariages disappointed, 67, a 30. In what degrees thought tolerable, 101, b 10
  • Martia the wife of Guintoline gouerneth in hir sons roome, 19, b 20
  • Marij victoria, 47, a 40
  • Marius king of Britaine, his acts and deeds, 47, a 10
  • Martyrs. ¶ Sée Christians.
  • Maserfield, 115, a 10
  • Mauus. ¶ Sée Ar [...]iragus.
  • Maxentius the tyrant empe­ror of Rome, 64, a 10
  • Maximianus slaine, 64, a 60. ¶ Sée Maximus,
  • Maximus successor to the em­pire by treason, 68, a 60, b 10. Ruler of the Britains and Conan Meridoc at mutuall warre, 66, b 60. His martiall exploits, 67, a 60. Slaine by Theodosius, 68, b 40
  • Meauldun now Maldon, 151, a 40
  • Medu [...]e a Scot founder of Malmesburie abbeie, 129, b 10
  • Meidhamsted now Peterbo­row, and who built the mona­sterie there, 122, a 50
  • Melga king of the Picts a cru­ell murtherer, 67, a 30
  • Melitus bishop of London, 103 a 40, 50. Goeth to Rome a­bout church matters of Eng­land, 105, b 20. Why he was [...]aine to leaue London, and get him into Kent: note, 106, b 10. Archbishop of Cantur­burie, 107, [...] 20. ¶ Sée Iu­stus.
  • Mempricius the fourth ruler of Britaine deuoured of wild beasts. 11, b 40
  • Meneuia, now S. Dauids in Wales, 19, a 10
  • Mercia kingdome when it be­gan, 97, b 20. Under certeine noble men ambitiouslie min­ded, 89, b 50. Of whome the kings thereof descended, 95, a 50. Tributarie to Rome, 132, a 60, b 10. Aduanced by Offa and how, 132, a 20. I [...] and the Welsh confines diui­ded by Offdich, 132, b 10. How long continued a kingdome, 149, b 50. And when it took [...] end, 149, b 20
  • Meridoc and Maximus ruler of Britaine make mutuall warre, 66, b 60
  • Merlins birth and prophesies, 84, a 10. His comparison tou­ching Pendragon, 87, b 10
  • Mesca now Bulgarie, 72, a 30
  • Mesures & weights by whome first ordeined, 16, a 10
  • Meuricus. ¶ Sée Mauus.
  • Midd [...]eangle people, who, 116, b 40. They become christi­ans, 117, a 10
  • Miracle wherewith Adelstan [...] was comforted, 156, a 10. Of [Page] saint Germans, 84, a 40. Con­firms the doctrine of German 83, b 10. Confirming that the Scots should & ought to be subiect to the kings of Eng­land, 155, a 50
  • Miracles of Augustine, 102, a 10, b 40. Of Dunstane bet­ter than his arguments, 163, a 10. Wrought at Edwards the second his graue, 163, b 10 Of Oswald, 115, a 20
  • Modwen a virgin in Ireland renowmed, 142, a 30
  • Mollo brother to king Cead­walla burnt to death, 126, a 20
  • Moll. ¶ Sée Edilwold.
  • Monarchie how safelie to be mainteined, 137, b 10. Of Britaine how long it conti­nued yer it became a pentar­chie, 15, a 10. ¶ Sée Ambi­tion, Britaine, England, and Kings.
  • Monasteries how consecrated, 118, a 10. ¶ Sée Abbeies.
  • Moonke of a king. 122, a 60, 128, a 40, 116, a 40. ¶ Sée Kings.
  • Moonke refuseth to be archbi­shop of Canturburie, 120, a 10
  • Moonke Biscop. ¶ Sée Biscop.
  • Moonks manie in France that were Englishmen, 114, b 60. Displaced and secular préests put in their roome, 159, a 40. Remoued and the canons re­stored, 162, b 30. Estéemed, and secular préests not regar­ded, 161, b 20. Their order im­braced of kings, 131, b 20. Their cowles in estimation, 131, b 20. A pretie shift of them to disappoint the préests of their liuings, 162, b 60. Of Bangor, their number, ma­ner of liuing, and slaughter in battell, 104, a 20. They must néeds write much in praise of Edgar who had them in such estimation, 160, a 10. Licen­ced to drinke wine, 133, a 10. Fauoured by king Edgar, 159, a 60
  • Monie purchaseth peace, 127, b 10. Maketh fréends, 126, b 10
  • Moone appéereth bloudie, and how stranglie she receiued hir former brightnesse, 131, b 30
  • Morcad & Sigeferd two Da­nish noble men slaine, 174, a 40
  • Mordred vsurpeth the king­dome of Britaine and resi­steth Arthurs landing in Britaine, 91, b 10. His sons repine at Constantines ad­uancement to the crowne, 94, a 40. He is slaine, 91, b 40
  • Morgan & Cunedag at armes about the rule of this Ile, 14, a 10
  • Moriant what kind of people & where seated, 20, a 60
  • Morindus king of Britaine, his crueltie, & exploits, he is deuoured of a monster, 20, a 40
  • Morini a people that now in­habit Terwine in France, 27, a 20
  • Mother killeth hir sonne, 15, a 10. ¶ Sée Fratricide & Mur­ther.
  • Mulmutius Dunwallon first king of Britaine that wore a golden crowne, 15, a 30. His lawes, 15, b 30
  • Murther doone by the Danes vpon king Edmund verie la­mentable, 144, a 60 Of a king by his seruant, 133, b 20. Of a father reuenged on the son. 163, b 20. Unnaturall procu­red by Alfrid vpon hir sonne, 163, a 30. Of Kinewulfe no­table, 134, a 60. Unnaturall of Ostrida, 128, a 50. Of king Edmund lamentable, 157, a 60, b 10. Doone by the Danes vpon a bishop, 170, b 30. Up­on maids, 67, a 30 Of a son by his mother, 136, b 10. Most vile of two innocents, 122, a 30. The consent whereto pu­nished, 125, b 60, 126, a 10. Re­uenged, 11, a 60. Committed for pittie, 50, b 40. Most villa­nous: note, 107, b 40. By poi­son terriblie punished, 154, b 10. Recompensed with mur­ther, 4, b 20, 14, b 60, 35, b 40, 56, a 60, 68, b 10, 40, 83, b 30, 131, a 60, 134, b 10, 137, a 10, 158, b 10: note, 179, b 60
  • Musike taught by a bishop, 122, b 50. ¶ Sée Singing.
  • Mutinie among souldiers, 54, a 30
N.
  • NArcissus one that might doo all with Claudius, 36, b 60. Sent to appease the souldiers of Plautius, 34, a 10
  • Nathaliod a man of no great ancient house, &c: sent against the Saxōs at Aurelius Am­brose his death, 87, b 30
  • Nazaleod a mightie king of the Britains, 89, a 50. He is slaine, b 10
  • Nenius wounded of Cesar di­eth, 27, a 40
  • Neptune how he grew to be cal­led the king or god of the seas 4, a 10
  • Nidred and Suebhare kings of Kent by vsurpation, 126, b 20
  • Noah monarch of all the world diuideth it among his thrée sonnes, 1, b 10
  • Nonneus susteined the first in­uasion of the Saxons into great Britaine, 74, a 10
  • Normandie why so named, 146, a 40. Gouernd by the French king, 185, a 10
  • Normans first entering into England, 187, b 60. Under duke William, and the maner of their araie, 199, b 40. How they pretended a title to the crowne, 168, a 20. Slaine by the poll, the tenth reserued, 183, a 10. Upper lips and chéekes shauen, and taken for préests, 199, a 40. Banished the realme vpon a malicious reuenge, 191, a 20, 30
  • Northmercia, 118, b 40
  • Northumberland a kingdome compounded of two, 95, a 10. Two kingdoms, Deira and Bernicia, 111, a 60. Aduised­lie submit themselues to king Egbert, 138, b 60. The king­dome when it was parted, 95, b 30. Diminished by the Picts, 125, b 40. Inuaded by two kings, 110, b 50. Brought into a miserable case, 111, a 40. Their custome to seil their néere kinsfolke for a smal price, 99. b 10. The king­dome gouerned by two part­ners, 115, a 60. Why it remai­ned long without anie gouer­nors, 137, a 40. It had no Saxon king by title for ma­nie yeares togither, 79, b 40. Inhabited with Saxons, 79, b 40. In subiection to the kings of Westsaxons, 140, a 20. The kingdome therof fa­tall: note, 137, a 30
  • Northumbers inuade Ireland, 125, a 10. Ouerthrow the Picts, 129, a 20. Rebell a­gainst their earle Tostie, and whie, 194, a 20. yéeld to Swaine without resistance, 171, b 10. In subiection to the Danes, 149, b 60. Rebell and are subdued by king Edred, 158, a 30. Put to the sword by king Edred, 158, a 50. Inuaded by Penda, 115, a 10. Complained against by Cor­man for their neglect of reli­gion, 113, b 20
  • Nothelmus archbishop of Can­turburie, 130, b 50
  • Nothingham besieged by the Danes, 143, b 30
  • Norwegians arriue in Hum­ber, doo much mischiefe, and are discomfited, 197, b 30, 198, a 10. Slaine by the Bri­tains, 16, b 20
  • Norwich taken and spoiled by the Danes, 168, b 60
  • Nouants inhabitants of Cum­berland, 41, a 30
  • Nun cousine to Inas, 127, b 10. Defloured and after married, and againe restored to the nunrie, 150, b 40. Alfred in­dued with the spirit of pro­phesie, 133, b 30
  • Nuns lecherous and murthe­rous life, 128, b 40. Defile their bodies, 129, a 20. Con­cubines, 134, b 60. Manie in France that were English­women, 114, b 60
O.
  • OCca the sonne of Hengist taken and fauourablie dealt withall by Aurelius, 84, b 50. He and Ebusa lea­ders of the Saxons, 79, b 30. He reigned in Kent foure and twentie yeares, 89 a 10. He threateneth destruction to U­ [...]er: note, 87, b 60
  • Occasion not to be neglected, 42, a 50. Not neglected, 78, b 40. Taken to come to ones purpose, 79, a 40. Watched & vsed, 126, a 10, 165, a 20, 97, b 60
  • Octauius a British lord gouer­ned Britaine noblie, he dieth, 65, a 60, b 60
  • Odo archbishop of Canturbu­rie, 136, b 60
  • Offa conquereth the Eastan­gles, 133, b 30. Maketh his realme tributarie to Rome, and dieth, 132, a 60, b 10. Ali­eth himselfe to other princes for feare of his enimies, 132, a 50. King of Mercia, his acts, déeds, and victories, 131, b 60. King of Eastsaxons, be­commeth a moonke, 129, a 10
  • Offchurch in Warwikeshire built, 132, b 20
  • Offdich or Offas dich, 132, b 20
  • Oke of saint Augustine, 102, b 30
  • Onichelinus. ¶ Sée Richeli­nus.
  • Opportunitie. ¶ Sée Occasion.
  • Oracle that Brute consulted withall, 8, b 60
  • Oratorie to praie in erected by bishop Cead, 121, a 40. Built by Ioseph of Aremtathia, 127, b 40
  • Ordouices old inhabitants of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, 38, b 20. In ma­ner destroied, 47, b 50
  • Osbright king of Nor [...] ­bers deposed and El [...]a pla­ced, 143, a 10
  • Osred K. of Northumb [...]rland expelled, 136, b 30. His filthie life and death in battell, 129, a 10
  • Osrike king of Northumber­land, 125, b 50. His counsell to reuenge the death of Kine­wulfe, 134, b 10. He renoun­ceth his kingdome and be­commeth a moonke, 129, a 40. ¶ Sée Eaufrid.
  • Ostorius Scapula his explo [...]s in Britaine, 37, b 10. Giueth the Britains a sore ou [...]r­throw, 39, b 10. Astonished at the Britons chéerefulnesse a­gainst his Romans, 38, b 60. His triumph for victories a­gainst Caratake, 39, b 40. He dieth, 40 [...] 20
  • Ostrida the w [...] of king Ethel­red, cruellie slaine, 128, a 40, 50
  • Osulph king of Northumber­land slaine by treason, 132, b 60
  • Oswald a noble man ordeined king of Northumbers, expel­led, 136, b 60. Raiseth warre against Ethelard, 129, b 10. King of Northumbers, his valiantnes against Cadwal­lo, 111, b 20. The true storie concerning him, 113, a 50 His zeale to aduance religion, 114, a 50. He breaketh his siluer plate to the poore, 114, a 60. An interpretor to the preacher, 114, a 30. Cruellie slaine by Penda, 115, a 20. Canonised a saint, 115, a 20
  • Oswald archbishop of yorke, 161, b 20
  • Oswald bishop of Worcester, 160, a 10
  • Oswie king of Northumber­land, 118, a 30. His vow that he made if he might haue the victorie, 118, a 40. He sickneth and dieth, 121, a 50
  • Oswin. ¶ Sée Oswie.
  • Oth constreined is no oth, 197, a 10. Taken for purgation in a case of murther, 185, a 60
  • Oth the son of Occa the Sax­on, 89, a 20
  • Oxford burned by the Danes, 169, b 40. The vniuersitie when founded and erected, 148, b 50
  • Oxfordshiremen resist the Ro­mans, and are slaine, 37, b 20
P.
  • PAinters brought into Eng­gland, 120, b 30
  • Palace called the bishops pa­lace by Paules by whome, builded, 23, a 50
  • Paladour mount now Shafts­burie, 12, b 30
  • Pall of an archbishop, 101, b 60
  • Paliadius instructeth Scots in the faith, 82, b 60
  • Pandrasus prepareth an armie to suppresse the Troian off­spring, he is taken prisoner, 8, a 40, b 20
  • Paunonia now Hungarie, 32, b 50
  • Parricide, 7, b 20. ¶ Sée Mur­ther.
  • Pascentius Uortige [...]ns yoon­gest sonne his exploits, 85, a 10. His practise of treason a­gainst Aurelius, 85, a 20
  • Pauia in Lumbardie, 149, b 30
  • Paule preached vnto the Bri­tains, [Page] 37, a 50
  • Paules church first a temple, by whome builded, 23, a 60. By whom builded, doubtfull, 102, b 10, 103, a 50
  • Pauline bishop of Rochester, 111, a 60. Diligent in his of­fice, 107, b 40, 108, a 10. His preaching and baptising pre­uaileth much, 109, b 60. He prospereth in the discharge of his function, 110, a 50. He fli­eth into Kent, 111, a 50
  • Pauline archbishop of Yorke, 110, b 10. He receiueth the pall, 110, b 10. He deceaseth, 115, a 50
  • Peada. ¶ Sée Peda & Weada.
  • Peace concluded vpon conditi­ons betwéene king Edmund Ironside and Cnute, 178, a 50, 177, b 40. Concluded to make opener waie for trea­son, 176, b 10. Purchased with monie, 126, b 10, 127, b 10, 165, a 60, 166, a 60, b 60, 169, a 50
  • Peda king of Midleangles, maried, baptised, 116, b 50. His opinion and saieng of l [...]pgos­pellers, 117, a 10
  • Pelagian errors greatlie pre­uailed in Britaine, 82, b 10. To be suppressed, 110, b 40
  • Pelagius where borne, his he­resie, 82, b 20
  • Petitus a Spanish wizzard or soothsaier: note, 112, b 50
  • Pe [...]ance that Edgar did for de­flouring Wilfrid, 161, a 10. Uoluntarie that Robert duke of Normandie vndertooke, 201, b 20
  • Penda king of Mercia, 110, b 50. His crueltie, 111, a 30. His regiment, his acts and déeds, 112, a 20. He enuieth Os­walds well dooing, 115, a 10. Slaine by Oswie, 116, b 30
  • Penius Posthumus killeth himselfe, 46, a 10
  • Pentarchie of Britaine, 15, a 10 ¶ Sée Britaine and Kings.
  • Perdix his prophesies, 14, a 60
  • Peredurus▪ ¶ Sée Uigenius.
  • Perhennis all in all vnder the emperour Comodus, 53, b 40.
  • Per [...]urie neuer left vnpunished: note, 199, a 50. ¶ Sée Oth and Promise.
  • Persecution. ¶ Sée Christi­ans.
  • Pertinax lieutenant of Bri­taine, 54, a 10
  • Peterburrow, 122. a 50. ¶ Sée Meidhamsted.
  • Peterpence first paid to Rome, 128, a 30. Paid to Rome in Offas time, 132, b 10. Their grant confirmed by Ethel­wulfe, 141, a 50
  • Petronius Turpilianus an idle lieutenant, 46, a 60
  • Petus Cerealis his hard es­cape, 44, b 50
  • Philosopher made a king, 125, b 30
  • Picts why so named, 9, b 30. Di­uided into two nations, 7 [...]. b 40. In no Romane writer mentioned before Mamerti­nus time, 61, b 50. Inuaded this land, and of what nation descended, 47, a 10. The next after the Romans (of stran­gers) that inuaded this land▪ 47, a 40. Cut off one part of the limits of the kingdome of Northumberland, 125, b 40. They and Scots recouer a part of their countrie long possessed of the English, 125, [...] [...]0. Why they had the south parts of Scotland giuen them, 56, b 30. Alied with the Saxons, 90, a 60. Ouer­throwne by the Northum­bers, 129, a 20. ¶ Sée Scots.
  • Pictland or Pi [...]htland, 9, b 60
  • Pilgrimage of Robert duke of Normandie that he volunta­rilie tooke to Ierusalem, 201, b 20. Of K. Inas [...]o Rome, 127, b 30. Of Sweine the son of the earle Goodwine, 190, b 30
  • Pinnesses, 4, a 10. ¶ See Gal­lies.
  • Pittie procured murther, 50, b 60. Of Adelstan vpon cer­teine kings that stood to his mercie, 155, a 10
  • Pledges giuen vpon securitie, 193, b 20, 40. No sufficient warrant of fréedome from danger, 174, b 60. English cruellie handled, 173, b 30. ¶ Sée Hostages.
  • Pleimond archbishop of Can­turburie, 149, a 20. President of the English prouinciall councell, 153, a 60, b 30
  • Plentie accompanied with ma­nie outragious sinnes: note, 77, b 60
  • Plesure which bringeth gréefe is to be forborne: note, 148, a 60. Of the flesh to los [...]e of life, 134. a 60. Déerelie bought, 161, a 10. 20, 144, b 20. Gran­ted bringeth preferment, 160, b 60, 161, a 10. ¶ Sée Loue and Lust.
  • Poicto [...]ins put to flight by Co­rineus, 10, [...] 10
  • Poison, & what sharpe punish­ment was executed vpon one that poisoned hir husband: 154, b 10
  • Policie of Aula [...]e discouered: note, 155, b 40. Of Alured to know the state of the Danes his enimies campe, 146, b 10. Of duke William to disorder the Englishmens armie, 200, a 10. Of Gurmundus to take Cirencester, 98, a 20. Of Hen­gist, 77, 78, 79
  • Polycletus great port offen­siue, 46, a 40
  • Pope when he first curssed En­gland: note, 153, a 50. Alex­ander a fauourer of duke Wil­liams conquest of England, 199, a 10. Uitalianus, 120, a 20
  • Porchester woone by the Ro­mans, 36, a 10
  • Porrex. ¶ Sée Ferrex.
  • Por [...]h the Saxons arriuall in Britaine, 89, a 40
  • Portes [...]outh why so named, 89, a 40
  • Praier to God by the Britains for aid against the Saxons, 8, a 30. Of Uoadicia before hir incounter with the Ro­mans, 44, a 40. For victorie before the battell begun, 111, b 60
  • Praiers, and what effect they haue, 134, a 10
  • Prasutagus king of Britaine, 32, a 10, ¶ Sée Aruiragus.
  • Pre [...]ends giuen to vicars, 161, b 30
  • Preching, and that such as are called to it should haue the knowledge of toongs, 114, a 20. Of what sort preuaileth and is most effectuall, 113, b 20, 114, a 10, &c.
  • Préest Wighart well séene in the scriptures, 119, b 60
  • Préests that serued in Claudi­us temple, spoilers, and rob­bers, 42, b 20. Go to warre with euill spéed, 104, a 30. Went with Peda to teach and baptise the Middleangels, 116, b 60. In battell with their Alleluia: note, 83, a 30. Not to come to the al [...]ar bare­ [...]egged, and whie, 134, b 50. Foure [...]ll brethren, 118, a 30. Secular had wiues in mo­nasteries, 162, b 40. Put in the roomes of moonks, 159, a 50. Little regarded and moonks estéemed, 161, b 20. Receiued into monasteries and moonks remoued, 162, b 30
  • Pren, 136, [...] 50. ¶ Sée Ethelbert▪
  • Prerogatiue of king Edgar te­stified, 159, b 40
  • Present that earle Goodwin gaue Hard [...]cnute to redéeme his fauour, 185, a 60
  • Presents sent to king Adelstan from diuerse kings: note, 156, a 10
  • Presumption hath a fall, 12, b 50
  • Pride of Cnute turned into hu­militie, 181, b 10
  • Priuileges granted to Belins highwaies, 16, b 50. Gran­ted to saint Cutberts shrine, 150, a 60. Granted by Mul­mut [...]us, 15, b 40
  • Profit preferred before hone­stie, 193, a 50
  • Prophesie, the sprit wherof was in Alfred, 133, b 30. Of king Edward the third fulfilled, 195, b 30
  • Promise interchangeablie made and sealed with oth, 194, a 20. Faithfullie kept, 167, a 10. Made with corporall oth vr­ged to the purpose, 196, b 60. ¶ Sée Uow.
  • Promises in extremities may be made and yet not of neces­sitie to be performed, 194, a 60, b 10. And rewards mooue mightilie, 139, b 50. Faire what mischéefe they make m [...]n doo, 77, a 20. Not to be trusted, 136, b 50
  • Prouerbe, The Britains nei­ther valiant in war nor faith­full in peace, 35, b 20. Seians horsse cast his rider, 137, a 20. In trust is trecherie proued true, 5, b 50
  • Prouision for ships and armor, and what order for maintei­ning the nauie, 169, b 10
  • Punishment vpon the sonne for the fathers offense, 166, b 30
  • Putta a good musician made bi­shop of Rochester, 120, b 10. Teacheth song and musike, 122, b 50. Bishop of Roche­ster is saine to flée, 122, b 50
  • Pyrrhus his thrée sons fréends to Brute, 7, b 30
Q.
  • QUa [...]ing excessiue reformed by king Edgar, 159, b 60
  • Quarell vpon a light cause pro­cured slaughter, 18, a 10. Up­on a light occasion, 188, b 10. Upon words whereof insued wounds and slaughter, 30, b 30. ¶ Sée Fra [...]e.
  • Quéene, a name withdrawne from the Westsaxons kings wiues, 136, a 20
  • Quend [...]d king O [...]a his wife wise but malicious, 133, b 10. Hir ambitious and enuious mind at hir brothers aduāce­ment, 139, b 50. Murthereth hir sonne Kenelme, 136, b 10
  • Quinburga the daughter of Ce [...]rlus king of Mercia, 109, b 60
  • Quintus Atrius ouersee [...] o [...] the Romane nauie, 28, a 50
  • Quintus Laberius Durus a tribune slaine, 28, b 60
R.
  • RAine in Sussex none for thrée yeares space, 123, a 30
  • Raine of bloud, 14, a 60
  • Ransome of a bishop out of the Danes hands, 151, b 10
  • Rashnesse of Adelstane discom­mendable, 155, a 60, b 20
  • Rauishments inforced by the Romans, 45, b 10. ¶ Sée Lust.
  • Rebellion preuented and puni­shed, 73, a 60. Of subiects, 149, b 60. Actuall of people against their prince, 128, b 10. Of the Britains against their lords and gouernors, 70, b 60. Of the midle part of England a­gainst king Edwin, 159, a 40. Of North [...]bers against Tostie their earle, 194, b 30. Of certeine dukes against Oswie, 118, b 60. ¶ Sée Dis­obedience.
  • Reding where the Danes got the victorie, 143, b 50. Discom­fited, 144, a 10
  • Redwald king of Eastangles interteineth Edwine in exile, 104, b 40. Baptised, he would serue God and the diuell, 110, a 10
  • Reguli of Britaine seuen, 8 [...], a, 60
  • Religion & christian faith that king Edmund would not [...]e­nounce to the losse of his life: note, 144, a 60. Zelouslie ad­uanced by king Oswald, 114, a 50. Receiued of the Midle­angles, 116, b 60, 117, a 10. And of the Estsaxons, a 20. Great­lie deca [...]ed in Britaine, 82, b 10. Restored by Uortimer af­ter the vanquishing of the Saxons, 81, a 60. In Bri­taine in Octa [...]us time, 66, a 50. Embraced for commodi­tie sake, 123, a 60. Embraced of the Eastsaxons with zeale to die for it, 121, a 10. Great­lie decaied, 98, b 20. Not to be lingered or dallied withall, 108, 109. A cloke to rob and spoile, 42, b 20. Reuolting from it punished by God, 111, a 60. Aduanced by king E­dred, 158, b 10. Decaied a­gaine among the Britains, 94, a 20. The professors of it hated of the Eastsaxons, 106, a 60, b 10. Heathe [...]sh nothing worth: note, 109, a 60
  • Repentance too late, 155, b 10. Of Alfred for murthering hir stepson, 163, b 10. Of El­fer too late, 163, b 30
  • Regiment. ¶ Sée Monarchie.
  • Resti [...]utus bishop of London, 66, a 50
  • Reuenge with slaughter of ma­nie for killing some few, 134, b 10, Sought with euill suc­cesse, 8, a 60. That God him­selfe tooke for wrong doone, 175, a 60. Of an old grudge, 180, b 60. Sought of iniuries receiued, 42, b 60. Without mercie, 45, a 10, b 60. Long thought vpon, 127, a 60. Of the Scots and Picts vpon Uortige [...]ne & the Britains, 78, a 10. Iustl [...]e taken by God against prophane men, 106, b 60, 10. With sore outrage. 126▪ a 30. Upon the dead for iniu­ [...]ies [Page] receiued, 185, a 10. Re­uenge vpon a light occasion, 188, b 10. Of an old wrong, 191, a 10. O [...] murther by mur­ther: note, 131, a 60, 137, a 10
  • Rewards moue men to ani [...] at­tempt, 139, b 50
  • Race. ¶ Sée Griffin.
  • Richborough. ¶ Sée Sand­wich.
  • Richelinus. ¶ Sée Cinegi­scus.
  • Ricsag king of Northumbers dieth, 150, a 10
  • Ricula sister to Ethelbert, 103, a 50
  • Riuallus the thirtéenth ru [...]er of Britaine, 14, a 50
  • Robert archbishop of Cantur­burie, 187, b 20, 60. Banished, 191, a 20
  • Robert duke of Normandie fa­ther to duke william, diuerse acts of his, as well wanton as serious, 201, b 20
  • Roderike king of Picts inua­deth this land, and is slaine, 47, a 10
  • Rochester besieged by Danes, 147, a 60. Saint Andrewes church there by whome buil­ded, 102, b 10, 103, a 50. The church defaced by Edil [...]ed, 122, b 50. The sée void, 111, a 50. Bishop Ithamar conse­crateth archbishops of Can­turburie, 116, b 40
  • Rollo a Dane with a fresh power entreth into England, 146, a 20. The first duke of Normandie, & how he came to it, 201, a 30
  • Rome builded, 14, a 60. The em­pire diuided betwéene two, 64 a 60, 63, a 10. Taken by Bren and Belin, 17, b 10
  • Rome scot. ¶ Sée Peterpence.
  • Romans whereof so named, 74, a 60. Land in Britaine with­out resistance, 28, a 30. Why they warred against Bri­taine, 24, a 20. Utterlie subdue the Br [...]ons but not without much bloudshed and slaugh­ter, 28, b 60. Take Carataks w [...]e and daughter prisoners, 39, a 30. Plate the diuel [...] in Britaine vnder▪ Ostorius Scapula, 37, a 10, &c. Proud and ambitious, 40, a 60. In despaire withdraw into the capitoll, 17, b 60. Incounte­ring with the Galles ouer­throwne, 17, b 60. Discouer Britaine, [...]4, a 40. Pursue the Britons and put them to flight, 26, b 60. Outragious ranish [...]rs and deflourers of womankind, 45, a 60, b 10. Receiued a great ouerthrow in Britaine, and put to their hard shifts in Dom [...]ans daies, 41, a 50. Put to their shifts by the Britains, 25, [...] [...]0. Get to land, but vnable to follow the Britains farre, 25, b 20. Refuse for euerie light occasion to come ouer and aid the Britons, 70, b 20. Knew not Britaine but by report, 24, a 20. Natiues why placed in townes subdued, 38, a 10. Their ensigne an eagle, 25, a 40. They relieue the Britans against the Scots and Picts, repining to be al­waies their a [...]dors, 70, b 20. Curssed of the Druides, 41, b 40. Opinions touching the partile conquest of Britaine by them, 35, a 60. Manifold oppressions moueth the Bri­tans to rebellion, 42, all. In all their [...]artiall affaires ve­rie fortunat, 74, a 60. Go to the pot appa [...] by thousands vnder Seuerus his conduct, 55, b 60. Heauie armour their great hinderance, 29, a 10. Terrified at the strange noise of belles vsed in the British armie, 27, b 10. Willanous and vnnaturall cruel [...]e, 42, a 60. By thousands slaine of the Britains, 45, a 10
  • Romanus bishop of Rochester drowned as he went to Rome 111, a 60
  • Ronix a Saxonish ladie and daughter to Hengist arriueth in Britaine, 78, b 60. Taketh Uortigerne with the ba [...] of hir beautie, 79, a 60. Poiso­neth Uortimer hir sonne in law, 80, b 40
  • Rood speaketh, 162, b 60
  • Rowen. Sée Ronix.
  • Rule parted betwéene two or more. ¶ Sée Ambition, Bren­nus, Ferrex, and Morgan.
  • Rulers gouerne Britaine, 11, 12, 13, &c.
  • Rutupium. ¶ Sée Richbo­rough and Sandwich.
S.
  • SAbert reigned ouer the East­saxons, and receiueth the faith, 103, a 50
  • Saberts thrée most lewd sons deseruedlie slaine all togither, 106, b. 60
  • Sabinus his valiantnesse a­gainst the Britans, 34, b 40
  • Sacrifices by whome to be made, 2, b 40. Of prisoners, 41, b 50
  • Saint Albons bones taken vp and put into a rich shrine, 132, a 10
  • Saint Auderie of Elie. ¶ Sée [...]thelreda.
  • Saint Clements Danes with­out Temple barre, 185, a 20
  • Saint Cu [...]bert appéered to K. Alured, 146, a 60. His shrine priuileged, 150, a 60
  • Saint [...]lutus bell, 161, a 60
  • Salassians inhabitants about Italie and Switserland, 33, a 10
  • Salisburie besieged by the Danes, 176, a 20. ¶ Sée Am­brie.
  • Salisburie plaine where the Saxons and Britons met, 81, b 40. And of the stones there at this daie remaining. ¶ Sée Stoneheng.
  • Salomon king of Britaine Ar­morike, 112, b 30
  • Samaritans maner of seruing God, 110, a 10
  • Samothea the name of Bri­taine, 2. a 60
  • Samotheans subdued by Al­bion, 4, a 40
  • Samothes what part of the world he had for his portion, 2, a 30
  • Sandwich or Richborough, 72, b 60, where Uespasian [...]urst not arriue, 36, b 40
  • Sarron the sonne of Magus, 2. b 30
  • Sarronides doo neuer sacrifice without a philosopher, 2, b 40
  • Satisfaction for sinnes, 163, b 20
  • Saxons described, 96, b 60. [...]raitorous, 81, b 60. They and the Picts renew their league, 82, b 60. Sue for li­cence to Uortimer to depart home into [...]rmanie, 90, b 40. Came swarming like bées into Britaine, 81, a 30. Remo­uing Britains out of their seats stil gained ground of them, 97, b 40. First inuasion into great Britaine: note, 73, b 60. Plagued by Arthur of Britaine, 90, a 60. Foure notable battels giuen them by the Britains to their o­uerthrows, 80, b 10. Slaugh­tered at Badon hill, 88, a 50. Appointed to plague the Bri­tains from time to time for there [...]owle sinnes, 96, b 30. Pursue the Britains. With­out ceassing, &c. 97, b 60, 98, a 10. Erect an heptarchie or seuen kingdomes, 97, b 40. What parts of Britaine they had in their hands in Uorti­gers time, 83, b 60. The first fight betwixt them in this I­land, 97, a 20. Ouerthrowne besieging Bath, 90, b 60, 91, a 10. Arriue and dwell in Nor­thumberland, 79, b 40. Well interteined of Uortigerne, 78 a 60. Well nigh wasted by Uortimers warres, 80, b 10. Ioine with the Scots and Picts against the Britains, 81, a 30 Rouers, p [...]rats, and more cruell than all other eni­mies, 7 [...], a 40. Waged to aid the Britains against the Picts and Scots, 78, a 30. Slaine and not one lest to carrie newes into their owne countrie out of Britaine, 74, a 50. Come thicke and thrée­fold into Britaine, 79, b 20. Make miserable destruction in this land, 79, b 50, 80, a 10. Notablie discomfited by the Britains conducted by two holie bishops: note, 83, a 20. Called English what they were, 78, b 10. English subdu­ed by Ethelbert, 99, a 50. The bloud or race of them ceased to reigne in England, 200, b 50. ¶ Sée Estangels, South­saxons, and Westsaxons.
  • Schoole erected at Cambridge, by king Sigebert, 21, a 10
  • Sceua the sonne of Androgeus &c: hostages to Cesar, 30, b 50
  • Scots had no habitations in Britaine in the time of Ho­norius the emperour, 71, b 10. They and the Picts trouble this Ile, 72, a 20. Plague the Britains extremelie, 70, a 50, b 40. Not once named in the Romane writers till about Constantius time: note, 41, a 40. First comming out of Spaine into Ireland, 75, b 40 First comming out of Sci­thia, 75, b 40. Descended of Scithians as some thinke, 47, a 10. Inhabited Ireland, 47, a 10. Forced to submit themselues to Arthur, 91, a 10. Instructed in the faith. 82, b 60. Their king hath Cum­berland giuen him and hol­deth it by homage, 157, a 30. Uarie about the kéeping of Easter, 114, a 10. Receiue an oth to be true to king Edred, 158, a 40. Subdued, and their king forced to deliuer his son as hostage to king Adelstan, 155, a 50. Uanquished by the Saxons, 78, a 60. Afflicted by the Saxons, 79, b 30. Inuade the Britains in Uortigerns time, 78, a 10. Made the third nation that inhabited Bri­taine, 75, b 40. Hampered for comming into Britaine to giue battell, 103, b 60 ¶ Sée Picts.
  • Scotland wasted by king A­d [...]lstane, 155, a 40
  • Sebbi king of Eastsaxons a professed moonke, 122, a 60
  • Sebert king of the Eastsoxons conuerted to the faith & bap­tised, 106, b 10
  • Sedition, 131, a 10. ¶ Sée Dis­cord and warres ciuill.
  • Segburga quéene of the west­saxons hir gouernement, 122, a 10. [...]e of E [...]combert, 114, b 50
  • Seginus duke of the Alla­brogs, 16, b 20
  • Seians horsse, 137, a 30
  • Seired king of Eastsaxons, 129, a 10. Slaine, 133, b 60
  • Serred. ¶ Sée Seward.
  • Seruants louing their mai­sters, 134, a 60
  • Seuerus arriueth in Britaine, and would be surnamed Bri­tannicus, 55, a 20 Reigned as king, 54, a 60. His seuere and cruell commandement, 56, a 10. Séeketh the destruction of Albinus, 54, a 40. Slaine by Fulgentius, 54, b 10. His death, 56, a 20. And maner of funerall after the Romane fashion, ibidem 60
  • Seuerus coronell of the foot­men putteth the Saxons in feare, 74, a 10
  • Sewfred. ¶ Sée Sighere.
  • Sex [...]usse bishop of Mercies, 122, a 50
  • Shaftsburie called mount Pa­ladour, 12, b 30
  • Ships of Cnute passing for pompe, 173, b 60
  • Sibert king of Estangles chri­stened, 110, a 20
  • Sicilius king of Britaine, 19, b 50. ¶ Sée Sisillius.
  • Sidroc a Danish earle slaine in fight, 143, a 40
  • Sigbert. ¶ Sée Sigibert.
  • Sigebert. ¶ See Sabert and Sibert.
  • Sigeferd. ¶ Sée Morcad.
  • Sighere gouernour of a part of the Eastsaxons with Sebb [...], 122, b 10. Confirmed notablie in the faith, 121, a 10. King of Eastsaxons renounceth the faith, and imbraceth idolatrie, 120, b 60
  • Sighard, ¶ Sée Sewfred.
  • Sights strange import an alte­ration of the state, 196, b 10. Strange in the aire, 135, b 60
  • Sigibert king of Eastangles loueth learning, buildeth schooles, resigneth his king­dome, & becommeth a moonke, he is slaine, 116, a 20
  • Sigibert king of Eestsaxons cruell at home but a coward abrode, 131, a 50
  • Sigibert the second receiued the faith, 117, a 20. Murthe­red by two of his owne kins­men, 117, a 60, b 10
  • Signes of ill lucke, 133, b 10
  • Silures inhabited in South­wales or néere vnto the welsh matches, 38, a 40. [...]hy so whetted & eager against the Romans, 40, a 10
  • Simon Zelotes. ¶ Sée Ioseph of Arimathia.
  • Simplicitie of king Constan­tius abused by Uortigerne, 77, a 10
  • Singing brought into chur­ches, 120, a 60. ¶ Sée Chur­ches and Musike.
  • Sinnes abhominable of the [Page] Britains the cause of their scourging by the Saxons, 96. b 30. ¶ Sée Gyldas.
  • Siricius archbishop of Can­turburie, 166, a 60
  • Sisallius the fiftéenth ruler of Britaine, 14, b 10
  • Sithrike king of Northum­berland, 150, a 60
  • Siward earle of Northumber­land dieth: note, 192, b 60
  • Slander preuented, 188, b 60
  • Slouth ingendreth lecherie, 11, b 50
  • Snow and frost great, 133, a 10. Of aboue two moneths con­tinuance, 188, a 10
  • Sodomie committed, 11, b 60
  • Soldiers of Aulus Plautius disordered, 34, a 10. Of Bri­taine valorous, 69, b 20, Péer­lesse, 68, a 60
  • Soldiers like not laws to kéepe them in order, 54, a 30. A­gainst their capteine, 46, b 10
  • Southmercia, 118, b 40
  • Southsaxons kingdome what number of families it contei­ned, 123, a 10. It ceaseth, 127, b 20. ¶ Sée Sussex.
  • Sparatinum a towne, 8, a 40, 60
  • Spie. ¶ Sée Policie.
  • Springtides, 174, a 30
  • Stanesmoore, 47, a 50
  • Stiermarke. ¶ Sée Ualeria.
  • Stigand archbishop of Can­turburie by intrusion, 191, a 40. Made but a iest at K. Ed­wards propheticall spéeches, 195, b 20
  • Stilico the sonne in law to Ho­norius, his acts and déeds in Britaine, 74, b 50
  • Stoneheng on Salsburie plain why so called, 84, b 60. Called Chorea gigantum, 88, b 20
  • Strangers teach Englishmen diuerse vile vices, 159, b 60. Suspected of the Britains, for their multitudes, 79, b 50. Ought not to quarell in for­ren countries, 188, b 10
  • Strenwold a valiant man slaine, 166, a 50
  • Subiection makes kings know themselues, 21, 10, b 20. Of Britaine to the Romans when it was, 31, a 60
  • Subtiltie of Uortigerne to con­ceale his treason, 77, a 30
  • Succession. ¶ Sée Crowne.
  • Suebhard. ¶ Sée Nidred,
  • Suetonius lieutenant of Bri­taine inuadeth Anglesca, &c: 41, b 10. Incourageth his bands against Uoadicia and hir Britains, 45, b 20. Sup­plied with fresh forces setteth vpon the Britains, 45, a 50. Thinking vpon safetie with­draweth himselfe and his for­ces, 44, a 60. By hart grudge thrust at to loose his dignitie, 46, a 30
  • Suidhelme king of Estsaxons christened, 117, b 60
  • Sunne eclipsed excéedinglie, 130, a 60
  • Suspicion sometimes necessa­rie, 81, b 60
  • Sussex or Southsex, with the beginning of the Southsax­ons kingdoms, 86, a 10, Im­braceth the faith, 123, a 10. Af­flicted with famine for lacke of raine, 123, a 30. ¶ Sée Southsex & Southsaxons.
  • Swaine arriuing at Sand­wich spoileth all the countrie néere the sea side, 169, a 20. Re­puted full king of England handleth the people hardlie, 172, b 60. Conquered the greater part of England, 172, b 12. King of Denmarke, taketh Norweie and spoileth it, 168, b 60. Prepareth a fresh armie to inuade England, 171, a 60. Erle Goodwins son, banished, his lewd life, 188, a 10, 60. He rebelleth against his father Goodwin, his mise­rable end going on pilgri­mage, 190, b 30. His end and death, 178, a 10
  • Swimming a practise vsed a­mong the Britains, 48, a 10
  • Swithed. ¶ Sée Swithred.
  • Swithred king of Eastsaxons expelled, 133, b 60
  • Swithune bishop of winche­ster of king Egberts coun­cell, 140, b 20
  • Synod prouinciall to reforme wants in the church, 153, a 60 Holden for the approuing of images, 128, a 60. Held in Au­gustines time, 102, b 30, 60. Held at Hatfield, 123, b 10. Held at Herford, 121, a 60. Held in Mercia, & what was there doone, 135, a 10
T.
  • TAcwine archbishop of Can­turburie, 129, b 60. He di­eth, 130, b 50
  • Tempest on sea, 25, b 60. Wher­in Cesar lost 40 ships, 28, b 10
  • Tenancius assisted Cassibelane against Cesar, 27, a 40. ¶ Sée Geomantus.
  • Tenet Ile a refuge for Sax­ons, 80, b 40
  • Thamar an Englishman bi­shop of Rochester, 115, a 60
  • Thames passable by foord in one place in Cesars time, 31, a 20
  • Theobaldus the brother of E­delferd slaine, 103, b 60
  • Theodore made archbishop of Canturburie vpon conditi­ons, 120, a 20. Calleth & hol­deth a synod at Herford, 121, a 60. His acts and deeds after his instalment, 120, a 50. Wor­thilie praised, 120, b 10. Re­concileth two kings being at warres, 123, a 60, b 10. Hol­deth a synod at Hatfield, 123, b 10. His articles proponed in the synod, 121, a 60. Eightie & eight yeares old, 126, b 20
  • Theodora maried to Constan­tius, 62, b 40
  • Theodosius his acts and déeds in Britaine, 72, 73. Preuen­teth a conspiracie against him and punisheth the offendors, 73, b 10. His praise, 73, b 40
  • Theomantius K. of Britaine giueth tribut to the Romans, 32, a 60
  • Théefe murthered king Ed­mund, 157, b 10
  • Théefe nor robber but died in Edgars time, 160, a 20
  • Theft restrained by laws: note, 148, b 20. Punished, 16, a 10
  • Thomas bishop of the Eastan­gles after Felix, 116, a 60
  • Thule of some taken to be Ire­land, of other some Scotland, 74, b 50
  • Thunnir chéefe ruler of the land vnder Egbert, 122, a 30 A vile murtherer, 122, a 30
  • Thuringers a people in Saxo­nie, 79, a 30
  • Tida bishop of Northumbers, 119, b 10
  • Tileburge now Tilberie, 117, b 60
  • Tithing preposterous, nine slaine, and the tenth reserued, 183, a 10, 184, a 40. Of the peo­ple of Canturburie by the Danes preposterous, 170, b 10
  • Tithings, & who diuided coun­tries into tithings, and what it meaneth, 148, b 20
  • Togodumnus a British by the Romans vanquished, 34, a 40 35, a 10
  • Tokens. ¶ Sée Sights and Woonders.
  • Tormace. ¶ Sée Theomantius
  • Tostie earle of Northumbers his crueltie, 194, b 30. Dis­quieteth his brother Harold, spoiling his countries, he is repelled, 197, b 30. His cruell dealing procureth a rebellion, 194, b 20. Slaine, 198, a 30
  • Totnesse, where Uespalian ar­riued, 36, b 40
  • Tours whether built by Bruse or no, 10, a 20, 60
  • Towne, or hold, & what so cal­led of the Britains, 29, b 60
  • Townes erected and repared by Elfleda: note, 152, a 30. By king Edward, 152, b 50
  • Tower of London built by Be­line, and first called Belines tower, 19, a 10
  • Traherne slaine, 65, b 30
  • Trebellius Maximus lieute­nant of Britaine, 46, a 60
  • Treason practised by Alfred to kéepe Adelstane from the crowne, 154, a 10
  • Treason of Alfrike in fléeing to the Danes, 166, b 20. Of Al­frike punished in his son Al­gar, 166, b 30. Of Almaricus in betraieng Canturburie to the Danes, 170, a 60. Of An­dragatius in killing of Gra­tian the emperour, 68, a 60, b 10. Of Androgeus in aiding Cesar against Cassibelane, 30, b 60. What insued vpon it to the author, 32, a 60. Most villanous of Edrike in a fought battell, 176, a 40. No­tablie coloured, 169, a 60. Pro­curing K. Edmunds death, punished with death, 178, b 30 Of Eumerus, 107, b 40. Of Harold by a counterfet letter, 183, b 60, b 10 all, 184, a all. Of Hengist to kill the Britains vnarmed, 81, b 50. Against Ostrida, 128, a 50. Of Pas­centius practised by a coun­terfet monke vpon Aurelius, 85, a 20. Of a Pict in killing king Constantine, 76, b 10. Of the Picts against Bassianus 56, b 30. Of the Scots end Picts killing their king, 77, a 20. Of Uortigerne to atteine the kingdome: note, 77, a 10. Of archbishop Wolstane, 158, a 60. Of cousins, 129, a 20. Persuaded by a wife to hir husband, and practised, 133, b 10. In the nobilitie, 167, b 20, 60. In trust: note, 39, a 30, 40 Coloured with counterfet sicknesse, 168, b 50. Bringeth an euill end: note, 179, b 50, Punished with sudden deth, 154, a 10 ¶ Sée Trust.
  • Triumph. ¶ Sée Uictorie.
  • Tribute exacted by the Danes of the English, 170, b 40. Paid to the Danes that laie at Gréenewich, 174, a 30. By them inhansed, 168, a 10. Rai­sed by king Hardicnute, 185, a 20. Paid to England out of Wales, 193, b 10. Of thrée thousand pounds paid to the Romans, 31, a 10. Paid by the Britans to the Romans, 30, b 10. Paid by the Danes to the king of Britaine, 19, a 40. Denied to the Romans, & what warres [...]sued, 33, a 60. Of wolfeskins, 160, a 20. Of gold, siluer, neat, hawks, and hounds paid to Adelstan, 156, a 20
  • Troians accompanie Brute, 9, a 60
  • Troinouant now London, 23, a 60. Where, when, & by whome builded, 11, a 10
  • Troinouants what they were & where they inhabited, 20, b 40
  • Trust treasonable, 81, b 40, 60, 115, b 10 note, 132, a 10, 136, b 50, 139, b 50. 163, a 30, 166, b 20. ¶ Sée Treason.
  • Truth told with reproofe pur­chaseth disfauour, 159, a 20
  • Turgestus pursueth the con­quest of Ireland, 98, a 10
  • Turketell Mireneheued whie he deserued an euerlasting re­proch, 169, b 60
  • Turkillus a Dane ruler in Northfolke & Suffolke, 170, b 40. Reteined in seruice with Egeldred, 173, b 40. Disclo­seth the secrets of this land to K. Swaine, 171, a 40. His drift (being sworne to Egel­dred) to aduance Cnute, 173, b 50, 60
  • Turketillus a Danish erle sub­dued, 151, b 20
  • Turinus the nephue of Brute slaine, 10, b 60
  • Turonium ¶ Sée Tours.
  • Tyrant & a king distinguished, 98, b 60
V.
  • VAlens Iouinus master of the horsses, 73, b 50
  • Ualentia a part of Britaine, 73, b 30
  • Ualentians, now Romans, 74, a 60
  • Ualentinus vanished into Bri­taine, his wicked practises, 73, a 60. Rescueth & succoreth the distressed Britains, 70, b 10. Put in danger by Maxi­mus, 68, b 30. Slaine, 83, b 30
  • Ualeria adioining to [...], 73, a 60. Now Stier­marke, 73, a 60
  • Ualiantnesse of Edoll with a hedgestake, 82, a 10. Of a Ro­mane ensignebearer, 25, a 40. Of Siward euen at his death, 192, a 30, b 60
  • Uannes in Armorica, now Britaine in France, 24, a 50
  • Ubba and Hungar two Danish capteins and cruell of nature, 142, b 60
  • Uellocatus a squire marrieth quéene Cartimanda, hir hus­band Uenut [...]us being reiec­ted, 40, b 50
  • Venedocia now Northwales, 27, a 30
  • Uengeance. ¶ Sée Reuenge.
  • Uenutius a skilfull British capteine, reiected of his wife, his acts and déeds, 40, b 30
  • Uerannius his purpose against Britaine preuented by death, 41, a 60
  • Verolamium a towne of great fame in the daies of Uoa­dicia, 45, a 10
  • Uespasian sent by Claudius in­to Britaine & where he arri­ued, 36, b 30. He is dead, 51, a 20
  • Uffa a Saxon & his dominion in Britaine, 87, a 20
  • Uictorie wauering and incon­stant, 80, a 30. Abused with ex­cessiue crueltie, 45, a 10. Of the [Page] Britains against the legion of Ma [...]ius Ualens, 40, b 10. Of Marius against the Picts in­grauen vpon a stone in place where it was gotten, 47, a 50. Of Ostorius against Cara­take: note, 39, a 50, 60. Of Os­w [...]s vow if he might obteine it against the enimie, 118, b 40. Notable against the Saxons, by the conduct of a British ar­mie vnder two bishops, 83, a 20. Abused by Swaine, 172, b 60
  • U [...]tius U [...]lanus lieutenant of Britaine. 46, b 20
  • Uies. 15, b 30. ¶ Sée Malmes­burie.
  • Uigenius and Peredurus reigne [...] as kings, 21, b 30
  • Uikillus gouernour of North­folke killeth a great manie of the Danes, 169, a 10
  • Uirgine & yet a wife, 125, a 50. Of Friswide hir withstanding of prince Algar, 133, b 60, 134, a 10 Of Ireland called Modwen, renowmed, 142, a 30
  • Uirginitie of the daughter saued by the losse of the maids: note, 160, b 60
  • Uision of Dunstane, 157, b 40. Telling hun of king Edreds death, 158, b 10. Of K. Edgar a litle before his death, 161, a 60. Appearing to Edwin, 108, a 40. Of Egwin bishop of Worce­ster, 128, a 60. Of Augustine the moonke. ¶ Sée Dreame.
  • Uitalianus pope, 120, a 20
  • Vitae. ¶ Sée Iutes.
  • Uipius Marcellus lientenant in Britaine verie watchfull: note, 53, b 10
  • Ulysses in Britaine, 6, b 50
  • Ungust king of Picts, 131, b 20
  • Uniuersitie. ¶ See Cambridge.
  • Unkindnesse of Leirs daughters to their father, 13, a 60
  • Unthankefulnesse to God puni­shed, 111, a 60
  • Uoadicia the wife of Aruiragus beaten of the Romane souldi­ers, 42, a 60. Described, with the pithie spéech that she made to the Britains against the Romans, 43, all 44 Hir daugh­ters cruc [...]ie abused at the Ro­mans hands, 45, a 60. Chosen of the Britans to be their cap­teine against the Romans, 42, b 60. Hir death doubtfull, 45, b 60
  • Uortigerns ambition to reigne & rule, 77, a 10. Chosen K. of Bri­taine, 77, a 60. A meane that Constantius the moonke was made king, 76, b 50. Depriued of roialtie by his people, 79, b 60 Forsaketh his wife to marrie Ronix a Saxonish damsell, 79, a 60. Welcommeth the Saxons in Britaine, 78, a 60. Taken prisoner by Hengist & how re­leased, 82, a 10 Put in feare of his vsurped estate, 77, b 50, 78, a 10. Busie in building a castell, 84, a 10, Much giuen to sensu­all lust, 79, a 40. Restored to his kingdome, 81, b 10. Incestuous & lewd of life, 84, a 20. Burned to deth within a castell, 84, a 20
  • Uortimer succéedeth Uortigerne as king of Britaine, 79, b 60. He is made king, 80, a 60
  • Uortimer restored religion a [...]ter he had vanquished the Sax­ons, 81, a 60 Imbattelled a­gainst the Saxons, 80, b 10. Noble victories against Sax­ons, 80, b 10. Poisoned by his mother in law Ronix, 80, b 40
  • Uortiporus king of Britains, his exploits, & Gyldas excla­mations against him, 95, b 60
  • Uow of chastitie inuolablie kept 125, a 50. Of Ceadwalla if he might get & conquer the Ile of Wight, 124, b 50. Of Ethel­wulfe whereof the pope absol­ued him, 140, a 30, That Oswie made, if he might haue victorie, performed, 118, a 40, 60
  • Usurie by the Romans inforced vpon the Britons, 42, b 10
  • Uter why surnamed Pendragon 87, b 10. Made K. of Britaine, 87, b 10. Encountereth Pas­centius and his aids & killeth them, 85, a 10. Falleth in loue with ladie Igwarne another mans wife, 88, a 20. Goeth into Ireland, and incountreth Gal­lomanus, 84, b 60 His decease, 88, b 10. ¶ Sée Aurelius Am­brose, 77, a 40
  • Utred deliuered pledges vnto Cnute and put to death not­withstanding, 174, b 60
  • U [...]frea son of Edwin, 111, a 50
  • Uulshere king of Mercies his acts & déeds, 119, a 10. A great furtherer of religion, he dieth, 121, a 10
W.
  • WAde a duke conspirator of Ethelberts deth. 137, a 10
  • Walbrooke in London whie so called, 57, a 10
  • Waldhere bishop of London, 122, a 60
  • Wales destroied and harried by the Englishmen, 193, b 10
  • Walius brooke. ¶ Sée Walbrooke.
  • Warre is to be begun with prai­er: example, 111, b 60
  • Warre & famine signified, 135, a 60
  • Wars ciuill fiftie yeares in Bri­taine, 15, a 10. Among the Bri­tains, 97, b 60. Decaied the force of the Britains, 71, a 10. Betwéene the British kings, 98, b 40. Betwixt K. Cuthred and one of his earls, 131, a 20. In Edriks time, 126, a 10. Be­twéene Ethelard and Oswald, 129, a 10. Betwéene Madred & Constantine for succession to the crowne, 94, a 50. Among the Englishmen, 137, a 20. Be­twéene the kings of Northum­berland, 115, a 60. By a wo­mans meanes, 40, b 40. Ceased betwéene the Britains and Romans by quéene Genissas meanes, 36, b 50
  • Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes, 174, b 30
  • Wassaill what it signifies, 79, a 60
  • Watchword of treason. Nempt your sexes, 81, b 50
  • Watlingstreet. ¶ Sée Highwaies.
  • Wednesday why so named, 79, a 10
  • Weights. ¶ Sée Measures.
  • Wellowin, where great slaugh­ter of Danes did begin 168, a 40
  • Welshmen obteined victorie a­gainst the Englishmen, 192, b 20. Rising in armes, were al­waies subdued, 188, a 40. Whense they tooke their name, 126, b 40. Preuent a slander, 188, b 60. Their kings in the dais of Edgar, 159, b 30. Io [...]ne with the Danes & are vanqui­sh [...]d, 139, a 40, Rebell against Edgar and are subdued, 161, a 40. Good seruice against the Romans, 27, b 10. Are the verie Britons in déed, 90, a 50. Agrée to paie their accustomed tribut to England, 193, b 10. Ouer­throwne in battell, 131, a 20
  • Werefredus bishop of Worcester, 149, a 10
  • Werintans. ¶ Sée Thuringers.
  • Werlamchester, now saint Al­bons, 62, a 10
  • Westmaria, now Westmerland, 47, a 50
  • Westmerland of whome first na­med, 47, a 50
  • Westminster church built, 52, a 60 By whom builded, vncerteine, 102, b 10
  • Westsaxons conuerted vnto the faith, 114, b 10. Their conquest or victories, 138, b 20. Their kings and of whom descended, 95, a 50. They would not iet their wiues be called queenes, 136, a 20 Haue the whole mo­narchie of the land, 127, a 40. Their progenie ceased in Ed­ward the third, 19 [...], b 50. Their kingdome vnder whome it be­gan, 87, a 40. 89, b 30. Subiect to two, 124, b 10, 105, a 20. Kent & Essex annexed to that king­dome, 139, b 30
  • Wichstred king of Kent dieth lea­uing issue thrée sons, 129, b 40
  • Wife and yet a virgin, 125, a 50, 154, b 20
  • Wife forsaken: note, 79, a 60. Not to be forsaken without cause: note danger, 136, b 60. Faith­lesse and adulterous exemplifi­ed, 40, b 40, Louing to hir hus­band, 5, b 60. 133, b 30. Loued with dotage, 79, b 50
  • Wife of Berne a noble man raui­shed, bred much mischiefe, 144, b 20
  • Wiues twentie and one had E­branke, 11, b 60
  • Wighart a préest well séene in the scriptures, 119, b 60. Dieth of the pestilence, 120, a 10
  • Wight Ile conquered by Cead­walla, 124, b 50. Subdued to the Romans, 36, b 60. Conque­red by Uulthere, 119, a 30. Re­ceiueth the faith, 124, b 60
  • Wightam towne in Essex built, 151, a 50
  • Wilfeketell. ¶ Sée Uikillus.
  • Wilfrid the second archbishop of Canturburie, 129, a 50
  • W [...]frid archbishop of yorke, 120, a 60. How far his iurisdiction extended, 121, a 30
  • Wilfrid bishop of Northumbers, 119, b 10
  • Wilfrid by licence of king Edel­walke preacheth the gospell to them of Sussex, 123, a 10. Taught the Southsaxons to catch fishes with [...]ts, 123, a 50 What part of the Ile of Wight kin [...] Ceadwalla gaue him, 124, b 50. Deposed for disobedience, 122, a 50. Banished, 122, b 60. A long time in exile now re­stored, 125, b 50. A bréefe re­hearsall of him, 129, a 40
  • Wilfrid a yoong damsell defloured of king Edgar, 160, b [...]0
  • William bishop of London bani­shed, 191, a 20
  • William the poore bishop of Ro­chester, 122, b 50
  • William duke of Normandie ai­deth Edward the third going to take sea into England, 186, b 40. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Wilnot a Sussex gentleman an enimie to king Egelred, 169, b 10
  • Wilton spoiled by the Danes, 168, b 60
  • Winchester called Caerguent, 12, b 30. Destroied by the Daues, 144, b 10. The church where the bishops sée of all that pro­uince was then placed, by whō builded, 121, b [...]0, 122, a 10
  • Win [...] a kind of strange people l [...]ie at Futham, 147, a 50
  • Wine blustering that ouerthrew c [...]es. 135, a 60
  • Wine forbidden moonks an [...] at last granted, 133, a 10
  • Win [...] bishop admitted by king Chenwald & expelled againe, 115, b 60
  • Winnebert a traitorous murthe­rer of his lord and master, 133, b 20
  • Wipets field in Kent and when fought, 86, b 30
  • Withred king of Kent after se­uen yeares vacancie, 126, a 10
  • Woden an ancient prince of the Saxon kings pedegrée, 78, b 60, 79, a 10. His three sonnes, [...] what kings of Britaine des­cended of them, 95, a 50
  • Wolthere archbishop of Nor­thumbers, 150, a 10
  • Wolstan archbishop of yo [...]ke, 156, a 50. Imprisoned by king Edred, 158, a 60
  • Woman not without a miscief­ous practise, 80, b 40. Wicked counsell, 133, b 10. Good coun­sell, 104, b 50. Persuasion wor­keth much, 159, a 20. De [...]fc to make hir husband forsake the world, 128, a 10. Gouernment ouer the Westsax [...]ns, 122 a 10, Commended, 19, b 60. Wisdome praiseworthie, 179, b 30
  • Women in a strange maner of ha­bit and at [...]re, 41, b 40. Bear [...] rule in Britaine, 11, b 30, 13, b 50. Restreined of their great and supreme titles, 136, a 20. They as well as men admit­ted to publike gouernment a­mong the Britains, 42, b 60. Their rule disdained, 40, b 60
  • Women with child taught a les­son of continence by Elfleda, 148, a 60. To be baptised and purified: note, 101, b 40. What parents should doo when they haue a child brought into the world, 107, b 60, 108, a 10
  • Wonder of crosses that fell from heauen signifieng affliction, 135, b 50
  • Wonders strange séene import an alteration of the state, 196, b 10 and propheticall, 42, b 30
  • Woods cut downe in Angleseie by Suetonius, &c. 41, b 50
  • Words faire make fooles saine to their smart, 132, a 10. Not lightlie to be trusted, 136, b 50. Bréed displeasure, 161, b 50. Ill taken and breed hatred: note, 40, a 10. Bréed wounds and slaughter, 30, b 30. The price of life: note. 155, b 20
  • Wrestling en ancient exercise, 10, b 40
Y.
  • YArmouth. ¶ Sée Cerdic­shore.
  • Yorke called Caerbranke and dy whom builded and named, 12, a 10. Besieged by Arthur, 90, b 30. Burnt by the Danes, 143, a 30
  • Yorkeshiremen rebell and the au­thors punished by Ostorius Scapula, 37, b 60
Z.
  • ZEale of Edwin in preferring religion, 110, a 10. Of Os­wald to aduance the same, 114, [...] 5 [...]
FINIS propositi laus Christo nescia FINIS.

The third table for the description, historie, and chronicles of Ireland: gathered by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell, gentleman.
The first number noteth the page, the second the line.

A.
  • ABerteifie. 4, 6
  • Abbeie of Bangor, 54, 6
  • Adam of Hereford admerall of the English fleet, discomfi­teth and spoileth the Irish fleet, 33, 10
  • Adelike castell taken. 62, 22
  • Adrian the pope confirmeth the priuileges of the church and realme of Ireland, 35, 17
  • Adulterie cause of warres. 1, 40
  • Affliction maketh men religi­ous, 53, 54
  • Allaine Zouch lord iustice slaine by the earle of Surrie lord Fitzwarren, 62, 55
  • Allen archbishop of Dublin e­nimie to the Giraldines, was murthered, 92, 1
  • Allen sir Iohn knight, enimie to the erle of Kildare, 88, 67
  • Allen doctor acquainted with Iames Fitzmoris, 154, 23. Ioineth with him in conspi­racie, ibi. He arriueth into Ireland, ib. 44. He causeth the popes banner to be dis­plaied, 159. 5. He incourageth the traitors, ib. 30. He is slain, ib. 28, 46
  • Alma daughter to erle Strang­bowe, married vnto William Fitzgirald, 35, 74
  • Alman Walter, 41, 40. Seneshall of Wexford, ibid. 43. Corrupt and couetous, ib. 46. A secret enimie to Reimond, ib. 58.
  • Amereduke Fitzstephans sonne 45, 54
  • Ambition breedeth dissention, 49, 70
  • Ambition cause of bloudshed, 49, 70
  • Antragh: Too late quoth Bois 75, 66
  • Articles concluded at the synod of Cashill, 23, 45
  • Articles for gouernment, 111, 3
  • Ardescoll towne burned. 63, 41
  • Arthur mac Morough discom­fited by the earle of Ormond, 77, 1
  • Arthur king of England recei­ueth homage at Westchester for the realme of Ireland, 49, 60, 36, 10
  • Arundell of the Strand his re­uenues one thousand fiue hun­dred pound, 75, 22
  • Arnold sir Nicholas lord iustice, 110, 28
  • Articles for marshall law, 166, 6
  • Archbishops appointed in Ire­land, 31, 20, 59, 20
  • Archbishops and their suffra­gans, 31, 1
  • Ardmagh enimie to rats, 31, 40
  • Archbishop of Ardmagh chae­sest primat of all Ireland. 0
  • Archbishop of Cashill like to be killed, 118, 50
  • Ashton sir Richard lord iustice, 73, [...]5
  • Asketen the earle of Desmonds house, 160, 10. Is besieged, 161, 30. The warders fore­sake the castle, and by a traine set it on fire, ib. 57. It is ta­ken and made a ward, ib. 66. Capteine Barklie laie in gar­rison there, 172, 25
  • Assurance giuen for loialtie by the lords of Ireland, 76, 60
  • Athelon castell builded, 66, 15
  • Athelon bridge builded, 152, 71
  • Augustus the emperour, 2, 30
  • Ailmer lord iustice of the com­mon plees, 100, 34. Made cheefe iustice of the Kings­bench, ib. 41. He is discom­mended to the king, ib. 50. The king hath speeches with him and liketh him well, ib. 60. He is the cause whie the lands of all nobles absenting out of that land are giuen to the king, 101, 10
  • Aire of Ireland, 13, 12
  • Agard Francis sent to Iames Fitzmoris with his par [...]n, 153, 57. His deah, 166, 21
  • Appesleie a capteine distrusteth himselfe, 157, 3. He withdraw­eth the earle of Desmond, ib. 10
B.
  • BAgnoll sir Nicholas com­plained against by Baltin­glasse, he beareth the sword, 14 [...], 60. A b [...]l is exhibited against him, 150, 1. The mat­ter is examined, ib. 6. He is in the hosting with sir William Drurie, 157, 30
  • Balimore in Leimster burned, 64, 13
  • Balioll king of Scotland dooth homage for his earldome in Ireland, 63, 60
  • Baltinglas. ¶ See Poer.
  • Balram lord of Enfort his re­uenues on thousand and thir­tie pounds, 75, 15
  • Balie [...]tyr castell taken, 131, 37
  • Banne and Baga [...], 10, 5 30, 4, 67, 31
  • Banne the riuer, 27, 60
  • Banneret, 39, 30
  • Bangor abbeie, 54, 60
  • Barnabie Fitz [...]ke baron of Upperess [...]rie [...]th Rorie Og and killeth him, 149, 20. He and the earle of Ormond are reconciled, 162, 40
  • Barnacles, 18, 30. Nor fish nor flesh, 19, 40
  • Barnewell baron of Trimel­ston, 38, 65. He deliuereth the kings sword to the deputie, 95, 10
  • Barnewels first arriuall into Ireland, 38, 65
  • Barnewell of Beere hauen his reuenues one thousand six hundred pounds, 75
  • Barnewell sir Christopher, a wise and a learned knight, 38, 23. He excepteth against the Englishmen to be burgesses, 120, 20. Offended with the speech of an English gentle­man in the parlement, 121, 57. Is commanded to silence, ib. 65
  • Barie Robert his valiantnesse, 5, 51, 53, 56. 11, 41
  • Barie Philip nephue to Fitz­stephans, 45, 44. Brother to Girald Cambrensis, ib. 50. His issue remaineth in Ire­land, 46, 36
  • Barrie the vicount, 37, 43
  • Barrie Dauid lord iustice ta­med Moris Fitzmoris, 60, 7 He burneth his owne house, 172, 68. He is set vpon by cap­teine Raleigh, 173, 30
  • Barie Og sweareth fealtie, 131, 55
  • Barow riuer, 46, 58
  • Bartholenus inhabiteth Ire­land, 47, 12
  • Barod lord of the gard his re­uenues one thousand and one hundred pounds, 75, 26
  • Bath of Dullerdstowne execu­cuted, 94, 12
  • Basilia earle Strangbowes daughter married to Rei­mond, 34, 70. Hir dreame, 40, 40
  • Barkeleie Edward arriueth in­to Ireland, 172, 26. He lieth in Asketen, ib. 31
  • Battell at Ardmagh against the Scots, 68, 70. At Knock­tow, 79, 55. Against the gi­ants, 43, 30
  • Bees how they be ingendred, 19, 24
  • Benefit of good gouernement, 111, 13
  • Bellingham sir Edward, lord deputie, 109, 12. He keepeth a mint, ib. 12. His carefulnesse for his gouernment, ib. 23. His readinesse to serue, ib. 34, He buildeth a fort at Leigh­lin ib. 44. He taketh the earle of Desmond napping, ib. 1. ca­rieth him to Dublin, and cau­seth him to be nur [...]ered and instructed, ib. 9. The earle al­waies praied for him, ib. 25. He was neuer chargeable to anie subiect, ib. 30. His vp­rightnesse and sincerite, ib, 48. Was verie well beloued, 110, 2. Is reuoked, ib. 12.
  • Belinus his sonne claimed Ire­land by descent, 49, 20
  • Bingham sir Richard cheefe, commissioner of Connagh his great victorie vpon the Scots, 182, 15
  • Bingham buried, 17, 13
  • Bignorke archbishop of Du­blin, 69, 25. He dooth erect an vniuersitie in Dublin, ib. 28. He keepeth termes and com­mensements, ib. 34
  • Birmingham sir Walter slue six hundred men, 73, 68.
  • Birmingham Iohn generall of the field against the Scots, 68, 48. He vanquisheth them, and killeth Edward Bruse, 63, 9. Made baron of Athen­rie, and created erle of Louth, 16, 10. Is made lord iustice, ib. 55. Is slaine, 70, 30
  • Birmingham William a scourge to the Scots, 65, 13. He was hanged, 70, 10
  • Birmingham Richard ouer­throweth the Irish in Con­nagh, 68, 28
  • Birmingham Me [...]ler sleieth Cathell Ochonner, 74, 17
  • Bishops and bishoprikes in Ireland, 31, 1, 59, 15
  • Bishops married were onelie made archbishops, 55, 4
  • Bishops of Limerike commit­ted to ward, 166, 44
  • Bogh or Pogh what it sig­nifieth, 13, 30
  • Burgh or Bourke earle of Clanricard, 37, 25. Warres betweene him and Mac Wil­liam Eughter, 112, 61, 118, 46. Submitteth himselfe to sir Edward Fitton lord pre­sident, 131, 63. His sonnes rebell and wage Scots, 135, 45. He is prisoner in the ca­stell of Dub [...]. ib. 50. He pro­miseth vpon enlargement to reclaime his sonnes, ibid. 55. He performeth nothing, ib. 63 His sons spoile all Connagh, 140, 15. They breake out a­gaine into rebellion, 141, 14. The erle consenteth therevn­to, ib. 18. They flie. 141. 26. He is committed to close pri­son in the castell of Dublin. ib. 35. They rebell againe and doo reteine Scots, 142, 6. They besiege Balie Riogh. ib. 13. They preua [...]e not. ib. 12
  • Burgh Richard earle of Ul­ster besiegeth Athlone, in [Page] which is Theobald Uerdon, 63, 51. Is taken prisoner, 63 35. Is disseized of his lands in Connagh, ib. 49. Is dis­charged, ib. He entreth into to Scotland, 64, 58
  • Burke lord William slue O­kellie and fiue thousand I­rishmen, 79, 25. He is lord de­putie, 65, 32. Peers Gaueston is recommended vnto him, ib. Is taken prisoner. 63, 35. He slue six hundred Irishmen, 67, 25
  • Burke sir William and his sons doo follow Iames Fitzmoris for a preie, 156, 72. They incounter with him, and kill him, 157. 38. Theobald is slaine, ibid. 37, Sir William is made baron of Cannell: hath an yearelie pension of one hundred markes, 158, 3. fowndeth for ioie, ib. 6
  • Burchier George is in com­mission with sir Iohn Perot for Mounster, 134. 60. His parentage, ib. his valiantnesse and good seruice, ib. 20. Is re­stored againe, ib. He arriueth into Ireland with a supplie of Deuonshire souldiers, 158. He is dubbed knight, ib. 11, He is sent to lie in garrison in Kil [...]llocke, 159. 17. He is assigned to serue vnder the earle of Ormond, 164. 18. He maketh a rode into Connell, ib. 68. Is colonell of Moun­ster, 169. 55. His seruice vpon Desmond. 163. 23. A mutinie among the souldiers, 168. 43.
  • Bouneuile lord Iohn is slaine at A [...]ole, 65. Is buried at Athie, ib.
  • Bourat castle destroied in Tho­mond, 70. 30
  • Boise seruant to the earle of Kildare his pretie request, 83. 28. His ad [...]ge: Antragh, Too late quoth Bois. 95. 70
  • Bonagh a wicked Irish imposi­tion. 78. 56
  • Brabeston vicetreasuror bring­eth sir Walter dela Hide and his wife to Dublin, 96, 10
  • Brendon the abbat, 54. 72
  • Bre [...] [...]ren in Mounster discomfited, 70. 38
  • Brennus king of Britain cal­led into Ireland, 49. 10
  • Brenham the name of the chiefe Irish lawiers, 45. 14. What matters he doth determine, [...]b. 20. The Brehans law giuen ouer.
  • Brereton sir William ariueth at the Ho [...]th [...] Ireland with 250. soldiers, 94. 72. He sum­moneth the castle of Mainoth 95. 25. He scaleth and entereth the castle and setteth vp the kings standard, ibid. 3. He is made cu [...] and keeper of Dublin, 96. 27. He is made lord iustice, 102. 10. He inua­deth Ocon [...]ors countrie and discomfiteth the Irish rebels ib. 20. He co [...]lleth them to submission and to put in pled­ges, ib. He is made lord mar­shall of Ireland, ib. 35. He is sent to fetch on the earle of Desmond, ib. 3 [...]. He dieth by the waie and was buried at [...] ib. 4 [...]. He skirmi­shed with Fitzgirald, 96. 55.
  • Brethren at dissention, 45. 68.
  • Brian sir Francis [...] iustice, 110, 14. He marrieth the countesse of Ormond, ib. 22. He died and was buried in Waterford. ib. 110. 26
  • Brian mac Cahir Cauenagh breaketh out in wars against Wexford men. 135, 40. They follow & pursue him. ib. [...]0. He submitteth himself, 135. 2. His parentage, ib. 10. He marrieth the daughter of Hewen mac Schant, ib. 24. His strength and power ib. He is a follower to sir Peter Carew, ib. 27. He was a wise man, ib. He died, ib. 35
  • Britaine inhabited with the Picts 50, 40. It is halfe big­ger than Ireland. 9. 24
  • Britons when they first inha­bited Ireland, 49, 10
  • Britaine erle of Richmond and lord warden of Scotland commanded to suppresse the templers, 64. 4
  • Bride or Briged base daughter to Dubtactus, 54. 16. She is deliuered to a Pet or a magi­cian to be trained vp, ib. 20. Is instructed in christian re­ligion by s. Patrike, ib. 25. Hir great iudgement and estima­tion, ib. 28. Hir answer to the king. ib. 50. She professeth virginitie, ib. 53. She died and was buried at Down, ib. 58. The concordance of the foure euangelistes found amongst hir monuments. ib. 60
  • Broughton sir Thomas confe­derated with Parkin, 79. 55
  • Bruse Edward brother to the king of Scots inuadeth Ire­land, 66, 56. Proclameth him­self king, burneth Dundalke, ib. 68. Spoileth the countrie, ib. Discomfiteth the English men, ib. He and his companie vanquished and slaine, 68. 72.
  • Bruse Robert king of Scots landed in Ireland to aid his brother, 67. 3. Besigeth Crag fergus, ib. 10.
  • Burkens of Kilkennie rob and spoile the countrie, 74. 37. They are discomfited, ib. 42.
  • Burnell of Baligriffen confe­derated with Kildare, 96. 1. Fleeth into Mounster ib. Is taken prisoner by the vi­count Thurles ib. Is sent into England and executed at Tiburne, ib. 4.
  • Burnell Henrie a student at the lawes, 154, 57. A counsellour and agent against the cesse, ib. Passeth ouer into England vnto the court ib. 64. Is sent to the fleet, 146. 6. Remoued to the tower, 147. 20. Submit­teth himselfe, ib. 40.
  • Butler sir Edmund dubbed knight, 37. 48. Made lord iu­stice 66. 20. He dubbeth 30. knights, ib. 50. 37. 50. Dis­comfiteth the Irishrie at Tri­stiedermon, 68. 24. He died ib. 37
  • Butler sir Edmond breaketh out into rebellion, 118. 20. He misliketh the English burges­ses, 120. 10. Great complaints against him, 129. 68. Refuseth to come before the commissio­ners, 130. 1. His castle of Cloghirinam taken, ib. 27. Brake out from thense, ibid. submitteth himselfe. 131. 11. He accuseth the lord depute of hard dealing, ib. 23. Commit­ted to the castle of Dublin, ib. 36. Is committed againe, ib. 56. Pardoned, ib.
  • Butler Iames lord iustice, 37. 70. Dubbed knight, 73. He married the earle of He­refords daughter, ib. Is earle of Tipporaria is. Pledge for the earle of Desmond, 71. [...]1. Created erle of Ormond, 37. 1. He is lord iustice, 72. 15. 74. 51. Died, ib. 70
  • Butler Iames earle of Or­mond, lord lieutenant, 76. 51 He summoneth a parlement at Dublin, ib. 57. In his go­uernment, the sunne s [...]ied his course three houres, ib. 7 [...]. His notable seruices in taming and vanquishing the Irishrie, ib. 72, 77. 1. 17. 77. 29. He kept by prorogation sundrie parle­ments, 77. 27. His sonne and h [...]ire born, 77, 44. Lieutenant to king Henrie the sixt, 77. 37. 48. 57. Godfather to George duke of Clarence, 77. 63
  • Butler Iames earle of Or­mond his contention with the earle of Kildare, 82. 18. He re­lieth to the house of Lancaster ib. 28. He is a deepe reaching man, ib. 37. He marcheth to Dublin with a puissant ar­mie, ib. 44. He praieth to purge himself ib. 6. The citi­zens of Dublin fall at iarre with him. ib. 25. He is in dan­ger to be killed, ib. 29. He is rescued by the erle of Kildare, ib. 40. They are reconciled, ib. 50. The description of him, ib. 83. 12
  • Butler Peers earle of Ossorie marrieth the ladie Margaret Fizgirald sister to the earle of Kildare, 83. 70. His bastard brother Iames intrudeth vp­on the erldome of Ormond, ib. He gaue charge vpon his brother & killeth him, 84. 20. Was lord deputie, ib. 41. The sword taken fom him, ib. 72. He was founder of a free schoole in Kilkennie, 23. 28
  • Butler lord Iames, lord tresu­ror, 87. 47.
  • Butler Thomas prior of Kil­main serueth king Henrie the sixt in France. 76. 42
  • Butler Thomas earle of Or­mond his troubles with the earle of Desmond, 114. 47. His countrie spoiled, 130. 50. Submitteth himselfe to the queenes order, 114. 60. His affection to his brethren, 130. 56. He offereth to serue a­gainst them, ib. 7. He arriueth to Wexford. 131. 2. He repai­reth to the lord deputie at Li- [...]rike and offreth his seruice ibid. 10. He yeeldeth and pro­senteth his brother sir Ed­mund vnto him, ib. He vnder­taketh for him and for his ap­perance at Dublin, ib. 15. His graue behauiour in place of councell, ib. He serueth vpon the earle of Thomond and driueth him out of the land, 133. 50. He was gouernour of Mounster 262. 6. He hath the custodie of the yong lord Gi­rald sonne to the earle of Des­mond, ib. He and the baron of vpper Ossorie are reconci­led, 1 [...], [...]. He is sent to the earle of Desmond to persuade him to submission, 163. 3. He subscribeth to the proclamati­on against the earle of Des­mond, 164. 7. He maketh a iournie into Connilo, 164. 70. He meeteth with the maior of youghall, ib. 34. He carrieth him to youghall and hangeth him before his owne dor [...]. ib. [...]. He causeth the town to be inhabited and new peopled, ib. 52. He besigeth the castle of Strang [...]allie, ib. 64. He taketh their castle & put­teth a ward in it, 165. 6. His seruice vnder the lord iustice, 116. He receiueth the sub­mission of Fitzmoris baron of Lexnaw, 167, 20. He is at the siege and taking of the ca­stle of Cargf [...]ile, 167, 30. He returneth home to Kilk [...]nne, 167. 72
  • Butler lord Thomas is slaine by Gogaghadon, 70. 57.
  • Butler Theobald, lord Butler fled out of Dublin, 63. 33. Di­ed, ib, He founded the abbie of Wetherham, 61. 64
  • Caltrops cast vpon the ground to annoie the Danes, 57, 60
  • Cantred what it is, 4. [...]0. 42. 20
  • Canute alias Knought the Dane is slaine, 57. 37
  • Canon Robert secretarie to sir William Skeuington an eni­mie to Kildare, 89. 2
  • Canon Richard the kings iu­stice slaine, 68. 4
  • Canton sir Iames and Canton sir Iohn slaine, 68. 55
  • Canton sir Dauid beheaded Murcod Ballough. 64. 38
  • Carew baron of Carew lord iustice, 72, 10
  • Carew marquesse of Corke, his reuenues is Ireland two thousand two hundred poūds 75. 8
  • Carew sir Peter lord of Odron 46. 30. Sueth for a licence to recouer his lands in Ireland 118. 16. He recouereth so much as he had in suit, 118. 18. He serueth in the Butlers wars, 130. 20, He was in danger to haue bin murthered, ib. 30. He giueth a hot charge vpon the enimie and hath the victorie, ib. 60. His seruice in Ulster, 138. 68. His seruice in the Butlers wars, 138. 45. His parentage, 137. 62. His title to great seignories in Moun­ster, 138. 70. 46. 4. His manie and most excellent vertues and qualities, 137. 6. A short discourse of his life, 137. 60. He died at Rosse and was buried at Waterford, 137. 56. 138. 47
  • Carew sir Peter the yoonger, his being in Ireland, 137. 38 Is placed in Leighlin, 138. 40. He arriueth at Waterford with a band of Deuon soul­diers, 158. 55. Is dubbed knight, ib. 10. He receiueth the lord iustice at Waterford, 166. 46. Is slaine. 170. 10
  • Carew George his being in Ireland, 137. 38. His seruice against Rorie Og. 148. 50. His arriuall at Waterford with a band of Deuon soul­diers, 158. 55. His seruice a­gainst sir Iohn of Desmond, 159. 60. He lieth in garrison at Adare, 161. 62. Is besieged there. ib. 60. Is set on by the Desmonds and Spaniards, 162. 30. He receiueth sir Wil­am Pelham, lord iustice at Waterford, 166. 46. He taketh the view of Cargfoile, 167. 30. He besiegeth and taketh the castle of Balie Lougham, 167 40
  • Cardinals sent to king Henrie the second, 24. 38
  • Caransus maketh peace be­twéene the Scots and the Picts, 52, 23
  • Caraticus king of Britaine ha­ted of his people, 55, 40
  • Carike, 11, 47
  • Catherlow aliàs Carlow or Clauill, 47, 8. By whome it was builded, ib. 48. 28. 27. 37
  • Catalog of Irish saints. 54. 5. Of learned men, 39. 50. Of noblemen, 33. 10. Of bishop­rikes, 31. 10. Of the bishops of Kildare, 33. 60
  • Cashill an archbishoprike. [...]
  • [Page] Cawcocke lord chancellor made bishop of Imilie, 64. 25
  • Cenanus of a warrior was made bishop, 54. 70
  • Cesara neece vnto Noah arri­ueth into Ireland, 47. 20
  • Cesse denied & trauersed, 144. 10
  • Christian bishop of Lisemore, 59. 30
  • Christes church in Dublin bur­ned, 63. 6. New reedified and restored, ibid. First builded by the Danes, ibid. 10
  • Churches first builded, 53. 60. Spoiled, 140 54
  • Cirus monarch of Persia, 18. 5
  • Cities first builded, 58. 53
  • Chepstow, 4, 60
  • Ciuilitie in Ireland, 10. 60
  • Clanricard. ¶ See Bourgh.
  • Cogan Milo with others as­saulteth Dublin and taketh it, 15, 3. Hath the custodie of the citie. ibid. 20. He is besie­ged therein by Hasculphus, ibid. 65. He taketh him and cutteth off his head, ib. 34. He is made lieutenant of the ar­mie and constable of Dublin, 44. 73. He and Robert Fitz­stephans haue the kingdome of Corke giuen to them, ib. 60. He first entreth into Conagh, ibid. 6. He is slaine, 45, 4
  • Cogan Miles is taken prisoner, 62, 24
  • Cogan Richard brother to Miles, his good seruice and valiantnesse, 16. 4. He com­meth to Corke with a com­panie to supplie his brothers place, 45, 40
  • Clowne deriued of the word Coloni, 10, 50
  • Clanricard. ¶ See Borgh.
  • Clare Thomas married the daughter of Moris Fitz­moris, 62, 43. He slue Obren­roth king of Thomond, ibid. 51. He died, 63. 47
  • Colier capteine his seruice in the Butlers war, his seruice at castle Drogh, 142, 41
  • Clare sir Richard discomfiteth the earle of Ulsters power, 66. 4. He slue six hundred gallowglasses. ibid. 9. Gi­ueth hostage to assure his al­legiance, 66. 60. He leuieth an armie against the Scots, 68. 10 He was slaine, 68. 33
  • Cloutars field by Kilmainham, 59, 75
  • Comin archbishop of Dublin, founder of saint Patrikes church, 61. 47. 22. 20. Sute made to king Henrie the se­cond that he should be bishop, ibid. 25
  • Combate, 76. 55. 60. 45. Be­tweene two Oconhers, 180. 70
  • Counties or shires in Ireland, 0
  • Countesse of Ulster, 71. 75
  • Combination of traitors, 134. 74
  • Commissioners for examining the matters betweene the earles of Ossorie and Kil­dare, 84. 70
  • Colton Iohn archbishop of Ardmagh, 4. 45
  • Coline king of Leimster, 54. 20
  • Contention betweene the arch­bishops of Ardmagh & Du­blin, 65. 70. Contention about burgesses, 120. 10
  • Con Onele beareth the sword before the lord deputie, 84. 74. Created earle of Tiron, 112. 20. He kept Alson the wife of Kelleie a smith, 113. 10. He had no right to the countrie but for his life. ib. 37
  • Conereth a sauage people in Ire­land, 54. 72
  • Connewaie sir Iohn lord pre­sident of Ul [...]ter, 54. 11
  • Concordance of the foure e­uangelists found among S. Brides monuments, 54. 60
  • Conhor Obren slaine, 62. 12
  • Constable Iohn sent for Lacie, 47, 67
  • Councell holden at Ardmagh, 15, 12. At Cashill, 23. 10. At Waterford, 35. 30. At Late­ran, 48. 13. At Grenocke, 62 58. At Dublin, 44. 50
  • Conquest implieth three things, 11. 20
  • Countesse of Ulster married to Rafe Ufford lord iustice, 71. 68. She persuadeth hir hus­band to extremitie, ibid. 70
  • Cope Allan his wrong iudge­ment, 14. 40
  • Corke citie the fourth citie of Ireland, 25. 14. An ancient citie builded by the Esterlings 21, 71. 34. 60. The gouerne­ment of it, 22. 12. It is euill neighboured, 25. 17. 75. 71. They match in mariage a­mong themselues, ibid. 8. The kingdome of Corke giuen to Fitzstephan and Cogan, 44. 60. The bounds of the coun­trie, 45. 68. They receiue the lord deputie with all honour, 140. 32. The Corkemen and their prince discomfited and their countrie preied, 33. 25
  • Corbie neuer christened, 74. 18
  • Cormake Olegham riseth a­gainst his father to expell him out of his kingdome, 40. 2. He is subdued, ibid. 15. He is be­headed, ibid. 24
  • Cormake mac Dermont mac Rorie pursueth Odonell, 62. 40. He vanquisheth him, ib. 45
  • Cormake mac Tiege knight, shiriffe of Corke, 168. 37. His seruice vpon sir Iames Des­mond, ibid. He taketh him pri­soner, ibid. 70. He is well ac­cepted of the queene and of the lord iustice, ibid. 10. He is a yoonger house vnto mac Artie Righo, ibid. His fidelitie and loialtie, ibid. 33. He is dubbed knight, ib. 48. He offereth to acknowledge sir Peter Ca­rew to be his lord, 138, 28
  • Cow the name of a ship, 97, 47. The prophesie of the Cowes bellie, ibid. 51
  • Cowleie Robert an aduersarie to the earle of Kildare, 89. 7. Bailiffe in Dublin. ib. Mai­ster of the rolles, ibid. Died at London, ib. 10
  • Coine and liuerie not to be vsed, 23. 6
  • Coiners in Connagh, 149. 8
  • Cragfergus yeelded vnto the Scots, 67. 10. It is inclosed with a wall, 152. 66
  • Christening not knowne nor v­sed in some places in Ireland, 140. 48
  • Crome primat of Ardmagh lord chancellor, 87. 48. His ora­tion, 90. 40. His grauitie. 89, 60
  • Crofts sir Hugh slaine by the Lacies. 68. 65.
  • Crofts sir Iames lord deputie, 110. 37
  • Curcie Iohn arriueth into Ireland, 40. 47. 15. In com­mission or lord iustice with Fitzaldeline, 42. 70. Inua­deth Ulster, ib. 25. Uanqui­sheth Odonell, 43. 70. His valiantnes, ib. 20. He mar­rieth the king of Manus daughter, ib. 24. 61. 51. The description of him, 43. 70. 61. 30. Careles to serue God, ib. 65. He keepeth the whole land in quiet, 60. 47. His irre­uerend speeches to the king, 60. 6. Is accused and procla­med traitor, 60. 20. He foiled the lord iustice at Downe, ib. 24. Is taken and committed to perpetuall prison, ib. 32. He answereth the French com­bat, ib. 57. The French king requesteth to see him, 61. 10. He is set at libertie, & dieth, 61. He left no lawfull issue, ib. 58. 29
  • Curcie of Kilberton his reue­ [...]enues, 72. 17
  • Cusake Adam his seruice in Connagh, 62. 17
  • Cusake sir Iohn serueth the Scots, 68. 52
  • Cusake sir Thomas lord iustice, 110. 42.
D.
  • DArcie Iohn lord iustice sent into Ireland, 70. 34. Re­ceiued great liuings of the king, ib. 44. He subdueth the rebels in Ulster, ib. 70. He inuadeth Scotland, 71. 3. He maketh a great slaughter vp­on the Irishrie in Mounster, 70. 40. He onely was the first that ventured vpon the Sco­tish isles, 71. 1 [...]. He is made lord iustice for terme of his life, 71. 28. He causeth liber­ties and franchises to be called in, 71. 33. He calleth a parle­ment for the same, ib. 40
  • Darcie Robert lord iustice, 71. 62
  • Daris an erle in Mounster, 53. 44. He fauored Patrike, and gaue him a dwelling place, called Sort [...], ib. 46
  • Danes or Norwegians arriue into Ireland, 55. 30. 42. They inuade it the second time, 56. 10. They made sundrie inuasions at sundrie times, 57. 7. They besiege Dublin, 57. 48. They winne it. ib. 57. 55. They roue the ocean seas for inlarging their conquests. 58. 67. They traf­fike with the Irishrie. 58. 40. They build towns and ca­stles, ib. 50. They are mingled in blood with the Irish, ib. 60. They become lords, ib. 67. Danes Esterlinges Norwe­gians and Normans are all one nation. 59. 4
  • Dauels Henrie, a gentleman of Deuon, 155. 70. His training vp in the wars, ib. 3. His comming into Ireland, ib. 10. He is sent to the earle of Des­mond, 154. 50. He doth per­suade the earle to resist the rebels, ib. 60. His counsell is refused, ib. 70. He departeth homewards from the earle, he is murdered in his bed by sir Iohn and sir Iames Des­mond the earls brethren, 155. 50. His state and conditions, ib. 72. His skill in the seruice of that countrie, ib. 13. His loue to his countrie, 155. 20. His notable good vertues, ib. The credit of his word, ib. 40. His credit with the erle of Ormond and with the But­lers. ib. 64. His fast friendship to sir Iohn of Desmend, ibid. 156. 10,
  • Dela his sonne a Grecian con­quered Ireland. 48. 20
  • Dela Hide sir Walter troubled for conspiracie. 96. 10
  • Dela Hide Iames a chiefe coū ­sellor to Thomas lord Fitz­girald, 89. 31. Sent to Du­blin to intreat for a submissi­on, 94. 37. Fled into Scot­land and died. 97. 10.
  • Dermond king of Corke sub­mitteth hunself to king Hen­rie the second, 21. 38.
  • Dermond mac Arthie prince of Desmond is ouerthrown by Reimond, 35. 20. Is aided & r [...]stored by Reimond. 40. 12
  • Dermond mac Rorie inuadeth Ulster. 62. 41
  • Dermond mac Morough king of Leimster, ib. 8. An oppressor of his people, ib. 20. He accom­panieth Omalaghlins wife, ib. 40. He is hated, ib. 6. He seeketh to king Henrie the second for aid, ib. 35. He swea­reth allegiance to the king. ib. 40. Hath the kings letters of protection, ib 43. The etymo­logie of his name, 2, 6. He commeth to Bristow, 3. 23. His acquaintance and compo­sition for a marriage with the Strangbow earle of Chep­slow, ib. 38. He returneth in­to Ireland, 4. 17. He com­poundeth with Fitzstephans and Fitzmoris for their aid, 4. 5. He is honorablie recei­ued at Fernes by the clergie, ib. 24. His immanitie and cru­ell nature, 6. 24. He is set vp­on by Rothorike of Conagh, 7. 30. His stature and condi [...] ­ons, 8. 43. He inuadeth Osso­rie 6. 53. He preuaileth, ib. 16. His oration to his souldiers, 9. 20. He besiegeth and taketh Dublin, 15. 4. Is threatned by Ororike king of Conagh, 15. 30. He inuadeth Meth. ib. 20. He is reconciled with Rothorik of Conagh, 10. 30. His eldest sonnes eies are put out, 6. 60. He dieth, 16. 18. Buried at Fernes, ibidem.
  • Desmond the earle. ¶ See Gi­rald Fitzgirald.
  • Desmond sir Iohn spoileth the earle of Ormonds countries, [...]. 4. 70. Is sent into Eng­land, and offereth to serue a­gainst Oneale, 116. 8. Com­mitted to the tower, 117. 57. Is committed to the castle of Dublin, 117. 57. 144. 60. He putteth awaie his wife, ib. 70. He conioineth with Iames Fitzmoris, 154. 6. He mur­thereth Henrie Dauels, 155. 55. His brags and vaunts for the said his slaughter, 156. 50. He is pardoned by the popes legats for the same, 16. 70. He supplieth Iames Fitzmoris his rooine, 157. 17. He incam­peth at Slulougher, 158. 2. He [...]eth in ambush at Geten­bre castle, ib. 45. He priuilie stealeth awaie at Connell, 158. 68. He encountreth with the lord gouernour, 159. 68. Hath the worst side and fleeth, ib. 12. He giueth the battell to the gouernor, 159. 12. 10. He fleeth to the vicount Bal­tinglasse for aid, 169. 13. Is in danger to be taken, ibid. He intreateth a peace betweene Barrie and the Seneshall, 175. 57. He is killed and then hanged. 175. 3
  • Desmond sir Iames conioineth in the rebellion with Iames Fitzmoris, 154. 6. He is one of the murtherers of Dauels, 155. 55. He is pardoned by the popes legats for the same, ibid. 70. Besiegeth the castle at Adare, 161. 60. Raiseth his siege and departeth, 162. 4 Taketh a preie and is taken prisoner, 168, 60. Is drawen hanged and quartered, 168. 4
  • Desmond Girald Fitzgirald the earle of Desmonds sonne is deliuered for a pledge, 158. 63
  • Desmond Girald earle of Des­mond [Page] his wars with the erle of Ormond, 112. 40. 58. He is in England, 114. 47. The quarels betweene him and the erle of Ormond referred vnto the queenes order, ibid 60. He incampeth himselfe, 116. 40. Repareth to the lord deputie, ibid. 57. Serueth and offereth to serue against Oneile, 116. 2. Is committed to the castell of Dublin, 117. 57. Is carried into England and sent to the Towre, 118. 5. Breaketh prison at Dublin, 136. 45. He submitteth himselfe and yeel­deth all his to the lord deputie 140. 30. He will not permit the lord president to interme­dle within his liberties, 141. 70. Is set vpon by the lord president, 142. Complaineth to the lord deputie against him 142. 1. His disagreement with the earle of Thomond, 144. 40 Repineth against the cesse, ibi. 50. Commeth to the lord de­putie to Kilkennie, 149. 50. He and the lord president are reconciled, ibid. 64. Discoue­reth the treacherie of Iames Fitzmoris, ibid. 2. He is per­force made to submit himselfe 151. 10. Dischargeth his workemen vpon the arriuall of Iames Fitzmoris, 154. 10 He pretendeth to serue against him, ibid. 8. Refuseth it, ibid. 70. His chiefe men turne to Iames Fitzmoris, 156. 18. Commeth to the lord iustice at the campe, 157. 50. Is com­mitted and submitteth him­selfe, ibid. 60. His sonne is de­liuered for a pledge, 158. 60. The gouernor sendeth for him, 159. 28. Dissembleth, ibid. 34. 160. 20. He sheweth himselfe an open rebell, ibid. 39 53. He is persuaded to yeeld himselfe and will not, ibid. 52. He fortifieth his castels, ibid. 63. Is sent for to come vnto the lord iustice, 162, 50. The articles demanded of him, 163 10. His treasons. ibid. 10. He is proclamed traitor, 164. 10. He is in danger to be taken, ib. 6. Lieth in ambush, 165. 13. His castels at Caregfoile and Asketten taken, 167. 10. Sup­posed to be dead, 177. 70. Kee­peth his Christmas in a wood 178, 3. Is forsaken, 178. 58. Is in danger, 179. 40. He is slaine, 180. 30
  • Deuereux earle of Essex his ho­nor, vertues, and nobilitie, 143 20. 136. 30. His life & deth, 143
  • Dillon Lucas the queenes at­turneie sent to the parlement house, 120. 56. Made baron of the excheker, 133. 63. Exami­neth vicount Baltinglasse of complaints, 150. 5
  • Dirrie and all the vittelles and munitions burned, 115. 48.
  • Dissention cause of confusion, 49. 68. 52. 6. 55. 57. 72. 7. 55. 8
  • Dissention betweene Kildare & Ormond, 82. 24
  • Donat bishop of Dublin repa­reth Christs church in Du­blin, 62. 10
  • Donat Obren murthered by his men, 66. 10
  • Donegan Odowill taken priso­ner at Limerike, 66. 35
  • Donald prince of Ossorie a mor­tall enimie to Dermon Mac Morogh 6. 57. He putteth out Mac Moroghs sonnes eies, ibid. 60. He and his countrie are pursued, ibid. 67. They are ouerthrowen ibid. 10. Submitteth himselfe ibid. 29. He attendeth Reimond at Limerike, 39. 66
  • Donald Obrin prince of Lime­rike his reuolting and rebelli­on, 36. 70. His citie and him­selfe besieged, ibid. 45
  • Donald Russe king of Des­mond slaine, 64. 10
  • Donald prince of Thomond be­siegeth Limerike, 39. 43. He desireth a parlee, ibid. 57. He submitteth himselfe, ibid. 67. Is the kings baron and sub­iect, 40. 1. Giueth his oth and hostages for the safe keeping of Limerike, 40. 2. He most traitorouslie setteth the citie on fire, 40. 13
  • Dondonolfe the place of Rei­monds arriuall, 12. 30. 48
  • Dowdall shiriffe of Louth slaine 74. 36
  • Dowdall primat of Ardmagh, 40. 52
  • Dowdall capteine arriueth vnto Waterford, 158. 58. He is ap­pointed to lie in garrison in Kilmallocke, 159. 18. Maketh a iorneie into Conilo, 164. 70. Attendeth the lord gouernor to Cashill, 164. 34. Serueth at the fort, 170. 27. Maketh spiall vpon the Desmonds, 175. 41. He accompanieng capteine Zouch tooke and kil­led sir Iohn of Desmond, 175 30. Entereth into Dauid Barries campe and spoileth his people, 176. 10. He assai­leth and discomfiteth Fitz­moris, 176. 70. Hath the whole charge of Kerrie, 177. 22. Surpriseth the earle, 179, 10
  • Downe a citie, 43. 64. Spoiled, 102. 46
  • Drake Iohn maior of Dublin slue foure thousand Irish outlawes, 74. 24
  • Drodagh or Drogheda, 25. 26. They enter into Scotland and spoile it, 74. 57
  • Dreames, 26. 60, 27. 33 32. 22. Of Basilia, 40. 40. Of Pa­ris, 2. 12. Of Griffith, 26. 61
  • Drunkennes, 16. 50
  • Drurie sir William arriueth in­to Ireland, 140. 72. Is lord president of Mounster, 141. 40 His gouernement, ibid. 47. The earle of Desmond repi­neth at him, ibid. 71. Entreth into Kerrie and executeth iu­stice, 142. 30. The earle resis­teth and complaineth of him: ibid. 2. The earle and he are reconciled, 149. 65. Is made lord iustice, 150. 50. His go­uernment, 153. 27. His iour­nie into Mounster, 154. 44. 157. 20. His painefull ser­uice against Iames Fitzmo­ris, ibid. Falleth sicke and di­eth, 158. 57. 160. 72. His vertues and conditions, 161. 1 His seruices at Bulleine, at the seas and in Deuon, ib. Is dubbed and made generall of the armie for the seruice in Scotland, ibid. 45. Taketh Edenborough, ibid. 60
  • Dublin an ancient citie, 15. 50. The name of it, 20. 44. Buil­ded by Auellanus, ibid. 68. The situation of it, ibid. 8. In­habited by Bristolians, 21. 57 The parish churches in it, 22. 20. The castle builded, 23. 30. Besieged by Fridleie king of Denmarke, 57. 48. Set on fire, ibid. 58. Taken by the Danes, 57. 33. 57. Besieged by Knought the Dane, 58. 2. Builded by Iuorus, ibid. 54. Rebelleth against Mac Mo­rogh, 14 50. It is taken, 15. 16 Besieged by Hasculphus, 16. 40. It is kept, 19. 20. Earle Strangbow yeeldeth it vnto king Henrie the second, 20. 53 It is besieged by Ororike king of Meth, 21. 42. It is burned, 63. 4. Restored and beautified, 63. 10. Interdic­ted by the pope, 83. 26. In an vprore against the earle of Ormond, 82. 44. They doo pe­nance, 83, 46. They are dis­comfited, 62. 4. Besieged by Thomas Fitzgirald, 92. 41. They enter in league with him, ibid. 20. They breake league, 93. 40. It is besieged by Thomas Fitzgirald, 93. 20. Intreateth for peace, 94. 41. Giueth his pledges, ibid. 30. They haue aid out of En­gland, ibid. 45. Their bridge fell, they haue a maior ap­pointed to be their gouernor, 75, 46. They haue the sword borne before the maior, ibid. The king sendeth them his letters of thanks, 93. 30. 95. 5. They haue a mint, 109. 18. The castell is repared, 152. 60 They inuade Obrens coun­trie, 73. 27. They inuade Scotland and Wales, 75. 65. They discomfit Fitzgirald, 94. 10 Their children are ta­ken prisoners, 93. 3, They haue a mint, 109. 19
  • Dubtactus a capteine father to saint Briget, 54. 16
  • Duffe Adam an heretike bur­ned, 69. 50
  • Dundalke taken and burned by the Scots, 66. 68
  • Dunnes and Duneses whie so called, 9. 48
E.
  • EArthquake, 63. 2
  • Easterlings traffike mer­chandise in Ireland, 58. 32 They build townes and ci­ties, ibid. 50. What people they are, ibid. 15. 50. ¶ See Danes.
  • Edward the first king of that name writeth his letters vn­to the Irish lords for their seruice into Scotland, 63. 70
  • Edward the second writeth his letters into Ireland for aid a­gainst the Scots. 69. 58, He sendeth thither Peers Gaue­ston, 65. 32. Sendeth his letters for the apprehending of the Templers, 65, 68
  • Eleanor ladie Fitzgirald daugh­ter to the earle of Kildare wi­dow to Mac Cartie Reogh, 98. 2. Married to Odonell, ibid, 20. She succoreth and helpeth Girald hir nephue, 98. 22 Conueieth him to France, ibid. Giueth him one hun­dred and fourtie portigues, ibid. 28
  • Emulation hindereth all good seruices, 35. 30
  • Englishmen reuoked from out of Ireland, 15. 50. Are made bondmen vnto the Irishrie, 15. 31. Are manumised and set at libertie, ibid. They ob­teine a great victorie, 19. 30.
  • English lawes currant through out Ireland, 181, 50. The no­ble men submit themselues to it, ibid. 70
  • English of bloud and English of birth, 71. 35
  • English pale how far it stretch­eth, 10. 30. They repine a­gainst the cesse. 144. 4. True to the crowne, 147. 37. They mislike English burgesses, 120. 10. In great prosperitie, Epistle.
  • Erle of Kildare when he was first created, 37. 10. Serueth honorablie at Calis, 71. 74
  • Eustace sir Rowland treasuror, lord chancellor and lord depu­tie, 79. 7. Founder of the ab­b [...]ie besides Kilcollen, ibid.
  • Eustace sir Rowland vicount Baltinglasse is against the cesse, 149. 53. 145. 48. Com­plaineth against sir Nicholas Bagnoll, ibid. 60. His com­plaints be vntrue, 150. 26
  • Exceter Richard lord iustice of Ireland, 62. 18. Died, 63. 48.
  • Examples which be euill are soone followed, 47. 4 [...]
F.
  • FAtall destinie vpon the gouer­nors of Ireland, 110. 56
  • Faires and markets not to be kept vpon holie daies, 25. 60
  • Faith not to be kept with trai­tors, 93. 45
  • Feare must be tempered with loue, 1. 27
  • Ferand William a valiant man, 12. 10
  • Ferns 4. 40. 20. Builded by Madocke bishop thereof, 54. 12. Burned by the Irish, 70. 73
  • Fidelitie of the English pale, 147, 50
  • Fingall the fertilest soile in Ire­land, 10. 48. Whie so called, ibi. 53. Inhabited onelie by En­glishmen, ibid. Their lan­guage English ibid. Spoiled 91. 65
  • Finglas Allan chiefe baron tooke the castell of Dublin, 91. 7
  • Fitton sir Edward president of Connagh, 13 1. 61. His go­uernment, 132. 17
  • Fitzaldelme William sent into Ireland, 40. 56. Lieutenant to the king, ibid. Taketh all the cities and townes into his gouernment, ibid. 70. Enuieth at Reimond & Fitzstephans, 41. 8. Is greedie and couetous ibid. 20. His hard dealing with Fitzmoris, ibid. 30. 35. Taketh from Reimond his possessions ibid. 60. His de­scription, 42. 27. Is a deepe dissembler, ibid. 34. He was ancestor vnto the Burks in Kent ibid. 57. Is sent for in­to England, 44. 40.
  • Fitzgirald Bartholomew ser­uant to the archbishop of Du­blin, 92. 44. His seruices, ibid. 48. 50
  • Fitzedmunds seneschall of I­mokellie. ¶ See Seneschall.
  • Fitzgeffreie sir Iohn lord iu­stice, 62, 53
  • Fitzgirald Girald of Kildare lord iustice three and thirtie yeares, 82. 16. A dissention be­tweene him and the earle of Ormond ibid 26. He appoin­teth a meeting at saint Pa­triks, ib. 30. They are recon­ciled, ibid. 50. The descripti­on of him, 83. 15. He is accused to the king ibidem. Retur­neth from the king, lord depu­tie. ib. His policies in war. ib. He vanquisheth the Irishrie. ib. 15. Is made knight of the garter, ibid. 18. He deceassed, ibid. 20
  • Fitzgirald Girald sonne to Gi­rald of Kildare is lord depu­tie of Ireland, 83. 53. He gi­ueth his sister in marriage to the earle of Ossorie. ib. 70. He is accused and sent for into England. 84. 30. Is sworne lord deputie. ib. 74. He is ac­cused for diuerse disorders, 85. 12. Is called before the lords of the councell. ibid. 58. [Page] The cardinall is against him, ibid. He interrupteth his spee­ches, ibid. 48. He is batled, 86 40. He is of new accused and committed to the Towre, ibidem. 64. A mandatum to execute him, 87, 1. The king countermanded, ibid. 15. He is deliuered out of trou­bles, ib. 24. He returneth home and is honourablie re­ceiued, ib. 28. He serueth vp­on the Otooles. ib. 60. Is made lord deputie, ib. 45. He serueth against O [...]arell and is hurt, i [...]. 68. He is a new ac­cused, 88, 1. He is committed to the Towre, ib. 62. His ad­uersaries who they are, ib. 47. He died for thought, 97, 25. His conditions and qualities, 100, 36
  • Fitzgirald Girald earle of Kil­dare second sonne, aged, thir­teene yeares sa [...]d, 97. 40. He is conucied into France, 98. 34. He serueth the Dolphin, ib. 57. The king his ambassa­dors doo require him, ibid. 60. He commeth to the emperors court, ib. 36. The emperor gi­ueth him a pension of a hun­dred crownes, ib. 47. Cardi­nall Poole sendeth for him to Rome, ib. 55. He is brought vp in learning, 99, 3. He ser­ueth against the Turke, ib. 20. He returneth rich and ser­ueth vnder the duke of Man­tua and Florens, ib. 38. He falleth into a pertilous [...]it, and is recouered by means of a dog, ib. 60. Restored to his carldome, 97. 58. Suspected of conspiracie, 172, 64. Com­mitted toward, ib. 70. Sent to the Towre. ibid. 40. Died, ibidem.
  • Fitzgirald Girald earle of Des­mond, his warres against Ormond. 112. 40. They sub­mit themselues to the queenes order, 114. 60. He is in campe. 116. 40. Suspected to be con­ioined with Onele, ib. 56. He serueth against Onele, ib. 60. He is committed to the castell of Dublin and sent into Eng­land, 117. 58. He breaketh out of prison at Dublin. 136. 45. He commeth to Corke to the lord deputie, 140. 40. He deni­eth the queenes officers to in­termeddle within his palatine, 141. 70. He resisteth the lord president, 142, 38. He complei­neth against the lord president, ib. 29. He is falne out with the earle of Thomond. 144. 40. Denieth to paie cesse. ib. 50. He commeth to Kilkennie and is reconciled to the lord presi­dent, 149. 48. 65. He discoue­reth Iames Fitzmoris his practises. ib. 2. He pretendeth to serue against him, ib. 20. He refuseth to doo it. ib. 70. His cheefest men ioine with Iames Fitzmoris. 156. 20. He commeth to the campe and is committed, 157. 51. He humbleth himselfe and swea­reth sidelitie, ib. 64. His sonne is giuen in pledge, ib. He is sent for and commeth not. 159 30. His deepe dissembling, 160. 20. He is in open rebel­lion, ib. 39. 56. He will not be persuaded to submission, ib. 23. 54. He is proclamed trai­tor, 164. 13. He is in danger to be taken, ib. 10. He [...]eth in an ambush, 165. 13. He giueth an onset vpon the Englishmen, ib. 50. His proud letters to the lord iustice. 166. 26. He sen­deth his wife for peace, 169. 6. Is in danger to be taken, 169. 40
  • Fitzgirald Iames of Desmond putteth Irish impositions of Quinto and such like vpon Englishmen, 78, 54
  • Fitzgirald Iames killeth Ro­bert Talbot. 84. 56. He is sent to London and executed, 97. 18. 70
  • Fitzgirald Iohn the first earle of Kildare. 34, 63.
  • Fitzgirald of L [...]islip lord iu­stice, 85. 20
  • Fitzgirald sir Iohn taketh the archbishop of Dublin, 92. 60 He is carried into England and executed, 97. 10. 20
  • Fitzgirald Eleanor widow to mac Artie Reogh, 98, 2. Is married to Odonell, ib. 17. Hir liberali [...]e to hir nephue Girald, ib. 28
  • Fitzgirald Margaret espoused to the earle of Ormond, 83, 70. Greeued with the mur­ther of Robert Talbot, 84, 56 She languisheth being with child, 84. 10. She is a woman of great wisedome, ibid. She adorneth hir husbands go­uernment. 85. 34
  • Fitzgirald Moris lord iustice of Ireland, 34. 53. The first erle of Kildare ib. 64. A contenti­on betweene the lord Uessie and him, ib. 66. He posteth in­to England, 35. 22. His spee­ches to the king, 32, 28. He chalengeth the combat of Uessie, ib. 63. He is rewar­ded with the gift of Uesseis lands, 37. 6. His eldest sonne baron of Ophalie. ib. 32
  • Fitzgirald Moris promiseth to aid Macmorogh, 4. 5. He and Fitzstephans are promised to haue the gift of the towne of Wexsford, ib. 6. He arriueth at Wexsford, 10. 68. His con­stancie, 11, 2. He accompaneth Macmorogh to Dublin, 11. 20. He commeth to Waterford 14. 21. He is troubled for the distresse of Fitzstephans, 17. 30. His oration, ib. 47. He dis­comfiteth Rotherike king of Conaugh, 19. 10. He saueth Hugh de Lacie from mur­thering, 26. 50. He died and was buried at Wexsford, 41. 25
  • Fitzgirald Moris lord cheefe iustice of Ireland, 62. 5. He aideth the king against the Welshmen. 62. 32
  • Fitzgirald Moris of Desmond drowned between Wales and Ireland, 62, 12
  • Fitzgirald Marie soiorneth and keepeth hir brother Girald Fitzgirald, 97, [...]0
  • Fitzgirald the archtraitor at the Glinnes, 169. 60. A draught made vpon him, 177. 10. His bad practises, ib. He is han­ged, 177. 37
  • Fitzgirald Oliuer partaker to the murthering of the arch­bishop of Dublin, 92. 16. He is carried into England and executed to death, 97. 70
  • Fitzgriffith cheefe of Wales vn­der the king, 3. 47. He con­spireth against the king, ibid. 64. He and Fitzstephans are cousens germane, ib. 6. 9.
  • Fitzroger William, prior of the Templers taken, 62. 37
  • Fitzmoris Iames conspireth against the queene, 130. 5. Be­siegeth Kilkennie, 130. 8. He rebelleth. 133. 16. He seeketh for peace and craueth pardon, 134. 22. 153. 40. 55. He flieth into France, and offereth all Ireland to the French king, 153, 60. His practises are knowne, 146. 50. He seeketh to king Phi [...]ip & to the pope, 154. 2. He hath good inter­teinment ibid. 16. His ac­quaintance with Sanders and Allen, ibid. 21. He is fur­nished with all things neces­sarie, ib 28. He arriueth at S. Marie Weke alias Sme­reweke, ib. 40. The Des­monds and the countrie re­pare vnto hi [...], ib. 3. He per­suadeth the Spaniards to pa­tience, 156. 35. He pretendeth a pilgrimage, ib. 44. He tak­eth a preie and is followed, ib. 65. He persuadeth the Burks to rebellion, 157. 15. He is slaine. ib. 38. His con [...]ions. ib. 50. His head and quarters set vpon the gates and wals of Kilmallocke, ib. 66
  • Fitzmoris Girald erle of Des­mond lord iustice, 72. 64. Slaine by Obren, 73. 10
  • Fitzmoris Thomas earle of Kildare lord iustice, 78. 35.
  • Fitzsimons Patr [...]e put in trust with the cariage, 84, 66. He is accused, ib. 71. The lord lieutenant chargeth the ma­ior for him, ib. 2. Fitzsimons cleereth the matter and an­swereth for himselfe, ibid. 9. The lieutenant asketh him pardon and rewardeth him, ib. 16
  • Fitzsimons Robert maior of Dublin serueth against the Omores, 84. 55. His answer to the bishop of Meth, 87. 71. He vittelleth the castell of Dublin, 92. 35
  • Fitzsimons Thomas recorder of Dublin his oration, 87. 30
  • Fitzsimons Walter bishop of Dublin lord chancellor. 41. 30
  • Fitzstephans Robert constable of Aberteffe, 3. 56. He arri­ueth into Ireland, 4. 60. He landeth at the Banne, ib. He besiegeth Wexsford, 5. 43. He is the knight bypartite, ib. 46. His oration to his souldi­ors, 10. 23. He is besieged in the Carike, 17, 25. He is se­duced and taken by flatterie. 19, 40. The description of him ibid. He is deliuered to the king, 21, 22. He is handlockt, ibid. 35. He is released. ib. 66. They that betraied him are executed to death, ibid. 71. He and Fitzmoris are constables of Dublin, 24. 13. The king­dom of Corke is giuen them, 44. 60. They diuide it be­tweene them, 45. 10. He is shut vp in Corke, ib. 25. His praises, 52, 54
  • Fitzstephans Rafe is traito­rouslie slaine, 0
  • Fitzthomas Girald dieth, 64. 64
  • Fitzthomas and Moris his sonne slaine. 62. 69
  • Fitzthomas Moris erle of Kil­dare is lord deputie, 63. 60
  • Fitzthomas Moris erle of Kil­dare lord iustice by turnes, 72. ib. He hath a yeerelie pension of fiue hundred pounds, ib. 34. Marieth the earle of Ulsters daughter, 66, 27
  • Fitzthomas Moris earle of Desmond is lord iustice for terme of life. 72, 70. He is put in prison, 70. 60. He is taken prisoner, 70. 2. Is set at liber­tie vpon suerties, ib. 20. He putteth in suerties to appeare in England, 72. 4. He died lord iustice, 72, 72
  • Fitzthomas Iohn lord of O­phalie giueth an ouerthrow to the Scots, 66, 58. Is created earle of Kildare, 67. 20. Is ta­ken prisoner, 63. 34. Is re­leased, 71. 65
  • Fitzwater Thomas Rat [...]iste lord deputie, 110, 63. Is lord lieutenant, ib. 20. His troubles with Onele, ibid. 5
  • Fitzwater Theobald slaine by Mac Artie of Desmond, 53. 60. 54, 12
  • Fitzwaren earle of Surtie kil­led Allen de la [...]ooche, 62. 54
  • Fitzwilliams Iohn slaine at Kencies by Obren, 73. 7
  • Fitzwilliams killeth the gunner which shot to the erle of Sur­rete, 84. 34
  • Fitzwilliams sir William lord iustice, 11. 66. Lord deputie. 134. 46. The plot of his go­uernment, 135. 10. His di­stresse and great troubls, 136. 6. He is reuoked. ibid.
  • Foster children, 44. 58
  • Fough or pogh, 13. 34
  • Fridleie king of Denmarke in­uadeth Ireland, and by policie taketh Dublin, 57. 48
  • Froth king of Denmarke, 57. 60
G.
  • Gallowaie towne in great de­caie, 140. 11. Their charter and liberties, 165. 22
  • Galus archbishop of Ardmagh consenteth to the synod hol­den at Cashill, 23. 55. Fed with the milke of a white cow which he carried with him, ib. 57
  • Gallowglasse the best souldior, 45. 42. His weapon and con­ditions, ibid. 46
  • Gandius and Genandius the sonnes of Nemodus arriue in to Ireland, 48. 27. They pos­sesse and diuide the same, ibid. 37
  • Garbaneles inuadeth Ireland, 48. 3.
  • Gathelus the sonne of Nele a Grecian arriueth into Ire­land, 49. 57. His skill in lan­guages, ibid. He calleth that land Gathela after his owne name, ib. 68. 9. 29
  • Gaueston Peers arriueth in Ireland, 65. 24. He hath all roialties assigned vnto him, ib. 40. His buildings and pro­ceedings, ibid. 48
  • Gegathus a noble man serued king Hugler, 57, 12
  • Geneuill lord of Meth, 10. 25. Becommeth to be a frier and is buried at Trim, ibid.
  • Gentlemen named in Latin Mi­lites, 5, 54
  • Gentilitie of Ireland, 44. 27
  • Geffreie earle of Britaine, sonne to king Henrie the second, 47 72. Rebelleth against his fa­ther, ibid. 26. 20. He died, 48. 10
  • George duke of Clarence borne in Dublin, 77. 59. His godfa­thers, ibid. Is lieutenant of Ireland, 78. 26
  • Giants the ofspring of Nim­rod arriue in Ireland, 47. 38. They are fought with, 48. 20. They preuaile vpon the sons of Nemodus, 48. 12. They are destroied, ibid. 30
  • Girald William lord chancellor, 140. 72
  • Giraldines their ancientnesse, 33. 10. Maligned and yet ad­uanced, 62. 5. Fauourers to the house of yorke, 33, 11, 78. 36
  • Giraldines throwe and with. 29. 47
  • [Page] Giraldus Cambren [...]s atten­deth king Iohn in Ireland, 52, 41. His descent 52, 10. Wri­teth the historie of Ireland, 52. 4. He is verie inward with king Henrie the second, 54, 10
  • Girald Fitzgirald. ¶ See Fitz­girald.
  • Gilberd sir Humfreie his arri­uall into Ireland, 132, 27. He serued in the Butlers wars. 130, 20. He is at the taking of Cloghgrinam, ib. He hath the voward of the battell at Kil­kennie, ib. 57. His noble ser­uice vpon the enimie, ibid. Is made colonell of Mounster, 131, 50. His noble seruice there, ibidem. 70. He ma­keth the earle of Clannecar to stoope and submit himselfe, 132, 9. He is dubbed knight, ibid, 56. His descent and de­scription, ibid. 1. His vertues and qualities, ib. His death, 133, 34
  • Glanduill Reginold lord cheefe Iustice of England attendeth king Iohn, 52, 41. Gouer­nour of Sandwich castell, 29, 20. No God no religion, 114, 20
  • Glibes, 54, 5
  • Glinnes fastnesse, 169, 25
  • Gratefulnesse of the ancient writers, epist.
  • Greie Leonard lord deputie of Ireland, 96, 46. Incountreth with Thomas Fitzgirald, ib. 47. He holdeth a parlement 99, 30. He certifieth Onels rebellion, 101. 30. His seruice against Onele, 101, 64. He is accused, 102, 20. He is behea­ded, 102, 60
  • Greie lord Arthur his arriuall to Dublin, 169, 50. His iour­neie vpon the Brinnes, 169, 4. He maketh a iourneie into Mounster, 171, 50. He be­siegeth the Spanish fort, 171 12. He taketh it, 171, 57. He taketh the erle of Kildare and sendeth him into England, 172, 34. He returneth into England, 177, 40
  • Griffith, nephue vnto Morris Fitzgirald his dreame, 26, 60. Forewarneth Hugh de Lacie, ib. He is troubled with his dreame, ib. 8. He is watchfull to foresee the harmes, ib. 8, 35. He pearseth through Oro­rike with his staffe and kil­leth him, ib. 66
  • Gurguntus king of Britaine met the Spaniards at seas, 49, 50. Placeth them first in Ireland, and taketh fealtie of them, ib. 42
  • Gurmoa heathnish king, 57, 57. He marieth Thira king E­theldreds daughter, ib. 60. His sonnes inuade Ireland, ib. 73. His sorrow for losse of his sonnes, ib. 58, 10. He di­eth for sorrow of them, ib. 39
  • Gurmundus an archpirat, 55, 40. Is sonne to the king of Norwaie, 56, 62. He helpeth the Saxons against the Bri­tains, ib. 44. He maketh a voi­age into Ireland, ib. 50. He buildeth forts and castels, ib. 55. He conquereth the land, 57, 18. He landeth in Wales, [...]. 20. He saileth into France and dieth, 55, 56
H.
  • HAcoa Dane, he ariueth in­to Ireland, 57, 4. He is killed. ibid. 21
  • Hamerton a captaine of 80, soul­diers, 94, 48. Their valiant­nesse, ib. They are all slaine, ib. one of them hurted Tho­mas Fitzgirald, ib.
  • Harold, sonne to Gormo, inua­deth Ireland, 57, 62, 72, Is slaine, 58, 2. His father lamenteth his death, ib, 30.
  • Harington, sir Henrie taken prisoner, 148, 18. Is hurted, ib. 40. Deliuered, ib. 49. Is made seneshall of the Obir­nes. 166, 21
  • Hastings Philip, gouernour of Wexsford, 24, 17
  • Hasculphus captaine of Dublin escapeth out of the towne, 15, 7. He seeketh to be reuen­ged, 16, 34. Hee beseegeth Dublin, ib. 66. He fleeth, and is taken, for his intemperat speeches is beheaded, ib. 37
  • Hauen townes in Ireland, 27, 60
  • Hauerings dreame, 32, 35
  • Henrie the emperour his euill successe, 3, 11
  • Henrie duke of Bauier, 1, 16, 3, 9
  • Henrie king the second receiueth Dermon Macmorough to his protection, 1, 43. Proclameth libertie to all his subiects to aid him, ib. He taketh his oth for his allegiance, ib. 40. He restreineth his licence, 15, 55. He misliketh the earle Strangebowes his successe, 16, 10. He is sent for into England, 21, 49. He meeteth the king, and is reconciled, ib. 50. A composition betweene them, ib. 50. The king ariueth into Ireland at Waterford, 21, 20. Fitzstephens is presen­ted vnto him, ib. 30. He re­ceineth submission of all the kings, 21, 22. He feasteth them all, 22, 50. He commandeth a synod to be kept at Cashill, 23, 24. He practiseth to wea­ken the earle, 24, 20. His owne sonnes conspire against him, ib. 35. He returneth into Eng­land, ib. 10. He appointeth go­uernours ouer the land, ib. He ariueth into Wales, ib. 20. He is reconciled to the pope, 25, 36. A vision appeared vnto him, ib. 38. A dissention be­tweene him and his sonnes, 28, 32. He sendeth for his ga­risons in Ireland, ib. 54. His victories, 29. The description of him, ib. 54. His excellent gifts and qualities, ib. His lose life with Rosamunda, 31, 38. He sendeth to the popes Alexander and Adrian for confirmation of his priui­leges, 35, 17. His saieng con­cerning the conquest of Ire­land, 40, 20. He giueth the kingdome of Corke betweene Robert Fitzstephen, & Miles Cogan, 44, 58. He giueth north Mounster to Philip de Bruse, ib. 66. He sendeth his sonne Iohn into Ireland, 48, 32, His answere to the pa­triarch of Ierusalem, 49, 30. His sonne Richard resisteth against him, 50, 25. The vari­ance betweene him and the French king, 51, 10
  • Heraclius patriarch of Ieru­salem seeketh aid. 48, 30
  • Herbert Francis of Dublin sent to the king, 92, 27. He is dub­bed knight, ib. The king gi­ueth him Eustace of Balinco­lins landes, ib. He returneth with comfortable letters of the kings, 93, 27
  • Hermon killeth his brother Hi­borus, 49, 70. He nameth the land Ireland, 50, 5. He diui­deth the land into fiue king­domes. ib. 20
  • Heruie de monte Morisco ari­ueth into Ireland, 4, 75. Is endowed with two cantreds of land, 5, 28. He was vncle and spie to the earle, ib. 4. His oration, 13, 23. His opinion well liked, 14, 36. The descrip­tion of him, 39, 68. He profes­seth himselfe a monke at Can­turburie, 45, 58
  • Heruie George his seruice vpon Onele, 115, 3, 16. He retur­neth by land to Dublin, ib. 60 He passeth in great perils, ib.
  • Histories must set downe truth, 39, 3 [...]. Use of histories, the definition of a historie, Epist.
  • Hoker Iohn the supplier of the Irish historie, Epistola. He translateth Cambrenfi [...], ib. He is a burgesse of the parle­ment, and his speeches in the same, 120, 33. His perils for the same, 121, 30. He giueth and writeth out the orders of the parlement, 121, 20. He was agent in all sir Peter Carews causes, 118, 1
  • Holland Robert, lord iustice of Chester, 65, 9. He recei­ueth a writ to apprehend the Templers, ib.
  • Holland petit capteine to Salis­burie, 95, 70. He falleth into a pipe of feathers, ib. His vali­ant seruice, 95, 10
  • Hospitalitie in Dublin, 21, 26
  • Hostages giuen to king Ed­ward the second for his assu­rance of their loialties, 66, 60
  • Horses in Ireland, first out of Spaine, 20, 30. They are of sundrie kinds, ib. 13
  • Howard Thomas ariueth lord lieutenant into Ireland, 84, 35. He is pledge for the earle of Kildare, 86, 38. He resisteth the Mores, 84, 53. His good countenance to a poore souldi­er, ib. 10. Is sent for into England, ib. 37. His commen­dation, ib. 40
  • Hushie Iohn, seruant to Rich­ard, lord Birmingham, 67, 7. Persuaded by Okellie to leaue his master, ib. 20. His valiantnesse and killing of Okellie, ib. 38. He is dubbed knight, ib. 48. His successours barous of Ealtrim, ib. 50. Is slaine, 76, 18
I.
  • IAcke Cade, 77, 67. An Irish man borne, ib.
  • Idlers not to be suffred, epi­stola.
  • Iohn of Keekes bishop of Dub­lin, resisteth Ioice Rowland archbishop of Ardmagh, 65, 70
  • Iohn the kings sonne arriueth into Ireland, 48, 30, 5. Is made lord of Ireland, ib. He buildeth castles, 53, 50. Kil­leth his nephue Arthur, 61, 66. He maketh Ireland tri­butarie to the pope, 61, 30. He subdued the Welshmen, 61, 18. He is absolued. ib. 26. He dieth, ib. 57
  • Iohn de saint Paule, bishop of Dublin, finished Christes Church, 63, 13
  • Inconueniences of euill gouer­ment, 44, 27
  • Iniunctions of the pope to the king, 25, 65
  • Impost of wine granted, 120, 27
  • Ireland, the bignes thereof, 9, 28. The names of it, ib. 53, 28, 49, 70. Inhabited by Spani­ards, ib. 1, 49, 26. By fiue brethren, 10, 60. By Cesara neece to Noah, 47, 20. By Bergon son to Neptune, 47, 40. By the ofspring of Ia­pheth, ib. 48, 12. By the Nor­wegians, 55, 34. By the Gre­cians, ib. 23. By the Sci­thians, 48, 70. By Brennus and the Britanes, 49, 10. By the Picts, 50, 45. Diuided into shires and prouinces, 10, 30, 50, 20. The nature of the soile, 13, 43. The cities and townes in it, 20, 44. The land diuided by lots, 10, 661, 48, 4. The diuersities of spee­ches, 10, 65. Waterish and full of flouds, 13, 44. The sweet aire, and hath no venem in it, 13, 28. Replenished with cat­tell and bees, 13, 15. Did ho­mage at Westchester to king Arthur, 49, 57. Subiect to England many waies, 55, 36, 70. Full of iron mines, 50, 4. Ruled by one chiefe monarch ouer the whole, 50, 24. In­structed in christian religion by saint Iames, 52, 40. By Palladius, 52, 68. By Pa­trike, 53, 20. Why it cannot be conquered, 53, 34, 54, 30. E­uill gouerned, 55, 10. How to be reformed, 16, 20. Num­ber of cities & townes, 20, 43 The nobilitie, 31, 5, 35, 10. The learned men, 39, 55. The reuenues of the land, 52, 25. Ireland is a storehouse of nature, 31, 50. The broken state of Ireland, 12, 2, 8, 118. 36
  • Irish men were Glibes, 54, 5. They forsake king Iohn, 54, 10. They serue against the Scots, 64, 1. They inuade Scotland, ib. They are in o­pen rebellion, 66, 60, 70, 3 [...]
  • Irish wild Irish English, 66, 68 Irish borne & Ireland borne, 10, 23. Irish borne to beare no office, 72, 26. Irish saints. Irish maners & dispositions, 44, 13. The meere Irish, ib. Irish prophets, 33, 10. Irish Frankelins, Irish diets, 55, 2. Irish horses, 20, 14. Irish im­positions, 78, 56. Irish maria­ges and christenings, 45, 26. Irish infants, 44, 70. Irish gentries, 44, 27. Irish souldi­ers and seruitors, 44, 13. Irish weeping, or to weepe Irish, 44, 50. No Irish man borne to beare office, 72, 20. Euerie Irish marcher to dwell vpon his owne house, ib. Irish lan­guage, by whom it was first inuented, 12, 50. The difficul­tie of the toong, 13, 14. No Irish word for a knaue, 12. 44.
  • Iustice against rebels, epistle. The nature of an Irish man, 133, 17
  • Iupiters cat, 168, 28
K.
  • KAricke castle two miles from Wexsford, 11, 15. Builded vpon a rocke, ib. 47
  • Karows a brotherhood of plaiers at cards, 45, 53
  • Kennerike maior of Dublin, a benefactor, 72, 20
  • Kernes and Kihernes the rake­hels of Ireland, 45, 34
  • Kettell Alice accused for witch­craft, 69, 1. Is burned at Kil­kennie, ib. 17
  • Keuenaghs tenants to sir Pe­ter Carew, 118, 10. Submit themselues to his deuotion, 132, 28
  • Knolles sir Francis sent into Ireland, 114, 16
  • Kormake Oleghan, ¶ See. Cormake before.
  • Kilkennie, why so called, 27, 60
  • Kilkennie walls builded by Ro­bert [Page] Talbot, 76, 52, 27, 20. besieged by Iames Fitzmo­rice, 130, 8
  • Knought, sonne to Gurmo a Dane, slaine at the siege of Dublin, 57, 72
  • Keruill a capteine of Irishmen slaine, 5, 70
  • Knight of the vallie, his countrie is spoiled, 162, 15. He is a re­bell, ib.
  • Knight bipartited, 5, 45
L.
  • LAcie walter lord of Meth, 61, 17. Dieth, 62, 21. His daughters and heires maried, ib.
  • Lacie Hugh sent into England, 49, 50. He buildeth Leighline and other forts, 46, 6. The description of him, 47, 1. Had in suspicion, 46, 20. Is sent for into England, 48, 20. Is made lord deputie, ib. He is slaine, 49, 3, 60, 38. His buri­all, ib. 46. He receiueth the submission of Rothorike the monarch at the Shenin, 22, 23
  • Lacie Hugh the yoonger keepeth the realme in quietnesse, 60, 56. Is banished, 61, 71. He trauelleth into France, and is disguised, ib. 2. He is pardoned and restored to his earledome, ib. 14. His yeerelie reuenues, 2500. li. Dieth and is buried at Cragfergus, 62, 27. His daughter and heire maried to Walter de Burgh, ib. 28.
  • Lacies do rebell, 68, 63. Reuolt to the Scots, ib. 71. Procla­med traitors. ib.
  • Lacie Iohn arreigned and sto­ned to death, 68, 46
  • Laigria arriueth into Ireland with Cesarea, 47, 35
  • Lambert the counterfeit sonne to George duke of Clarence, 79, 34. Is crowned king at Dublin, 79, 4. Is taken and pardoned, 69, 15
  • Laurence archbishop of Dub­lin intreateth for, and is pre­sent at the synod at Cashill, 23, 49
  • Legats from Rome, 44, 50, 51, 55, 83, 33
  • Legues not to be kept with traitors, 93, 4, 96, 8
  • Leinster the fift part of Ire­land, 2, 3. In a miserable state, 112, 30
  • Leonides king of Sparta ouercommeth Xerxes the great monarch, 93, 40, 96, 8
  • Lerned men of Ireland, 39, 50
  • Letters from the duke of Yorke to the earle of Salisburie, 78, 12
  • Letters from Thomas Fitzgi­rald to the lord Butler, 91, 23
  • Letters from the Lord Butler to Thomas Fitzgirald, ib. 33
  • Leighlin, 46, 30. Inclosed with a wall, 109, 45
  • Leurouse Thomas schoolema­ster to the earle of Kildare, 97, 63. His care of the earle, 98, 34. He is placed in the Eng­lish house at Rome, 98, 68
  • Liberties called, 71, 33, 144, 146
  • Limerike builded by Sa [...]iri­cus, 58, 4, 54, 22, 50, 24, 70. Whie so named, 24, 73, 27, 44, 73, 34, 60. The king of Lime­rike submitteth himselfe, 21, 45. It was builded by the Esterlings, 22, 50. It is be­sieged & taken, 37, 36. Besie­ged by Donald, 39, 40. Re­couered, ib. 47. Set on fire, 40, 14
  • Lionell king Edward the third his sonne, marieth the daugh­ter and heire to the earle of Ulster, 70, 58. He arriueth into Ireland, 72, 41. Is lord iustice, ib. Dubbeth knights, ib. 54. He remoueth the chec­ker to Catherlough, ib. 57
  • Lisemore an old ancient towne, 22, 25, 27, 45. The king lieth there, 22, 25. A bishoprike, ib. United to Watersord, ib. 27. Spoiled, 33, 47
  • Logan Iohn his seruice against the Scots, 67, 27. He taketh sir Allen Steward prisoner, ib. 38
  • Lords of Ireland giue assu­rance for their loialtie, 66, 60. They answer for their fol­lowers, 140, 50
  • Loue must be tempered with feare, 1, 27
  • Louell, lord Louell capteine of the conspiracie against king Henrie the seuenth, 79, 55
M.
  • MAc Adam Gilmore a common spoiler and bur­ner of churches, 174, 18 Is therof called Corbie. ibid. 24
  • Mac Artie Reogh married the ladie Elconor Fitzgirald 98, 3
  • Mac Artie More an ancient Irish gentleman, 114, 70. He surrendreth his lands and ta­keth it anew, 14, 9. Swea­reth allegiance, ibid. Is made baron of Ualencia and earle of Clancar, ibid. 18, 37, 22. Shane Oneile scoffeth at him, ibid. 20. His comming to Corke. 140, 40. His re­dinesse to serue against forren power, 154, 20. Departeth home, ibid. 37, 46, 10, 45, 7. His pride and insolencie, 118, 3. Ioineth with the But­lers, 13, 4. Submitteth himselfe, 132. 10, 140, 40. In­uadeth the lord Roches lands 118. 36
  • Mac Artie Dermon is in open rebellion, 45, 5
  • Mac Balther burned the castle of Kennun and the towne of Courcoulie, 65, 17
  • Mac Eughter William his countrie spoiled, 142, 30. He is a good subiect, ibid.
  • Mac Cartie plaieth the diuell in Desmond, 62, 60
  • Mac Cormake Oconhor in re­bellion. 147, 66
  • Mac Coghlan capteine of the Scotish ships is taken, 74, 55. Killeth Omalaghlin king of Meth, 63, 57. Discomfi­teth William Burgh, ibid.
  • Mac Holan Ophalen prince of Ossorie submitteth himselfe vnto king Henrie the second, 22, 17
  • Mac Goghganie, what he got his posteritie lo [...]t, 78, 69, 63 56
  • Mac Gillimore was slaine in the church at Cragfergus which before he had burned, 75, 38
  • Mac Morogh. ¶ See Der­mon, 39, 70. Is taken pri­soner, 7 [...], 28
  • Mac Mahon preieth [...] [...]n­trie, 77, 23, 18
  • Macworth capteine entreth first the Spaniards fort, 167, 1
  • Mac Morice baron of Kerrie and Lexnaw, 38, 24
  • Mac William the rebell taken & all his companie at Knock­tow and slaine, 79, 57
  • Madocke a noble man of birth, 54, 5. He died bishop of Fernes, ibid. 14
  • Man the Iland, whether En­glish or Irish, 13, 45
  • Margaret ladie Fitzgirald of Kildare married to the earle of Ossorie, 83, 70. She lon­geth for wine. 84, 9. Hir stoutnesse, ibid. 22, 56. Hir wisedome and policie in go­uernment, 83, 33. Hir griefe for the murthering of Tal­bot, 84, 66
  • Marcus Antonius bewitched with his wife Cleopatra, 2. 63
  • Marius the noble Roman, 19, 69
  • Mariages made for increase of loue and amitie, 75, 78, 34, 70 22, 60, 66, 25
  • Marie Tagh Oconhor king of Offalia & his companie slaine by Iordan Cumin, 64, 69
  • Markets not to be kept vpon holie daies, 15, 60
  • Malachias a noble man borne at Ardmagh, 54, 40. Gouernor of Bangor, ibid. 60. Bishop of Ardmagh, 55, 1. His stoutnesse with the soldiors, ibid. 17. He died at Clara­uell, ibid. 48
  • Malbie sir Nicholas serueth with sir Peter Carew in the Butlers warres, 130, 21. His seruice at Kilkennie, ibi. 63. He is commended by the queene, 142, 70. Is dubbed knight, 143, 8. Sworne one of the priuie councell, ibidem. Made colonell of Connagh, ibid. He serueth in Mounster vnder sir William Drurie lord iustice, 157, 31. Is gouernor of Mounster, 158, 38. His seruice there, 159, 5. He send­eth to and for the erle of Des­mond, ibid. 28. He incounte­reth with sir Iohn of Des­mond, 159, 55. Discomfiteth him, ibid. 19. He writeth to the earle of Desmond for his submission, 160, 22. He dis­solueth his armie, ibid. 34. Subscribeth to the proclam­ing of the erle of Desmond to be a traitor, 164. 10. He meet­eth sir William Pelham lord iustice at Limerike, 162, 66. Presenteth him with San­ders letters, ibi.
  • Malcontents against the cesse, 144, 5
  • Malchus a moonke at Winches­ter, 55, 50. Is bishop of Lise­more, ibid. 54
  • Manners and dispositions of the Irishrie, 44, 10
  • Manreuar Thomas baron of Serin is taken prisoner by Oconhor of Meth. 76, 44
  • Maupas the leader of a thou­sand three hundred twentie and foure men incountereth with the Scots, 68, 55. He is found dead vpon the dead bodie of Bruse his enimie, 69, 2
  • Maundeuill lord of Barne [...]ol­lie his yearelie reuenues one thousand and two hundred pounds, 75, 21
  • Maundeuill sir Iohn is recon­ciled to the lord Butler, 66 74. Is slaine, 67, 59
  • Maundeuill sir Thomas his good seruice at Glenfield, 64, 20. Dooth great enter­prises vpon the Scots, 67, 53 Is slaine, ibid. 10
  • Martyrs in Ireland, 55
  • Masterson Thomas in great danger, 135, 66
  • Meilerius nephue to Fitzste­phans. 6, 41. Is ambitious, ibid. 43. His seruice, 11, 42. Arriueth at Waterford, 34, 33. The description of him, 38, 25, 47, 28. His valtantnes 39, 43. 41, 1. Hath no issue, 44, 37. Leix is giuen vnto him for Kildare, 47, 14
  • Men eat men for want of vit­tels, 68, 40
  • Meinouth stronglie warded 95, 14, 11. Is beseeged, 11, 21. Summoned ibid. 25. Betrai­ed, ibid. 50. The betraier be­headed, 96, 8
  • Merlins prophesies, 14, 64 21, 5 22, 40 24, 47, 42, 20, 51, 20, 53 11
  • Meth in Latin Media, 48, 55. It is appointed for the kings diet, 28. It is the fift part of Ireland, 2, 3. It conteineth sixteene cantreds, ibid. 46. It is inuaded and spoiled, 15, 23. It is vnder Omalaghlin, 56 25. It is giuen vnto Hugh de Lacie, 24, 10
  • Miles in what sense it is to be taken, 5, 54
  • Miles of saint Dauid lieute­nant of Limerike, 38, 23
  • Milo Cogan. ¶ See Cogan.
  • Monarch of Ireland, 59, 25. His authoritie, ibid. 4
  • Moris aliàs Omoris vp in rebel­lion, 84, 51. 147, 66. They burne the Naas, 148, 8. They burne Leighlin, ibid. 47
  • Moris a r [...]nnagate priest made archbishop of Cashill, 118, 50 Like to be killed, ibid.
  • Mortimer Roger lord of Meth arriued into Ireland, 65, 48 Is discomfited by the Scots 60, 38. Is lord iustice, 68, 13. He chaseth the La [...]ies out of Connagh, 68, 70. Proclameth them traitors, ibid. Is lord lieutenant, 73, 60. Is slaine, 73, 10
  • Mutinie in the parlement house 120, 10
N.
  • NAas burned by Rorie Og, 148, 8
  • Names of all the noble houses in Ireland, 60, 33, 13
  • Nauiculare littus, 47, 38
  • Nele the great or Nigellus the monarch of all Ireland, 53, 30
  • Nele Donell taken prisoner, 77, 45
  • Nele Onele. ¶ See Onele.
  • Nemodus with his foure sons arriue in Ireland, 48, 2
  • Nero his wicked life and end, 2, 52
  • Nesta the noble ladie mother to the conquerors of all Ireland 4, 72, 47, 45, 48, 13
  • Noble men of Ulster glad of Onels death, 117, 10
  • Noble men to attend the king, 63, 70. To answer for their men, 140, 50. To attend the lord deputie, 141, 40
  • Norwegians inuade Ireland, 55, 30. Expelled, 56, 58. Be­sieged Dublin, 57, 35. They were first merchants, 57, 55. They build townes, ib.
  • Notingham Robert maior of Dublin taketh and impriso­neth the earle of Ulster, 67, 50. Spoileth saint Marie ab­beie. ib.
  • Nugent baron of Deluin, a malcontent against the cesse, 145, 50, He with others com­mitted to ward, 147, 5. He is suspected to be one of the con­spiracie of Desmonds rebel­lion, is committed to prison, He is sent into England, and then to the Tower. ibidem.
O.
  • OBren king of Thomond slaine, 64, 8
  • [Page] Obren Donat slaine by his own men, 66. 10
  • Obren Morogh baron of Ines­teklen, 39. 39. He killeth Iohn Fitziohn, 73. 12
  • Oconher of Ophalia his victo­ries, 64. 6
  • Oconher king of Conagh slaine, 67. 4. 34. 40
  • Oconher mac Kellie slaine in Conagh, 67. 23. His victo­ries, 75. 72. 76. 42
  • Oconher Catholo flaine, 74. 17
  • Oconher of Ulster rebelleth, 102. 14. His countrie is inua­ded and burned, ib. 25. He submitteth himselfe, ib. 30. Giueth hostages, ib.
  • Odonell anoieth the kings sub­iects in Ulster, 62. 44. He is vanquished, ib. Restored to his possessions, 116. 25
  • Odempsie discomfiteth Ocon­her, 64, 7. Subdueth Obren, 65. 45
  • Odron, 55. 58
  • Okensile in Leinster. 7. 37
  • Ornalaghlin king of Meth, 56. 26. In credit with Turge­sius, ib. His policies to be­guile Turgesius, ib. 40. His persuasion to his countrimen, 56. 25. His daughter maried to Ororike, 1, 26, He is slaine, 63, 58
  • Omores rebell, 135. 35
  • Onele was chased in battell, 62. 65. He is slaine and 352. men with him, 62. 57. He paieth tribute, ib. 45
  • Onele Con beareth the sword before the earle of Kildare, 84. 75. Maketh insurrection a­gainst the earle of Ossorie, 86. 46. He inuadeth the English pale, 101. 20. The first earle of Tiron, 112. 16. He had two sonnes, ib. His first sonne ba­ron of Dungannon, ib. 24. Onele and all the North vn­quiet, 110. 5. He is taken pri­soner, 110. 25
  • Onele Shane by blood and mur­ther preuaileth, 112. 8. The proudest man, ib. 8. 115. 40. 151. 74. The causes of his rebellion, ib. 20. He vsurpeth the name of Onele, ibid. 40. He breaketh into rebellion, ib. 50. He praieth the lord deputie to be his godcept, ib. 65. His obiections against his elder brether, 113. 6. He promiseth to be quiet, 113. 3. He is pur­sued by the earle of Essex, ib. 12. Is become a tyrant, ib 20. He is a dronkard, ib. 30. He is buried in the ground to reco­uer his dronkennesse, ib. 38. His force and gard, ib. 53. He traineth vp his pesantes in warres, ib. 55. He taunteth at the earle of Clancar, 114. 17. He besiegeth Dundalke, 115. 12. 116. 62. He is discomfited, [...]. 30. His cowardnesse, 116. 12. His friends forsake him, 116. 70. His countrie is prei­ed, 117. 10. He is distressed, ib. 26. He is slaine, ib. 56. His head set vpon the castle of Dublin, ib. 65. His sonne committed vnto the castle of Dublin, ib. 34
  • Onele would speake no Eng­lish, 12. 30
  • Onolan one of the Macmurghes and his companie were set vp­on and discomfited, and cari­ed awaie prisoners, 74. 36
  • Oration of Donald of Osso­rie, 39. 6
  • Oration of Rodorike king of Picts, 57. 46
  • Oration of Omaleighlin 56. 46
  • Oration of Rothorike Ocon­hor, 8. 7
  • Oration of Mac Morough, 9. 20
  • Oration of Fitzstephene, 10. 20
  • Oration of Reimond, 25. 13. 6. 17. 37. 10
  • Oration of Heruie, 13. 24
  • Oration of Moris Fitzgirald, 17. 47
  • Oration of Worslie lord chan­cellor, 85. 6
  • Oration of Fitzgirald earle of Kildare, 85. 48. To his sonne, 88. 21
  • Oration of Thomas Fitzgi­rald, 89. 70. 91. 34
  • Oration of Weston lord Chan­cellor, 119. 30
  • Oration of Stanihurst, 119. 1
  • Oration of sir H [...]nrie Sidneie, 119. 56
  • Order of a parlement, 121. 10
  • Oreons, 55. 58
  • Ossories there be two, 7. 40
  • Ossorie is ouerrun, 6. 56
  • Ostemen, 34. 47
P.
  • PAlladius archdeacon of Rome arriueth into Ireland, 52. 72. Appointed to preach, ib. 30. Hetrauelleth into Scot­land, ib. 20
  • Pall what it is, 31. 47. 49. 24
  • Pangs of gelousie, 26. 10
  • Parkin Warbecke raised vp to be a king, 79. 30. He is ta­ken, 79. 40
  • Parker Nicholas, valiantlie de­fendeth himselfe, 166. 63
  • Parker Iohn lieutenant to cap­taine Furse, slaine in the Glinnes, 169. 44
  • Paris Christopher betraieth Mainouth, 95. 50. His pro­mised reward is paied, ib. 57. 15. Beheaded. 96. 10
  • Parlement at Dublin, 70. 50. 71. 40. 75. 12. 76. 59. 87. 58. 74. 16. 74. 40. 119. 15. 99. 30. At Kilkennie, 71 69. 25. 35. At Balidale, 72. 73. Parlement order, 121. 10. At Trim. 76. 70
  • Patriarch Heraclius commeth to king Henrie the second for aid, 49. 60. Intreateth the king to go into the holie land, ib. 56. He threatneth the king for denieng, ib. 64
  • Patrike his life, 53. 40. Where he was borne, 53. 33. His purgatorie, 28. 28. 53. 58. Made an archbishop, ib. 8. He baptised Ruanus 2041. yeeres old, 48. 45. He conuerteth all Ireland to christianitie, 53. 25.
  • Pellam▪ sir William is dubbed knight, 158. 44. Is chosen lord iustice, 162. 50. He dubbeth sir William Girald and sir Tho­mas Perot knights, ib. 70. He maketh a iournie into Moun­ster, ib. 20. He sendeth for the earle of Desmond. ib. 50. He sendeth the earle of Ormond vnto him, 163, 2. He procla­meth the earle traitor, 164. 14. He commeth to Limerike and then to Gallowaie, and is honorablie receiued, he ma­keth a second iournie then to Mounster, 166. 38. Is verie honorablie receiued at Water­ford, ib. 60. He sendeth the chancellor of Limerike to ward▪ and the bishop he com­mandeth to his owne house, 66. 144, He besiegeth & taketh the castle of Caregfoile, 167. 40. 10. He taketh Asketten castle, 167. 30. He createth sir William Burcke baron of Connell, 168. 20. He deliue­reth the swoord to the lord Greie, 170. 36
  • Peet signifieth a Magician, 54, 20
  • Pet sent for Lacie, 48. 68
  • Peers Gaueston, ¶ See Gaue­ston.
  • Perot sir Iohn lord president of Mounster, 133. 2. His state & conditions, ib. Iames Fitz­moris rebelleth at his go­uernment, ib. 14. His gouern­ment, 134. 434. His seruice a­gainst him, ib. 12. The peace of the countrie, ib. 40. His as­sistance, ib. 56. He reformeth Irish maners, ib. 30. 151. 4. Admerall of the Queenes ships, 158. 1. He is lord depu­tie, he subdueth the Scots, He maketh the land all shire ground.
  • Perot sir Thomas is dubbed knight, 158. 46
  • Pestilence in the English pale, 136. 20
  • Philip of Worcester sent for Lacie, 48. 40. His gouerne­ment. ib.
  • Pietie is necessarie in a gouer­nour, 13, 50
  • Picts arriue into Ireland, 50. 46. Into Scotland, ib. 44. They marie with the Irish, ib. 68. Inhabite in part of Britain, 51. 56. The amilie betweene them & the Scots, ib. 67. They fall out and are reconciled, ib. 26. 70. They be rooted out, ib. 50
  • Poole cardinal sendeth to Rome for Girald Fitzgirald, 98. 55 He carefullie bringeth him vp. 99. 1. Giueth him a yeere­lie pension, 98. 47. Increa­seth his pension, 99, 39
  • Pope Celestine inuesteth Pa­trike archbishop of Ardmach, 53. 6. He sendeth Palladius into Scotland, 58. 20
  • Pope destroieth the Templers, 64. 63
  • Popes legats assoile king Hen­rie the second, 25. 36. They ini [...]ine him penance, 25. 1
  • Pope Alexander his priuileges to Ireland, 35. 25. He de­mandeth tenths and Peter pence, 64. 45. 36. 55. 36. 22
  • Pope Adrians priuileges, 35. 48. He keepeth a synod at Dublin, 44. 30. He maketh peace. 42. 40
  • Popes fauour vnto Thomas Stukelie, 149. 40. He giueth him titles of honour, ib. 47
  • Pope sendeth aid with Iames Fitzmoris, 154. 15. Appoin­teth doctor Sanders to be his legat, ib. 31. The fruites of his religion, he sendeth foren aid into Ireland, 154. 30. His banner is displaied, 159. 6. Dispenseth with mur­ther, 156. 68. His wicked prac­tise, 183. 48
  • Poer Dominik sent to Charles the emperour for aid, 97. 70. Presenteth him with hawkes and horses, ib. 70. 3. He hath the kings pardon, ib. 7. He hath the emperours pension, ib. 8
  • Poer Arnold accused of here­sie, 69. 72. He died, 70. 30. He was seneschall of Kilkennie, 69. 24. Hee killed the lord B [...]euill, 65. 57
  • Poet Eustace inuadeth Scot­land. 94. 59
  • Poet Eustace vicount Baltin­glas cemplaineth against the cesse, 145. 42. His letters to the earle of Ormond, 149. 54. Complaineth against sir Ni­cholas Bagnoll, 150. 2. His cōplaints found vntrue, ib. 25. He was baron of Kilcolen. 38. 7. Hideth in the Glinnes, 169, 3. Is wearie of his life, 180. 56. He died miserablie. ib. 70
  • Poer baron of Coraghmore, 39. 18
  • Poer William seneschall of Wa­terford, 47. 36
  • Poer Roger, his seruice in Ul­ster, 43. 34. His race and pro­genie, 43. 36. Gouernour at Leighlin and in Ossorie. ib. 38. 47. 34. Slaine in Ossorie, 52. 16. 54. 3
  • Poer Robert, seneschall of Wa­terford and Wexsford, 44. 51. 46. 60
  • Poer Thomas Fitziohn, ba­ron of Donoile, sweareth to serue the king, 156. 68
  • Poets were at the first chrono­graphers, Epistola.
  • Propheter of Ireland, 53. 11
  • Posts set betweene England and Ireland, 114. 5
  • Prophelles, 3. 30. 14. 60. 22. 41. 29. 30. 24. 50. 42. 28. 47. 50. 51. 20. 53. 10
  • Prouerbe, Too late quod Boies 95. 68
  • Prendergast Moris ariueth in­to Ireland at the Banne, 5. 4 Borne in Wales, ib. 5
  • Prendergast William slaine, 66, 29
  • Punishment for sinnes make a quiet common wealth, 141. 68
  • Prerogatiue of a king. 140. 4. 145, 65. 20
  • Prebendaries made moonks, 60. 36
Q.
  • QUestions cōcerning gouern­ment, 70. 50
  • Quimo, liuerie, and other Irish impositions, 78. 56
  • Quimerford Ful [...]o spoiled and robbed, 130. 18
  • Queene Elisabeth hir continu­all care for Ireland, 111. 20
  • Quicke siluer, the nature of it, 133. 57
R.
  • RAalegh Walter▪ is the first that entred into the Spa­niards fort, 171. 70. Complai­neth for the too much bearing with the traitors, 172. 45. His conflict with the sene­schall, 173. 10. Is commissio­ner of Mounster, 173. 17. His seruice vpon Dauid Barrie, 175. 27. He taketh the▪ lord Roch, 174. 24. His seruice at Rekell, 170. 63. His pede­gree, Epistola. His care to the common wealth, ib. The bla­soning of his armes, Epistola.
  • Ralph Fitzstephans sonne, 26. 7 [...]
  • Randolph capteine and coronell arriueth into Ireland, 115. 30. He prepareth to fight with the Onele, ib. 2. He is slaine, ib. 23. His monument, 63. 26
  • Randon castle destroied, 62. 28. Burned, 66. 17
  • Rebellion first attempted in Ireland, 58. 65. Of Kildare, 91. 60. In the whole land. 112. 30. Of Onele, 112. 50. Of the Butlers, 130. 13. Of Iames Fitzmoris, 133. 14. 154. 40. Of Omore. 135. 35. In Con­n [...]gh, 135. 42. Of the Ocon­hors, 135. 67. Of Clanricard, 141. 10. 142. 6. Of Rorie Og. 147. 68. Of Iames of Des­mond, 157. 15. Of the earle of Desmond. 160. 42
  • Rebellion against gouernours, 484
  • Reimond le grosse arriueth into Ireland, 12. 35. He is assailed by the men of Waterford ib. 60 [Page] He preuatieth against the men of Corke, ib. 10. He is assailed by Mac Artie prince of Des­mond & discomfiteth him, 33. 29. He passeth ouer into Wales vpon the death of his father William Fitzgirald, 34. 10. He returneth and marrieth Basilia the earles daughter, 34. 67. He winneth Meth. 35. 10. Heruie conspireth against him, 35. 68. He besiegeth and taketh Limerike, 39. 30. His orations and his description, 37. 10. 60. His coldnesse in re­ligion, 38. 51. He is accused by Heruie to the king, 38. 38. The king sendeth for him. 38. 60. He rescueth Limerike, 39. 60. He parleth with the kings of Connagh and Thomond, 39. 58. He restoreth Mac Ar­tie of Desmond against his sonne, 39. 73. The kings sub­mit themselues vnto him, 39. 70. He meeteth Fitzaldelme at Wexsford, 40. 63. His de­struction is practised, 41, 57. His lands taken from him, 41. 62
  • Richard Strangbow arriueth into Ireland, ¶. See Strang­bow.
  • Richard the second K. of Eng­land arriueth into Ireland, 73. 59. Returneth and passeth the second time and arriueth to Waterford, 73. 70. He com­meth to Dublin, [...]. 30. He im­prisoneth the duke of Gloce­sters and the duke of Lanca­sters sonne at Trim, 73. 42. He returneth home by Wales, and is deposed, ib. 45
  • Richard duke of yorke, his let­ter to the earle of Salisburie, 78. 10
  • Richard archbishop of Dublin vpon a vision yeeldeth vp his bishoprike, 64, 54
  • Redshankes mixed with Scots and Picts, 52. 3
  • Religious houses in Ireland, 53. 60
  • Religion reformed, 140. 63
  • Reuda gaineth the countrie of Riddesdale, 51. 57. He is slaine, ib.
  • Robert Hood and litle Iohn, outlawes, 24. 45
  • Rouks a pirat and a rebell, 92. 46. Besiegeth Dublin, 92. 50. He scowreth the seas, and ta­keth an English darke, 94. 64. He is hanged, 96. 7
  • Rocke [...]e Ralph chiefe iustice in Connagh, 133. 57. He is sent into England to informe a­gainst the earle of Thomond, ib.
  • Rokesbie sir Thomas lord iu­stice, 72. 10. His interteinment increased, ib. 13. His wise sai­engs, 62. 5
  • Roch lord of Poole castle, his yeerelie reuenues 10000. 75. 30
  • Roch, lord Roch had in suspicion of disloialtie, 174. 6. He is ta­ken in his castle by captaine Raleigh, and caried to Corke, ib. 1. He acquitteth himselfe, 174. 40. The good seruice of his sonnes, ib. 44
  • Rodorike a Scithian, king of the Picts, arriueth into Ire­land, 50. 45. His oration to the king, 50. 57. Is sent into Scotland and slaine, ib. 42. 67
  • Rorie Og submitteth him selfe, 137. 20. Rebelleth, 147. 65. Burneth the Naas and Leighlin, 148. 4. 44. Is driuen to runne awaie, 148. 2. He traitorouslie ta­keth captaine Harrington prisoner 148. 15. A draught is made vpon him, ib. 30. He bur­neth Catherlough, ib. 58. He laieth a bait for the lord of vpper Ossorie, 148. 70. He is slaine, 149. 22
  • Roscoman castle destroied, 62. 23. New reedified, 62, 36. Taken by the Irishrie, 62. 56
  • Rosse towne a hauen towne in Leimster, 25. 32. Inclosed with a wall, 25. 6. Interdicted by the pope, 26. 41. Decaied and impouerished, ib. 46. A long controuersie betweene them and the citie of Water­ford for liberties, 139. 60
  • Rothorike Oconhor monarch of Ireland, 7. 24. 8. 7. Sum­moneth a parlement, ib. 30. Declameth against Der­mond Macmorough, ib. 35. Inuadeth Leimster, 7. 37. His oration, 8. 15. Sueth for peace, 10. 25. Is sworne to be true, 10. 48. Breaketh with mac Morough, 15. 37. He behea­deth Dermonds sonne, 15. 48. Besiegeth Dublin, 16. 66. Submitteth himselfe, 22. 20. Sweareth allegiance. 22. 27
  • Ruanus baptised by saint Pa­trike, 48. 47. He liued 2041. yeres, 48. 4
  • Ruine of the ecclesiasticall state, 140. 40
  • Rutheranius one of the posteritie of Nemrod, 48. 28
  • Ruthurgus arriueth into Ire­land, 47. 20. His poole, ib. 23
  • Rumor catcheth fethers, 17. 10
S.
  • SAgundus one of the posteritie of Nemrod, 48. 28
  • Salmon leape, 51. 12
  • Sauage sir Robert fortifieth his house and castle, 72. 27. His sonnes answere, ib. His liberalitie to his souldiers. ib. 50
  • Sauage Patrike taken priso­ner, paieth his ransome, and is slaine, 75. 24
  • Saint Paule archbishop of Dublin, 72. 18. 33. 6
  • Saints of Ireland, 53. 6
  • Saint Patrike, ¶ See Patrike.
  • Saint Patriks church in Du­blin, 32. 33
  • Sanford Iohn, archbishop of Dublin, 63. 37. is lord iustice, ib. 49
  • Sarcefield maior of Dublin, 24. 44. His hospitalitie, ib. 46
  • Sailing vnknowen before No­ahs flood 0
  • Satanus one of the first finders out of Ireland 0
  • Salisburie captaine arriueth in­to Ireland with 200. ar­chers, 94. 70. His seruice at the siege of Mainouth, 95. 40
  • Scithians driuen into Ireland, 50. 45. A seditious people, ib. 47. ¶ See Picts.
  • Scorch villen archbishop of Dublin, 61. 56. Whie so na­med, ib.
  • Scotia the first name of Ire­land, 9, 52. named also Gathe­la, 9, 29. It is inuaded by the citizens of Dublin, 74. 64. Inuaded by the Irish people, 64. 33
  • Scotus the great schooleman borne at Downe, 9. 40
  • Scots vnder Bruse inuade and spoile Ireland, 66. 55. Refuse to be of the Britanes race, ib. 35. Liue in friendship with Picts, 51. 60. They fall out, ib. 72. They are expelled out of England by the Picts ib. 47. They make title to Ire­land, 52. 4. Their king landeth at Caergfergus, 67. 4. They are slaine, ibid. 28. They are vanquished, 68. 74. They disguise with Oneile and kill him, 717. 46. Ouer­throwen in Connagh. 0
  • Scald brother a theefe. 24. 10. His caue, ib. His swiftnesse, His theeuerie & his death, ib.
  • Scroope lord deputie to Tho­mas of Lancaster, 73. 67. Is exclamed for his extortion, ib. 70. His wife procureth his amendment. 74. 10. He inua­deth vpon Macmorough, 74. 32. He returneth into Eng­land, ib. 50
  • Selfe will causeth rebellion, 141. 50
  • Seneshall of Imokellie Fi [...]zed­munds entreth into youghall 164. 55. A principall with Iames Fitzmoris, 131. 35. His castle of Balie martyr be­sieged and taken: ib. He stea­leth secretlie awaie by night, ib. He lieth in wait for captain Raleigh, 173. 10. His coward­nes, ib. He is challenged to the fight and refuseth ib. He prei­eth vpon Lismore, 173. 6. He and the lord Barrie at vari­ance, 175. 30. A spiall made on him by captaine Dowdall, 175. 43
  • Serpents none venemous in Ireland, 13. 28. They die being brought thither, ib. 36. They are killed with the wa­ter and earth of that land, 14. 24. Whie there be none there, 14. 30
  • Sentleger sir Anthonie sent in­to Ireland, 99. 25. His go­uernement there and his reue­cation, 109. 1. Is sent backe lord deputie the second time, 110. 30. Is lord deputie the third time, ib. 45. Is lord de­putie the fourth time, 102. 35. He sendeth an armie to Bul­leine, 103. 55. He sendeth aid to the lord Lenoux, 103. 33. A quarell betweene him and the earle of Ormond. 104. 34. They are both sent for into England, 104. 64. They are reconciled, 104. 75. He retur­neth lord deputie, 106. 10
  • Sentleger Warham made pro­uost marshall of Ireland, 162. 13. Is one of the priuie coun­sell, 181. 77
  • Sheepe in Ireland, 120. 3
  • Shenin riuer, 22. 67
  • Shires or counties in Ireland, 10. 45. 181
  • Sinne cause of all ouerthrows, 52. 70. Being neuer so great want no excuse. 50. 10
  • Siward king of Denmarke, 47. 50
  • Sidneie sir Henrie treasuror at warres, 110. 77. 35. Is lord iustice foure times, 110. 17. Lord deputie, 110. And knight of the garter, ib. 34. 151. 20. Lord president of Waies, ib. 45. His instructions, ib. 50. Is honorablie receiued into Ire­land, 111. 2. Taketh his oth, ib. 11. His eloquent oration then, ib. 15. Is godcept to Oneile, 112. 68. His iournie into Ul­ster, 116. 6. He passeth into England, 118. 6. His com­ming to the court ib. 8. Retur­neth into Ireland, 118. 28. Summoneth a parlement, 119. 20. His answere to the spea­kers oration, 119. 56. He dub­beth sir Humfreie Gilbert knight, 132. 56. Returneth in­to England and is honorablie receiued, 134. 40. Is lord de­putie the third time, 136. 16. He maketh a iournie into Ulster, and the same wholie com­meth to submission 136. 50. He maketh an hosting through the whole land, 137. He is present at the funerals of sir Peter Carew 138. 50. The earle of Essex his letters and garter sent vnto him, 144. 15. The malecontents of the English pale repine against the cesse, 144. 5. He deliuereth the sword to sir William Drurie, 150. His saiengs at the entring into his ship, 150. 60. His parentage and educa­tion. 150. 30. 47. Is dubbed knight, ib 60. His ambassads and gouernment, his religion, 151. 5. 30. 40. He tameth O­nele, placeth presidents, refor­meth the courts, and causeth the statutes to be imprinted and ordereth places for the records, 152. 76. 35. 63. 71. 8. He repareth the castle of Dublin, he reduceth the Irish conntries into shires, he repareth sundrie decaied townes, he buildeth the bridge of Athelon, and increaseth the reuenues, 152. 51. 61. 73. 15. His noble vertues, 152. 14. His death and buriall, 153. 70. 14. He renewed Strangbows monument, 62. 20. He erecteth capteine Randolphs atchiue­ment, ib.
  • Siluer quicke his nature, 133. 57
  • Silken Thomas, 91. 35
  • Ske [...]ngton sir William, lord deputie, 87. 22. He is very ho­norablie receiued, 87. 27. His answer to the recorders ora­tion, ib. 31. He recordeth the sword, ib. 56. His falling out with the earle of Kildare, ib. 50. He receiueth the sword to the earle of Kildare, 87. 51. He passeth into England & re­turneth lord deputie the second time, 17, 50. 94. 73. He besiegeth the castle of Mainouth. 95. His rewarding of Peers the traitor, his death, 97. 43
  • Skirmish at Kilka, 33. 26
  • Sonne stood still for the space of a daie, 74. 46. 77. 72
  • Souldiers are of three degrees, 5. 60. Kept in discipline, 135. 29
  • Sooch ¶ See Zooch.
  • Speaking stone, 24. 60
  • Spaniards first arriuall into Ireland, 74. 49. 77. 72. Their intents, ib. 67. They come to aid Iames Fitzmoris, 154. 40. They are besieged at Caregfoile, 167. 27. Their proud brags, ib. 50. They are taken and hanged, 167. 13. They keepe their fort at saint Marie Weeke, 170. 54. They leaue the fort and flie, ib. 57. Their determinations, ib. The lord deputie besiegeth & taketh their fort, 171. 30.
  • Spanish brags, Epistola.
  • Stanlie sir William, he lieth at Adar, 161. 43. His good ser­uice, ib.
  • Stanlie sir Thomas, his good seruice, 77. 41
  • Stanihurst speaker of the parle­ment, 119. 70. His oration, ib. His requests, ib. 40
  • Stanton Philip burneth castels and preieth the countrie, 63. 42
  • Stanton Richard gaoler of Newgate, 95, 45. A good sai­lor and his seruice, ib.
  • Staples bishop of Meth landeth at Dublin, 87. 27. His questi­on of the Dublians, ib. 67. He was fullie answered, ib. 12
  • Statutes of Kilkennie confir­med, 75. 15. They are imprin­ted, 152. 76
  • Stature of an Irish man, 44. 64
  • [Page] Stephan de longe Espe lord iu­stice, 62. 57. He killed Onele, ib, He dieth, ib.
  • Stephan of Ba [...]atomore his re­uenues by the yere eight thou­sand pounds, 57. 28
  • Storke. 11, 68
  • Strange and wonderfull things in Ireland, 28. 30
  • Strange le Thomas placed in castle Baliriogh, 142. 15. He is besieged, and his good ser­uice ib. 20. He is knighted and of the councell, 181. 66
  • Strangbow earle of Chepstow 3. 35. Promiseth aid to mac Morogh, and to marrie his daughter, ib: 37. He is sent for into Ireland, 11. 20. He with the good leaue of the king ar­riueth into Waterford, 11. 60. 14. 97. He marrieth Eua the daughter and heire to mac Morogh, 14. 25. He mar­cheth to Dublin, and taketh it, 15. 6. The king proclameth against him, 15. 55. He sen­deth Reimond to the king with his submission, 16. 6. The d [...]scription of him, 20. 68. He returneth into Eng­land, 20. 41. He hath peace with the king, 20. 45. He re­turneth into Ireland, 33. 8. He dieth 40. 47. His sepul­cher is in Dublin, 63. 20.
  • Stratagems at Ardah and Le­sto [...]le, 176. 10. 24▪
  • Strife about a dog, 52. 1
  • Stukelie Thomas in great fa­uour with the pope, 149. 40. suspected to come to Ireland, ib. 26. Great preparation a­gainst him, ibidem, His titles of honor giuen by the pope, 149. 47
  • Sure the riuer. 22. 35
T.
  • TAlbot Thomas is slaine, 73. 7
  • Talbot Iohn lord Furniuall lord deputie, 76. 48
  • Talbot Robert walketh in the suburbs of Kilkennie towne, 76. 55. Hatefull to the Giral­dines, is slaine, 84. 55
  • Talbot Richard giuen for an hostage to the rebelles, 94. 30
  • Talbot well learned, 43. 50
  • Tale tellers, 45. 63
  • Taragh hill, 30. 14
  • Tenths demanded, 64. 55
  • Thira daughter to king Ethel­wod married to Gurmo, 57. 60. Hir issue, ibidem. 63, Hir policie, 58. 23. Hir lamentati­on and moorning, ibid. 40
  • Thomas of Lancaster arriueth into Ireland, 74. 23. Is lord deputie, 73. 70. Putteth the earle of Kildare vnder arrest, 75. 22. Is hurt and wound­ed, ibid. 28. Returneth into England, 75. 45
  • Thorneburie Walter lord chan­cellor, 66. 40. Elected bishop of Dublin, ibid. 15. Drowned ibid.
  • Timber turned to stones and iron. 30. 38
  • Tirell Hugh serueth against the Scots, 67. 51. Is put to ransome, ibid.
  • Trauers sir Iohn capteine of the armie, 103. 63
  • Tripton sir Hugh serueth a­gainst the Scots, 68. 51
  • Turgesius. 55. 58. Uanquisheth Edlumding ibid. 68. Abideth manie troubles 56. 10. Build­eth fortresses and castles, ibidem. 18. Mastreth the I­rish kings. 56. 20. Demandeth Omalagh [...]s daughter to wife, ibid. 26. Is killed, 59, 56
V.
  • VAriance betweene the But­lers and the Burghs, 69. 70 Betweene the earle of Or­mond and the earle of Kildare 82. 24. 114. 50. Betweene Uessie and Kildare, 63. 70. About a dog, 52. 1
  • Uerdon Milo a valiant cap­teine, 68. 51
  • Uerdon Robert maketh a riot, 66. 12. Submitteth himselfe, ibid. 20
  • Uerdon [...]d Uerdon marrieth Margar [...]t daughter to La­cie, 62. 20
  • Uerdon Theobald is besieged in the castell of Athlon, 63. 53
  • Uessie William lord iustice, 63. 60. His variance with the earle of Kildare 63. 70. The combat demanded betweene them 63. 25. Uessie refuseth it ibid. Flieth into France, 63 27. 34. 65
  • Ufford lord iustice arriueth into Ireland 71. 66. Maried the countesse of Ulster, ibid. A heauie friend to the earle of Desmond, 71. 37. Great re­ioising at his death, 37. 56
  • Uniuersitie at Dublin, 69. 24
  • Ulster the fift part of Ireland, 50. 20. 10. 35. Conquered by Curcie, 52. 17. Giuen to Hugh Lacie, 61. 60. Spoiled by Scots, 68. 36. The townes in the same, 27. 30
W.
  • WAllop sir Iohn ambassador in France, 98. 60. He requireth to haue Fitzgirald, and is de­nied, ib. 70. Aduertiseth the king, ib. 9
  • Wallop sir Henrie knight, tresu­ror at armes, commeth to As­ketten castle, 167. 46. His com­panie left in garison at As [...]et­ten, ib. 66. Is made one of the lord iustices, 177. 46. His good gouernement, ib. A combat fought before him, 180. 70. He yeeldeth vp the swoord to sir Iohn Perot, 181. 8. He is one of the councell, 181. 57. He laie at Limerike, 165. 20
  • Wales inuaded by the Dubli­ans, 74. 70
  • Waterford citie builded by Sita­racus, 24. 17. 12. 55. Alwaies faithfull to the crowne of Eng­land, 24. 56. The conquest of it by Richard Strangbow, 14. 10. The description of it, 138. 70. Their variance with the earle of Kildare, 139. 12. Their riuer & the commodi­tie of the same, 139, 26. Their priuileges, 139. 1. An admoni­tion vnto them, ib, 40. Their honorable receiuing of the lord deputie, 138. 57. They stand vpon terms with the lord de­putie, 131. 66
  • Waterhouse sir Edward knight one of the queenes priuie councell, 181. 67. Subscribeth to the proclamation against the earle of Desmond, 164. 10
  • Warres betweene Lacie and Marshall, 61. 67
  • Warres betweene the countries of Meth and Offerill 0
  • Waters of a strange nature in Ireland, 30. 30
  • Welsh Robert seruant to the earle of Kildare, 98. 70. Accom­panieth the yoong earle into France, ib. Returneth into England, 98. 70
  • Welsh Iohn maketh a draught vpon the earle of Desmond, 178. 35. His deuise to passe ouer the riuer, ib. 53
  • Weston Robert arriued into Ireland as lord chancellor, 116. 36. His vprightnesse, ib. 40. His oration to the parle­ment, 119. 30. Is made lord iustice, 117. 60. His death, 134. 10. His vertues and conditi­ons ib. 15. His exhortation to the councell, ib. 30
  • Wexford towne, 26. 64. It is wonne by mac Morough and by Fitzstephans, 51. 30. The cheefest towne in Leimster, 4. 16. Is giuen to Fitzstephans and Morice Fitzgirald, 4. 6. The Wexford men by craft do take Fitzstephans, 19. 20. They present Fitzstephans to the king, 21. 20. It is left to the gouernement of Fitzal­delme, 24. 18. The marriage betweene Reimond and Ba­silie is celebrated at Wexford, 34. 66. At Wexford Fitzgerald died and was buried, 41. 25. Wexford men make warres against Bri [...]m mac Kahir, 135. 48. They are vanquished, ib. 60
  • White Iohn his good seruice in the rebellion against Fitzgi­rald, 91. 8. Is dubbed knight, ib. 11
  • White Henrie made a broile in Dublin, 87. 16. He is pardo­ned, ib. 55
  • Windsore lord Windsore the first lieutenant in Ireland, 72. 67. He kept a parlement in which a subsidie was granted, ib. 70
  • Wingfield Iaques master of the ordinance is verie carefull for the safetie of his nephues, 170. 20. He is sent to the Spani­ards fort, 171. 46. The capteine submitteth himselfe vnto him, ib. 52. He presented him to the lord deputie, ib.
  • Winter sir William viceadmerall arriueth into Ireland at the Uentrie, 165. 58. He distru­sting no harme returneth into England, ib. 3. He returneth, and by water besiegeth the fort at Smereweke, 171. 22. The notable good seruice of him & his mariners at that siege, ib. 56. He gaue protection to the Irish rebels, 165. 57.
  • Wonders of Ireland, 28. 30
  • Wright Nicholas his good ser­uice to his maister capteine Raleigh, 173. 50
Y.
  • YOughall towne taken and spoiled, 164. 36. The maior hanged before his owne doore, 164. 50. It is forsaken and the people called home, ib. 55
Z.
  • ZOoch aduertiseth sir William Pelham lord iustice of the lord Greie his arriuall, 169. 50. He serueth vpon the Spa­niards at Smereweke, 171. 58. He is gouernor at Kerrie and Desmond, 172. 10. A sickenesse fell in his campe at Dingham, 174. 48. He is go­uernor of Mounster, 175. 20. He killeth sir Iohn of Des­mond, 175. 30. He serueth noblie vpon Barrie, and re­ceiueth him to protection, 176. 20 He maketh a iourneie vpon Fitzmoris of Lexna, and prei­eth his countrie, 176. 50. He receiueth a new supplie of souldiers, 177. 20. He retur­neth into England, 177. 4
‘Post mortem vita.’
FINIS.

The fourth table seruing for the description and historie of Scotland; conteining iust directions to memorable obseruations both of names and matters: gathered by Abraham Fleming.
The first number noteth the page, the second the line, a the first columne, b the second.

A.
  • ABbat of Ferne burnt, 316, a 40 Of Kilooinning slaine, 403, a 26. Of Culrie mur­thered. 317, b 40
  • Abbtie of Charterhouse moonks built, 265, a 50
  • Abbeies founded, 193, b 60, 190 a 40, 182, a 60, 187, b 10, &c. 183. a 10, 198, b 10. Giuen by vnlawfull meanes, 282, a 10. In Englishmens hands, 209 a 40
  • Aberden towne burned by the English, 236, b 60
  • Abircorne wall and the manner how built, 86, b 50. Ouer­throwne, 87, a 10, 30
  • Achatus king of Scotland, ma­keth the nobles agree, 120, a 10, 20. Deceaseth, 125, a 10, 20
  • Acho king of Norwaie landed in Albion, 198, b 30, 50. The cause of his comming into Scotland, 199 a 60, b 10. His demands & exhortation to his people, 60. His nephue slaine, 200, a 60. The losse of his ships and mariners, his flight into Orkencie, b 10, &c. Pre­pareth to make a new inuasi­on, but dieth before his pro­uision wasreadie, 200, b 60
  • Acon. ¶ See Acres.
  • Acres besieged, 191, b 30
  • Ada the daughter of Aurelius and wife to Conranus, 98, b 60
  • Adelstan entred into Deira, 123, b 50. Pursueth Hungus, his cruell proclamation, doth chal­lenge his enimies, is slaine, 124, a 10, &c. His buriall, 124, b 30 ¶ See Athelstane.
  • Adders without hurt, 192, a 50
  • Adrian the emperour prepareth to go into Britaine, transpor­ted, findeth nothing abrode in the countrie of his enimies, beginneth to make a wall for safegard of the Britons, com­meth to London, 62, [...] 10, &c, b 10, &c. His wall vndermined and ouerthrowne, 88, a 10
  • Ag [...]tha and Christine renounce the world, 178, b 60
  • Agneda. ¶ See Edenburgh, 35 a 50
  • Agricola inuadeth Leneux, re­turneth to Pictland, pursu­eth his enterprise against the Scots, 56, a 20, &c. His name dredfull to the Scots and Picts, 65, a 10. Maketh a bridge, &c. Passeth with his host, and incampeth neere the foot of the mountein of Granz­berie, 58, a 20, 30. Commeth to the succor of his men, 57, a 30. Discomfiteth his enimies, 40. Sendeth foorth his nauie of ships to discouer the fur­thest point of Britaine north­ward, 57, b 60. Subdueth Angus and wintereth there, certified of the mischance of his na [...]e, 59, a 30. He is sent for to Rome, 50
  • Aidan commeth to the king­dome of Scots by surrender. 108, b 10. Appointeth sessi­ons to be kept yearlie in three parts of the realme, in wars against Brudeus. 50, 60. Re­prooued, repenteth, 109, a 10. His diligence to resist his eni­mies, 110, a 30. Departeth this life, b 50
  • Aire castell besieged and woone, 198, b 30
  • Alarike. ¶ See Athaulfe.
  • Albian a noble man his oration. 121, b 20
  • Albren the sepulture or graue of Danes, 164
  • Albions and Saxons incoun­ter, 98, a 60
  • Ale sold by weight, 192, b 60. It and wine by the pound, 168, a 10
  • Alleluia. ¶ See Germane.
  • Alexander king of Scotland his valiancie. 200, a 40. with his wife came to London, 202, b 20. Goeth into England, 196 b 60. Commanded of the pope, 196, a 50. Married, 203 a 50. To the daughter of the lord Coucie, 194, a 10. His answer to a legats message, 202, a 20. His wisedome prai­sed, 40. Taken by the Cu­mins, 198, a 30. Set at liber­tie, 50. In armes against the Danes and Norwegians, b 30, &c. In battell against king Acho of Norwaie, 199, 20, &c. His manhood, his death and buriall, 182, a 10, b 30
  • Alexander the fierce crowned king: note, 181, b 30
  • Alexander the second crowned king, 194, a 10. He passeth to London, 40. He is accused, 60 Returneth into his countrie, b 10. In armes against the English, 30, 40, &c. Decea­seth, 197, b 10
  • Alexander the third crowned, an interview betwixt the king of England and him, 197, b 10, 60. His lawes, 204, a 10, &c. His sudden and strange death 203, a 60
  • Alexander prince of Scotland maried, 202, b 60. His death, 203, a 10
  • Alexander of the Iles arrested, 263, a 50. Commeth to the king and asketh pardon, 262.
  • Alexander Canon a valiant man: note, 182, a 30, 40
  • Alpine crowned king of Scots, inuadeth Pictland, 126, b 10, 20. Refuseth anie treatie of peace, 127, a 60. The incamp­ing of his armie, b 50, Con­strained by the noble [...] maketh vpon him to be crowned king, 125, a 50. Unwilling to re­ceiue it, fled. 60. Ioifullie re­ceiued of Dongall, 60. His ex­cuse, b 10. Taken by his eni­mies and after beheaded, 128, a 10. His head stolne and so­lemnlie buried with the bodie, 128, a 60
  • Alured sent ambassadours to king Gregorie about a peace, 142, b 10. ¶ Sée Etheldred.
  • Ambassadors into Denmarke, 281, a 60, b 10. Into Eng­land, 330, b 60, 378, b 40, 376 a 64, 457, a 60, 381, a 40. Out of England, 409, b 30. Into Scotland, 449, a 8. Out of England into Scot­land, 410, a 30. Out of France, 410, a 30, 410, a 50. Into England, 443, b 10. Out of England into Scot­land, 443, b 53. Into France to consummate the mariage of Marie queene of Sco [...]s to the Dolphin, 372, a 30. From and into France, 305, a 50. Out of France into England, 374, a 50. Out of England to Scotland, 374, a 60. From the king of France, 383, b 40. Out of England, 384, a 10. Out of France, 436, a 40. Out of Scotland into France 436, a 50. Into France, 318, b 50. To the king of Romans 286, b 10. From Spaine, 289, b 60. From Swethen, 380, b 60. Slaine, 164, a 30
  • Ambition. ¶ See Makbeth.
  • Ambi [...]keleth king of Scots turned from vertue to licen­tiousnesse, gathereth an ar­mie 116, b 30, 50, &c. His death. 117. a 10
  • Amphibalus, 73, a 60
  • Analassus hath Northumber­land giuen him, 147, a 10 Fled into Westmerland, rifled the Ile of Man, and got him into Ireland, 147. a 30. ¶ See Norwegians.
  • Angle [...] inuaded by Sueto­nius, 52, b 60
  • Angus erle commeth into Eng­land 438. Returned into Scotland, 446. Entereth Setrling, 448, a 30. Sent into Scotland, 330, b 30. Com­mitted to ward, 333, b 20. His dissimulation, 345, b 60. Put to flight, 346, a 10. For­ [...]alted and attainted by par­lement, 310, b 10. ¶ See Earle.
  • Angus the thane of Gallowaie raiseth a commotion, discom­fited, besieged, yeeldeth, be­commeth a canon, 186, b 20, &c.
  • Angusianus with vpright dea­ling purchaseth the more friendship, vanquished, pro­clamed king, 74, b 10, &c, 60. He, Fethelmacus, and Ro­maens sons to three seuerall brethren pretend right to the estate, 74, a 60. Sueth for feare, 75, 60. In armes, b 10. Slaine, 20
  • Annand deliuered vnto the go­uernour, 393, a 60. The church vndermined, 344, 30. Blowne vp with powder, 344, a 50
  • Antoninusin hope to be emperor concludeth a peace with the enimies, 67, b 50
  • Antwerpe, the Scotish house there builded, 220, a 60
  • Anwicke castle w [...]ne by the English, 179, b 30
  • Archbishop resigneth, 283, b, 60. Abused, depriued, put in pri­son, 282, b 10. &c. Sent vnto Rome, 284 b 50.
  • Archbishop of Glascow dieth, 292 b 10, 30. Of S. Andrews executed 402. b 10. Deceaseth, 308, a 20.
  • Archbishops striue for prehemi­nence, 288, a 60. Of S. An­drewes their catalog, 455. a 34
  • Argadus is sent forth to appre­hend rebels, 64 a 20. Created lord president of the councell, 10. Chosen to gouerne Scot­land, vpright, rebuked, confes­seth his faults, permitted to continue in his office, and a­mendeth his former misgo­uernment, 63, b 10, &c. Slaine by ambush, 65, b, 60.
  • Argathelia when first so named, 31. b 50
  • Argile, for Argathile, 84, b. 20. The earle at dissention with earle Huntleie, 374, a, 10. In­fested by the Iland men, 65, b 50. ¶ See Argath [...]lia.
  • Argentine sir Giles knight slaine in fight: note, 219, b 6 [...]
  • [Page] Arrane earle would exchange lands, with Morton, 437. b 30. Flieth, 448, a 20. Brea­keth his faith, 332, a 60. ¶ See Erle.
  • Arthur the great whose sonne, 99, b 40. Proclamed king of Britaine, 101, b 10. Goeth foorth against the Saxons, raiseth a power against the Picts, 20. Returneth to Lon­don, 102, a 10. Discomfiteth the Saxons, vseth victorie with gentlenes, 20. Causeth churches to be repared, pur­poseth to destroie the whole race of the Saxons in Albi­on, his badge, his exhortation to his people, 103, a 10, 20, &c. Upon conditions receiueth the Saxons vpon their sub­mission, 103 a 10. His victori­ous conquests, 105, a 10, 20. His mumficence, 104, a 30. He with thirtie thousand Britains slaine, 106, b 10
  • Arthurs hoife: note, 212, b 60.
  • Arthur prince deceasseth, 294, a 10
  • Aruiragus sendeth messengers to Uespasian, 48, a 20. Gi­ueth his enimies an ouer­throw, 46, a 60. Reuolteth, 47, a 60. Would disherit his owne, children which he had by Uoada, promised aid to the Britons, 46, b 30, 40, 60. Re­stored to his former dignitie, 48, a 30. Forsaketh his law­full wife, 46, a 40
  • Athaulfe and [...]arike kings of Goths, 81, a 60
  • Atholl assigned to the Picts, 83, a 30. The earle made lord chancellor, 421. b 30
  • Athelstane base sonne to king Edward against the Scots, 146, a 30. Tooke Northum­berland, 146, a 50. ¶ See Adelstane.
  • Athirco king of Scots regar­deth not his nobles, abuseth a noble mans daughter, 68, a 50, 60. Conspired against, b 10. Killeth himselfe, 30
  • Augustinus and Mellitus sent into Albion, 110, b 60
  • Aulus Didius commeth into Britaine, 51, a 10. Dieth at London, 51, b 40
  • Aulus Uictorinus lieutenant of Britaine, 62, b 20
  • Aurelius Ambrose purposeth warres against the Saxons, 97, b 60. His oration, 98, a 20. Proclamed king of Britaine, 30. Hasteth foorth to London, by whose means he got the victorie an himselfe confesseth b 20, 40. He and Uter, sonnes to king Constantine, 95, b 40. Falleth sicke of a consumpti­on, deceaseth, 99, a 50, b 10
  • Authoritie. ¶ See Magi­strates.
B
  • BAch a capteine, 348, a 30
  • Bacchanalia, 102, a 40
  • Badge of king Arthur, 103, a 60
  • Baldred. ¶ See Ualdred.
  • Baledgar castell finished, 181, b 60
  • Balford, sir Iames submitteth himselfe to the regent, 411, b 50
  • Balioll his line and title to the crowne, 204, b 50. Crowned, 231, a 40. His resignation to Bruse, 225, a 50. Commeth into England, his promise to the king of England, landeth in Scotland, 230, a 50, 60, b 20. Withdraweth into Eng­land, 239 a 50. He hath all the fortresses of Scotland, in his hands, foure excerted, 233 b 10. Resigneth his right and whie, to Edward king of England, 24 [...], b 60. Promi­seth, and dooth homage to king Edward, 206, b 30, 50. He answereth a sute commensed against him in the parlement of England, as an inferior person, 207, a 20. Resigneth all his right to king Ed­ward 208, b 10. Kept as pri­soner in England, 30. His re­turne into Scotland, renoun­ceth the administration, 40. Goeth to France & dieth, 50
  • Bannocks borne whie so named, 217, b 10
  • Banquho a vanquisher of the Danes: note, 170, b 30, &c. The father of manie kings, 171, a 10. Slaine, 172, b 50
  • Barretors taken and put to death, 149, a 30
  • Bassianus entreth into West­merland, 72, b 20
  • Bassinates, 139, b 20
  • Baston Robert a Carmelite: note, 217, a 40. His verses, 220, a 10
  • Battell of Deglaston, 110, a 10. Of Falkirke: note, 210, b 20 30. Of Mitton vpon Swale, 222, b 10. Of Blackborne, 238, b 10. Of Poitiers, 243, a 50. Of Shrewesburie, 254, b 50. Of Otterborne, 250, a 60. Of Bauge, 258, b 40. Of Harlow, 357, a 60. Of Pi­perd [...], 266, a 50, 60. At Ba­no [...]rne, 287, a 40. Fought against Iames the fourth: note, 301, a 10, &c. b 40. Of thirtie against thirtie: note, 252, a 50
  • Battell ground, 285, b 50
  • Beaumont. ¶ See Strife.
  • Benefices bestowed, 304, b 10
  • Berklie sir Dauid knight, slaine 242, a 20
  • Bertha a towne drowned by [...]ndation, 193, a 60
  • Berwike woone by king Hen­rie, 194, b 50. Besieged, defen­ded against the English, their policie to win it, 207, b 50, 60. Besieged, 222, a 60. Deliuered to the Scots, 279, b 30. Re­couered by the Scots, 222, a 10. Woone with shedding of much bloud: note, 208, a 10. 242, b 50. Raced 50. Repared againe by king Edward, 60. Taken by Scots, and recoue­red, 246, b 10. Besieged, 232, a 40. Yeelded to king Ed­ward the third, 233, a 60. As­sieged by an armie of English, 283, a 30. The castell taken, b 40. ¶ See Danes and Gregorie.
  • Beron Dauid forgeth the kings will, 330, a 30. The prote­stants espie his ingling, 330, a 40. Committed to ward, 330 b 40. He is murthered, 340, a 10
  • Beton Iames archbishop of S. Andrews dieth, 321, b 10.
  • Bishop of Aberden a builder, 306 a 60. Deceseth, 303, a 10
  • Bishop Adam of Cathnesse slaine by the people: note, 196, a 40
  • Bishop of S. Andrews made archbishop, primat and me­tropolitane, 282, a 20. Taken 448, b 63. Of Baieux earle of Kent, 178, a 10. Of Bre­chune deceased, 383, a 10. Of Dunblane deceased, 381, a 18. Of Durham marms against the Scots, 250, b 30, &c. Of Rosse taken in Germanie, 424, a 20. His testimoniall left with the duke of Bauter, 424, a 60. Wardlaw inueigh­eth against superfluous fare, 264, b 20. Died for greefe, 282 b 60
  • Bishops first see in Scotland. 73, a 40. Foure erected 183, a 20. Twelue in Scotland, 282, a 30. How manie, 23, b 50. Summoned to a conuo­cation, at Northhampton, 190, a 10. Their death, 337, b 30
  • Blacknesse betraied, 410, a 10
  • Blacke Agnes of Dunbar a manlie woman, 237, b 60
  • Bladus king of Orkneie killeth himselfe, 43, a 50
  • Blasing starre, 278, b 20, 281, b 60. Of fourteene daies appea­rance, 187, b 30. Seene at noone daies, 203, b 30. With fierie raies, 139, b 40. Uerie terrible, 193, b 50. Two verie dreadfull, 132, b 20
  • Blasphemie punished, 145, a 10.
  • Boarrinke lands and whie so named, 182, a 60
  • Boclough the lard enterpriseth to take the king from the erle of Angus, 313, b 30. Put to flight, 313, b 60
  • Bogdale the reson of the name, 84, b 10
  • Boghan castell surrendred, 393, a 10
  • Boid lord, beareth all the rule about the king, 280, b 60. Ac­cused, refuseth to be tried by waie of arraignment flieth in­to England, passeth to Den­marke, his vaine hope to ob­taine pardon, goeth into Ita­lie, is murthered, 281, a 30, 40, &c.
  • Bonifacius a godlie preacher, 112, a 10
  • Borthwicke capteine accused of heresie, 321, a 5
  • Bothwell erle made chancellor, 449, a 20 Conuicted, 317, a 50. Banished the realme, 317, a 50. Flieth, 381, b 10. Esca­peth out of prison, 380, a 50. Set at libertie, 343, b 30. He keepeth himselfe in ambush at Haltwell Sweire, 363, b 40. Returned home, 380, a 60. Hurt with a caliuer, 384, a 40 Murthereth the king, 384, b 60. Cleered from the murther of the king, 384, b 20. Taketh the queene by force 384, b 20. Diuorced from his wife, 384, b 30. Marieth the queen, 384, b 40. Flieth to Dunbar, 387, b 30
  • Bothwell Adam deceasseth, 29 [...] b 50. ¶ See Erls.
  • Broughtie Crag the castell woone, 343, b 50. Besieged by the gouernor, 344, b 30. The siege raised, 345, a 60
  • Bowes sir Robert knight, sent into Scotland, 423, b 54. In­uadeth the borders, 328, b 50
  • Brachara ¶ See Gathelus.
  • Brechus the first crowned king of Scots in Ireland, 31, b 10.
  • Bretherens mutuall crueltie, 205, a 10
  • Brigantia now Compostella, 30, a 40
  • Brigantines. ¶ See Ordouices
  • Britons through rest and ease become vnapt for wars, 102, a 60. Aided by the Scots, re­fuse aid being offered, 44, a 20, 40. Ouerthrowne. 50. Soior­ning in winter giue them­selues to banketting and vo­luptuousnes, 102, a 30. Ouer­throwne by the S [...]ons, 101, a 30. Refuse to receiue either Loth or anie of his sonnes to reigne ouer them, 60. They win London, b 20. Aid a­gainst the Scots about to de­ceiue the Picts, 33, a 10, &c. Rebell, require aid of Cara­take, chased, 49, b 10. Kept possession of Cumberland and those other countries lieng by the coast of the West seas, 135 b 30. Request to haue one of their owne nation appointed to succeed king Arthur, 105, a 40. Repent them of the league made with the Scots, 141, b 60. Send ambassadors to the Picts, 32, a 60, b 10. At no hand admit peace, 106, a 40. Discomfited by the Picts and Scots, 38, b 20. Spite shewed vnto the Ro­mans, 65, b 10. Receiue the christian faith, 66, b 10. At the appointment of Uictorine make a wall, 83, a 40. Loth to breake peace with the Scots and Picts, their seruilitie, they conspire against their nobles, send into Britaine Armo­rike for aid, 60, a 10, &c. b 30. The tenor of their letters sent to Etius with the answer, 88 30. b 30. Leaue Pictland & get themselues to the riuer Tine, require aid at the hands of Etius, forsaken of the Ro­mans, 87, a 40, &c. b 10. Dout to ioine with the maine armie of Scots and Picts, their fierse onset, run awaie, sleine, make humble sute for peace, tributarie to the Scots and Picts, 89, a 10, &c, b 10, &c. Their crueltie in slaieng the Saxons, 104, a 10. Come to Adrians wall & pull it downe to let in the Scots, 67, a 10, &c. Rebell and choose one Ful­gentius their capteine, 66, b 60. Chased know not whither to go, 92, b 50. Giue them­selues to all kind of vice and abhominations, 100, a 40. Receiue a great ouerthrow, 50. Require aid of the Scots and Picts against the Sax­ons, 96, a 10. Distressed, 94, a 60. Ouerthrowne, 48, a 10. Their great earnestnesse to recouer their libertie, 91, a 30. Rebell, appeased, 54, a 20. Re­uolt from their obedience to the Romans and whie, 59, b 50. Make themselues strong, assemble at Shrewesburie, & confederat, 46, b 10. Their desperat hardinesse, 47, a 10. Weried with trauell, 47, a 10. Betraie Romans, yeeld them­selues to Carantius, 72, b 40, 50. Send for aid against the Romans to the Scots, 43, b 60
  • Britons Armorike, 98, a 60. aid king Arthur, 101, b 10. ¶ See Englishmen & Picts.
  • Broughtie Crag woone by the French, 351, b 70. Besieged by the earle of Argile, 348, b 10. The fort builded there by the English, 348, b 20. ¶ See Boughtie Crag.
  • Brudeus king of Picts by de­nieng to d [...]uer the Scotish outlawes procureth warres to himselfe and his countrie, 108, b 60. Maketh slaughter of the Scots, 109, b 50. Hurt in the thigh, 109, b 60, 116, a 30
  • Brudus king of Picts sent to Alpine for renewing league sendeth for aid into England, 127, a 20, 40, 60. Entreth in­to Ang [...], b 30. Politike, 40. Deceaseth, 128, a 50
  • Brunt Iland fortified, 371, a 60
  • Bruse king in armes against Edward of Carnaruan 217, a 50, 60, b 10, &c. His wife restored vnto him by exchange, 220, a 10. Treason [Page] against him: note, 220, b 40. Giueth discomfitures to re­bels, 216, a 22, &c. Recoue­reth castels, 30, 60. Inuadeth England, 60. Offended with his brother, 216, b 50. His exhortatiō to his armie, 218, a 10. His miserable state in the begining of his reigne, 214, b 20. His wife taken, 40. His brethren put to death, 50. His inuincible hart in trouble, 60. Getteth ouer into the Iles, 215, a 10. Commeth to Glenneske, 20. Inuadeth England, 223, b 60. Bur­ning and wasting, 224, a 10. With an armie in Scotland, 223, b 40. Inuadeth the north parts of England approch­ing almost to yorke, 224, a 50. His second mariage & issue, 221, a 20, 30. Killeth an Eng­lishman, 219, a 60. Gouerneth by deputation, 225, a 60. He deceaseth, 226, b 50. His fame and praise amongst his enimies, 227, a 10. The ad­uise giuen by him to his no­bles before his death, b 10. His desire to haue his hart borne to the holie sepulchre, 227, a 40. ¶ See Antwerpe.
  • Bruse Robert the first crow­ned, 214, a 50. Discomfited at Mesten, 60. Maried to Mar­tha daughter to the earle of Caricke, 202, a 60. King of Scotland, b 20. The occasion of the Scots ouerthrow at Dunba [...], 208, a 40. Submit­teth himselfe, 50. His ance­stors, 204, b 40
  • Bruse and Cumine conspira­tors, their end, 213, a 30, 40, 214, a 10, 20
  • Bruse Edward proclamed K. of Ireland, 221, a 40. Slain, b 10. ¶ Sée Wallase.
  • Bucchanan hath the gentle checke and reproofe, 260, b 10, &c.
  • Buckquhane, the reason of the name, 84, b 10
  • Buriall of Scatish princes, an ordinance therefore, 38, b 60. Of soldiors slaine, 78, a 60. Of one quicke, 51, a 60, 278, b 30
  • Bute Ile taken, 335, b 40
C.
  • CAdall of Gallowaie gouer­nour, sent with an ar­mie into Ireland, 42, b 20, 60 Rewarded for his good ser­uice, 43, a 10. Deceaseth, 43, b 10
  • Cadwall vanquished, restored to his kingdome, 111, b 10
  • Caldorus a Briton reioiseth as well at the slaughter of his owne people as his eni­mies, 65, b 10
  • Calen his graue counsell ta­keth place, 136, a 50
  • Ca [...]s besieged by Edward king of England, 240, a 60
  • Calphurmus is sent into Bri­taine, entreth into the bor­ders of his enimie, returneth to yorke, 64, b 40, 50, 60. Stu­dieth to reforme the state of Britain, returneth to Rome, 65, a 10
  • Camelon besieged by Uespa­sian, surrendred, peopled with Romans, 48, a 50, 60. Taken by force, 85, b 60. The citie throwne downe, 132, a 60. The gentelwomen there are preserued, 131, b 10. Require truce for thrée daies, b 30
  • Candida Casa, 117, b 60, 312, b 40
  • Cannus a Danish capteine landeth at the Red brates, marcheth through Angus, 165, b 50, 60. Incourageth his Danes, he is slaine, 166, a 10, 50
  • Canute brother to Swane ge­nerall against the Scots, 166 b 60, 167, a 10. His words to Edmund Ironside, 169, b 30
  • Captiuitie right happie: note, 256, a 50
  • Car Thomas, 408, b 50
  • Car Walter sent to defend Ied­worth, 409, a 5. Ioineth with William Ruthwin, 409, a 30
  • Caratake chosen capteine of the Britons, 46, b 30. Pro­clamed king of Scots, borne in Carike, 45, b 20, 40. His answer to the Romane am­bassadors, 47, a 50. Assem­bleth an armie, 49, b 60. The strength of the place where he was incamped, 60. As­sembleth an armie, 48, b 10. Escapeth, flieth vnto Dunstafage, vtterlie refuseth to become a subiect, 48, a 10, &c, b 30. Exhorteth his to fight, ouerthrowne, betraied by his stepmother, sent to Rome, shewed in triumph, di­eth, 50, a 10, &c.
  • Carantius troubleth the estate of Britaine, 71, b 60 His wi­lie practise, 72, a 10. Offereth to come to make answer vn­to such matters as he was charged with, requireth to be aided against the Romans, vsurpeth the kingdome of Britaine, hauing gotten the victorie, diuideth the ga [...]e in assigning to his confederats their due portions, 72, a 10, &c. b 10, &c. 60.
  • Carausius, ¶ Sée Carantius.
  • Carbarrie hill, 387, a 50
  • Cardane king of Denmarke, 137, b 60
  • Cardinall Gualo summoneth the Scotish clergie, 195, a 10, His auarice, condemned in a summe of monie, the Scots sore offended at him, his practise, 30, b 30, 40. Com­meth into England furni­shed with the p [...]pes authori­tie: note, 194, b 10
  • Cardinall Hugh of saint Ang [...] ­lo the popes legat, 189, b 60
  • Cardinals onlie two in Scot­land, 452, a 20
  • Carlill woon by the Scots, 194 b 40, Repared, 184, a 30.
  • Carmichell lard, 402, b 39.
  • Carolus Magnus in league with the Scots, 120, b 10
  • Carron riuer runn [...]th with bloud, 83, a 10
  • Cart [...]ndis quéen of Scots, 78, b 60. Lamenteth hir infortu­nate estate, 79, a 10
  • Cartimandua buried quicke, 51, a 60
  • Cassels earle committed vnto ward, 401, b 50. Slaine, 314, b 10
  • Cassibelane king of Britaine requireth aid of the Scots a­gainst the Romans, 43, b 60
  • Castell of Blackenesse woone, 373, a 20. ¶ Sée Blackenesse.
  • Castels surrendred and taken by force of the English, 212, a 50, 60. Repared, 90▪ b 40. In pledge, 189, b 20. ¶ Sée their proper names dispersed in this table.
  • Castius lieutenant of Britaine 84, b 60. Raised an armie, 85, a 10
  • Cathnesse the earle passeth into Orke [...]e, 317, a 30. Slaine, 317, a 30
  • Catus procurator of Britaine fled into France, 52, a 30. Wounded, 52, b 30
  • Cawmils woon by the English 363, b 10
  • Cesius Nasica entred with an armie into Gallowaie, 51, a 50
  • Ceuline king of west Saxons slaine, 110, b 20
  • Chaire of marble described, hath a fatall destinie, 30, a 60. Conue [...]d into England and placed in Westminster, 213, a 10. Remooued from Argile in­to Gowre, in the place called Scone, 132, b 50
  • Challenge made of the lard of Grange, 403, a 50. Made by the lard of Grange, against the lord Eoore, 363, b 60
  • Chancellor, the office, name, and originall thereof, 421, b 40
  • Chancellors their catalog, 449, b 10
  • Charanach king of Picts, 52, a 40
  • Chatalon in Touraine deliue­red to the Scots, 258, b 30
  • Chesholme Iohn commeth out of France, [...]03, a 60.
  • Christ Iesus his birth, 45, b 10
  • Christians: ¶ Sée Constanti­us and Dioclesian.
  • Christmas bankets resembling the feasts of Bacchanalia, 102, a 40
  • Chronicles & other books bur­ned, 212, b 40
  • Church inriched & the crowne impouerished: note, 183, a 50 Cathedrall of Murrie burnt, 251, b 20
  • Churches repared, 167, b 30 Indowed by king William, 193, a 60
  • Churchmen fauoured, 90, b 50▪ 107, b 10 Their liuings de­manded, 378, b 10
  • Claudius emperor commeth in­to Britaine, 46, a 10
  • Claudius temple builded, 48, b 10. At Colchester, 212, b 60
  • Clemencie of Iames the fourth vnto rebels and murtherers. 287, b 30
  • Clere sir Iohn slaine in the ile of Orkn [...], 364, a 20.
  • Clergieman slaine and what seuere execution insued, 196, a 50. ¶ Sée Churchmen, Fere­deth, and Préests.
  • Cneus Trebellius appointed in Agricola his place. 59, a 60
  • Cobois capteine. 350, a 10
  • Coilus his subtiltie, entred in­to Scotland with an armie, slaine, and his armie discom­fited, 34, a 30, &c. b 20
  • Coine imbased, 283, a 60
  • Colchester, 48, a 60, b 10
  • Colgerne a Saxon is sent for by Occa, 100, a 60. Landeth in Northumberland, b 10, Created duke of Northum­berland, 101, a 20. Reprooueth Loth, is run through by his aduersarie, 102, b 40, 60
  • Colman conuerted the Saxons, 114, b 50. Erected a monaste­rie, 115, a 60. Gouernor of Marre, a wise counsellor, his oration before king Achaius: note, 120, b 60
  • Colmekill, 84, b 30
  • Colmes inch Ile w [...]me by the English, 343, b 30
  • Combat in a case of treason, 180, b 10. ¶ Sée Iusts.
  • Com [...]t. ¶ See Blasing star.
  • Commissioners sent into Eng­land, 401, a 60
  • Commotion against Aruira­gus, 46, b 40. Betweene the earls of Murrie and Hunt­le [...], 304, a 20. In Scotland, 156, a 30: note the end, a 30, 40. ¶ Sée Angus, Uariance.
  • Composition vnwise, 216, b 50
  • Compostella ¶ Sée Brigantia.
  • Conanus chosen king of Scot­land, persecuteth offenders, renounceth the estate, 39, b 10, &c. Giuen to excessiue glutto­nie, conspired against, com­mitted to close kéeping, his officers punished, 63, a 10, &c. Dieth, 63, b 60
  • Conanus Camber counselleth the Britons to séeke peace with the Scots, and slaine a­mongst them, 87, b 20, &c. 50. Goeth about to persuade his countrie to breake the peace with the Scots and Picts, 89, b 60
  • Concubine▪ ¶ Sée Daisie.
  • Concupiscence, 118, b 20
  • Confession of a murthering quéene: note, 118, a 20
  • Congall vpon conditions cou [...] ­nanteth to aid the Britons, 96, a 50. Promised to aid the Picts, 93, b 20. His exhorta­tion to the Scots, 95, a 50 Wounded but yet escapeth, 95, b 10. Deceaseth, 99, a 10
  • Conranus generall of the Scots, 98, a 40. Maried Ada the daughter of Aurelius, 98, b 60. King of Scots main­teineth good order, present at assises, 99, a 10, &c. Murthe­red in his bedchamber by tre­son, 104, b 30
  • Conscience guiltie of a tyrant, 172, b 30. Troublesome, 70, b 40. A hellish torment, 158, a 10 &c. Accuseth a man, 151, a 50.
  • Conspiracie of people against their king, 40, b 40. Of the Scotish lords against Iames the third, 286, b 40. Of lords against Robert Bruse king: note the issue, 223, a 10. Of the commons of Britane against their nobles, 90, a 60. Of Scotish lords against Ro­macus, 74, b 50. Against Cō ­rane, 104, a 40. Against king Ethus, 140, a 20. Against king Constantine and the same executed, 137, b 30, 40. Of Ferquhard: and note the end thereof, 37, a 60. Agréed vpon by indenture, 213, a 40▪ Discouered, 50. The parties examined, 60. Their end: note 214, a 10, 20, &c. It and mur­ther, 62, b 50, 60. ¶ Sée Per­sies and Treson.
  • Conspirators of king Iames the first his death, 266, b 10, &c. Search made for them, their execution, 267, b 10, 20, &c. Drowned and otherwise reprochfullie executed: note, 167, a 60. Put to a most horri­ble death: note, 147, b 10. Dis­couered and pardoned: note, 177, a 20
  • Constantie of the Picts when they were besieged, 131, b 60
  • Constantine aspired vnto the crowne, 158, b 60. Crowned by force of fréends, 159, a 10. In armes against Mal­colme and Kenneth, 159, a 60, [Page] b 10, &c. Assembleth a mightie armie, 138, a 60. Proceedeth against his enimies, b 60. Is slaine, 160, a 10
  • Constantine crowned king of Scots at Scone, 137, a 30. He would faine recouer his predecessors losses, he deui­seth a reformation of disor­ders, 40, 50, &c. Conspired a­gainst, b 20. And the conspi­rators executed, 40
  • Constantine placeth his soldi­ors and incourageth them. 139, a 30. He is taken & mur­thered, 60, b 10
  • Constantine proclamed king of Britaine, 81, a 10. Slaine, 81, b 60
  • Constantine proclamed heire apparent and prince of Bri­taine, 105, a 60. Crowned king of Britaine, 107, a 10. Forsaketh his earthlie king­dome in hope of the heauen­lie, entereth into religion, 107, a 40. Murthered, 50
  • Constantine the first, king of Scots, nothing like his vn­cle in noble conditions, 91, b 30, &c. Slaine by one whose daughter he had rauished, 92, a 10
  • Constantine the third, king of Scots beginneth his reigne 145, b 20. Becōmeth a canon, 146, b 10. His decease, 30
  • Constantius a moonke elected of Britaine, 92, a 40. Mur­thered, 50
  • Constantius persecuteth the Christians, 73, a 30. ¶ Sée Dioclesian.
  • Contention about the inioieng of the sée of saint Andrews, 303, a 30. Betwéene earles and other states, 306, b 20, 307, a 30. Betwéene kinsmen for the crowne, 204, b 30. ¶ Sée Dissention.
  • Conuall elected king of Scots, his deuotion to the crosse, 107, a 60. Towards church­men, b 10. And churches, 20. Deceas [...]th, 108, a 30
  • Conuall succéedeth Achaius, and is king of Scots, decea­seth, 125, a 40
  • Corbreid king of Scots, 50, b 10. His thrée sonnes, 53, a 30. Deceaseth, 53, a 10. ¶ S [...] Gald.
  • Cormach bishop of Dublin went to king Gregorie about peace, 144, a 10
  • Cornelius and his huge armie, 143, b 10. He is sore woun­ded, 40
  • Cornewall castell woone, 344, b 60
  • Corpus Christi least first insti­tuted, 198, a 60
  • Cotten capteine of Inskith, 350, b 50
  • Couetousnesse hath a pretense, 114, a 20. The root of all mis­chiefe, 175, a 50. Linked with crueltie, 118, b 30
  • Councell held at London, 92, b 60. Without the cleargie, 377, b 60. Called by Con­stantine the third, 146, a 60 ¶ Sée Parlement.
  • Counsell graue taketh place, 136, a 50. Good of graue men despised, 128, a 30. Euill of a wicked woman followed with destruction: note, 150, a 60, &c. Ill of a woman to reuenge, &c: note, 156, a 60. Good of capteins not regar­ded, 300, b 60
  • Coun [...]sse of Leneux borne, 303, b 60. ¶ Sée Margaret, and Leneux.
  • Crab a pirat and a [...]eueller: note, 232, a 10
  • Craftsmen brought into Scot­land to instruct the people, &c. 39, a 10, &c.
  • Cragmiller prouost of Eden­burgh, 387, b 50
  • Cranestane capteine ouer­throwne, 437, a 20
  • Crathlint chéefe conspirator to the murthering of Donald, procureth the nobles to op­presse the seruants of Do­nald, 70, b 60. Reioiseth to heare that Carantius was aliue, resolueth to aid him and so certifieth him, cōme [...]h to a communication with the king of Scots, 72, a 40, 50, 60. Made king of Scots, his politike gouernment, go­eth to hunt, promiseth to ob­serue the ancient amitie be­twixt the Scots and Picts, 71, a 20, &c. Destroieth the temples of God and man, 73, a 30. Dieth, 50. Causeth a commotion, instigated to re­uenge, 156, a 60. Taken and executed, b 30, 40
  • Creichton William a Scot im­prisoned in England, 436, a 60
  • Cressingham Hugh regent of Scotland, 208, b 50
  • Crosse called the Blacke crosse, 177, b 50
  • Crosse called the Roicrosse: note 187, [...] 40
  • Crowdan what it signifieth note, 167, b 10
  • Crowne of Scotland changed, 35, b 60. Intaled, 221, a 10. An act for the succession thereof, 225, a 60, 245, b 40. ¶ Sée An­gusianus, Contention, Scot­land.
  • Crueltie of the Scots, 88, a 10, 132, a 50. 131, a 20. Of Sum­merleid, 185, b 50. Of Mak­beth, 174, b 40. Of Britons extreme, 107, a 20. In Warre, 237, a 30, 40. Of a théese to a widow, 263, b 60. Barbarous and vnnaturall: note, 278, b 30, &c. Of one brother to ano­ther, 205, a 10. Of rebels, 186, b 50. Caused through feare, 174, a 40. ¶ Sée Britons, Danes, Makbeth, Sweno, Théeues.
  • Culen crowned king, requireth publike praiers to be had, his oth, 151, a 20, &c. Continued not as his beginning was 152, a 30. His lewd and wic­ked inclination, 40, &c. He is murthered, 60
  • Cullen capteine taken, 403, a 20
  • Cumberland inuaded, 249, a 10
  • It & Westmerland do homage vnto England, 147, a 60
  • Cumin Dau [...]. ¶ Sée Erle of Atholl, Bruse.
  • Cumins kindred when they had their beginning, 182, b 30, 40. Complained of and put to the horne, 198, a 20. Great of power and honor: note, 198, a 30
D
  • DAcres lord Warden of the West marches of England, 309, a 60
  • Daisie the concubine of Iames the third, 283, a 60
  • Dales their names changed, 131, b 10
  • Danes shot quarels and threw darts, 139, a 60, Their cruel­tie in such places where they came, b 40, &c. Prepare to bat­tell, 141, a 10. Their chéefe ge­nerall, 50. Fled to their camp, 40. Their apparell, weapons, and proportion of bodie, take flight, 138, b 10, 20. The cause that made them arrere warre against England and Scot­land, 137, b 10. They vse great crueltie, 138, a 10. Séeke to reuenge old losses, 154, a 50, 60 Consult to go into England, to saile into Kent, land at Montrosse, come to the riuer of Taie, b 10, &c. Forsake the fields, 155, b 30. Procure war against England, 148, a 30 Breakers of saith and pro­mise, 164, a 20, b 50. Their crueltie, 164, a 10. Their bones séene in diuerse places, 166, b 10. Slaine néere vnto Gemiuer, b 50. Put to flight, 165, b 10. Slaine at Abirlem­non, 166, a 60. Their crueltie, 165, b 50. Their bones of great bignesse, 167, b 10. Put to flight by the Scots, 148, b 60. To be baptised, 145, a 60 Discomfited b 60. Conceiue hope of good successe, 60. Uan­quished and buried in saint Colmes church, 170, b 40. O­uercome with drinke fall a­sléepe, 170, a 50. Slaughte­red, 170, a 60. They and the Norwegians come to aid the Scots and Picts, 57, b 20. They and the Picts ioine themselues togither, fled into Northumberland, their nobi­litie slaine at Berwike, 140, b 60. The order of placing their armie, 139, a 10. They and the Norwegians chased by the Scots, 200, b 10. ¶ Sée Acho, Englishmen, Scots.
  • Dansing, 203, b 60. ¶ Sée woon­der.
  • Darcie sir Anthonie knight, 291, b 20
  • Darcie sir Arthur knight sent to the borders, 318, b 10
  • Dardan king of Scots, 53, a 10 Falleth into all kind of vices, beheaded, 53, a 40, 50
  • Dauid king his liberalitie, in­uadeth Northumberland, 240 a 20. The borders of Eng­land, 40, 60, With a great ar­mie, b 60. His valiance, taken by Iohn Copland, 241, b 10, 20. Deceaseth after he had re­pented him of his mariage, 244, a 60, b 60
  • Dauid king conueied ouer into France, 231, a 50. The north parts of Scotland obeie him, 236, b 50. Returneth to Scot­land, 239, b 30
  • Dauid the fierce and the first of that name king of Scotland, 182, b 60. His care for the poore, 60. A builder of ab­beies, 183, a 10. Inuadeth Northumberland, 184, a 10. Mortified from the world, his oration to his nobles, te­stifieng how patientlie hée tooke the death of his sonne: note, 184, a 60, b 10, &c. His ex­hortation to his nobles, his departure out of this life, 185, a 50, 60
  • Dauid Fauconer slaine, 316, b 50
  • Dauid Richio the quéenes se­cretarie slaine, 382, b 50
  • Déed of gift after the old forme and fashion, 248, a 60
  • Deglaston battell, 110, a 10
  • De [...]ra wasted by fire and sword, 123, b [...]
  • Denmarke and Scotland in a­mitie, 266, a 10. Munition for warre sent from thense, 295, a 60. The king thereof com­meth into Scotland, restored vnto his kingdome, 291, a 30
  • Derth great, 198, b 30. Ex­treme and lamentable: note, 239, [...] 40. Excéeding, & after that a plentie, 192, b 20
  • Derth and famine extreme, 216, a 50, And how helped, 209, b 40
  • Derth and deth, 185, b 30 237, b 60, 238, a 10. By pestilence, 268, b 60
  • Desire. ¶ Sée Bruse.
  • Desiée monsieur [...]ieth from Iedworth, 350, a 40. Retur­neth into France, 351, a 10
  • Deth of kings, 259, b 40, 50. Of noblemen, 276, b 10. Of great personages, 292, b 10, &c.
  • Deth sudden, 36, a 30
  • Diana honored of the Scots, the goddesse of hunting, 36 b 10
  • Diet superfluous and excessiue restreined: note, 137, a 50, 60 Fine cookerie banished, 63, b 60. Delicat spoken against, redressed, and when baked meat began in Scotland, 264 b 20, &c. 60. ¶ Sée Surfet­ting.
  • Dinnune burned, 336, a 30
  • Dioclesian persecuter of the Christians, 73, a 10
  • Dionethus reputed for the se­cond person in the realme, 86, a 30. Ioineth with the Scots against the Romans, procla­med king of Britaine, esca­peth slaughter, 85, a 20, b 60, &c.
  • Discord amongest a companie harteneth the enimie, 59, a 60. ¶ Sée Contention and Dis­sention.
  • Disloialtie, 223, b 60. ¶ S [...] Disobedience.
  • Disobedience in the Dow­glasse, 268, a 50. Punished, 209, b 50
  • Dispensation from Rome, to marrie with the lord Derne­leie, 381, a 50
  • Dissention betwéene the earle Morton and the lord of Iohnstone, 436, b 40. Amon­gest the nobilitie, 423, a 50. Betwéene the pope and king Iohn, 193, b 50. In England, 277, b 30. A pre­sent destroier, 32, a 50. ¶ S [...] Contention, Nobles.
  • Dissimulation and deliting in lies, 175, a 60. Craftie & clo­ked, 40, b 40, 60
  • Diuorse betwéene the queene and the earle of Angus, 313, b 18
  • Dobegnie lord dieth, 292, b 10
  • Dogs of Scotland commended 71, a 60
  • Dolphin of France maintei­neth warre against the Eng­lish, 258, b 20. Marieth Mar­garet daughter to K. Iames, 266, a 20
  • Domitian the emperour enui­eth the prosperous successe of Agricola, 59, a 60
  • Donald Bane vsurper of the crowne, fled into the Iles, re­stored to the crowne, 180, a 50, &c. b 50. Studious to main­teine his subiects in peace, conuerted to the christian [Page] beléefe 67, b 60, He dieth, 68, a 30
  • Donald brother to Findocke king of Scots, 70, a 60 Dieth a 30
  • Donald Ballocht inuadeth Lochquhaber, 263, b 20 Fli­eth, his head sent as a present to the K. three hundred of his complices hanged, 263, b 30
  • Donald discomfited, chased, ta­ken, dieth in prison, 181, a 10 20, &c.
  • Donald apprehended and put to death with his complices, 118 a 60
  • Donald of the Iles mainteineth robbers, 118, a 30. Rebelleth, 257, a 10, Flieth, b 10, Sub­mitteth himselfe, 20, 279 a 50, Becommeth mad, 60, Slaine by a minstrell, 260,
  • Donald of the Iles inuadeth Scotland, 70 a 60 Suddenlie setteth vpon the enimies b 10 Taketh vpon him as king, & is murthered, 40, 60
  • Donald king of Scots studieth to reduce his subiects to ciui­litic, promiseth to aid Ful­gentius, 66, b 50, 60. Offereth to yéeld himselfe vpon certein conditions, but is not recei­ued, 69 b 60, Deuiseth how to murther king Findocke, 70, a 10. Resisteth Gormond, 145 a 20, His death, b 10
  • Donald the fourth K. of Scots, of dissolute behauiour, admo­nished of his nobles, 134, b 20 30: &c. He with the noblemen are sent home againe, 136, b 10. Taken with the nobilitie, 135, a 60. Fal [...]eth to his old vices againe, laid in prison 136, b 60, He killeth himselfe, 137, a 10
  • Donald the fift king of Scots, a good iusticer, and religious, 144, b 60. ¶ Sée Conspira­cie.
  • Dongall made king of Scots. his politike rule, 92, a 30. A seuere punisher of malefac­tors, raiseth an armie against rebels, 125, a 50, 60, b 10
  • Dongall his displeasure with the Picts answer, 126, a 40 His good counsell, 91, b 60
  • Dongard king of Scots, his acts and déeds, his vertues, 90, b 30. Slaine, 91, a 50, b 10
  • Donwald king of Scots, 113, a 20, Drowned, b 20. His pe­tition for rebels reiected, hee conceiueth hatred against the king, is counselled to kill him, 150, a 40: &c, Committeth the fact, b 10: &c, A verie dissem­bler, 60. Taketh his flight, 151, a 50. Taken prisoner, ex­ecuted, b 20, &c.
  • Doorus writeth vnto certeine Scotish lords to mooue them to rebellion, 69 a 20, His fa­uourers put [...]o death, 30
  • Doruadill king of Scots, a louer of peace and delighted in hunting, 36, b 30
  • Dowager sued vnto by the go­uernour, 344, b 10. She pro­miseth aid out of France, 344, b 20. Saileth to France 352, b 60. She commeth vn­to the English court, 354, a 60. She séeketh to be gouer­nour, 355, b 60. Made gouer­nour by parlement, 357, a 10 Hir oration to the nobls, 373, b 40. Sée Marie & Quéene.
  • Dowglasse Anthonie taken prisoner, 254, b 60, Infortu­nate in battell, 255, a 10, 20 Gouernour elected, 232, a 60 In armes against Edward the third, 232 b 50. Bam­shed, 317, b 10. Arrested and put in prison, 264, a 40. In­uadeth England, 254, a 50 Prisoner, 243, a 60.
  • Dowglasse earle Iames decca­seth, 250, a 30
  • Dowglasse Iames, his vali­antnesse against the Turks, landeth in Spaine, slaine by the Saracens, how oft he had gotten the victorie, 228, a 40 &c.
  • Dowglasse Ione conuict of tre­son, 320, a 50
  • Dowglasse Margaret hir birth, life, death and buriall, 414, b 40, 415, a 10
  • Dowglasse William of Liddes­dale prisoner, 232, a 20 Ran­somed, 235, a 60. Created earle of Dowglasse, 240, b 40. Claimeth the crowne, 245, a 30. Honoured for his prowesse, 248, b 10. Chosen admerall by the lords of Prutzen, he is slaine, 252, a 20
  • Dowglasse earle sent vnto an abbie, 284, b 30. Goeth into Italie, 273, b 20. And into England without licence of the king of Scots, 60. Su­eth for pardon, 274, a 10. En­uieth those that beare rule a­bout the king, 20. His great port, 268, b 50. Made duke of Touraine, 260, a 60. His va­liantnesse, 249, a 10, &c. b 4 [...], 50, 60. Deccaseth, 247, b 30
  • Dowglasse earle marrieth his brothers wife, 275, b 10. His companie shrinketh from him 276, a 20, He withdraweth into England, he is discom­fited, 276, a 40. Answereth the K. of Scots ouerthwart­lie, and is slaine, 274, b 30
  • Dowglasses forfalted or attein­ted at parlement, 275, b 20, 30. Of puissance and authoritie: note, 276, b 40, 50. Whie they beare the bloudie hart, 227, b 50. How they came by the earledome of Murreie, 245, b 10. A name beloued of the people, 274, b 20. They beare all the swinge and swaie, 271, a 30, b 30. Of great aliance: note, 274, b 10. Their rising to honour, 215, a 40, &c b 30
  • Dowglasdaie giuen in spoile vnto the men of warre, 275, b 50
  • Downe castell yéelded, 401, a 50
  • Downgarg besieged, 143, a 60
  • Downske castell besieged, 115, b 60
  • Draffan castell yéelded, 392, b 60
  • Drownelow sands, 170, b 10
  • Druides and their authoritie, 40, a 50, 60
  • Drumlanrig lord warden of the march, 393, a 40. Wri­teth letters, 344, b 70. Scour­ged by horsemen, 345, a 30. They barrie his countrie, 345, a 30 Pursueth the Eng­lish, 345, a 50. Put to flight, 345, a 60
  • Drusken king of the Picts, 128, a 60. Hastilie inuadeth his enimies, 129, a 40. Com­meth to rescue his people, 129, b 60. Persuadeth vnto peace, 130, a 10. Imbolde­neth his people, 60. Escapeth by flight, 129, b 10. Slaine, 130, b 30
  • Dublin besieged, 143, b 50
  • Duchmen ariue in Scotland, 52, a 50
  • Duffe king of Scots crowned, goeth to the Westerne Iles, purgeth them, 149, a 20. He falleth sicke, a 60. His regard to haue iustice execu­ted, b 10. Restored to health, 150, a 10. Rewardeth his friends, b 10. His seruants cut his throte, his buriall, b 30, 40. His bodie taken vp out of the ground, and ho­nourablie buried, 151, b 20, 50
  • Duke Alexander of Albame taketh the sca, 280, a 30. Re­turneth into Scotland, 307, b 10. Uisiteth the borders, the second person of the realme, 305, a 10, 20. His arriuall in Scotland, 303, a 60. Receiued into Eden­burgh, 60. Blamed, 284, b 40. Confirmed tutor by par­lement, 302, b 20. Flieth to Dunbar, 284, b 10. Com­meth into England, 283, a 40. Rec [...]nciled and recei­ued into his countrie, b 30 Warre denounced against him by an English herald, 307, b 60. Returneth into France, 312, a 30. Goeth ouer into France, his request and vaine brag, hee [...]etur­neth into Scotland 309, b 10, 20, &c. Imprisoned 282, b 20 Escapeth, 30
  • Duke of Chalterault gathereth a power, 400, a 10. He retireth to Glasco, 400, a 30. He besie­geth Glasco, 400, b 10. For­falted, 403, b 30
  • Duke of Lancaster commeth with an armie vnto Eden­burgh, 247, b 20. His disloial­tie, 223, b 60
  • Duke of Leneux hath the earle Moortons lands, 434, a 10. Banished, 434, b 30. ¶ Sée Leneux.
  • Duke Mordo and other péeres arrested, 262, b 10. He and his sonnes are beheaded, 262, b 30
  • Duke of Northfolke and the Scotish lords méete at yorke 393, b 60
  • Duke of Rothsaie and the ladie Anne de la Poole maried, 285, b 50. His insolent out­rage, 253, b 60. Commit­ted to prison, 254, a 20
  • Duke of Summerset entreth Scotland, protector of Eng­land, 341, a 50, b 60. He bur­neth a péece of Leith, 343, b 40. He brideleth the Scots, 345, b 40. A digression con­cerning him, with prophesies touching his rising and fal­ling, 434, b 40, 50
  • Dukes first created in Scot­land, 425, b 50. 252, b 20 Of other countries being Scots their catalog, 428, a 20. None in Scotland nor England, 434, b 30. Their catalog, 426, b 50
  • Dunbar stronglie situated, 402, a 40. Deliuered after the death of Richard the third, 286, b 10. The castell in the Englishmens hands, 285, a 20. Rendered to king Ed­ward, 208, a 30. Rased, 391, a 40
  • Danbar in Angus, and Dun­bar in Louthian, 106, b 30
  • Dunbar fam [...]lie, 131, a 60
  • Dunbreton whie so named: note, How called before, 136, a 10. An­cientlie called [...]iciuth, &c. 56, a 20. Burnt, 262, b 20. The castell taken, 303, a 20. Taken by po­licie, 402, a 10
  • Duncane king of Scotland, of a soft nature, 168, b 10, 20, &c. Be­stirre [...]h himselfe in assembling an armie, 169, b 60. His small skill in warlike affaires, 169, a 10. Fied to the castell of Ber­cha, 170, a 20. His wife whose daughter, his death inforced, and buriall, 171, a 30, 60
  • Duncane the base sonne of Mal­colme crowned king, lacketh skill in ciuill gouernement, he is slaine, 180, b 20, &c.
  • Dundée and whie so named, 192, a 20. Abandoned of the Eng­lish, 348, b 20. Fortified by the French men, 348, b 40. The men craue aid of Fife, 409, b 70
  • Dunkild castell, 108, a 10
  • Dunfermling church builded, 179, b 10
  • Dunse burnt, 362, b 50
  • Dunsman castell builded, 174, a 50
  • Dunstafage builded, 41, b 40
  • Durham abbeie spoiled, 241, a 20 The bishoprike burnt by the Scots, 223, b 40. The church by whom built, 179, a 60
  • Durstus chosen king of Picts, besieged of Romans, brought prisoner to London, 80, b 10, &c.
  • Durstus king of Scots conspired against, 40, b 30. Besieged and flaine, 41, a 10. His two sonnes slaine, 41, b 60
  • Durtie rode, 259, b 60
  • Dusdere set on fire, 346, a 10
E.
  • EClipse of the s [...]nne terrible, 265 a 40
  • Edelfred king of Northumber­land, 109, a 40. Lost one of his eies, 109, b 60. His dis­pleasure, 110, b 60. He is slaine, 111, b 20
  • Edenburgh recouered to the go­uernour, 332, a 10. The pro­uost sendeth to the erle of He­reford, 334, b 20. Entred by force, 334, b 50. Burnt, 334, b 60. Deliuered to the lord of Erskine, 357, a 10. Kept by the lard of Grange against the regent, 402, b 20. Edenburgh m [...]ls broken, 410, a 10. The castell taken by the regent and the English, 412, a 20. Whie cal­led the Maiden castell, 414, a 10. The names and building there­of, 414, a 10. The whole towne in a tumult 308, a 30. The castell, or the castell of Maidens left of the Picts, 132, a 60 Besieged, 310, a 50. Forti­fied by the earle of Angus, 313, a 10. A session there in­stitu [...]ed. 317, b 50. Besieged, 282, b 30. The prouost and the ba [...]liffes thereof deposed, 307, b 20. It and Striueling ca­stels woone by the English, 208, a 60. ¶ Sée Agneda tou­ching the name.
  • Ederus king of Scots burneth his [...]nimies ships, 43, b 30, 50 Deceaseth, 44, b 60
  • Edgar crowned, 181, a 40. His vision, 20. The first annoin­ted king of Scots, 50. Ra­ther reuerenced than dreaded, his death, 181, b 20
  • [Page] Edgar Etheling of treason, 180, b 10
  • Edmund Ironside. ¶ Sée Canute.
  • Ednam burnt, 363, a 60
  • Edrington taken prisoner, 363, a 30
  • Edward of Carnaruan K. of En­gland commeth into Scotland, 216, a 40. Taketh vp souldiors, b 50. Out of what countries he had aid, 60. His promise, 217, a 20. Thinketh himselfe sure of victorie 40. His exhortation to his armie, 218, b 10. Entreth Scotland, put to flight, 221, a 40 50. He is deposed, b 60. Sendeth a nauie into Scotland, 227, b 40 Escapeth the hands of the Scots: note, 219, b 40
  • Edward Longshanke meaneth to make some conquest of Scot­land, 204, b 10. Dieth, his cru­eltie, 215, b 50, 60
  • Edward king inuadeth Scotland, 210, a 50. Commeth to Berwike, he hath homage doone to him, 206 b 10, 50. Burdened with crueltie & tyrannie by the Scotish wri­ters, 208, b 60. His great prepa­ration to inuade the Scots, 212, a 30. Maketh peace with the Danes, 159, b 40. Sendeth am­bassadors into Scotland about the election of a new prince, 157, a 10
  • Edward the third crowned king of England, 225, a 10. Inuadeth the Scots by land, 235, b 60 Had two kings prisoners at once, and how he sat at the table with them, 243, b 10. Purposeth to subdue the Scots. 232, a 20 Enuieth the felicitie of the Scots, 229, a 20. His purpose to destroie erle Thomas: note, a, 40 In armes against the Scots, 225, b 10. Breaketh vp his campe, 226, b 10
  • Edward prince of Scotland decea­seth, 179, b 60
  • Edwin a right christian prince, 111, b 30 Slaine, 113, a 20
  • Eganus murthereth his brother, 125, b 30. Liueth in feare, 40 Strangled of his quéene: note, 50
  • Egeldred chased into Northum­berland, getteth aid from the Scots, 162, b 60. The battell be­twixt him and Sweno, escapeth by flight, 163, a 10, 20, &c.
  • Egfred king of Northumberland, his answer to an ambassage tou­ching restitution, 115, b 10, 40 Slaine, 116, a 10, 60
  • Eglenton erle committed to ward, 401, b 50
  • Elgarine yéelded forts vnto the Danes, 148, a 40. Taken priso­ner, a 60. Drawne in péeces, b 10
  • Ella. ¶ Sée Osbert.
  • Eltham slaine by his brother, 237, a 40
  • Emperor commeth into England, 308, a 40
  • Emulation. ¶ Sée Strife.
  • England diuided betwixt Canute & Edmund Ironside, 169, b 40 Frenchmen & Scots banished from thense, 308, a 40. Inuaded, & diuerse places burnt & wasted, 224, a 10, &c. The names of the kings thereof mistaken in Sco­tish writers, 147, b 30. An armie of Frenchmen and Scots enter into it, 248, a 10. Diuided into seuen seuerall kingdoms, 109, a 30. ¶ Sée Cumberland. Dissention, and Northumber­land.
  • Englishmen and Britons ioine their powers with the Picts, 134, b 60, Inuade Northumber­land, 183, b 40. Fled into Scot­land, 177, b 20. Inuade Lou­thian, 135, b 10. Manie of them drowned, 40. Slandered of the Scots, 310, b 60. Thir­tie thousand horssemen ouer­throwne in trenches, 219, a 40 Discomfited, 221, b 60. Aland at Leith, 334, b 10. The order of their armie, 340, a 60. Their fléet, 341, b 10. Their capteins taken, 342, a 20. Their horsse­men beaten backe, 343, a 30 They returne home, 343, b 40 Horsmen ouerthrowne, 347, a 20. Repelled at S. Mannets, 347, b 40. Put to the woorst at a skirmish néere Hadington, 348, a 20. Make a rode in­to Scotland, 362, b 40. Put the Scots to flight at Halt­wel Sweire, 363, b 50. Burne the Ile of Arrane, 364, a 60 Desirous to reuenge the in­iuries doone vnto them, 56 Inclosed in a cellar to kill K. Robert Bruse, 220, b 40. Put to flight by the Danes, 163, a 10. Their miserie vnder the bondage of the Danes, 163, a 50, 60, b 10, &c. Their crueltie, 208, a 10. Their armie passe through Scotland from the south parts to the north, 212, a 40. They & Danes fall out & fight, 147, a 20. Their harts begin to faint, put to flight, 219, b 30. Chased & loose whole countries, 241, b 60. Intrap­ped, put to flight, taken priso­ners, 242, a 60. Inuade the Scotish borders, slaine and drowned, 246, b 20, 30. Dis­comfited in Fife, 247, b 30 Their offer to haue Scots ioine with them in league, 265 a 60. Make war vpon the Scots, and whie, 322, b 40 Fetch a bootie out of Scot­land, 298, a 10. Their cruell dealing towards the Scots, 259, b 40. Their policie, 233, a 10, &c. They lie in wait for the Scotish fléet, incounter a fléet of Spaniards, 266, a 30, 40 Foiled & slame by the Scots, 273, a 60. Fetch booties out of Scotland, 272, b 40. Inuaded Scotland, 60. Thanke God for victorie against Iames the fift, 301, a 30. Inuaded Scotland, discomfited, 311, b 40, 50. ¶ Sée Britons.
  • Enuerloch builded, 43, a 50
  • Enuernesse builded, 43, a 60 ¶ Sée Inuernesse.
  • Enuie & spite causing murder, 246, b 60. At others honor, 274 a 20. ¶ Sée Hatred.
  • Eptake citie woone by the Ro­mans, 54, a 20. Taken & bur­ned by Uoadicia, 54, b 10
  • Erle of Angus commeth into England, 312, a 40. His re­quest, 312, b 60. Feareth the sentence of forfalture, bani­shed, 307, b 40 He & the quéene his wife at mutuall hatred, 306, b 20. He and others recei­ued into fauor, 304, b 30
  • Erle of Arrane in the kings displeasure, 280, b 40. Licute­nant to Iames the fourth, 291, a 40. Reuolteth from the gouernor, 304, a 50. He & An­gus at dissention, 306, b 60 Stealeth away, 304, a 10. De­clareth to the gouernour the minds of the lords, 308, b 40
  • Erle of Atholl gouernour of the Ballioll in Scotland, 234, b 60, Flieth into the moun­teins, submitteth himselfe, 235, a 60. Slaine, 236, b 10
  • Erle of Crawford vpon submis­sion pardoned, deceaseth, 275, b 10, 20. In exile, 246, b 60. His pardon begged, 247, a 10
  • Erle of Cumberland heire ap­parant to the king of Scots, 146, a 10. Of Hereford inua­deth Scotland, 338, b 40. Of Huntleie hath lands giuen him, 275, a 40. Of Leneux in ward, 305, a 30. ¶ Sée Lene­ux. Ot Mar slaine in his bed, 230, b 50, 60, Of Mentith poisoned, 198, a 50. Of Mur­reie &c, elected gouernor, 235, b 10. Taken prisoner, 236, a 50 Sent into France, 232, a 30 ¶ Sée Murreie. Returneth out of France, 235, a 40. Of Namure commeth into En­gland with an armie, 235, b 60 Of Northumberland made lord warden of the whole marches, 309, b 10. Lieute­nant of the north, 241, a 30. Of Ormont generall of the Sco­tish armie, 272, b 60. Exhor­teth his people, 273, a 20. Ui­ctorious, 273, b 10. Taken prisoner and beheaded, 176, a 40, 50. Of Rutland generall of the English forces in Scotland, 351, a 40. ¶ Sée Rutland. Of Salisburie, ex­changed for the erle of Mur­reie, 240, a 10. Of Shrews­burie inuadeth Scotland, 308, a 40. Of Surreie sent into the north, 289, b 30 Lieutenant vnto Henrie the right in Scotland, 299, b 50. Inuadeth Scotland 309, b 60 with an armie of 40000 men, 311, a 60. Made warden ge­nerall, 309, b 10. Of Sussex entreth into Scotland, 364, a 40. Of Sowtherland. ¶ Sée Sowtherland.
  • Erle Cochram of Mar and o­thers hanged, 283, a 60, b 10. Dauid of Huntington, 189, a 50. 191, b 20. Entreth the citie of Acon, 50. Taken prisoner, redéemed, 192, a 10. Deceaseth 195, a 40. Dowglasse. ¶ Sée Dowglas. Duncane Stew­ard of Lencux beheaded, 262, b 40. ¶ Sée Leneux. Randall gouernour of Scotland, 228, b 10. Richard of Glocester, 178, a 10. Thomas the gouer­nour poisoned, 228, b 20
  • Erles of Bothwell, 250, a 60. ¶ Sée Bothwell.
  • Erledome of Rosse, giuen vnto william Rosse, aliàs Lesle, 202, b 40. Transferred to the Stewards, 257, a 40
  • Ersilton a prophesier or runer, 203, a 60
  • Erthquake 292, b 40. Terrible, 192, b 60
  • Erthus the sonne of Ethodus begot Ferguse, 81, a 20
  • Ester, strife about the celebra­ting of it, 113, b 50
  • Etauges taken prisoner, 349, b 10
  • Ethelbert baptised, 110, b 60
  • Etheldred with [...]s two sonnes Alured & Edward, 169, b 50
  • Ethfine king of Scots a peace­able prince, deceaseth, 118, a 10, &c.
  • Ethodus king of Scots re­quireth restitution of his sub­iects goods, exhorteth the K. of Picts to war against the Romans, 64, a 10, &c. Sore wounded, & committed to the cure of surgeons, 78, a 60. Confined into Denmarke, 79, a 60. Brother to Eugeni­us interteined in Denmarke, 81, a 10. Ouerthroweth the Picts, 77, b 60. Uisiteth his countrie to sée iustice main­tained, giueth himself to hun­ting, murthered by a musici­an, 66, a 20, &c.
  • Ethodus the second, king of Scots couetous, slaine of his own seruants, 68, a 30. ¶ See Eugenius.
  • Ethus king of Scots saued by flight, 139, b 10, &c. Surna­med Lightfoot, 140, a 10, Neglected oportunitie, con­spired against, 20. Arrested with his fauourers, 30
  • Etius lieutenant of the Ro­mans in Gallia, 85, a 60. Re­fuseth to aid the Romans, 87, b 10
  • Euan a conspirator disquieteth the K. and realme, 137, b 10. Lieutenant of D [...]stafage, 20. He is executed, 137, b 40
  • Euers Rafe knight, inuadeth Scotland, 336, b 60. Defaceth the monuments of the Dow­glasses, 337, a 10. Slaine, 337, a 60. His seruice against the Scots, 337, b 10
  • Eugenius and Ethodus the sonnes of Fincomarke, 74, [...] 60. Conueied into the Ile of Man, b 40
  • Eugenius king of Scots, 86, a 40 Dieth, 90, b 20
  • Eugenius inuested K. of Scots suspected of his predecessors death. 104, b 40, &c.
  • Eugenius rewardeth his sol­diors, 106, b 10. Inuested K. in arms against the Britons 76, a 60, b 10, &c. Discomfited, 77, a 10. Breaketh vp his campe, 20. Prepareth an ar­mie to defend his countrie, 60. Comforteth his people, b 10. Slaine, 78, a 10
  • Eugenius his humanitie to his people, 105, a 10. Agréeable to the Picts requests, b 60. A ra­nisher, 107, b 60. Gouerneth his people with clemencie, 107, a 10. Deceaseth, 60
  • Eugenius the fourth, king of Scots a louer of peace & qui­etnesse, a sharpe iusticer, 111, [...] 50, 60
  • Eugenius the fift K. of Scots, his commandement, gathe­reth an armie, 115, b 10, &c. 50. Dieth 116, a 60
  • Eugenius the sixt K. of Scots 116, a 60. Deceaseth, b 10
  • Eugenius the seuenth king of Scots crowned, suspected of murther, causeth his ance­stors histories to be written, 117, a 10, &c. Deceaseth, b 10
  • Eugenius the eighth inuested king of Scots, peruerted with sensuall lust, murthered, 118, a 60, b 10, 40. ¶ Sée Mor­dred.
  • Ewin chosen king of Scots, 41, a 40
  • Ewin the second, chosen king, 42, b 60. Resigneth the state, his decease, 43, b 10, 20
  • Ewin the third, king of Scots of that name licentious, 44, b 60. Pursued & forsaken of his subiects, condemned to perpe­tuall prison, strangled, 45, a 40
  • Ewin his lawes abrogated or rather altered, 179, b 10
  • Excōmunication how to be vsed 390, b 60. Of a king, 114, a 20
  • Execution with seueritie, 196, a 40. without respit, 223, a 60: note, 240, b 60
F.
  • [Page]F [...]ble of a fox, 175, a 40. ¶ Sée Tale.
  • Factions of Scotland seueral­lie named, 423, a 50
  • Fairies. ¶ Sée Prophesie.
  • Fame ofrentimes excéedeth the truth, 217, a 10. ¶ Sée Report.
  • Familiar [...]ie of a subiect with a quéene: note, 280, a 20, [...]c.
  • Famine extreame and lamenta­ble, 239, a 40. ¶ Sée Derth.
  • Fast castell woone, 343, b 50
  • Fawkirke battell, 424, a 20
  • Fealtie. ¶ Sée Homage and Swearing.
  • Fenedocht the thane of Atholl, 126, b 20
  • Fenella, a malicious woman & reuengefull: note, 158, a 60, b 10
  • Feare the force thereof euen in nobles, 42, a 20. Of outward enimies causeth quietnesse at home, 186, b 10
  • Feare & tumult, 95, a 20. ¶ Sée Crueltie.
  • Feredeth taketh from the cler­gie their priuileges, 124, b 60. Slaine, 126, b 40. He is buri­ed, 127, a 10
  • Ferguse is sent to aid the Goths against Rome, 80. a 40. Returneth from Italie in­to Denmarke, 60. Sent vnto the Scots dispersed, prepa­reth himselfe to war, 81, b 10, 20. He with his ships arriued in Murreie firth, receiued to: fullie of the Picts, conuei­ed into Argile and there in­uested king, purposeth to as­saile his enimies in the daw­ning of the daie, 82, a 10, &c: b 60. Married a daughter of Graham, 83, a 60. Inuadeth the confins of Britaine, b 10. Disuaded to fight with the Romans, 40. Diuideth the land in parts, 84, a 60. Repa­reth churches, castels, &c. 84, b 30, &c. Exhorteth his people to valiantnesse, 85, b 10. He & Durstus slaine, 85, b 60. His bodie buried in the abbeie of Colmekill, 86, a 50
  • Ferguse the third created king of Scots, a wicked prince, 118, b 60. Strangled by his wife, 119, a 10
  • Fergusus sent into Scotland, landed in Albion, made king, 32, b 40, 50, 60. Assembleth a great power of Scots against Coilus, 34, a 60. Went into I­reland, & is drowned, 35, a 30
  • Feritharis chosen K. of Scots, 35, b 20. Inthronised, note the solemnitie, 50. Suddenlie dead, 36, a 30
  • Ferlegus exiled. 36, a 30
  • Fernishurst cast [...] woone by the French, 349, b 50
  • Ferquhard king in Ireland, 32, b 40
  • Ferquhard king of Scots, 112, a 40. Mainteineth ciuill dis­cord, infected with the Pela­ [...]an heresie, taken prisoner, b 10▪ His desperat end, 113, a 10
  • Ferquhard the second king of Scots, first couetous, now li­berall, 113, b 60. Excommuni­cated, 114, a 30. Uices wherto he was giuen, 30, &c. He fal­leth sicke, 60. Sent for his confessor, b 10. Yéeldeth vp the ghost, 30
  • Ferquhard a Scot verie strong and valiant, aduanced, 202, b 60. ¶ Sée Conspiracie.
  • Fethelmacus murthered in his bed, 76, a 20. ¶ Sée Angusia­nus.
  • Fetherston sir William knight: note, 247, a 60
  • Fite sometimes a part of Pict­land now of Scotland, 76, a 40. It with other countries in subiection to the Romans, 55, b [...]0. Put to fire & sword, 129, b 40
  • Fiacre giueth himselfe to liue a solitarie life in France, 112, a 50. His praier, b 40
  • Fincomarke king of Scots, be­ginneth his reigne, 73, a 50, 60. Raiseth his power, ioineth battell, b 20, &c. Deceaseth, 74, a 50. His sonnes Eugenius and Ethodius, 60
  • Findocke king of Scots, his vertuous disposition, maketh a iorneie into the Iles to sub­due rebels, 69, b 20, &c. Slain, 70, a 20
  • Finmacoll the great hunter, 89, b 50
  • Finnan bishop, 114, a 40
  • Finnanus K. of Scots. 40, a 40
  • Fire caused through wind, 203, b 30
  • Fishes like vnto men in shape, 139, b 20
  • Fishing, a law made for it, 358, a 20, 281, b 40
  • Fleance defloureth the prince of Wales daughter, 171, b 60. Slaine: note, 173, a 10. ¶ Sée Banquho.
  • Fleming lord escapeth, 402, a 20
  • Fleming ladie honorablie in­treated, 402, a 50
  • Fleming Robert, a worthie yoong gentleman, 213, b 40. Rewarded for his faithfull seruice, 220, a 50
  • Florence reedified, 123, a 60. The armes thereof, 123, b 60
  • Forboise Arthur slaine, 408, a 40. Put to flight, 408, a 50. A­lexander his house, great be­lied wife and his children burnt, 408, a 60. They receiue aid from the king, 408, a 60. They follow seuerall leders, 408, b 10. Go [...]th to Aberden, 408, b 10. Ouer­throwen besides Aberden, 408, b 20
  • Forboise the master beheaded, 320, a 60
  • Forboises the beginning of the name, 212, b 30. Disagrée, 408, a 10
  • Ford castell woone, 350, a 20
  • Fort builded at Aberladie, 351, a 20
  • Forth called the Scotish sea, 136, a 10
  • Fortune brittle, 135, b 60
  • Foster sir Iohn, 361, a 60
  • Fothadus the great bishop of Scotland vndertaketh to cō ­clude a pea [...]e betwixt parties at deadlie variance: note, 160, b 40, 50, &c.
  • Fraie with bloudshed about a dog: note, 71, b 10. Among no­blemen being on hunting, 108, b 60
  • France in old time Gallia, 45, b 60
  • Fratricide, 237 a 40
  • Frenchmen depart Scotland, 372, b 40. Their gallies com­pas about Scotland, 347, a 50 They séeke to make a peace betwéene the quéene and the lords, 387, b 10. Depart Scot­land, 375, a 10, Require a crowne matrimoniall, 365, a 10. In miserable state in Scotland, 350, a 50. They & the Scots cannot agrée, 248, a 20. They make a rode into England, 350, a 10. Returne home, 352, a 60. Incampe at Muscelborrow, 347, b 10, Come into Scotland, 346, b 40. Whie they forbare to giue an assalt, 346, b 60. With them of Edenborow make a fraie, 348, a 50. They giue a canua­sado to Hadington, 348, b 10. Sent into Scotland, 363, a 60. What parts of christen­dome they possessed in old time, 122, a 40
  • French king taken prisoner, 243, a 50. Sent to persuade the king of Scots to warre, 295, a 20. Requireth aid a­gainst England, 294, b 50. Sendeth monie into Scot­land, 409, b 50
  • Friers, foure orders of them, & a commandement against de­uising new orders of them, 203, a 20. Blacke, their first comming into Scotland, 196, b 10. Carmelits first cōming into Scotland, 198, a 60. Mi­nors first cōming into Scot­land, 196, b 30
  • Frieries destroied in Striue­ling, 367, a 10
  • Frontinus purposeth to pursue the conquest of the Silures, requireth to tome in amitie with the Picts, 54, b 40. Uex­ed with sickenes returneth to Rome, 55, a 20
  • Fulgentius capteine of rebels, 66, b 60. Incourageth them to sticke to their enterprise, 67, a 40. Put to flight, b 10. With­draweth into Pictland, 20
G.
  • GAlane king of Picts succo­reth the Scots, 92, b 30
  • Gald king of Scots punished such as disturbed the peace of the stat [...], 53, a 60, b 10. Labou­reth to abrogat wicked laws, b 20. Determineth to fight with the Romans, 50. Pro­miseth to [...]aine in league with the Picts, 56, a 10. The same of his puissance putteth the Romans in feare, b 50. Cho­sen generall against them 60. Setteth vpon one of his eni­mies in the night, 57, a 10. Commeth into Dundée, con­sulteth how to procéed in his wars, b 40. Commeth to aid the Pices, exhorteth the peo­ple to fight manfullie, 58, a 40, 50. By reson of the multitude thinketh to inclose his eni­mies, b 10. Pursueth the Ro­mans, 60, a 20. Studieth to preserue his subiects in good quiet now after the wars en­ded, 60. b 60. Deceseth, 61, a 10
  • Galgacus. ¶ Sée Gald.
  • Gallio Rauenna is sent to Bri­taine, pursueth the Scots & Picts, causeth the wall of A­bircorne to be repared, retur­neth into France, 86, b 30, &c.
  • Gallowglasses, 143, b 20
  • Gallowaie wherof so named, 61, a 10. Inuaded by the Irish­men, 142, b 30
  • Garlisch the lard, 403, b 60
  • Garnard the king of Picts ioi­fullie receiueth Gildo, they assembled a councell, deter­mined to rest all the winter & make frontier wars onlie, 57, b 40, 50. Inuadeth Scotland, 116, b 50
  • Gathelus giuen to will & plea­sure went into Eegypt, his dooings aduanced, seeketh o­ther countries, repelled from Britaine, landed in Portin­gale, 29, a 20, &c, b 10, &c. Buil­deth the citie of Brachara, 30, a 20. Intituled K. of Scot­land, his lawes, 30, a 50, 60
  • Gawen in seruice with K. Ar­thur, 102, b 10. Slain, 106, b 10
  • Genissa wife of Aruiragus be­ceaseth, 47, b 10
  • Gentlemen restored, 359, a 60
  • Germans cōming to serue Ro­mons rebell against their cap­teins & leaders, 57, a 60. A co­hort of them restored the Ro­mans side néere at point to haue had the woorst, 58, b 30
  • Gift of the pope to a Scotish K. 192, b 40. To K. Iames the fourth, 288, b 30. Of K. Willi­am to K. Richard, 192, a 60
  • Gifts preuaile where as faire words faile, 78, b 20. Giuen to king Iames by his wiues friends, 261, b 50. Required as a lone, 114, a 10
  • Gilbert bishop of Cathnesse ca­nonised a saint, 190, a 20
  • Gilbert of Gallowaie rebelled, he is vanquished, 189, b 30, 40
  • Gilcombe spoileth Scotland, maketh himselfe L. of Gallo­waie, slaine, 205, a 60, b 10
  • Gilcrist declareth what he is, 191, a 10. Murthreth his wife vpon suspicion of adulterie, 190, a 60. Proclamed a trai­tor, 60. His miserable estate, deluing of clods & turffes, as­keth pardon of the king in an vnknown habit, 190, b 20, 50, 60. Receiued into the kings fauor & restored to his lands, the disposing of them after his death, 191, a 10, 20, 30, &c ¶ Sée Gilbert.
  • Gildo is kept off from landing, arriueth in Taie water, is receiued, 57, b 20, &c
  • Gilespie Rosse a rebell behea­ded, 196, a 30.
  • Gillequhalme the sonne of Do­nald, 119, b 60
  • Gillo capteine of exiles vanqui­shed, 79, b 10
  • Gilpatrike and others spoile Scotland, 205, a 50
  • Gillus his craftie working, 41, a 60, Created K. for feare goes about to murther Dothans sonnes, counterfeiteth a zeale to iustice, rebelled against, de­parteth secretlie to Ireland, purchaseth aid, 42, a 30, 40, &c. Taken, beheaded, 43, a 10
  • Glames made lord chancellor, 421, b 20. Conuict of treason, 320, a 50
  • Glasco taken, 371, a 30
  • Glencarne erle his double dea­ling, 344, b 60
  • Gluttons neuer satisfied, 265, a 10. ¶ Sée Diet.
  • Godredus. ¶ Sée Olauus.
  • Goodwine sands, 180, a 20
  • Gordon Adam, 408, a 30. En­treth Angus, 409, b 60
  • Gordon Alexander hanged, 379, b 70
  • Gordon Iohn and the lord O­giluie fight, 379, b 40. He is imprisoned, 379, b 10. He esca­peth, 379, b 10. Summoned by the quéene, 379, b 10. Accom­panied with a great number, 379, b 20. Commanded to Striueling castle, 379, b 50. He disobeied, 379, b 58. Be­headed, 380, b 40
  • Gordon lord married to the kings bastard, 295, a 10. Cre­ated erle of Huntleie, 381, a 60
  • Gorden erle of Southerland [Page] forfalted, 380, b 60
  • Gordons and Forboises doo fight, 407, b 40
  • Gonorrhea, 152, b 50
  • Gormond arriueth with a nauie in Northumberland, 145, a 10 Ouerthrowne by Alured, 40 He is baptised, 50
  • Gothred mooueth a rebellion, he is taken & beheaded, 193, b 30, 40
  • Goths make an expedition a­gainst the empire of Rome, 80, a 40
  • Gouernement giuen by lots, 34, b 60
  • Gouernor of Scotland whiles a new king was chosen, 42, b 20. Sendeth to France, 344, b 20, He resigneth, 356, a 10 He agréeth with the Dowa­ger, 357, a 10 Made duke, 357 a 20. ¶ See Duke of Albanie, Pardons, Scotland,
  • Gouernours appointed to the kings person, 305, a 60. At disagréement causeth ill dis­posed persons to wax bold in dooing mischéefe, 280, b 60, 281 a 10. Foure vnder king Eth­fine, 118, a 20. Of Scotland their catalog, 417, a 40
  • Gowrike erle beheaded, 443, a 20
  • Graham lord Montrosse made L. tresuror, 443, a 30. The an­tiquitie of that name, 443, a 30
  • Graham and his linage, 83, a 60
  • Graimes authoritie in orde­ring the ba [...]ll, 89, a 30. ¶ Sée Graham.
  • Graimsdike, 87, b 60
  • Gratian vsurpeth the gouer­nance of Britaine, 81, b 60 Slaine by Maximus, 80, a 40
  • Greefe taken at hart the losse of life, 256, a 60, b 10. The cause of death, 282, b 60. 180, a 1 [...]
  • Gregorie chosen king of Scots, 140, a 40. Giuen wholie to godlines, neuer maried, sober, his expedition into Fife, b 20, &c. His saieng to his soldiors, 141, a 20. Suffered the inha­bitants of Northumberland to inioie their lands, 60, b 10 Wintered at Berwike, pre­pareth an armie against the Britons, his consideration, b 20, &c. Requireth a resignati­on of Cumberland and West­merland, 142, a 40. His deuise, 143, a 20. Assault [...]d the Irish, his mercifull vse of victorie, 50, 60. His wise & godlie an­swer, 144, a 20. Receiued into Dublin with procession, 40. Kisseth the crucifix, 50. En­treth the castell, 60. His re­turne to Scotland, b 10. His death, 30. Buried in Colme­kill, 40
  • Greie lord desireth to incounter the Scots, 341, b 40. Entreth Scotland, 372, b 10
  • Greie lord of Scotland taken prisoner, 363, b 10
  • Greies a surname in Scotland, 262, a 20
  • Grime causeth himselfe to be crowned king, his liberalitie, against Malcolme & of grea­ter force than h [...], 160, a 10, 20, &c. He and Malcolme recon­ciled, 161, a 40, 50. His altera­tion from noble qualities to detestable vices: note, 161, b 10, &c. In armes afresh a­gainst Malcolme, discomfi­ted, and miserablie ended his life, 162, a 10, &c. 60
  • Guainor king Arthurs wife, 106, b 10, 40
  • Guiderius the British king re­belleth against the Romans, 45, b 40. Slaine, 60
  • Guise the first duke his death, 352, a 70
  • Guitellus generall of the Bri­tish armie, 92, a 60. Causeth fiue hundred of the enimies to be hanged, b 10. Slaine with twentie thousand Britons, 92, b 50
  • Guns made and superscribed: note, 293, b 50
  • Guthred king of Man, 201, a 40
H.
  • HAdington besieged, 346, b 60 Uittelled, 351, b 20, Rased & left by the English, 351, b 50 S [...]ege remooued, 347, a 30
  • Haie an husbandman with his two sonnes their valiantnes: note, 155, a 60. Refused costlie garments, is made one of the nobilitie, reuenues assigned him, 155, b 60. His request, arms or ensignes; 156, a 10
  • Hamilton sir Iames arrested, 321, b 20. Beheaded, 321, b 34 Hurt, 316, a 20
  • Hamilton lord marieth with the kings sister, 280, b 50. Taketh part with the erle of Argile, 371, a 20
  • Hamilton palace burnt, 400, b 70. The castell be [...]eged, 400, b 40. Deliuered to the Eng­lish, 400, b 40. Blowen vp, 400, b 60
  • Hamiltons fouretéene slaine, 362, b 10. O [...] whom descen­ded: note, 225, b 40. Mingled with the kings bloud, 60
  • Harold passeth into Norwaie, drowned in his returne, 201, a 60. ¶ Sée Herald at arms.
  • Haruest wet a cause of derth, 198, b 30
  • Hastings his challenge to the crowne of Scotland, 205, b 60
  • Hatred, 110, b 60. Procuring murther: note, 150, a 50, &c. Betwéene the quéene and hir husband, and the cause, 306, b 20. ¶ Sée Enuie & Malice.
  • Heirgust chosen king of Picts, 76, a 10. Desireth the vtter de­struction of Scots, 78, b 10 Killeth himselfe, 80, b 10
  • Heirgust slaine, 98, b 10. ¶ Sée Maximus.
  • Hemecus K. of Ireland, 31, a 20
  • Hengist purposed at the first to make conquest of Britons, his offers misliked of Bri­tish nobles, prolongeth time to giue battell, 94, a 30, &c. b 50 He & Horsus reteined in ser­uice with Uortigerne, 93, a 20 ¶ Sée yorke.
  • Henrie the fourth K. of Eng­land crowned, 253, a 20. In­uadeth Scotland, 253, b 30
  • Henrie the fift taketh the prince of Scotland ouer with him into France, 259, b 10. Me­naceth the Scots, marieth the French kings daughter, 258, a 60, b 10 Discomfited by the Welshmen, 258, a 30. Re­turneth into England, 280, a 40. By safe conduct commeth into England, 279, a 60. Im­prisoned, 280, a 60
  • Henrie the seuenth deceaseth, 292, b 60
  • Henrie the eight séeketh to kéep the duke of Albanie out of Scotland, 306, b 40. Doubt­eth to haue the duke of Alba­nie gouernor to the yong king his nephue, 307, b 60
  • Henrie Beauclerke K. of Eng­land, 181, a 60
  • Henrie prince of Scotland de­ceaseth, 184, a 40. His issue, 50
  • Henrie inuadeth Scotland, 194 b 20
  • Henrie Hotspur, 249, a 30. As­saileth the Scots at [...]l­don, 254, a 60
  • Hepborne Iames his familia­ritie with the Q. of Scots mother to Iames the third, 280, a 20
  • Hepborns their first aduance­ment, 250, a 60
  • Heraclianus is sent against Uictorine, 84, a 10. ¶ Sée Uictorine.
  • Herald at arms sent into Scot­land to denounce war, 307, b 50, 60. Sent to the duke of Northfolke, 371, b 60. Sent to the quéene of Scots, 372, a 60. Being an Englishman his report of K. Robert Bru­ses valiancie, 227, a 10, 20, &c.
  • Herbert king of Britaine sent ambassadors to K. Gregorie, 142, a 20
  • Herdunt threatneth the Scots, 141, a 10. Assembleth his men togither, remaineth in campe, 50, 60
  • Hereford. ¶ Sée Erle.
  • Heresie Pelagian, 89, b 20, 98, b 60. In Pictland, 107, b 50
  • Hermophrodite buried quicke: note, 278, b 20
  • Herr [...]s lord his lands spoiled, 274, a 30. And he hanged, 50
  • Hessen. ¶ Sée Rhene.
  • Hiber returned into Spaine, & succéedeth his father, 30, b 60 A conqueror, 31, a 10
  • Hibernia of whom so named, 30 b 30
  • Hilland mans salutation, and whie so named, 197, b 10
  • Hoddom yeelded to the Regent, 392, a 40
  • Holiburton Iames defendeth the countrie against the En­glish, 345, b 30
  • Holie rood house builded, 183, a 30
  • Hollanders & the erle of March at wars, 265, b 30. Their ships taken, 291, b 10
  • Homage required by summons, 185, b 60. Of the Scotish king for certeine earledoms: note, 183, b 30. Doone by the king of Scots, 184, a 30. Doone to the king of Eng­land, by the king, prelats, and nobles of Scotland, 189, a 60, b 10. To king Edward of Carnaruan, 215, b 60. Of the barons of Scotland to king Edward, 208, b 30. ¶ Sée Balioll.
  • Horsses presented to Iames the fourth, 291, b 50. Trapped and presented to Iames the fourth, 292, b 40. Affrighted, 246, a 40
  • Horsses and mares out of Hun­garie into Scotland for brood 265, a 60
  • Horsus, 93, a 20. ¶ Sée Hengist.
  • Hostages required, 136, a 30. Deliuered to king Iohn, 193, a 30. ¶ Sée Pledges.
  • Howard sir Edmund freshlie assaulted, 300, b 40
  • Hubba saued from drowning, 138, b 40
  • Hume Alexander deliuered out of prison, 399, b 10
  • Hume lord chamberleine, 301, a 10, 20. Submitteth himselfe, 303, b 60. Denounced a rebell, 303, b 40. Taken, 403, a 20. He and others conuicted of trea­son, 304, a 10. Arrested, com­mitted to ward, beheaded, 304 b 60. His head taken downe, 307, a 60
  • Hume castell rendred vnto the English, 343, b 40. Recouered by the Scots, 349, a 60
  • Humber a fatall place for the Britons to be vanquished in, 106, a 10
  • Hungar kept the battell, 139, a 20. His vow, 139, a 20
  • Hungus king of Picts refuseth to conclude league with the French, 122, b 50. Aided with Scots inuadeth Northum­berland, 123, b 60. He warred without slaughter and bur­ning, 60. Repareth saint An­drews church, 124, b 40. Fal­leth in a cōsumption, 125, a 40
  • Hunsdon lord maketh a rode in­to Scotland, 423, b 70
  • Hunting, lawes made for it: note, 36, b 40, 66, a 30
  • Huntington lands and Nor­thumberland annexed to the crowne of Scotland, 182, b 20
  • Huntleie earle giueth an ouer­throw to the English, 328, b 10. Suspected by the queene, 379, b 60 Taken prisoner, 343 a 40. Entreth bond for his countrie men, 343, a 10. Hée recouered manie lands, 358, a 10. Sent for, 380, a 30. Com­meth to Cornethie in Mar, 380, a 60. Fled, 382, b 10. Com­meth to aid the quéene, 392, b 20 Lieutenant of Scotland, 401, a 10. He scapeth 401, a 30
  • Husbandmen made honourable: note, 155, b 60.
I.
  • I Acke Straw. ¶ Sée Rebelli­on.
  • Iames prince of Scotland ta­ken by the English, 255, b 20. staied as prisoner in Eng­land, 256, a 40. His bringing vp [...]ote, the greefe of his fa­ther Robert, causing his death, 50, 60, b 10
  • Iames the first ransomed, 261, b 40. Married to the earle of Summerset his daughter, gifts giuen him, commeth to Edenburgh, 50, 60. Crowned kéepeth an audit, his solemne oth at a parlement, 262, a 10, &c. Desirous to purge his realme of vnrulie persons, 264, a 40. His saieng, 183, a 60. Murthered by conspirators, 266, b 50
  • Iames the second crowned K. marrieth the duke of Gelder­lands daughter, 268, a 20, 30. 272, a 60. Conueied to Ster­ling, 268, b 10. Will rule and reigne himself, 271, a 30. War­red against, 274, b 40. Would haue fled, 275, a 10. Writings set vp in contempt of him, a 60 Inuadeth England, 277, b 50 Slaine, 278, a 20. His buriall and lamentation of the pe [...]ple for him, his conditio [...] and issue, 30, 40
  • Iames the third king of Scots crowned, 278 a 40, b 60. Mari­ed, 280, b 20. Raiseth an armie 282, a 50. Giueth himselfe to kéeping of women and lust­fulnesse, 286, b 10. Sent an ambassage to Edward king of England, 283, a 10 He pre­pareth an armie, 20. His con­cubine named Daisie, a 60. He is kept vnder arrest, b 10. Prisoner, 50. Set at libertie, 60. Signifieth [Page] by letters his [...]ind touching the articles of Dunbar, 286, a 10. His answer & promise to an ambassage, 286, a 30, 40, 50 Conspired against, 286, b 30, 40. Gathereth an armie, 287, a 10. Put to the worst, and slaine, 50
  • Iames the fourth crowned, 287 a 60, Repentant, wore an won chaine, giuen to deuotion, a great tu [...]cer, lerned, b 10, 20, went on pilgrimage, 291, b 40 Prot [...]ctor of the saith, 40. In armes against the English, maketh too much hast, 298, a 60. Minded to kéepe his ground, 299, b 60. His quarell vnto the earle of Surrie, 300, a 30. His practise, and tokens of ill lucke to befall him, 60, b 30. Deceiued himselfe and a­lighted from his horse, his hardinesse marred all, 60, Commended, 301, b 10, 20, 50. Goeth on pilgrimage, 293, b 50. Persuadeth to peace, 294, b 50. His bastard maried, 295, a 10. Reasoneth with the counterset duke of yorke, 290 a 10. Requireth to talke with the bishop of Durham, purpo­seth to be a sutor for mariage in England, & the same com­passed, 60, b 10. 291, a 10. A wife sought out for him, 288, a 40. Goeth in progresse, b 40, Inuadeth Northumberland, 289, b 10. Returneth without pro [...]er of battell, 20. Slaine, 301, a 10
  • Iames the fift crowned, and the quéene appointed regent, 302, a 10. Great vnquietnesse in his minoritie, 60 Sutor vnto the duchesse of Longeuile, 320, b 30. H [...] marrieth Ma­rie de Loraine, 320, b 60. Hée saileth to the Iles of Orke­nie, 321, a 10. Ass [...]sted the pope 319, a 60. He saileth about the Iles, 319, b 10. He goeth the second time into France, 319, b 10. He is sutor for mariage, 319, b 40. Contracted mari­age with the ladie Magdalen 319, b 60, Returneth with his queene into Scotland, 320, a 30. Remooued from place to place, 305, a 60, b 10. Deliue­red to the kéeping of certeine lords, 303, b 40
  • Iames the sixt borne, 383, b 60. His godfathers, 384, a 20. Crowned, 388, a 10. His oth, 390, a 50. Displeased with earle Moorton, for the lord of Iohnstone, 437, b 10. His de­claration of his acts confir­med in parlement, 438, a 30. His intention drawne into certein articles, 441, b 60 His spéech to the estates, concer­ning a league in religion with England, 445, a 50. Besieged at Sterling, 448, a 40. Sen­deth to the lords of the reli­gion, 448, a 50. Granteth the request of the lords, 448, b 60. His gard remooued, 448, b 50. In custodie of the lords of the religion, 449, a 10
  • Iane daughter to the earle of Summerset maried to king Iames the fift, 261, b 40, 60
  • Iceni, 49, b 20. 47, b 40
  • Idlenesse the breeder and nou­risher of sensuall lusts, 116, b 60. The root of all mischéefe, 265, a 30
  • Idolaters of the Saxons bur­ned, 98, b 60
  • Iedworth defended from as­salt, 408, b 40
  • Iesuits redie to flie, 448, b 60
  • Image of wax. ¶ Sée witches.
  • Images of gold and siluer, 124, b 50. Pulled bowne, 366, b 20
  • Inchtuthill. ¶ Sée Tuline.
  • Incubus, 97, a 40
  • Indulph prince of Cumber­land, king of Scots prouo­ked to warre against Eng­land, 148, [...] 10. Diligent in his office, b 10 Incountereth the Danes, b 30, 40. Dieth of a wound with a dart, 149, a 10
  • Iuskith fortified by the Eng­lishmen 35 [...], a 60. Assalted by the Frenchmen, 350, b 40. Recouered by the French, 351, a 10. Raced, 391, a 40
  • Inuernesse castell giuen vp, 379 b 60. Burned, 263, a 60. ¶ See Enuernesse.
  • Iohn the king driuen into the castell of Forfaire, 208, a 60
  • Iohn lord of the Iles ateinted, 282, [...] 40. Submitteth him­selfe, 50
  • Iohn Scot fasted fortie daies, 317, a 60. ¶ Sée Scot Iohn.
  • Iohnstane lard had two houses taken by the regent, 393, a 70. Himselfe taken, 437, b 10
  • Iosi [...]a crowned king, intertei­neth philosophers, &c. 39, b 40. Deceaseth, 40, b 30
  • Ireland doctor sent into Scot­land, 282, b 40. ¶ Sée Bruse Edward, and Hibernia.
  • Irishmen fetch preies to Gal­lowaie, 248, b 30. They as­salt the Scots in two seue­rall places, fortie put vnto flight, 50. Come in thrée bat­tels, run awaie, 143, b 20, 50. Two gather their powers, 142, b 60. Their practise 143, a 10. Gentlie intreated, 30, b 50. Land in Argile, 65, b 60. Sent vpon reuenge, take a preie in Il [...], & séeke peace, 120, a 40, 50, 50. Liue by milke and by hearbes, 30, b 40
  • Irmirike king of the English­men, 107, a 60
  • Isubria. ¶ Sée Scots.
  • Italie. ¶ Sée Isubria.
  • Iudge righteous, 182, b 60
  • Iulius Agricola sent into Bri­taine, prepareth against the Scots, 55, a 10. Studieth to bring them to ciuilitie, a 60, Commeth to Sterling, b 10. Buildeth the castell and bridge, b 20
  • Iulius Cesar his inuasion of Britaine: note, 44, a 50
  • Iulius host, 44, b 30
  • Iulius Frontinus sent into Britaine, 54, b 30
  • Iurmirike. ¶ Sée Irmirike.
  • Iustice ministred without re­spect of persons, 131, b 40. Sharpelie and speedilie exe­cuted: note, 263, b 50. Se­uerelie executed against of­fenders, 228, b 50, 60. Up­right & tempered with mercie 229, a 10. Neglected, 39, a 60
  • Iusts and combats betwixt the Scots and Englishmen, 252, b 30. For life and death vpon London bridge, 252, b 40
K.
  • KAranach assaileth Sterling bridge, he is eftsoones cha­sed, comforted by his nobles, 55, b 40, &c. King of Picts slaine by misfortune of his owne subiects, 56, b 10
  • Katerans a kind of wild Scots 253, a 50
  • Keith lord taken prisoner, 363, a 20. william sent vnto the quéene of England, 453, a 20
  • Keiths, a f [...]milie aduanced for g [...]od seruice in the field, 166, a 60
  • Kenedie archbishop of saint An­drews, 276, b 40. His practise, 50
  • Kenedie Iames archbishop go­uerneth the realme of Scot­land, 279, b 50
  • Kenneth inuested king of the Scots, 128, a 20. Fortified the realme, b 10. Calleth his nobles to reuenge his fa­thers death, 20. A pretie shift of his to persuade the no­bilitie, 40. Entreth into Sterling shire, 129, a 40. Getteth into Mernes, b 40. with horsemen disordreth the Picts araie, 130, b 10. Causeth retreat to be soun­ded, b 20. His oration, 50. Sendeth to Camelon com­manding them to yéeld, 131, b 20, His extreame vow, 131, b 60. A pretie craft vsed by him: note, 132, a 20. His lawes and ordinances, 133 a 20, &c. Deceaseth, 134, b 10
  • Kenneth crowned king, vertu­ous of li [...]e, 153, a 10, &c. His oration, b 10, &c. Gathe­reth an armie against the Danes, 154, b 60. Setteth his men in arraie, exhor­teth them to valiantnesse, 155, a 10, &c. worthilie commen­ded for his iustice, poisoned his cousine Malcolme, not suspected of the fact, 156, b 50, 60. Requesteth that the crowne might come by inhe­ritance, 157, a 50, 60. He mii­nistred iustice truelie, his g [...]lue conscience, confession of his s [...]e, repentance and pilgrimage, 158, a 10, &c. Murthered: note, 158, b 30, 50
  • Kennethus Ke [...]r K. of Scots dieth of the cough, 111, a 30
  • Kentigerne begotten in a ra­uishment, 107, b 60
  • Kernes, 143, b 20
  • Kil [...]os whie so named: note, 152, a 10
  • Killegrew Henrie sent into Scotland, 410, b 30
  • Kimbaline king of Britons, 45, a 50. Deceaseth, 45, b 40.
  • King goeth secretlie to France, 318, b 60. To the west bor­ders, 329, a 10. Receiueth the order of saint Michaell, 382, b 10. Persuaded to staie the parlement, 382, b 40. He en­treth into the queenes pri­uie chamber, 382, b 50. Per­suaded by the quéene, 383, a 20. Goeth to Meggat land, 384, a 30. As a solitarie per­son goeth to Striueling, mur­dered, 384, a 60
  • King, and what mischiefes in­sue for lacke of one, 204, a 50
  • Kings, the choosing of them not allowed, 35, b 50. Of Scot­land take vpon them to rule the realme (without procura­tors) being within age, 41, b 50. ¶ See England, Scot­land.
  • Kinnatill king of Scotland, 108, a 40. His death, surren­dereth his kingdome on his death bed, 108, a 60
  • Kinter inuaded, 336, a 50
  • Kircawdie causeth the priso­ners not to returne at the daie appointed, 409, b 10
  • Kircawd [...] Iames entreth E­denburgh castell, 412, a 10
  • Knights fiftie dubbed, 264, a 20 Thirtie and two of one sur­name, 198, a 40
  • Knights of the Rhods, 182, b 50
  • Knights of saint Michaels or­der, 337, b 60
  • Knockfergus whie so named, 35, a 30
L.
  • LAncaster towne burnt, 224 a 10
  • Langton burnt, 362, b 50
  • Lawes of king Kenneth: note, 133, a 20, &c. Of king Mack­beth. 171, b 60
  • Lawes filthie, 45, a 10
  • Lecherie in Iames the third, 286, b 10
  • Legat from Rome with the an­swer made to him, 223, b 20 For a collection from the pope, 195, a 60. From pope Clement, his demand, 202, [...] 10, 20
  • Legue published by heralds, and the articles thereof, 123, a 10, 20. Betweene France and Scotland, 306, a 30. Conclu­ded, 122, b 20, 30. Renewed, 194, a 50, 207, a 60. Betwéene Emdene and Scotland, 360, b 10. Betweene the Scots, Picts, and Britons, 96, a 60 98, a 10, b 40
  • Leirmouth Iames ambassador into England, 322, b 50. ¶ Sée Liermouth.
  • Leith besieged, 368, a 50. Bur­ned, 335, a 10. Fortified, 348, a 20 367, a 40. 403, a 30. Un­prouided of vittell, 373, b 10
  • Leneux the earle gathered a po­wer, 314, a 10. Slaine, 314, a 30. G [...]th into Scot­land, 331, b 60, Confer­reth with quéene Dowa­ger, 332, a 10. His displea­sure, 332, b 30. He renoun­ceth his seruice to the French king, 332, b 40. He seizeth on the French ships, 332, b 60 Commeth to the gouernour, 333, a 10. He fortified Gla­scow, 333, a 20. He sendeth vnto the king of England, 331, b 30. He goeth into England, 335, b 10, He marrieth the ladie Marga­ret Dowglasse, 335, b 10 He is heire to the lord of Obegnie, 335, b 20. Re­turneth into Scotland, 335 b 20. In danger to be be­traied, 335, b 60, Landeth at Dinnune, 336, a 20. He procureth those of the Iles to serue the king of Eng­land, 338, a 50. He en­treth into Scotland, 344, b 40. In doubt what to doo, 344, b 60. Dissembleth with his dissemblers, 345, a 10. He with the lord wharton inuadeth Scot­land, 345, b 50. Commeth into Scotland, 381, a 10 warden of the east mar­ches, 381, b 60. Pardo­ned, 383, a 40. He returneth into Scotland, 400, a 10 He carieth Englishmen into Scotland, 400, a 40, He com­meth to Edenburgh, 400, a 40 [Page] Made regent, 401, a 10. Go­eth against the earle of Cas­sels, 401, b 40. Taken in his lodging, 403, b 50. Wounded, 403, b 60. His words before his deth, 404, a 10. His deth, 404, b 10
  • Leneux & Argile at variance, 114, b 60. ¶ Sée Earle.
  • Leneux harried, 168, b 60
  • Leneux countesse. ¶ Sée Mar­garet.
  • Lesle their familie, 425, a 10 ¶ Sée Erldome,
  • Letter of Henrie the eight an­swering the king of Scots. 297, a 10, &c. Of Iames the fourth to the king of Portin­gale, 293, a 20. Of the Sco­tish king to Henrie the eight, 295, b 40. Of Robert king of Scots to his sonne prince Iames, 255, b 20, &c. Of the prior of S. Andrews to the French king, 368, b 20. Of the French king to the prior of S. Andrews, 367, b 50. Concerning the marriage of his sonne to the quéene of Scots, 361, 20. Of the nobi­litie to the regent, 369, b 30
  • Libels against king Iames the second, 275, a 60
  • Liberalitie of king Dauid the first reproued, 183, a 40
  • Liberties of Scotland defen­ded, 190, a 10
  • Liermouth Iames would haue rescued the cardinall, 340, a 20
  • Liermouth capteine defendeth the countrie against the En­glish, 345, b 30
  • Lion crowned, 123, b 10
  • London woone by the Britons 101, b 20
  • Lordane. ¶ Sée Lurden.
  • Lords assemble, 312, a 10. Exi­led come into Scotland, 383, a 10. They make their pro­testation, 383, a 10. Flie into England, 383, a 40. ¶ Sée Conspiracie and Nobles.
  • Lorges sent into Scotland, 337, b 50
  • Lorison ¶ Sée Twinam.
  • Loth king of Picts, 98, a 40. Married to Aurelius Am­brose his daughter, 98, b 50. Contrarie to his oth of cre­dence, &c: aideth the Saxons 100, a 60. Requireth the king­dome of Britaine, 101, a 50. ¶ Sée Gouernement.
  • Lothian, of whome so named, 105, b 10
  • Louchhouse castell burnt, 437, a 40
  • Louchquhaber the reason of the name, 84, b 20
  • Louet lord slaine, 338, b 10
  • Lucius king of Britaine di­eth, 66, b 50
  • Lucius Antenous lieutenant of Britaine, 61, b 40. He is wounded, 62, a 10
  • Lugthake king of Scots, his incontinencie and other vile vices, murthered with a number of his men, 61, a 30
  • Lugtake crowned at Scone, slaine, 176, b 50
  • Lurden a terme of reproch how it came vp, 163, b 30
M.
  • MAconell Iames, 364, a 50
  • Magdalene the quéene di­eth, 320, a 40
  • Magistrats subiect to spite & enuie, 281, a 10, 20
  • Magnus king of Norwaie cō ­meth into the westerne I [...]es, 180, b 60. Sendeth ambassa­dors to Alexander, 201, a 10. His release of the Scotish Iles, 201, b 40
  • Maine the marquesse, 352, a 60
  • Mainus crowned, confirmed the league with the Picts, de­uout in religion, 36, a 40, &c.
  • Maior of yorke slaine, 222, b 20
  • Makbeth a valiant gentleman, 168, b 20. Sent against the rebels, 169, a 30. His crueltie, defamed, a 60. Assaileth the campe of the Danes ouer­come with drinke and sléepe, 170, a 50. Made thane of Cawder, deuiseth how he might obteine the kingdome, he slaieth king Duncane, & vsurpeth the crowne, his li­beralitie, and studie to ad­uance iustice, 171, all. His lawes, 171, b 60. His coun­terfet zeale and equitie, his guiltie conscience, his deuise to slea Banquho & his sonne, 172, b 20, &c. His bread, his crueltie caused through feare 174, a 30, His confidence in wizzards, his crueltie, 174, b 10, 40. His trust in prophe­sie, 175, b 60. He and Mak­duffe in armes one against another, 176, a 20. He is slaine, 176, a 30. His lawes abrogated, 176, b 50
  • Makdonald proclamed king of the Iles inuadeth Lorne & Cantire, 119, b 10, &c.
  • Makdonald Rosse a notable robber notablie punished: note, 263, b 60
  • Makdowald offereth himselfe to be capteine of the rebels, 168, b 60. He discomfiteth the kings power, slaieth him­selfe, his wife and children, his head sent to the king, 169 a 10, &c.
  • Makduffe thane of File, 174, a 60. His escape into Eng­land, b 40. His aduancement: note, 176, b 10. ¶ Sée Mak­beth.
  • Makferlane Walter, 336, a 60
  • Makintosch Lanchlane appre­hended, 353, a 30
  • Makintoschs at variance with the Glenchattens, 315, a 10. They raise sedition, 315, a 60 Their woonderfull [...]aith to their capteine, 315, b 20
  • Makpender earle of Merns slaieth K. Duncane, 180, b 40
  • Makulzen and Makbe [...] cap­teins of pirats: note, 190, b 40
  • Malcolme the sonne of Do­nald the fi [...]t, he is created heire apparant, 146, a 10. Escapeth hurts, a 60. Ad­mitted king, 147, a 10. He is murthered, b 10. Séeketh fréends against Constan­tine, 159, a 40. Goeth with an armie to fight with Con­stantine, 159, a 60. Poisoned by his cousine Kenneth, 156, b 50, 60
  • Malcolme the sonne of king Kenneth prince of Cumber­land, 157, b 30. In armes a­gainst Crime for the crowne, 160, a 10, 20, &c. Refuseth the crowne but vpon condition, he is made king, his wise­dome in ordering officers, 162, b 10, 20. Sendeth am­bassadors to the Danes, 164, a 20. Wounded, 164, b 30. His praier, 165, a 30. Hasteth for­ward to fight with Danes, his oration, b 60. Winneth the field against the Danes, 166, a 50. His ordinances & decrées after peace obteined, 167, b 10, 20, &c. He waxeth a­uaricious, cruell to purchase riches, conspired against and murthered, 167, a 10, &c.
  • Malcolme recouers the crown 176, a 40. His manlie cou­rage against a conspirator, 177, a 30. Marrieth Marga­ret, sister to Edgar Ethe­ling, 177, b 10. In armes a­gainst William conquerour, 177, b 60. Giueth himselfe to deuotion, 178, b 40. Resto­reth & erecteth bishops sees, 178, b 60. Slaine in battell, 179, b 50. A builder of chur­ches, 179, a 60, b 10. His sons 180, a 40
  • Malcolme the sonne of Henrie proclamed prince of Scot­land, 185, a 30. Summoned to doo homage, 185, b 60. Be­ginneth his reigne, his edu­cation, 185, b 20. Goeth with king Henrie into France, 185, b 60. Reproued by his nobles, goeth to yorke, sen­tence against him, besieged, hated of his people, 186, a 10, &c. Meaneth to gouerne in vpright iustice, not persua­ded to take a wife, his death. 187, a 20, 60, b 20
  • Maldwin inuested king of the Scots, a louer of peace and iustice, 114, b 60. Went about to punish the authors of a commotion, 115, a 10. Buil­deth the church of the abbie of Colmekill, 30. Strangled in his bed, [...]0.
  • Mallerie the viceadmerall of France, 348, a 40
  • Man Ile spoiled, 248, b 60
  • Manlius Ualens inuadeth the Picts, 51, a 10
  • Mar earle made regent, 407, a 20. Died, 410, a 60
  • Mar, for Marthea, 84, b 20
  • Margaret quéene of Norwaie deceaseth, 203, a 10
  • Margaret Dowglasse coun­tesse of Leneux, some part of hir life, 414, b 40, &c. Hir deth, epitaph, statelie descent, &c: note. 415, a 30, &c.
  • Marie the quéene of Scots borne, 329, b 10. Seuen daies old when she began hir reigne 330, a 20. A motion made for hir to marrie king Edward the sixt, 330, b 10. She is com­mitted to the lord Leuinstone 330, a 20. Hir mariage to king Edward confirmed, 331, a 10, The French king misliketh the match, 331, a 40. Conuei­ed to Sterling, 332, a 20. Crowned, 332, b 10. Order taken for hir custodie, 332, b 10. She goeth to Mentith, 343, b 10. Conueied into France, 347, a 60. Hir dili­gence, 350, b 40. She giueth the gouernment of the realme to the quéene mother, 357, a 40. She goeth to Inuernesse, 358, b 60. She goeth on pro­gresse for iustice cause, 359, a 30. Hir dowrie in France, 362, a 50. Hir mariage to the Dolphin of France, 362, a 60, She requireth a matrimoni­all crowne of Scotland to be giuen vnto hir husband, 365, a 20. Shée writeth out of France to the prior of saint Andrews, 368, a 40. She di­eth, 374, a 70. Hir praise, 374, b 10. She goeth into Loraine 375, a 50. Causes to make hir state in France, 375, a 60. She commeth to Calis, 377, a 62. Ariueth at Leith, 377, a 70. Hir costlie iewels and housholdstuffe, 377, b 40. She visiteth the townes of Scot­land, 378, b 10. Maketh hir progresse into the north parts 379, b 10. Maketh a progresse to Atholl, 381, a 10. She go­eth into File, 381, a 20. She marrieth the Lord Dernelie, 381, b 10. She sendeth into France for aid, 382, a 50, She conferreth with the king, 383 a 10. She commeth to Eden­burgh, 383, a 60. She agréeth the nobilitie, 383, a 10. Ta­keth hir chamber for to be de­liuered of child, 383, b 10. Sendeth vnto the quéene of England and to the king of France, 383, b 20, Sendeth for the nobilitie against hir deliuerance, 383, b 50. She goeth to Allowaie, 384, a 10. Sendeth for godfathers for hir sonne, 384, a 20. She go­eth into Meggat land, 384, a 30. She burieth hir husband not farre from Dauid Richio 384, b 20. Taken by force by Bothwell, 384, b 20. Maried Bothwell, 384, b 40. He excu­seth the mariage vnto the French king, 384, b 50. Shée gathereth a power, 387, a 40. She is taken of the lords, 387, a 40. Imprisoned in Lochleuine, 387, b 50. Sur­rendreth hir title to hir sonne, 388, a 40. Escapeth out of Lochleuine, 391, b 60. Gathe­reth a power, 391, b 60. Dis­comfited, 392, b 10. Flieth into England, 392, b 40. Commit­ted to sir Rafe Sadler, 443, a 60. Committed to sir Am [...]es Pawlet, 443, 50
  • Marie Magdalens da [...]e pros­perous for the Englishmen to fight against the Scots, 210, b 40
  • Mariage of the kings daugh­ter, and his sonne the prince of Scotland, 202, b 60
  • Mariage repented, 244, a 50, Incestuous, 275, b 10
  • Marius made king of Britaine 52, b 60. Doubteth rebellion of his subiects, 59, b 60. Com­pelleth the Romans to leaue the north parts, 60, a 10. Slaine, 81, b 60
  • Marnachus, thane of Buck­quhane, 166, b 40
  • Marquesse Dorset appointed to kéepe Berwike, 311, a 60
  • Martignes a forward capteine but an vntrue prophet, 372, a 30
  • Martyrs, 138, a 30
  • Maximian sent ouer into Bri­taine, 85, a 50. Causeth them to ioine with him against the Romans 60. Pursueth the victorie, 85, b 60. Taketh vpon him the absolute gouernment of Britaine, with the im­periall title, 86, a 30. Gran­teth peace to Scots, 86, a 60
  • Maximus his practise to de­stroie the Scots, 76, a 60. Sendeth to Heirgust king of Picts, b 10. Sendeth an he­rald to Eugenius, raiseth a mightie power, inuadeth the Scotish regions, 40, 50, 60. His feigned gréefe, 77, a 50. Approcheth towards the Scots, 60. His sudden arri­uall, b 30. Granteth peace to the Irish, and séeketh by his bountious liberalitie to win [Page] the people, [...]9, b 60. Chosen emperor in Britaine, 80, a 20. Ruled the estate seuenteene yeeres, 30
  • Marwell lord inuadeth Eng­land, 311, b [...]0. Heareth masse, 453, b 40
  • Maxwell Iohn deliuered out of prison, 399, b 17
  • Maxwell Robert base brother to the earle Moorton, 437, a 16
  • Maxwels would not be subiect to the earle of Arra [...]e, 437, b 40
  • Mentith Iohn capteine of Dunbretton castell: note, 220 b 20
  • Mercie notablie exemplified, 143, a 60
  • Metherus were men of goodlie stature, 52, b 10
  • Mernes and Angus cruellie punished, 129, b 50
  • Mesures an ordinance for them 264, a 60
  • Metellan K. of Scots, 45, a 50 becommeth friend to the Ro­mans, 45, a 60. Departeth the world, b 10
  • M [...]ke castell yéelded, 344, a 10
  • Ministers called home, 448, b 60
  • Miracle, 111, a 20. Of a child healed, 193, a 50
  • Miracles, 220, a 20: note, 254, a 20
  • Mogall admitted king, studieth to redres abuses, 61, a 60. Be­loued of his subiects, b 10. Requireth a restitution of wrongs doone by the Ro­mans, prepareth to warres, exhorteth his men vnto vali­antnesse, 20, 30, &c. Through pride abuseth himselfe in sun­drie kinds of vices, conspired against, flieth out of his owne house, murthered, 62, b 50, 60
  • Molocke a preacher, 112, a 20
  • Monasteries of Scotishmen in Germanie, 123, b 30
  • Monie, and a deuise to get it for king Iames the fourth, 291, a 50
  • Monsieur de la Uarenne sent out of France to aid the part of Margaret quéene of Eng­land, 279, b 60
  • Monsieur de Bauier slaine by the lord of Woodburne, 306, a 10
  • Monster borne, 59, a 50. Of a strange forme and of no lesse strange qualities: note, 288, a 10, &c.
  • Monsters, 268, a 10. Strange: note, 146, b 40
  • Montgomerie earle of Eglin­ton slaine, 457, a 40
  • Moone new worshipped, 36, b 20
  • Moonke poisoneth the gouer­nour of Scotland, and is bur­ned, 229, a 60, b 10, &c.
  • Moonks were preachers, 112, a 30. Called the white moonks, 182, b 50
  • Morauians helpe to apprehend théeues and offenders, 53, b 10. All slaine, 52, b 60
  • Mordacke king of Scots a lo­uer of peace, deceaseth: note, 117, b 10, &c.
  • Mordacke the kings lieutenant beareth with offenders, 118, a 40. Put to death, b 10
  • Mordacke obteineth the earle­dome of Rosse, 433, b 50
  • Mordo. ¶ Sée duke.
  • Mordred, the opinion which men conceiued of him for his wit and towardlinesse, desi­rous to be reuenged, 103, a 50 b 60. Complaineth to king Arthur, for that Constantine was created heire apparent, 105, b 10. Succéedeth Loth in the kingdome of Pictland, 105, b 10. He and Eugenius persuaded to peace, 106, a 20. I [...] slaine, 106, a 60. His li­nage quite extinct, 107, a 20. ¶ Sée Gawen.
  • Morton earle make regent, 410 b 20. Put to the worst, 402, b 60. Surrendreth his regent­ship, 416, b 10. His examinati­on, 429, b 10. He is beheaded, 433, a 60
  • Moses capteine generall vnder Pharo, his dooings not fol­lowed, he fled, called out of Madian into Egypt, not re­garded, 29, a 30, 40, &c. b 10, &c.
  • Mowbraie sir Philip knight, valiant: note, 216, b 20. ¶ Sée Beaumont.
  • Mudiard apprehended, 357, a 60. Yéeldeth to the quéene, 358, b 40
  • Murkettus (an inuador) with manie more hanged, 44, b 50, 60
  • Muredac▪ ¶ Sée Mudiard.
  • Murreie Andrew fellow go­uernour with the earle of March, 231, b 50. Taken prisoner, a 60. Commeth out of the mounteins, his wast, &c: 237, a 60. His victories, 237, b 10. Deceaseth, 238, a 40
  • Murreie William departeth from the kings faction, 391, a 60
  • Murreie earle a sutor vnto the queene, 381, a 40. Earle re­gent slaine, 397, b 20
  • Murreis rebell, discomfited and ouerthrowne, 186, b 50. De­stroied, 187, a 10
  • Murreie land, 53, a 10
  • Murret monsieur, 352, a 50
  • Murther detestable, 42, a 60 Most cruell, 40, b 60, Of one for another, 117, a 30. Suspe­cted & tried by the racke: note, 118, a 20. Whereafter insued open war, 274, b 40. By mis­fortune: note, 56, b 10. Most shamefull of K. Duffe: note, 150, b 10, &c. How punished, 151, b 20. Of a king doone by his owne hands on himselfe, 43, a 50. ¶ See Conspiracie.
  • Murtherer murthered, 70, b 50, 60: note, 125, b 60
  • Murtherers torne in peeces with wild horsses: note, 147, b 20
  • Musgraue Thomas, capteine of Berwike, prisoner, 246, a 50
  • Mutinie among souldiors, 59, a 60. Among the people of Louchquhaber, 168, b 40
N
  • NArne castell besieged, 164, a 10, Yéelded by composition, b 50
  • Natholocus chosen king, pro­clamed, 68, b 60. Goeth to Dunstafage to be inthroni­sed, 69, a 10. Séeketh loue of his nobles by bribes, putteth such to death as he suspecteth, 60. Murthered, b 10
  • Nectanus king of Picts bro­ther to another Nectanus di­eth of hurts receiued in field, 75, b 60. Warreth vpon the Scots, 75, a 20. Desirous of reuenge, 40. Inuadeth the Scotish confines, 60. Refu­seth all offers of peace, b 10. Slaine, 30
  • Nobles created, 275, b 40. Con­spire against Thereus, 39, a 60. Haue the gouernment gi­uen them by lots, 34, b 60 Slaine in battell, 210, b 30 Their presumptuous demea­nor, 283, a 50. Diuided, 175, b 50. Sweare to stand to the king of Englands order, 206, b 40. Sworne to king Ed­ward, 213, a 10. Banished in­to England, 230, a 30. Draw their swords at a parlement, and whie: note, 22 [...], b 60 Conspire, and are committed toward, 223, b 10, 20, &c. Dis­contented with the kings dooings, 149, a 40, They mur­mur, and whie, 50. Set wit­ches on worke to bewitch their king, 150, a 10. Go to wracke, 146, a 50. Slaine and taken prisoners, 241▪ b 40 Slaine at Duplin, 231, a 10 Raise an armie against king Iames the fourth, ouer­throwne, 287, b 20. Summo­ned, 284, b 20. Through feare consent to creat Gillus king, 42, a 20. Committed to custo­die, 448, b 40. ¶ Sée Dissen­tion.
  • Norman of passing strength o­uerthrowne by a Scot, 202, b 30
  • Northumberland, when it first began to be so called, 95, b 60 A portion thereof restored to the Scots, 188, a 30. Taketh part with king Malcolme, 177, b 60. Under the English­men, 189, a 50. Allotted vnto England, 147, a 60. Inuaded, 249, a 10. ¶ Sée Analassus.
  • Norweie, the king therof resig­neth his title to the out Iles, 280, b 30
  • Norwegians come to the aid of Analassus, 148, a 40. Put to flight, 200, a 60. Their fléet sunke by v [...]hement winds, 170, b 10. ¶ Sēe Acho.
  • Nothatus crowned king and murthered, 37, a 30
O
  • OBelisks, 38, b 60, 166, a 60 Occa returneth out of Germanie with a new pow­er, 101, b 60. Flieth by sea in­to Kent, 96, b 30. He and Pa­scentius re [...]urne into Bri­taine, 99, a 60. Constreined to flie, 103, a 10. King slaine, 100, 60
  • Octauius obteineth the rule of Britaine, 73, b 60. Coueteth to inlarg▪ his dominion, 74, a 10. Entreth amitie with the English king, becommeth tributarie to the Romane emperor, 40, 50. Uanquished flieth into Scotland, 73, a 10
  • Odonell the great of Ireland proffered fréendship vnto Iames the fourth, 295, b 10
  • Offenders put in feare, 118, b 10 Thrée thousand within two yeares space put to death, 263, b 50. ¶ Sée Pardon.
  • Officers created, 411, b 60. New made, 380, b 60. Changed, 357, b 60. Of king Edward chased out of Scotland, 211, b 40
  • Olauus and Godredus diuide the kingdome of the Iles be­twéene them, 201, a 60
  • Oliuer a Scot in seruice with the Saracens to their losse and hinderance, 191, b 30
  • Onetus a Danish captein slain, 165, a 60
  • Oration of Colman in the hea­ring of king Achaius: note, 120, b 60. Of A [...]bean a [...] man, 121, b 20. Of king Da­md to his nobles at the death of his sonne, 184, a 60, b 10, &c. Of the Scotish ambassa­dors to the French king, to excuse the mariage of Both­well, 384, b 60. Of an ambas­sador to Acho K. of Norwaie, 198, b 60. Of Lesle against the earle of Murrie, 376, b 20 Of the Q. Dowager at hir deth to the nobilitie, 373, b 44 Of a bishop a [...]nst the Romish clergie, 185, b 10, &c. Of Ken­neth king of Scots, 130, b 50 Of Thomas Randolph sent into Scotland, 397, b 50
  • Ordouices mistaken by the Scots, 53, b 40
  • Organ an accuser, &c. Slaine within lists: note, 180, b 10
  • Organs brought to Scotland, 264, b 10
  • Orkneie whie called Pictland, 37, b 60
  • Orkneie Iles and Shetland ingaged, 281, b 20, 50
  • Osbert put to flight, 133, a 10 His prouision by water ta­ken, 20. He and Elia kings of Northumberland, 134, b 60 He and Elia slaine, 139, b 50
  • Osrike an infidell, 113, a 50
  • Ostorius Scapula sent into Britane, 49, a 40. Incoura­geth his Romans to fight, 50, a 20
  • Oth of king Iames the first at a parlement, 262, a 60. Of knights in Norwaie to re­uenge the death of their fréends, 170, b 20. ¶ Sée Fealtie, Loth.
  • Outlawes. ¶ Sée Brudeus, Conrane.
  • Oxfordshire assaulted, 49, b 20
P
  • PAladius sent into Scotland, 89, b 20. Their apostle, 30
  • Palmer: ¶ Sée Pilgrime.
  • Pardon none to offenders for the space of seuen yeares, 286, a 60. Generall to rebels: note, 287, b 30, 277, a 30. Granted by the gouernor are void, 263, b 40
  • Paris. ¶ Sée Uniuersitie.
  • Parlement summoned, 403, b 10. Holden, 375, a 20. 382, b 60 359, a 70. At saint Andrews, 444, a 40. At Edenburgh, 391 a 10. 402, b 10. 380, b 60 361, b 30. 365, a 10. 358, b 10. 410, b 60 411, a 20. 455, b 60. 456, a 10. 456, b 30. At Striueling, 381, a 20.
  • Parlement of the thrée estates, 286, a 60
  • Parlement called the Blacke parlement, 223, a 40
  • Parlements after what order held in Scotland, 442, b 20. Nicknamed, 442, b 60. Run­ning parlement, 443, a 10
  • Pascentius. ¶ Sée Occa.
  • Pasleie taken, 401, b 10. Besie­ged by the regent, 401, b 10 Surrendered to the regent, 401, b 20
  • Patillocke called Le petit roy de Gascoigne, 261, a 60
  • Patrike Dunbar vanquisheth théeues, made erle of March, his arms, 177, a 10
  • Pauia. ¶ Sée Paris.
  • Peace intreated, 352, a 10. Con­cluded, 318, b 50. 456, b 60, 352, a 10. 358, a 10
  • [Page] Peace betwéene England and Scotland, 290. b 30. 360, b 30 Articles thereof, 374, b 40. At Notingham, 284, b 60. Con­cluded for thrée yeares, 285, a 10. 319, a 10. Concluded be­twixt the Danes and Scots, 170, b 40. Betwéene king Iohn and king William of Scotland, 193, a 10. Con­cluded betweene the lords of the religion and the quéene, 367. Betwéene England and France, 302, b 60. In Scot­land, 291, b 60. Concluded for want of power to mainteine battell, 167, a 50. Exhorted vnto after wars, 34, b 30, 40
  • Pelagian heresie, 89, b 20. ¶ Sée Heresie.
  • Penda king of Mercia, 114, b 50
  • Perkin Warbecke, 288, b 50. Marrieth the earle of Hunt­lies daughter, 289, b 10. An article for him, 290, a 10. Went into Ireland to come into Flanders, 30
  • Persecution. ¶ Sée Christi­ans.
  • Persie earle of Northumber­land, 246, a 30. ¶ Sée Henrie Hotspur.
  • Persies Rafe and Henrie priso­ners, 250, a 10
  • Persies with others conspire against Henrie the fourth, 254, b 40
  • Persies, their name and origi­nall, 179, b 60
  • Perth a towne builded and pri­uileged, 193, b 20. Otherwise called saint Iohns towne, 216, a 60. Besieged, 238, b 30, 366, b 60. Surrendred, 239, a 10
  • Pertinax sent as lieutenant to Britaine, driueth backe the Scots and Picts, chosen em­peror, 65, b 30, 40
  • Pestilence, the first cōming of it into Scotland, 203, b 50. The second that was heard of in Scotland, 242, a 10. The third time in Scotland, 246, b 10
  • Pestilence and derth great, 115, a 40
  • Petilius Cerealis a Romane capteine sent into Britaine, 53, b 30. His men slaine, & he returneth, 52, a 30. Dieth, 54, b 30
  • Philosophers thorough ship­wracke arriue in Scotland: note, 39, b 50
  • Physicians & surgeans, a law for them, 39, a 20
  • Picts and Scots ioine their powers, and enter into their enimies lands, 61, b 30. O­uerthrowne by the Romans, 53, b 40. Uanquished, 129, a 60. Sue for peace, b 30. De­sire aid of the Scots against Romans, 61, b 10. Their cru­ell dealing, 78, b 50. Punished for their vntruth, 82, a 50. ¶ Sée Uictorine. Become tri­butarie, put to base seruices, cōmanded to dwell beyond the water of Forth, diuided from the Britons by a wall, 80, b 10, &c: 50, 60. Are forbidden to creat a king, 80, b 10. Offen­ded with Maximus, 79, a 10. Their king vanquished, 93, a 60. Stand in feare of the king of Britaine. 91, b 60. Their king refuseth to be in league with the Romans, 54, b 60. Burne the citie of Tuline, 57, a 60. Send for aid to K. Gald, 55, b 60. Brought to agréement among them­selues, 56, b 30. Moue warre against the Romans, ouer­throw their foragers, 50, b 30 40. Io [...]e with Scots and Britons against the Ro­mans, 64, b 60. Send to the Scots for aid, 51, a 30. Choose Feredeth▪ to be their king, 126, a 10. Their hope deceiued, 136, b 40. Went into Den­marke and Norwaie, 50. Mi­serablie slaine without regard of person, their whole nation destroied, 132, a 40, 60. Re­maining after a great slaugh­ter dispersed, 132, b 60. Giue God thanks for victorie, 128, a 20. Fall at variance among themselues, 40. Purpose to be reuenged on the Britons by open warre, 105, b 60. Be­ginne the battell rashlie, 127, b 60. Exiled require aid of the Englishmen, 134, b 50. Came into Scotland out of Germanie, 31, b 60. Came first to Orkeneie, &c: make strong holds, require women of the Scots, good husbandmen, béecome enimies vnto the Scots, 32, a 10, &c: b 10, &c. Admonished by their wiues to peace, moued to pitie, 33, b 40, 50. ¶ Sée Constancie and Policie.
  • Pictland parted vnto diuerse men, 131, a 30. ¶ Sée Orkneie.
  • Pilgrime with letters of con­spiracie in a staffe: note, 223, a 20
  • Pirat. ¶ Sée Crab.
  • Pirats put to death on the whéele, 190, b 50
  • Placidus lieutenant of Bri­taine, his exploits, séeketh to haue peace, 84, a 20, &c. Dieth, b 50
  • Planctius sent foorth with an armie against Caratake, set­teth vpon the Scotish campe, 48, b 10, 20, &c. Left a gouer­nour, prepareth to méet the Scots, falleth sicke, dieth, 49, a 10, 20, &c.
  • Pledges sent into England, 370, a 10. Executed, 346, b 20. ¶ Sée Hostages.
  • Poison giuen but preuented, 284 b 10. To the gouernour prac­tised, 229, a 60. Of Malcolme brought into suspicion, 156, b 60. ¶ Sée Uter.
  • Policie, 239, a 60, 142, b 10. Sub­till, 243, a 60. Craftie, 106, a 50 Woonderfull, 127, b 40, To af­fright horsses, 246, a 40. Of king Edward to win Ber­wike, 207, b 60. Of a quéene, 268, a 60. Of the English to vanquish the Scots, 188, b 20 Of the Picts to escape dan­ger, 95, b 20. Of the Scots, 95, a 10. To relieue in the time of dearth, 209, b 40
  • Pomonia now Kirkwale, 46, a 20
  • Poore pittied, 185, b 10. Cared for, 182, b 60
  • Pope and king Iohn at dissen­tion, 193, b 50. Hath a thou­sand marks sent him out of Scotland, 202, a 40. Sent to intreat for peace, 284, b 60. His present to K. William of Scotland: note, 192, b 40. Sendeth a rose and a scepter to the king of Scotland, 288, b 30. His buls published, 303, a 30. His ambassadors not re­garded, 233, b 20. His autho­ritie abolished, 391, a 20
  • Praier of Fiacre, 112, b 40. Of king Malcolme, 165, a 30
  • Praiers publike made for deli­uerance from the Danes, 167, b 20
  • Preachers, 112, a 10, 20
  • Preaching despised, 159, a 30
  • Préests to be tried before secu­lar iudges, 122, b 60. Li­uings prouided for them, 36, b 20. Which should onelie at­tend their vocation, 137, a 50
  • Present of horsses and hounds, 71, a 60. ¶ Sée Horsses.
  • Presumption, 283, a 50
  • Printing first inuented, 277, b 60
  • Prior of S. Andrewes. ¶ Sée Letter.
  • Prises of Englishmen foure­téene taken, 295, a 30
  • Prisoner. ¶ Sée Captiuitie.
  • Prisoners breaking promise how disgraced, 250, b 10. Ta­ken on the king and quéenes part, 410, a 10
  • Priuilege for all the Scotish kings to be anointed, 181, a 50
  • Priuileges granted to Mak­duffes linage, 176, b 10. Gran­ted to the towne of Dundée, 192, a 40. Granted to the vni­uersitie of saint Andrewes, 264, b 10
  • Procession in signe of reioising, 292, a 30
  • Processions solémne for victo­rie gotten, 170, b 20
  • Proclamation published by the nobilitie, 446, a 50
  • Promise breakers how disgra­ced. ¶ Sée Prisoners.
  • Prophesie, 114, a 60. Of saint Colme, 111, a 50. Of Kinna­till, 108, a 50. Of a tempest, 203, a 60. Of a witch, 267, b 40. Of thrée women supposed to be fairies, 170, b 60
  • Prophesies, 32, b 10, Moue men to vnlawfull attempts, 171, a 50. Of the dukes of Eng­land and Scotland, 434, b 40. Trusted, 175, b 60
  • Prosperitie changeth conditi­ons, 63, b 10
  • Protectors of Scotland their catalog, 417, a 40
  • Prouerbe, Man purposeth, but God disposeth, verified, 200, b 60
  • Prouost. ¶ Sée Edenburgh.
  • Purseuants sent into England and France, 295, a 50
Q.
  • QUarell. ¶ Sée Fraie.
  • Quaterage kept by the Scots for defense of their li­berties, 361, b 10
  • Quéene of England desirous to speake with the quéene of Scots, 379, a 40. Disuadeth the marriage of the lord Darnelie with the Scotish quéene, 381, a 30. Sendeth to the quéene of Scots, 382, a 60. Hir answer to the quéene of Scots, 383, b 30
  • Queene Annabell deceaseth, 253, b 60
  • Quéene Dowager fled with hir sonnes into Ireland, 104, b 60
  • Quéene Iane of Scots deliue­red of two sonnes at one birth, 264, a 20. Deceaseth, 197, a 10
  • Quéene Margaret dieth for gréefe, 180, a 10. Hir bones translated, 197, b 50
  • Quéene Maud deceaseth, 183, b 10
  • Quéene mother maried, 302, b 60. In armes, 313, a 64, De­ceaseth, 280, a 20. ¶ Sée Marie.
  • Quéene Regent of Scotland, 302, a 10
  • Quéene of Scots doubted of hir owne people: note, 305, b 10. Taketh the gouernement into hir honos, 312, a 50. Hir faction ouercome, 409, a 60
  • Quéene, a murtherer, hir con­fession: note, 119, a 20. Gi­ueth hir owne sentence, and executeth hir selfe: note, 50 60
  • Quéene slaine in sted of hir hus­band, 117, a 30
  • Quéene of Scots. ¶ Sée Marie.
  • Quéenes, their méeting appoin­ted betwéene them, 379, a 50
R.
  • RAcke. ¶ Sée Suspicion.
  • Ramseie Alexander so re­nowmed, that euerie noble man was glad to haue his sonne and kinsman serue vn­der him, 239, b 40. Impriso­ned, 60
  • Randolph Thomas ambassa­dor, 397, b 50. Sent ambassa­dor into Scotland, 433, b 10 453, b 50
  • Ransome gentle and tollerable, 143, b 10. Of king Iames, 261▪ b 40
  • Rasin chéefe generall o [...] the Danes in England, 141, a 50
  • Rauishment, 107, b 60. Reuen­ged, 92, a 10. ¶ Sée Fleance.
  • Rebell. ¶ Sée Gilespie.
  • Rebels cruell, 186, b 50. Se­uerelie punished: note, 192, b 20. Pursued by the king, ap­prehended and executed, 150, a 30. Kill a sargent at armes, 168, b 50. Sharpelie punished, 229, a 10. In armes against Iames the third, & kill him, 287. a 10, 20, &c
  • Rebellion in Cornewall, 289, b 30. In England of Iacke Straw, 247, a 20. In Wales, 258, a 20. In Kent, 77, a 30. In Gallowaie, 178, a 50, And Murreie, 60. Of commons that beheaded their king, 53, a 60. Mooued by Donald of the Iles, 257, a 20. Of Go­thred sorteth to an euill end, 193, b 30. Mooued by the Murreis, 186, b 50. Practi­sed: note, 149, b 10, 20. To how euill an end it sorteth: note, 279, a 40, 50, 60. With ill successe, 189, b 20, &c. ¶ Sée Commotion, Treason.
  • Regents of Scotland their ca­talog, 417, a 40
  • Regicides. 104, b 50
  • Reingraue returneth into France, 349, b 10
  • Religion Scotish reprooued, 40, a 10. Disputed of, 366, b 10 375, a 20. Certeine burnt therefore, 321, a 60. Establi­shed, 377, b 60
  • Religious houses ouerthrowen in Edenburgh, 367, a 10
  • Report. ¶ Sée Fame.
  • Request of Haie: note, 156, a 10
  • Reutha king of Scots, 38, b 30 Resigneth the state roiall to his cousine Thereus, 39, a 60
  • Reuther crowned king, conspi­red against, fled, pursued, par­doned of life, 37, a 50, &c. b 30. Escapeth danger, passeth in­to Ireland, is sent for, his [Page] death, 38, a 40, &c. b 10, &c.
  • [...]eutherdale wh [...]e so named, 38, b 30
  • Rhene and He [...]en now called Hochrug, &c: note, 57, b 10
  • Richard king of England in­uadeth Scotland, 248, a 40. Deposed, iudged to perpetu­all prison, escapeth, decea­seth, 253, a 10
  • Richard the third would not deliuer the castell of Dunbar, ouerthrowne by the earle of Richmond, 286, a 20
  • Richard de sancto victore, 182, b 50
  • Richmondshire redéemed from spoile with a summe of mo­nie, 223, b 50
  • Right ministreth hope of good successe, 85, b 10
  • Riot. ¶ Sée Scotland.
  • Riotousnes the mother of sicke­nesses, 115, a 50
  • Robbers punished, 142, b 20
  • Robert the sonne of William conqueror, 178, a 20
  • Robert duke of Normandie whic he was not king of Ie­rusalem, 181, a 60
  • Robin hood and little Iohn his companion, 202, a 10
  • Roges punished, 154, a 20. ¶ Sée Uagabonds.
  • Rome sacked, 81, a 40
  • Romacus séeketh means to de­stroie his cousins, receiued for king, gouerneth tyranni­callie, apprehended and put to death, 74, b 10, &c.
  • Romans following too forward­lie the chase receiue damage, 77, a 60. Preuaile against the Scots, b 60. Withdraw into Cantire, &c: 60, a 20. Tho­rough policie vanquish the Scots, 49, a 20. Passe tho­rough Calidon wood ouer the riuer of Amond, 57, a 50. Their ships through want of pilots lost in Pictland frith 58, a 20. Withdraw to their campe and the Scots to the mounteins, 58, b 40. In pur­suing vnaduisedlie distressed, 59, a 10. Their fléet saileth round about the north point of Albion, 59, a 40. Determi­ned againe to fight with the Scots, fierslie assault them, put to flight, require a com­munication, submit them­selues as vanquished, depart out of Gallowaie, giue vp all their holds and fortresses, 60, a 10, &c: b 10, &c. Discomfi­ted, 59, b 10. Withdraw to Tuline, send vnto Marius king of Britaine for aid, b 60. Giue battell to the Britons, fortune fauoureth them, 47, a 20 b 60. The people of Gal­lowaie doo submit themselues vnto them, 48, b 40. Trained foorth into ambushes and so distressed, 50, b 40. Slaine, 52, a 50. Put to flight and ouer­throwne, 52, b 20. Thrée score and ten thousand slaine, 20. Ouerthrow the Scots and Picts, 52, b 60. Put to flight, 62, a 10. Inuade Scotish bor­ders, 61, b 10. Their campe assailed in the night by Uoa­dicia, 54, a 60. Uanquished, 51, a 10. Slaine, 72, b 50. Flée, and slaine, 73, b 40, 50. ¶ Sée Picts and Scots.
  • Romero Iulianus distressed, 351, b 30
  • Ro [...]e castell taken, 374, a 20
  • Rothsaie a transporter of the Scots, &c. 31, b 20
  • Rowland in fauour with the king of England made lord of Gallowaie, 205, b 20, 30. Constable of Scotland, 40.
  • Roxburgh in old time called Marken, 183, b 60. The ca­stell taken & broken downe, 278, b 60
  • Russell sir Francis knight slaine, 444, a 30. His epitaphs 444, b 10
  • Ruthwen lord repenteth, 383, b 30. Commeth to Hawike, 409, a 60
  • Ruthwen William cōmeth with a power to Driburge, 409, a 10
  • Rutland earle goeth into Scot­land, 456, b 50. ¶ Sée Erle.
S.
  • SAcrabell king of Scots sée­keth to destroie such as were in fauour with his pre­decessors, conspired against, strangled by his owne ser­uants, 66, b 10, &c.
  • Sadler sir Rafe sent to Scot­land, 330, b 50
  • Saint Andrews quondam cal­led saint Reule, 134, a 60. His crosse, 124, a 60. The Scotish mens patrone, b 10, 30. The castell besieged by the French 340, b 60. yéelded, 340, a 10.
  • Saint Colme indued with the spirit of secret knowledge, de­ceaseth, 110, b 10, 40. His pro­phesie of Eugenius, 111, a 50. He commeth ouer foorth of I­reland into Scotland, 107, b 30. Returneth into Ireland, 108, a 10
  • Saint Eutberts banner, 181, a 20
  • Saint Germane preacheth to the campe, 99, b 60. Leadeth their fore ward, beareth the kings standard, 100, a 10
  • Saint Iohns towne besieged, 231, a 60. Fortified, b 10. Woone, 20. ¶ Sée Picts.
  • Saint Phillane, 217, b 60
  • Saint Reule commeth into Fife, 76, a 40. ¶ Sée Saint Andrews.
  • Salutation of an Hillandman, 197, b 10
  • Sanctuaries, 90, b 60
  • Saracens loose the citie of A­con, 191, b 60
  • Saturdaie after noone to be kept holie, 192, b 40
  • Saxons incounter with the Scots, 96, b 20, Uanquished, expelled out of Kent, flie out of Britaine, 30, &c. Placed in Kent, 95, b 50. English brea­kers of promise, 121, b 30. Re­sisted by the Scots & Picts: note, 100, b 20, &c. Miracu­louslie discomfited, 100, a 10. Chased, made their race to­wards yorke, &c, 101, b 50. In hope of good successe begin the wars against the Scots with bloud, 93, a 40. Receiued vpon their submission, 103, a 10. Discomfit & discomfited, 103, b 10, &c: 104, a 10. Their hatred towards the British préests, 110, b 60, Conuerted by bishop Colman, 114, b 40. Put to flight, 102, b 60. Uan­quished, and diuerse idolaters of them burned, 98, b 10, &c: 60. Uanquished by the Bri­tons béecome their tributa­ries, 101, b 10. In danger of an ouerthrow, 95, a 60. First inhabited in Lindseis, against the Scots and Picts, 94, b 20, 40 A new power cōmeth ouer into Britaine, 94, b 10. Their women praised and the Britons noted of cowar­dise, 93, a 60. Returne into England and driue the Bri­tons into Wales, 107, a 30. ¶ Sée Feare.
  • Scone abbeie repared, 182, a 50. The abbeie burnt, 366, b 60
  • Scorpions two found in Scot­land, 294, a 10
  • Scota daughter to Pharo, 29, b 10
  • Scot Adam of Tushlaw na­med king of théeues, 317, a 40
  • Scot Iohn an Engli [...]an, he taught king Alured, [...] of his owne scholers, 144, b 50, 60
  • Scot Thomas, 408, b 50
  • Scots plagued for their beast­lie crueltie, 78, b 30. They and Picts pursue the Britons, 94, a 20. Assembled against the Romans, 85, b 10. In­uade the Britons, 86, b 10. Their carters furious rage, 78, a 20. Their king dooth [...] to the king of England for Scotland, 189, a 60, Slaine by the Romans, 77, b 60. Their battell ouer­throwne, 78, a 10. Indamage the Picts, 77, a 40. Repaire into Ireland, 79, b 10. Ioine with the Irish, both encoun­ter the Picts, and are ouer­throwne, 30. 40, &c. All not of one mind, 53, b 60. Agrée to fight with the Romans. 54, a 10. Discomfited, 20. Durst not fight with the Romans, submit themselues, 54, a 10, &c: b 60. Deceiued with a counterfet troope of horsse­men, fled, 128, a 10. Hono­rablie receiued of Carolus the French king, 123, a 10. Raise the wall of Abircorne, 87, b 60. They and Picts put in feare of the Saxons va­liancie, 100, b 20, &c. Put to flight, 101, a 10. Liue in quiet, 133, a 10. They and Danes ioine battell, 138, b 10. Their immoderate ioie for victorie making them fall out, b 50. Consuit to elect them a new king, 35, a 50. They & Picts twentie thousand slaine, 10, b 60. Giuen to hunting and hawking, 32, a 60. Séeke new seats, 30, b 20. Ariue in Ire­land, 40. When they receiued the christian faith, 68, a 10. How they came to be so cal­led, 29, b 10. Slandrouslie writ against the English: note, 310, a 60. They and French retire ouer the water, they burne Glendate, enter into England, 311, a 60, b 10, 40. Banished out of England, 308, a 40. A great disorder in their campe, 135, a 30. Sud­denlie inuaded, 50. Twentie thousand slaine, 60. That went with Lewis the king of France into Aegypt, 197, a 60. They and Picts inuade the Britains, 34, a 40. Re­uenge iniuries doone them, 32, b 30. Send for aid into Ireland, 40. Slaine, 343, a 60. Assure themselues vnto the English, 344, a 60. They de­liuer pledges, 345, b 20. Assu­red and yet reuolt, 346, a 30. Put to flight, 346, a 60. Their crueltie, 349, b 60. They gain by spoile, 350, a 30. They in­uade England, 360, b 60. Re­sisted by the erle of Westmer­land, 361, d 10 Breke vp their armie, 361, a 30. Discomfited by the earle of Northumber­land, 361, a 60. They assaile the English at Swinton, 361 b 60. Their horssemen [...]e, 363, a 10. Footmen slaine, 363, a 10. Put to flight at Gordon, 363, a 50. Uanquished, 368, a 50. Repell their enimies at Bonu [...]ll, 412, a 60. Denie their furtherance to the wri­ting of the annals of Scot­land, 414, b 10. Put to flight besides Brege, 414, b 30. O [...] ­teme victories in the low countries, 422, b 30. 435, b 60. Inhabit the Ile of Roth­saie, and the maine land of Scotland, make lawes and ordinances, liue in peace, 31, b 20, &c. Discomfited and dis­comfit, 75, b 30, 50. Their first annointed king, 181, a 50. Their ancient sparenesse of diet, 179, a 20. Rob the Pictish borders, discomfited, 71, b 20, 30. The line of their kings, 172, b 60. They and Picts fight for a grethound, 71, b 10. Determine to warre onelie with incursions, 127, a 10. They and Danes one afraid of another, 165, a 20. Made sober and able to abide hard­nesse, their vnquiet nature, 137, b 10. Shoot arrows and darts as thicke as haile, they are put to flight, 139, a 60. E­gerlie inuade their enimies, 141, a 10. Peace concluded with them, and lands surren­dered vnto them, b 40. Ouer­throw the Britons, 142, a 10. Their policie to haue taken yorke, 142, b 10. Their spiced cups for the Danes, 170, a 40. Grant to aid the Britons against the Romans, 44, a 10. Ouerthrowne, deuoure one another, 38, a 10, 20, &c. Pros­perous successe, 86, b 10 They and Picts kill the Romans, 52, a 20. Their vsage to burne dead bodies, 49, a 50. Their contribution for a iornie into the holie land, 203 a 30. Shew themselues too malicious in most things which they writ in delamation of K. Edward, 204, b 10, 20. Ill vsed at the French kings hands, 306, a 60. Reuiled of their owne peo­ple, 301, a 60. Inuade the bor­ders of England, raise their siege, 289, b 40, 50. Inuade England, 272, b 50. A great slaughter of them, 230, b 60. An armie of them sent into France, 258, a 60, b 20. Cer­taine noble families in Italie and Isubria sproong from them, 284, a 50. Put to flight, slaine and taken prisoners, 233, a 30. Their writers slan­der Edward the third verie maliciouslie, 229, a 40, Set vpon the Romans, 59, a 10. Giue the Romans notable discomfitures, 59, b 30, 40. As­salt the Romans at aduan­tage, 59, a 60. They and Picts breake vp their campe, 59, a 10. Determine to giue bat­tell to the Romans, 58, a 40. Disaduantaged by reason of their vnfit weapons, b 20. Slea the Romans in cer­taine garrisons, 56, a 20. As­semble, 56, a 60. Summoned by the Irish, b 60. Their neg­ligence, [Page] 230, b 30. Forced downe a hill, discomfited and flaine, 254, b 10. Reléeued at point to be ouercome, 249, b 40. Wild called Caterans, 252 a 50. Their maner to carrie a horne about their necks in battell, and whie, 251, a 10, 20. To the number of thirtie thousand inuade England, 248, a 50. Inuade Northum­berland, 247, b 40. Redie to helpe the French and hinder the English, 240, b 10. Pre­paration against them both by sea and land, 247, b 10. Dis­comfited at Falkirke, 210, b 20. Euer false to the English­men, 145, b 60. They and the Danes consedered, 146, a 10. Ouerthrowne, 146, a 40. Kéepe off the Danes from landing, 165, b 30. Their re­quest to their king for licence to fight, 167, a 20. They win the name of victorie, rather than victorie it selfe, 167, a 30. Through feare are astoni­shed, 164, a 40. Disorderlie rush out to battell, and put to flight by the Danes, 164, b 20 30. Discomfited by the Eng­lish▪ 329, a 40. Go in processi­on for ioie, 147, a 40. Staid from running awaie: note, 155, a 60, b 10. Enter further into England than they were accustomed, 222, a 40. Inuade England, b 40. Whie they vse saint Andrews crosse in warfare, 124, b 20. Receiue peace, 136, a 60. Their wri­ters burthen king Edward of England with tyrannie, 208, b 60. That were learned commanded to be resident in Oxford, 212, b 50. Slaine to the number of foure thousand 219, b 60. Write maliciouslie of king Edward, and whie, 206, a 50. Slaine like dogs, 208, a 20. Deceiued and in­trapped, 208, a 10. Withdraw to their holds, 212, a 40. With king Richard in the holie land, 191, b 30. Restored to their countries, 82, a 60. When they got certeine seats in the Ile of Britaine, b 10. Make rodes into England, 183, b 40. Hated of the Picts to the death: note, 78, b 10. They and Picts would agrée vpon no reasonable conditi­ons of peace, prepare against the Picts, their maner of en­tring into the lands of the Britains, 88, b 40, &c. Foure thousand slaine, 92, b 60. Re­new the warre against the Romans, 65, a 40. They are set vpon spoile and wast, 60. Made prouision of vittels a­forehand, 143, a 10. ¶ Sée Bruse, Crueltie, Heirgust, Religion, Romans, Seruili­litie, Spaniards, Sweno.
  • Scotish king. ¶ Sée King.
  • Scotsgilmore, 123, b 20
  • Scotland the whole realme dis­comfited, 135, a 60. Subiect to diuers gouernours, 68, a 30. The bounds of the king­dome, 134, b 10. When it tooke the name, 29, b 10. Inuaded, 308, a 40. Instructed in crafts and occupations, 39, a 10. In­uaded, 309, b 60. Parted into portions, 34, b 50. Riot and superfluous chéere brought thither, 179, a 10. The armes thereof, 123, a 30. Was frée of the pestilence and plagu [...], 115, a 50. Without a king and gouernour, 204, a 50. Inter­ [...]ed, 194, b 60. Inuaded, 284, b 10. In great disquietnesse during the minoritie of king Iames the fift, 302, a 50. Or­gans brought thither, 264, b 10. Use of baked meats when it began, b 60. Manifoldlie plaged: note, 268, b 60. Go­uerned by two rulers, 230, a 10. In peace and quietnesse, 291, b 60. ¶ Sée Horsses and Mares. Men of occupation brought thither to instruct the Scots therein, 265, a 20. Inuaded both by sea & land, 234, b 50. The north parts sore disquieted by two clans, 252, a 40. Inuaded by king Richard, 248, a 40. The line of the kings thereof, 172, b 60. A new act for the succession of the crowne, 157, b 40. En­tred into by the kings of Denmarke and Norweie, 148, b 20. Inuaded by the Danes, 163, b 60. Ruled by seuen gouernours, 279, a 10. Twelue gouernours elected to rule it, 209, a 10. King Ed­ward his officers chased from thence, 211, b 40. Six go­uernours chosen to haue the rule thereof, 204, a 60. At ciuill warres, 156, a 30. More inda­maged by domesticall théeues than by forten enimies, 188, a 10. Described: note the con­tents of the fiftéene chapters, 5, all. ¶ Sée Bishops, Crown, Gilpatrike, Liberties, No­bles, Sweno, Warres.
  • Scroope lord, ambassador into Scotland, 265, a 50. Ended the controuersie betwixt earle Moorton and Iohnstone, 437 a 60
  • Selbie sir Walter knight be­headed by the Scots, 240, b 60
  • Semple lord taken, 400, b 50
  • Sencler Oliuer goeth with the king, 329, a 20. Enuied of the lords, 329, a 30
  • Sencler bishop of saint An­drews goeth into France, 381, a 10
  • Septimus Seuerus, 66, a 60
  • Seruice well thought of, and sought for yoong gentlemen, 239, b 40
  • Seruilitie most impudent in­truded, &c: note, 90, a 40
  • Sesseford the lard slaine, 313, b 60
  • Sessions to be kept yéerlie, 108, b 40
  • Seton Alexander capteine of Berwike, 232, a 50. His wiues manlie stomach, 232, b 20. His sonnes executed, 40. Slaine, 230, b 10
  • Seuerus setteth foorth toward his enimies, commeth vnto yorke, incountred by his eni­mies, 67, a 50, 60. Wintereth at yorke, b 10. Sickneth, 40. Dieth, 50
  • Shipwracke, 43, a 10. 235, b 50. 281, b 60
  • Shooting, a decrée for the same to be vsed, 281, b 40
  • Sicknesse called stoope gallant, 294, a 10. ¶ Sée Diet and Ri­otousnesse.
  • Signes. ¶ Sée Tokens.
  • Silures mistaken for Scotish­men. 54, b 30
  • Siward earle of Northumber­land, 171, a 30. 175, b 60
  • Skirmish at Halidowne hill, 363, b 20
  • Skirmishes about Edenburgh 407, b 10. 411, b 10
  • Skrimgeour a surname: note, 182, a 40
  • Societie, and that without it no estate can stand, 90, b 60
  • Soldan inuadeth the christians, 203, a 30
  • Soldior valiant aduanced for seruice. ¶ Sée Haie.
  • Soldiors rewarded, 106, b 60. ¶ Sée Britons, Buriall, Keiths, Spoile, 199, b 60
  • Solitarinesse, ¶ Sée Fiacre.
  • Soluathius admitted king of Scotland, an impotent man, 119, b 10, &c. Deceaseth, 120, a 10
  • Somerleid thane of Argile go­eth about to make himselfe king, 185, b 30. His crueltie and flight into Ireland, b 60. Returneth into Scotland, vanquished, hanged, 187, a 10. 20. Rebelleth, his humble submission. 197, a 30, 40
  • Sow a kind of engine so called, 237, b 66
  • Sowtherland Iohn heire ap­parant to the crown, his deth, 243, b 60
  • Spaniards and Scots become one people, 31, a 10
  • Spirits, illusions of them, 97, a 40
  • Spoile diuided among soldiors, 78, a 50. 110, b 30. 155, b 50. 166 b 10. Of the Britons campe diuided, 106, b 20. Of Dow­glasdale giuen to soldiors, 275 b 50
  • Spoile, the hope thereof incou­rageth men of warre, 199, b 60. Red [...]med with monie, 223, b 50
  • Stanlie sir Edward knight, his valiantnes against the Scots 301, a 10
  • Starre bright appearing in the skie, 291, b 20. ¶ Sée Blasing starre.
  • Stephan the king an vsurper, 183, b 20. His repentance, 183, b 60. Passeth into Roxburgh, returneth into Kent, 184, a 10 30
  • Stepmothers loue, 50 a 30
  • Sterling castell builded, 55, b 20 besieged, 448, a 40
  • Steward Henrie created erle of Methwen, 316, b 20. Lord Dernelie cōmeth into Scot­land, 381, a 20. Made earle of Rosse, 381, a 30. Made duke of Albanie, 381, b 10. Procla­med king, 381, b 10. Marieth the quéene, 381, b 10. Bu­chanans verses of him, 434, a 10
  • Steward Iames surnamed the blacke knight banished, 272, a 30
  • Steward Iames made earle of Murreie, 379, a 30. Created erle of Arrane, 433, b 10. His mariage, 449, a 30
  • Steward Iohn admitted to the crowne, 251, b 60. Priso­ner, put to death, 282, b 50
  • Steward Mordo gouernour of Scotland, repugnant vices in him, 259, b 60. 260, a 10, &c.
  • Steward Robert created erle of Leneux, 422, b 20. Made erle of Mar, 425, b 30
  • Steward Robert disherited of the crown, 243, b 60. Ordeind againe heire apparent, 244, a 10. Crowned king, 245, a 50
  • Steward Walter put in prison, 262, a 60
  • Steward erle of Atholl sent in­to the north parts, 358, b 30
  • Steward lord of Obegnie made erle of Leneux, 425, b 20
  • Stewards their desc [...]nt, 168, b 40. First comming to the crowne of Scotland, 245, a 60. Kings of Scotland neuer of full age when they came to the crowne, 390, a 60
  • Stonie hill in Scotland & Why so named, 196, a 50
  • Stoope gallant, 294, a 10
  • Strife for the leading of a vant­gard, 210, a 60. Betwixt Mowbraie and Beaumont, 233, b 40. Godlie & commen­dable, 178, b 50. ¶ Sée Con­tention.
  • Striueling burned, 274, b 50 ¶ Sée Sterling.
  • Submission of gentlemen, 178, b 30
  • Suetonius inuadeth Angle­seie, 51, b 60
  • Summerset. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Superintendents & ministers how to be elected, 376, a 10
  • Surfeiting the cause of strange diseases, 39, b 40. ¶ Sée Riot.
  • Surrender made to a vse, 193, a 30
  • Suspicion caused by great po­wer, 276, b 60. For murther, and the parties racked, 119, a 20
  • Sussex and Essex receiue the christian faith, 110, b 60. ¶ Sée Erle.
  • Sweno king of Denmarke landed in England, conuer­ted to the christian faith, 162, b 50, 60. His cruell imagina­tion, vnder what conditions he licenced the English to liue in their owne countrie, 163, a 40, &c. Prepareth to in­uade the Scots, b 60. Pre­pareth the third time to in­uade Scotland, 166, b 60 Landed in Fife, 169, a 60 His crueltie, 169, b 60. His commandement to spare fire and sword, 170, a 10. Uanqui­sheth the Scots, 170, a 10 Besieged king Duncane, 170 a 30. He with ten others es­caped, 170, a 60
  • Swearing of fealtie first be­gun, 41, a 40
T.
  • TAle of quéene Guainors graue, 106, b 40. Of spirits, 97, a 40, &c.
  • Tantallon castell besieged, 316, b 40
  • Tax yearelie to be leuied, 359, b 10. Not granted, 359, b 10
  • Tempest great, 94, a 10. Pro­phesied, 203▪ a 60
  • Tenths giuen to the clergie, 124, b 50
  • Thanes changed into earles, 176, a 60
  • Tharan king of Picts is slain, 48, a 10
  • Thebes giuen vnto Gathelus, 29, b 10
  • Théefe that vsed to kill yoong persons and to eat them, exe­cuted: note, 278, b 30. Burnt to death, 317, b 20
  • Thelargus king of Picts an aged man desirous of peace, 71, b 50
  • Thereus king of Scots fled to the Britons, 39, a 60, b 10
  • Thermes monsieur succéedeth Dessée, 351, a 10
  • Théeues banded and vanqui­shed, 176, b 60, 177, a 10. Laws deuised against them, 191, a 50. Their crueltie, 181, b 40 [Page] Punished: note, 228, b 50 Notable notablie executed: note, 263, b 60. 264, a 10
  • Tholouse besieged, 186, a 10
  • Thongcastell, 94, b 10
  • Throckmorton sir Nicholas knight sent into Scotland, 381, a 30
  • Thunder terrible and mortall, 180, a 30
  • Tokens. ¶ Sée Warning.
  • Traherus inuadeth westmer­land, 73, b 10. Resisted by Fin­comarke, 40. Returneth in­to Britaine, vanquisheth Oc­tamus, 74, a 10. By conspira­cie murthered, 30
  • Traitors that murthered king Iames the first, most terri­blie executed: note, 267, b 60. An article for them, 285, a 50
  • Trebellius lieutenant of Bri­taine, giuen to couetousnesse, hated of the Britons, figh­teth against his enimies, for­saken of his owne men, cha­sed out of the field, writeth for aid to Rome, 65, a 10, &c: b 10, &c. Certifieth the empe­rour of the state of Britaine, 67, a 30
  • Treson of conspirators to haue slaine king Alexander, 181, b 60. Tried by combat: note, 180, b 10. Of the thane of Cawder for the which he is condemned, 171, a 20. Of Uortigerne, 92, a 50. Preten­ded, 76, a 10. Against king Bruse of Scotland, & what issue it had, 220, b 40, 50, &c. Seuerelie executed vpon a woman, 51, a 60. ¶ Sée Con­spiracie, Euan, and Rebel­lion.
  • Tribute released, 235, a 30
  • Truce betwéene England and Scotland, 303, a 50. 304, a 40. For certeine yeares, 289, b 60. For one yeare betwéene England and Scotland, 312, a 60. For three moneths be­twéene England and Scot­land, 183, b 60. For fouretéene yeares betwéene England & Scotland, 243, b 40. For thrée yeares, 228, b 20, 273, b 20. For fiftéene yeares betwéene the kings of England and Scotland, 279, b 49. Renew­ed, 313, a 30. ¶ Sée League and Peace.
  • Trumbils with others taken by king Iames the fourth, 294, a 30
  • Tuidale recouered out of the Englishmens hands, 238, a 10
  • Tuline citie now called Inch­tuthill, 57, a 60
  • Turkes. ¶ Sée Dowglasse Iames.
  • Twang castell, 94, b 10
  • Twinam Lorison his historie: note, 230, a 20
  • Tyrannie importable, 53, a 50, 60
V.
  • VAgabonds an ordinance for them, 228, b 60. Compel­led to learne an occupation, 149, a 30. Iudged to die: note, 154, a 40. ¶ Sée Roges.
  • Ualdred doctor of the Picts, 111, a 10
  • Uariance, 114, b 60. Betwéene king Robert and the erle of March, 253, a 30. ¶ Sée Strife.
  • Uenusius the husband of Car­tunandua, he reuolteth, 51, a 50, 60
  • Uerannius lieutenant of Bri­taine, dieth, 51, b 50, 60
  • Uespasian commeth into Bri­taine, assatieth the Britons in their campe, 47, b 20, 50. Appeaseth the rebels, retur­neth to Rome, 49, a 10
  • Uice. ¶ Sée welth.
  • Uices following delicat fare, 264, b 50. Repugnant in one man. 259, b 60, 260, a 10, &c.
  • Uictorie doubtfull, 257, a 60. Assured before the battell fought. 217, a 40. In name not in déed gotten by the Scots, 167, a 30. Modestlie vsed, 96, b 60. Used with mercie, 143, a 50, 60. Used with gentlenesse, 102, a 20. with triumphant ioy, 109, b 20. with crueltie, 132, a 50, 60, 133, b 30
  • Uictories ascribed to Arthur, 105, a 10, 20. ¶ Sée Procession
  • Uictorine his answer to Etho­dius request, 64, a 50. Sen­deth letters to Rome, is sent for to returne, 20, 30. Prepa­reth an armie against the Scots, seeketh to persuade the Picts from talking with the Scots, incampeth néere Caruelon with 50000 men, 82, b 60. Inuadeth Gallo­waie, accused vnto Honorius, taketh vpon him the name & authoritie of emperor in Bri­taine, 83, b 30, &c. Deliuered into Heraclianus his hands, 84, a 10
  • Uillegagnon departed from Leith, 347, a 40
  • Uision: note, 128, b 60, 129, a 20, Of Edgar, 181, a 20
  • Uisions. ¶ Sée Woonders.
  • Uniuersitie of saint Andrewes when first begun: note, 257, b 20. Of Glascow founded, 276, b 10. Of Paris and Pauia, 123, b 40. ¶ Sée Priuileges.
  • Uoada quéene desireth aid of hir brother Corbreid, she killeth hir selfe, 52, a 40, b 60. Assem­bled an armie against the Ro­mans, 52, b 40. Imprisoned, 46, a 50. Released, conuered into wales, 60
  • Uoadicia reneweth wars with the Romans, 54, a 60. Slain, 54, b 20
  • Uortigerns treason, 92, a 50. Doubting the hatred of his people would haue fled out of his realme, 92, b 60. Counsel­led to send for aid into Ger­manie, 93, a 10. Dooth honor to Hengist, 94, a 60. Deposed by his subiects, 99, a 10. Mar­rieth Hengists daughter, 95, b 60. Burned, 97, a 30
  • Uortimer generall of the Bri­tons, 94, b 40. Chosen to go­uerne the Britons, 96, a 10. Useth the victorie modestlie, 96, b 60
  • Uow kept and performed, 192, a 30. Of Hungar and his sol­diors, 139, a 20. Of king Malcolme if he might obteine victorie, 178, b 10. ¶ Sée Ken­neth.
  • Usipites what kind of people, 57, b 10
  • Usurpation. ¶ Sée Makbeth, Somerleid, and Stephan.
  • Uter begat Arthur the great, 99, b 40. Poisoned, 101, a 10. ¶ See Aurelius.
W.
  • WAll Roger his words of the duke of Summerset, 435, a 10
  • Wallase William beginneth to wax famous, 209, a 20. Win­neth castels, &c: 209, a 60, His policie to relieue the people in the time of derth, b 40. Inua­deth Northumberland, 50. His answer to the king of Englands message, 60. En­tred England with an armie of 30000 men, 210, a 20. He is enuied, 40. Raiseth a power to resist the king of England, 50. Conferénce betwéene him and Bruse, b 40. Refuseth the offers of king Edward, 212, a 50. Escheweth to agrée with the Englishmen, 213, a 20. Is taken, brought to Lon­don and put to death: note, 214, a 10, 20
  • Walter the son of Fleance high steward of Scotland, 178, a 60
  • Wanthop archbishop of Arma­cham, 355, a 50
  • Warke castell besieged, 361, a 10 Assalted, 311, a 50, 60. Woone, 279, a 10
  • Warre without slaughter and burning, 123, b 60. Continuall in Scotland what calamitie it caused, 237, b 10. Ciuill and what mischéefes insue, 162, a 10. The frutes thereof, 160, b 50. ¶ Sée Battell, Commo­tion, and Uictorie.
  • Warning of a yoong babe to his mother: note, 137, a 10. Of some great mischance, 300, a 60
  • Welshmen rebelling against the Romans brought to their for­mer obedience, 64, b 60. Sub­dued by Henrie the fift, 258, a 40
  • Welth superfluous occasion of vice, 90, b 10
  • West doctor ambassador into Scotland, 295, a 60
  • Westmerland why so named, 52, b 60, 53. a 10, Assigned to the Scotishmen, 73, b 60. It and Cumberland recouered, 146, a 60. It and Kendall by the Scots & Picts spoild, 65, a 60
  • Wharton Henrie, 345, b 60
  • Whitherne a place of sanctuarie, 186, b 40. ¶ Sée Candida casa.
  • Wight Ile rebelleth, 49, a 10
  • Willes two in a monster & both contrarie, 146, b 50
  • Wilford sir Iames taken, 349, b 20
  • William Conqueror threteneth king Malcolme, 177, b 50. He proclamed open warres, 60
  • William Rufus in armes a­gainst the Scots, 179, b 30
  • William surnamed the Lion crowned K. required to doo ho­mage, his request, goeth ouer with K. Henrie into France, 187, b 50, 60. His zeale of iu­stice, he receiueth a péece of Northumberland, with his right saued to the residue, he inuadeth Cumberland, 188, a 10, &c. Yéeldeth himselfe priso­ner, conueid into Normandie b 50, 60. Ransomed, 189, b 10, His gift vnto king Richard, 192, a 60. Did homage to king Iohn, 192, b 50. Surren­dreth to king Iohn the lands a [...] Cumberland, &c. 193, a 30. Deceaseth, 193, b 50
  • William lieutenant of Tuscane 123, a 60. Maketh Christ his heire, 123, b 20
  • Willoughbie sir Hugh, 352, a 10
  • Wind. ¶ Sée Fire.
  • Wine sold by weight, 268, a 10. ¶ Sée Measure and Ale.
  • Winter long, 139, b 30.
  • Wiscart George burnt, 339, b 10
  • Witches consulted withall, and what happened by giuing cre­dit to their words, 69, a 60. In Fores inquirie made for them, found out, their practise against king Duffe, exami­ned, 149, b 30, &c. Confesse and are burnt, 150, a 10, Burnt, &c. 282, b 50, 60. ¶ Sée Pro­phesie.
  • Wood burne lord indicted, 306, a 30
  • Woldosins earle of Northum­berland and Huntington, 182 b 10
  • Woman abused with a spirit, 97, a 40. Of vnnaturall crueltie 278, b 40. Of a stout stomach, being a quéene, 278, b 60. Hir manlie stomach: note, 232, b 20. Manlie, Sée Blacke Agnes. Of manlike force and stature, 236, a 40
  • Women as redie to the battell as men, 62, a 40. A combrance to the Picts, 130, a 60. Desi­rous of high estate, 171, a 60. They and children are kept harmelesse, 143, a 60. Set vp­on mischiefe. ¶ Sée Counsell and Fenella. Waile their friends, 58, b 60. Placed in or­der of battell, 50, a 10. Come with the quéene in armour, 52 b 10
  • Woonder of a yoong babe giuing warning to his mother, 137, a 10. Strange of a voice, 158, a 10, 20. Of adders, 192, a 50.
  • Woonders strange: note, 180, [...] 10: note, 152, a 10. 151, b 60. 170, b 60. 171, a 10. 245, a 10, 20. In dansing: note, 203, b 60 And strange sights, 167, a 60. 59, a 40, 268, a 10. 203, b 20. 50, a 60. Maruellous & vncouth, 137, a 10. 106, b 60. 89, b 40. Rare and notorious, 139, b 20. And visions, 116, b 10. 128, b 60. Terrible, 79, a 40. Most dreadfull, 159, a 20. And prodigious chances, 300, a 60 Séene in the a [...]re, 193, b 50, 60 317, b 40. 190, a 30. 132, b 20. Appearing to the Scotish ar­mie, 53, b 50. Import a mea­ning, 146, b 60. Interpreted, 137, a 10, &c. 132, b 40
  • Wrestling betwéene a Norman and a Scot, 202, b 30
  • Writers of Scotland their ca­talog, 457, b 20. ¶ Sée Scots and Scotland.
Y.
  • YOrke yéelded to Octauius, 73, b 50. Besieged, 101, b 50. ¶ Sée Scots.
  • Yorke in possession of Hengist, 96, a 10
  • Yorkeswold wasted by the Scots, 224, a 60
  • Youth trained vp in hardnesse, 137, a 60, Should eate but one meale a daie, 50
FINIS propositi laus Christo nescia FINIS.

Finished in Ianuarie 1587, and the 29 of the Queenes Maiesties reigne, with the full continuation of the former yeares, at the expenses of Iohn Hari­son, George Bishop, Rafe Newberie, Henrie Denham, and Tho­mas Woodcocke.

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