A briefe and moderate answer, to the seditious and scandalous challenges of Henry Burton, late of Friday-Streete in the two sermons, by him preached on the fifth of November. 1636. and in the apologie prefixt before them. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1637 Approx. 359 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 114 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68174 STC 13269 ESTC S104014 99839755 99839755 4205

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68174) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4205) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1441:03, 1488:02) A briefe and moderate answer, to the seditious and scandalous challenges of Henry Burton, late of Friday-Streete in the two sermons, by him preached on the fifth of November. 1636. and in the apologie prefixt before them. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [32], 194, [2] p. Printed by Ric. Hodgkinsonne; and are to be sold by Daniel Frere, dwelling in little-Brittan, at the signe of the red-Bull, London : 1637. A reply to "For God, and the King" and "An apology of an appeale" by Henry Burton. With a final errata leaf. a1, D4, and T1 are cancels in some copies. Variant 1: first two leaves in another setting, with "challenge" in title. Quire d is in two settings. d2r line 1 begins "Adversary," or (variant 2) "Adversary:". Identified as STC 4158 on UMI microfilm reel 1441. Reproductions of the originals in the Bodleian Library and the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Appears at reel 1441 (Bodleian Library copy) and at reel 1488 (Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery copy).

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eng Burton, Henry, 1578-1648. -- For God, and the King -- Controversial literature. Burton, Henry, 1578-1648. -- Apology of an appeale -- Controversial literature. 2005-11 Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion
THE PREFACE, SHEWING. THE OCCASION OF This following Anſwere, with ſomewhat of the Storie of H. B. the principall Argument thereof.

AMONGST the ſeverall commendations given unto Charitie by Saint Paul, we find theſe particulars. Charitie vaunteth not it ſelfe; is not puffed up; doth not behave it ſelfe unſeemely; ſeeketh not her own; is not eaſily provoked: thinketh no evill: Which if they be the certaine marks of Charitie, as no doubt they are; we may affirm it of too many in theſe later daies, that whatſoever Faith they pretend unto, they have little Charitie. Such boaſters are they of themſelves, ſo arrogant, ſo unadviſed in all their doings, ſo greedie either after lucre or vaine applauſe, ſo peeviſh and intemperate in their ſpeech and writings, and finally ſo jealous and diſtruſtfull of all thoſe who concurre not with them in opinion: That though they had all Faith, ſo that they could remove mountains, 1 Cor. 13.23. which I thinke they have not; or ſhould they give their bodies to be burned, as I thinke they will not; it would profit nothing. Of ſuch, as theſe it was that S. Peter tell's us, that they are Preſumptuous, ſelfe-willed, 2. Pet. 2.10. and are not afraid to ſpeake evill of dignities: of whom S. Jude relates,Jude 16. that they were murmurers, complainers, walkers after their owne luſts, and that their mouth ſpeaketh great ſwelling words. Would you a further cenſure of them? As naturall bruit beaſts (ſaith the Apoſtle) made to be taken and deſtroyed, 2. Pet. 2.12. they ſpeake evill of the things they underſtand not, and ſhall utterly periſh in their own corruption. Theſe are the mockers of whom the Apoſtles have foretold us,Jude 17.18. that they ſhould come in the laſt times, and being come; we muſt accordingly expect they ſhould play their parts, and doe the will of him that ſent them: And ſo they doe. The Church continually traducea, as if ſhe were unſound in her intentions towards Chriſt; as if there were a day at hand, in which the Saints i. e. themſelves, muſt be tryed and ſifted. The Prelates generally condemned, their cauſe un-heard, as factors for the Myſticall ſtrumpet in S. John's Apocalypſe, to make men drunken with the Cup of her abhominations. And as for the inferiour Clergie, which know no better ſacrifice then obedience, and willingly ſubmitte themſelves unto the juſt commands of their Superiors, what are they but the common markes whereat each furious Malecontent doth ſhoot out his Arrowes, even bitter words. Nor hath the ſupreame Majeſty, the Lords annointed eſcaped ſo cleere,Jude 15. but that they alſo have had part of thoſe hard ſpeeches, which theſe ungodly ſinners have ſpoken againſt them, in Saint Judes language. Antonij epiſtolae, Bruti que conciones, falſa quidem in Auguſtum probra, ſed multa, cum acerbitate habent, as he in Tacitus. No times more full of odious Pamphlets, no Pamphlets more applauded, nor more deerely bought; then ſuch as doe moſt deeply wound thoſe powers, and dignities, to which the Lord hath made us ſubject. Egregiam vero laudem, et ſpolia ampla.

Not to goe higher then the Reigne of our now dread Soveraigne, how have both Church and State beene exerciſed by thoſe factious Spirits, Layton, and Prynne, and Baſtwick, the Triumviri with H. Burton the Dictator, what noiſe and clamours have they raiſed; what odious ſcandalls have they faſtned on their Reverend Mother? what jealouſies & feares (that I ſay no worſe) have they ſeditiouſly infuſed into peoples mindes? And thereby turned thoſe weapons on their Mothers Children, which might have beene employed more fitly on the common Enemie.

But when thoſe of the Triumvirate had received their judgement, Layton and Prynne in the Starre-chamber, & Baſtwick in the high Commiſſion, the greateſt comfort of the cauſe, did ſeeme to be intruſted to Dictator Burton: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a man in whom the Element of fire had the moſt predominancie, which made that which is zeale in others, to be in him a zealous furie. The rather ſince he had deceived himſelfe in his expectations, and ſwallowed down thoſe hopes, he could not digeſt. That which hath heretofore made ſo many Hereticks, occaſioned his firſt diſlike of the holy Hierarchy. When once Aerius loſt his hopes of being made a Biſhop, as Saint Auſtin tells us;De haereſ. c. 23. he ſet on foot this peeviſh doctrine, Presbyterum ab Epiſcopo nulla ratione debere diſcerni, that by no meanes there was a difference to be made, betweene Prieſts and Biſhops. And that once broached, there followed next, non celebranda eſſe jejunia ſtatuta, ſed cum quiſque voluerit jejunandum? that no ſet faſts were to be kept, but every man might faſt when he would himſelfe. This was the very Caſe of our Grand Dictator. He had beene a ſervant in the Cloſet to His Sacred Majeſtie, then Prince of Wales: and queſtionleſſe being in the Aſcendent, he thought to Culminate. But when he ſaw thoſe hopes had failed him, and that by reaſon of his violent and factious carriage, he was commanded to depart the Court, he thought it then high time to Court the people; that he might get in the hundreds, what he loſt in the Countie. This pincheth him it ſeemes, to this very day; and he is ſo ingenious, (which I wonder at) as to let us know it. For in the Epiſtle to His Majeſtie before his Sermon (if at the leaſt a rayling and ſeditious declamation may be called a Sermon) he ſtiles himſelfe His Majeſties old and faithfull ſervant: and in the other to His Majeſtie before the Apologie he bemoanes himſelfe, as an old out-caſt Courtier, worne out of all favour and friends there. Hinc illae lachrymae; Hence the opinion of theſe quarrells. Here he declares moſt plainly where his griefe doth lye; what made him firſt flie out, and bend his thoughts, to foſter and foment a faction: Such is the humour of moſt men, whom the Court caſts out; that they doe labour what they can, to out-caſt the Court.

Being thus entred and ingaged, hee found it neceſſary to acquaint himſelfe with ſuch as were affected like himſelfe, and in their ſeverall profeſsions might beſt aide and helpe him: this made him picke out Maſter Prynne, an utter Barriſter of Lincolns Inne, for his learned Counſaile: Layton and Baſtwicke, two that had the name of Doctors, to be Phyſitians to his perſon: His Doctors finding by ſome Symptomes, which they had obſerved, that he was very fretfull, and full of Choller, perſwaded with him, either by preaching, or by writing to vent that humour: which otherwiſe for want of vent, would ſoone burne him up: his learned Counſaile ſtanding by, and promiſing that whatſoever he ſhould write or ſay, hee would finde Law for it. On this encouragement he beganne to caſt abroad his wilde-fire, endeavouring nothing more than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to raiſe combuſtions in the ſtate: and like Eroſtratus of old, ſeeing hee could grow famous by no other meanes, to burn downe the Temple. The Pulpit, firſt erected onely for preaching of the word of God, Cann. 83. was by him made a Sanctuary, or privileged place, from whence to raile againſt the times, to cry downe all the orders of holy Church, and to diſtract the people with needleſſe controverſies, in deſpight of his Maieſties Declaration, wch he cared not for, or would interprete for his purpoſe: And had this happineſſe withall, that whatſoever he ſaid there, did inſtantly become Gods truth; and therefore not to be ſuppreſſed by Prince, or Prelate. The Preſſe, which was deviſed at firſt for the advancement and increaſe of learning; was by him made a meanes to diſperſe his paſquills, that they might flye abroad with the ſwifter wing, and poyſon mens affections, whom he never ſaw. And howſoever ſome of his unlicenced Babels, were guilty of ſedition, and tended to incenſe the Commons againſt the King; yet, being dedicated to the Parliament, As himſelfe relates it, P. 45. he came off bravely, and brought his adverſaries to a non-plus. Fortunate man, one of the ſonnes, no queſtion, of the young white henne; to whom, both Preſſe & Pulpit proſtitute themſelves, and yet account it as an honour that hee hath abuſed them. Too fortunate indeed, had it ſo beene carried. But not long after, this brave man of Armes, that dares encounter with Goliah, as hee boaſts himſelfe, received the foile, being firſt ſuſpended for his preaching, and afterward impriſoned, and brought into the High Commiſsion for his printing, as hee relates the story. p. 52.

Oh, but by Gods great bleſsing, and the Kings good Lawes he was fetch't off thoſe ſhelves (where elſe as he complaineth, he had ſuffered ſhipwracke) by a Prohibition. P. 53. for that hee was beholding to his friend Maſt. Prynne who both aduiſed him to it, & had led the way; and having Layton's valour in admiration, thought it a farre more Noble ſuffering, to loſe one eare or two by ſentence in the Starre-Chamber, then lend an eare to the cenſure of the High Commiſsion, ſo fared it with his learned Counſaile, whoſe puniſhment might have perſwaded him to more moderate courſes, but that he had a ſtrong deſire to fill up the meaſure of his iniquities: and having beene a ſtickler in the ſame cauſe with him, conceived it moſt agreeable to the rule of fellowſhip, that he muſt ſuffer with him alſo.Orat. pro M. Marcell. Tully indeed did ſo reſolve it. Ut qui in eadem cauſa fuerunt, in eadem item eſſent fortuna: and certainly it was very fit that it ſhould be ſo: nor was it poſſible to ſtay him being once reſolved: only he wanted opportunity for the accompliſhment of his deſignes, which the laſt Gun-powder day did preſent unto him; that day being by him thought moſt proper for their execution, whom he had long before condemn'd, and meant to blow up now without helpe of Powder. In that more mercifull indeed, than Faux or Catisby; they purpoſing to blow up the three eſtates together; he but at once. The place deſigned for this diſpatch, that which he had ſo long abuſed, the Pulpit; the way of bringing it about, that which hath alwaies ſerved his turne on the like occaſions, a ſeditious Sermon: wherein he had drawn up together, what ever ſpirit of malice he had found diſ •• rſed in al or any of thoſe ſcurrilous and peſtilent Pamphlets, which had bin publiſhed to the world ſince Martins time, of purpoſe to defame the Clergy, and inflame the people; his own ſtore being added to it: Nor did he thinke it was enough thus to diſgorge his ſtomacke, of purpoſe to excite his audience againſt their ſuperiors, and ſtartle them with dreadfull feares, as if hoth tyranny and Popery, were likely in ſhort time to be thruſt upon them: that was an undertaking fit for private perſons, whoſe gifts might be confined to one place or Pariſh: For his part, he was now the generall Superintendent of all the Churches, the forlorne hope, the Centinell perdue of the whole brother-hood: and therefore the most choyce and materiall poynts of the Declamation, (like the Enclyclicall Epiſtles of the elder times) muſt briefely be ſummed up, and ſcattered all abroad the Kingdome, as Newes from Ipſwich: Nay, leſt one title of his word ſhould fall to ground, the Declamation preſently muſt become a Libell,Ep. to the King. and was by him thought fit to have been printed (as ſoone as ſpoken) for the generall god (as he aſſures us) of all his Majeſties loving Subjects throughout the Kingdome: and printed at the laſt it was, and with a monſtrous impudence dedicated to his Maieſty, and Copies of the ſame given forth, (as he ſaith himſelfe) in hope that it might come at laſt to his Maieſties hands.

Two things there were eſpecially which did embolden him thus to preach and publiſh his owne perſonall quarrells, as the truth of God: Firſt an opinion of ſome extraordinary calling from above, the ſame perhaps that Hacket was poſſeſſed with in Queene Elizabeths reigne: This he avoweth in his Epiſtle to the King. I heartily thanke my Lord Jeſus Chriſt, who hath accounted mee faithful, & called me forth to ſtand in his caſe, and to witneſſe it before the World, by publiſhing my ſaid Sermons in Print, &c. And in that directed to the true-hearted Nobility, where he ſpeaks more plainly Certainly I am one of the watch-men of Iſrael (though the meaneſt) yet one that hath obtained mercy to bee faithful. Nor have I inconſiderately or raſhly ruſhed upon this buſineſſe, but have been by a ſtrong hand drawn into it. Yea my Lords, know aſſuredly that Chriſt himſelfe my great Lord & Maſter, hath called me forth, to be a publike witneſſe of this great cauſe, who will certainly maintaine both it and me, againſt all the Adverſaries of God and the King. The ſecond was a confidence, that no man durſt to queſtion ſo great a prophet, greater then which, was never raiſed up from the dead, to preach to Dives and his brethren. And this he lets us know in his Apologie, p. 7. I never ſo much as once dreamed (ſaith he) that impiety and impudencie it ſelfe, in ſuch a Chriſtian ſtate as this is, and under ſuch a gratious Prince, durſt ever thus publikely have called me in queſtion, and that upon the open ſtage, &c. No marvell if ſo ſtrange a calling, ſeconded by ſo ſtrong a confidence, ſpurred him bravely on; and made him lift up both his voice and hand againſt what ever is called God: and how know wee, but that in ſome of his ſpirituall raptures, he might faine an hope, that his dread name ſhould be as famous in the ſtories of ſucceeding times, as Muntzers, or King John of Leidens. But theſe imaginations failed him too, as his Court-hopes did. For contrary to what he dreamt (ſuch filthy dreamers, S. Jude ſpeakes of) Ʋpon the Third of December next enſuing, a Purſuivant (as he tells the ſtorie) ſerved him with letters miſſive from the high Commiſſion, to appeare before Doctor Duck at Cheſwick, then and there to take his oath to anſwere to ſuch Articles as were laid againſt him. Bold men, that durſt lay hands upon a Prophet of ſuch an extraordinary calling, who if his power had been according to his ſpirit, would have commanded fire from heaven, to have burnt them all, or ſent them further off with a noli me tangere. But caught or not caught, all was one. For though it was no time to move the Court for a Prohibition, being out of Terme, yet he bethought himſelfe of another way to elude his Judges: and that was by a ſtrange Appeale, being neither a gravamine, nor a ſententia, to decline that Court; and put the cauſe immediately into his Majeſties hands, where he might be, he thought, both a defendant and complainant, as he ſaith himſelfe. p. 1. of the Apologie. A fine invention doubtleſſe, but more ſine then fortunate. For on a new Contempt, as himſelfe informes us, he was ſuſpended by the high-Commiſſioners, both from his Benefice and Office, and the ſuſpenſion publiſhed (as he now complaines) in his own Pariſh Church, to his intolerable diſgrace and ſcandall. Indignum facinus. Therfore that all the World might knowted and on what ſuſpended, Lo a neceſſitie (ſo he ſaith) is laid upon him, as formerly to Preach, now to Print his Sermon (for Sermon he will have it called, whoſoever ſaith nay.) And printed at the laſt it was, as before was ſaid, and therewithall was printed alſo an Apologie for the ſaid Appeale, with ſeverall addreſſes to the Kings moſt Excellent Majeſtie, to all the true-hearted Nobilitie of His Majeſties moſt honorable Privie Counſell; and to the Reverend and Learned Judges: the Copies of them both being ſpread abroad, for the greater conſolation of the Brethren, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , here and there diſperſed, like Simeon and Levi, brethren in evill, in the tribes of Iſrael.

This is the ſubſtance of the ſtorie, which I have here laid downe together by way of preface, that with leſſe interruption I might ply the Argument preſented to us, both in the Sermon and Apologie. For howſoever neither of them be conſiderable in regard of the Author, who ſince his being thruſt out of the Court, hath beene an open and profeſſed enemie of the Publicke Government: yet in relation to the Church and Rulers of it, whom he endeavoureth to expoſe to the common hatred; and next in reference to the people, whom he hath laboured to poſſeſſe with falſe and ſiniſter conceits of the preſent ſtate; it hath beene thought convenient by authority, that an Anſwer ſhould be made unto them. The preſervation of Religion is a thing ſo Sacred, that we cannot prize it to the height: and therefore they that labour to preſerve it, are of all men, the moſt to be eſteemed and honoured. Proximus diis habetur, per quem deorum majeſtas vindicatur, as the Hiſtorian rightly noted. So that wee cannot blame poore men, if they are ſtartled and affrighted at thoſe ſcandalous rumors which are diffuſed and ſpread amongſt them, to make them think that Religion is in no ſmall danger: or if they hold a Reverend eſteeme of thoſe, who ſeeme to them to have a principall care thereof, and the ſafety of it. Onely they are to be admoniſhed, not to be too credulous in matters of ſo high a nature, till they are throughly certified of the trueth thereof: that they conceive not ill of the Church, their mother, upon the light and falſe reports of every male contented ſpirit; or thinke them Champions of Religion, who are indeed the bane, and diſturbers of it: That Faction in the Church, which Maſt. Burton, and his Copeſmates, have ſo much laboured to promote: hath ſince the firſt beginning of it accuſed the Church of England of the ſelfe ſame crimes, whereof they now pronounce her guilty: nor haue they found any new matter wherewithall to charge her, than that which their fore-fathers had beene hammering on in the times before them: yet they cry out with no leſſe violence but farre more malice, than their fathers did; and fill the minds of iealous and diſtruſtfull people with doubts and feares of innovations, of and in the worſhip of God, & the whole doctrine of Religion; as if the bankes were broken downe, and Popery were breaking in a maine upon us; onely becauſe they can no longer be permitted to violate all the orders of Gods Church, here by Law eſtabliſhed. The Papiſts and theſe men, how different ſoever they may ſeeme to bee in other matters, have, as it were by joynt conſent, agreed in this, to charge this Church with novelties and innovations: the one eſpecially in the poynts of Doctrine; the other principally in matters of exteriour order, & the ſervice of God. But as we ſay unto the one, that in the reformation of this Church, we introduced no novelties into the ſame, but onely laboured to reduce her to that eſtate and quality, wherin ſhe was in her originall beauty, and the Primitive times: ſo may we ſay unto the other, that all thoſe Innovations which they have charged upon the Church in their ſcandalous Pamphlets, are but a reſtitution of thoſe ancient orders, which were eſtabliſhed heere at that Reformation. This that the world might ſee, and ſee how ſcandalouſly and ſeditiouſly they traduce the Church; I was commanded by authority to returne an Anſwer to all the challenges and charges, in the ſaid two Sermons and Apology of Maſter Burton. For being it was the leading Libell, in reſpect of time, (the principall matters in the Newes from Ipſwich, being borrowed from Maſter Burtons Sermon) and that thoſe many which have followed, are but a repetition of, and a dilating on thoſe poynts which are there conteined: it was conceived, that bee being anſwered, the reſt would periſh of themſelves. On this command I ſet my ſelfe unto the Work; and though I knew no credit could bee gotten from ſuch an Adverſary, Vbi & vincere inglorium eſt, & atteri ſordidum; and that there are a ſort of men, who hate to be reformed in the Pſalmiſts Language: yet being ſo commanded, I obeyed accordingly, & cannot but account it an eſpeciall honour to mee, to bee commanded any thing in the Churches ſervice. Beſides J could not but be grieved, to ſee my deareſt Mother traduced ſo fowly in things whereof I knew her guiltleſſe; and it had argued in mee a great want of Piety, not to have undertaken her defence herein, being called unto it. From which two great and grievous crimes, defect of piety, and true affection to the Church our mother; and diſobedience to the commands and orders of the higher powers; no leſſe than from the Plague and Peſtilence, good Lord deliver us. Having thus rendred an account, both of the reaſons why the Sermon and Apology of Maſter Burton, have been thought worthy of an Anſwer; and why, for my part, J have undertaken a Reply unto him: I muſt now ſettle cloſe unto the buſineſſe, beginning firſt with the Apology, ſo farre forth as it juſtifieth his ſaid Appeale; and leaving thoſe particulars, which he doth charge upon the Prelates, to be conſidered of more fully in due place and time.

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CHAP. I. Containing a particular anſwere to the ſeverall Cavills of H. B. in defence of his Appeale. Appeales unto His Majeſtie, in what caſe admitted. The high Commiſſioners, neither parties in the cauſe, nor Adverſaries to the Perſon of the Appellant. The Biſhops no uſurpers of the Jurisdiction belonging to the King. The Oath of Supremacie not derogatorie to Epiſcopall power. Objections againſt the Oath Ex Officio, with an anſwere to them. Other objections againſt the Proceedings in the high-Commiſſion anſwered. Of giving forth a Copie of ones Sermon, upon Oath. Sedition, how it may be puniſhable in the High Commiſſion. Archbiſhop Whitgifts name abuſed, and his words miſ-reported by H. B.

HItherto Maſs. Burton, wee have laid you open, by the way of an Hiſtoricall narration (though all Hiſtoricall narrations be offenſive to you, for the ſake of one) and conſequently ſpake only of you in the third Perſon, as hic et ille. But being now employed in the Examiners Office, I muſt deale with you, as if Coram, in the ſecond Perſon, which I perſwade my ſelf will better ſort with your ambition; the ſecond Perſon (if you remember ſo much of your Accidens) being more worthy then the third. And firſt, I would faine know what mooved you to appeale unto His Majeſtie at your firſt conventing, before you had juſt grievance, or an unjuſt ſentence. Your conſcience ſure accuſed you, and pronounced you guiltie, and told you what you ſhould expect in a legall triall: and on the other ſide your preſumption flattered you, that being an Old Courtier, though worn out of favour, you might have ſome friend there to promote your ſuite. Sir you forget it ſeemes, what is related in the conference at Hampion Court, in the ſelf ſame caſe. My L. of London, moved his Mtie. that then was [K. James of B. memory] that Pulpits might not be made Paſquils (Pray ſir mark this well) wherin every humorous or diſcontented fellow might traduce his Superiors. This the King very gratiouſly accepted, exceedingly reproving that as a lewd cuſtom, threatning, that if he ſhould but heare of ſuch a one in a Pulpit, He would make him an example: (this is juſt your caſe) And that if any thing were amiſſe in the Church Officers, not to make the Pulpit a place of perſonall reproofe, but to let His Majeſtie heare of it, yet by degrees. Firſt let complaint be made unto the Ordinarie of the place, from him to goe to the Archbiſhop; from him, to the Lords of the Counſell, and from them, if in all theſe places no remedie is found, to his own ſelf: which Caveat His Majeſtie put in, for that the Bp. of London had told him, that if he left himſelf open to admit of all complaints, neither His Majeſtie ſhould ever be quiet, nor his under Officers regarded: ſeeing that now already, no fault can be cenſured, but preſently the delinquent threatneth a complaint to the King. Here is a long gradation, and that after cenſure: but you will venter on the King, per ſaltem, not by faire degrees; and that not only before cenſure, but before any grievance to be complained of. The King would quickly have his hands full, were that courſe allowed of; and wee muſt needs conceive him God, as well by nature, as reſemblance: it being impoſſible he ſhould have any ſpare time left, either to eare, ſleepe, or refreſh his Spirits, or whatſoever other buſineſſe doth concern this life, or ſhew him mortall.

But wee muſt needs conceive, there was ſome ſpeciall reaſon in it, which might induce you to cry out, before you were hurt; more then the matter of the Articles which were read vnto you; or your own guiltie conſcience, which had precondemned you. Yes ſure, for you except againſt as well the incompetencie of the Judges, as the illegall manner of proceedings in the high Commiſsion. The Judges you except againſt (excepting thoſe honorable Nobles, Judges, Counſellers of ſtate, which are ſeldome there) as parties in the cauſe, and adverſaries to your perſon for the cauſes ſake; p. 6. parties, Apolog. p. 6 becauſe you have traduced them for Innovators, and Adverſaries, for the reaſons which hereafter follow. Suppoſe them parties, and what then? Then by the Lawes of God and nature, as alſo by the Common, Canon, and Civill Lawes, they are prohibited from being Judges. This is the firſt Crutch your Appeale halts with; and this will faile you. For howſoever it be true, in ordinary courſe, that no man can be Judge in his own cauſe, there where the cauſe concernes himſelf in his own particular; yet it is otherwiſe in a body aggregate, or a publick perſon. Suppoſe in time of Parliament, a man ſhould taxe that great aſſembly with ſome grievous crime, ſhould the whole body be diſabled from proceeding with him? Or that a man ſhould raiſe ſome odious ſcandall on my Lords the Judges, ſhould he eſcape unpuniſhed becauſe there is none elſe to judge him? Or that ſome ſawcie fellow behaves himſelf audaciouſly and Contra bonos mores, before the Juſtices on the bench, at their Quarter Seſſions; ſhould not the Bench have power to bind him to his good behaviour? Or that a man within the Liberties of London, ſhould ſay a fig for my Lord Major, might not my Lord Major clap him in the Counter? And yet the Parliament, and the Judges and the Juſtices, and the Lord Major of London, are aſmuch parties in theſe caſes; as the Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Chancellors, and the reſt of the High Commiſſion, are by you ſaid, and only ſaid, to be in the other. For that they are not parties, wee ſhall ſee anon, when wee ſhall come to cleere them of thoſe imputations, which in a furious zeal you have laid upon them.

That which you next attempt, is to prove them Adverſaries, and Adverſaries to your perſon for the cauſes ſake. Good Sir, what ſee you in your ſelf, that you ſhould think ſuch great and eminent men ſhould beare malice to you. Tullie, a wiſer man then you, and a better Orator, as I take it, and in more credit with the common people (though you grieve to heare it) might have taught you better.Philip. 2. Non video nec in vita, nec in gratia, nec in hac mea mediocritate quid deſpicere poſſit Antonius. Was it not you, ſweet Sir, that did Proteſt thus roundly of my LL. the Biſhops, I ſpeake not this,Pag 111. God is my witneſſe, out of any baſe envy to their Lordly honor and pompe, which is ſo far beneath my envy. Poore ſoul, are thoſe great perſons, and their honors beneath your envie; and is your perſon a fit marke for theirs? Diogenes; and your ſelf, two magnanimious Cynicks. You know the ſtory wel enough, and can beſt applie it. Calco Platonis faſtum, Diog. Laert. ſed mafore faſtu. Yea, but they are the Adverſaries of your perſon for the cauſes ſake: Say then the Adverſaries of the cauſe; let your perſon goe, as a contemptible thing that provokes no Adverſary. Yet wee will take you with us to avoid exceptions, and ſee what proofe you have to make them Adverſaries to your perſon for the cauſes ſake. And firſt they are your Adverſaries, becauſe the Adverſaries of thoſe trueths by you delivered in your Sermon, p. 7. Hold there a little brother B. As farre as you have ſaid the truth, they will all joyne with you. Veritas a quocun que eſt, eſt a Spiritu Sancto, ſaid St. Ambroſe truely. In that aſſuredly you ſhall find no Adverſaries. But when you leave to ſpeake the trueth, which is the Office of a Preacher; and fall upon Seditious, falſe and factious diſcourſes, to inflame the people, and bring them into ill opinion, both of their King, and thoſe to whom the goverment of the Church is by him intruſted; you are no more a Preacher, but a Prevaricator, a dangerous Boutefeu, and Incendiarie, as you have beene hitherto. That this is true, ſhall be moſt plainly manifeſted in the Anatomie of your Sermon, (for wee will call it ſo to pleaſe you) where the charge is preſſed.

A ſecond reaſon which you have to prove them your Adverſaries, is that they have uſurped ſuch a title of juriſdiction, as cannot conſiſt with that title of Juriſdiction, which the Law of the Land hath annexed to the Crown Imperiall, p. 7. If ſo, they are the Kings Adverſaries in the firſt place, robbing him of the faireſt floure in the Regall diadem: and as the Kings Adverſaries, the common Adverſaries of all loyall ſubjects, no more yours then mine. But how may it appeare unto us, that they have made ſo great and manifeſt an uſurpation, as you charge them with? Becauſe, ſay you, they doe continually exerciſe their Epiſcopall juriſdiction, without any Letters Patents of His Majeſtie, or His Progenitors, in their own names and rights only, not in His Majeſties Name and right, &c. Great pitty but you ſhould be made the Kings Atturney; you would bring all the Clergie doubtleſſe in a Premunire, and make them fine more deeply for it, then when King Henry the 8th firſt charged them with it. But this being objected to them in that ſermon alſo; we ſhall there meet with it. One thing I muſt take with me now, for feare I find it not hereafter. You ſay the Biſhops exerciſe their Epiſcopall juriſdiction, in their own names and rights only, not in his Majeſties name and right, to the manifeſt breach of their oathes aforeſaid. Alas poore Prelates, caſt away your Rochets, and reſigne all to Brother B. Before he had indited you at the Kings Bench, for uſurpation; and now he files a bill againſt you in the Star-Chamber, as in caſe of perjurie. For he aſſures us, that the Statute, 1. Eliz. c. 1. uniting all manner of Juriſdiction Eccleſiaſticall whatſoever, unto the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme, enacteth the Oath of Supremacy and Allegeance eo nomine, to that very end and purpoſe, that none ſhould preſume to exerciſe any Eccleſiaſticall Juriſdiction within this Realme, but by virtue of the Kings Letters Patents, and in the Kings Majeſties name and right Qui nunquam riſiſtis nunc ridete. Here's ſuch a piece of learned ignorance, as would make Heraclitus laugh; It ſeemes you had no conference of late with your learned Counſell; who, had he ſeene this paſſage, might have marred the merriment; For pray you Sir, was the Oath of Allegiance enacted 1. of Elizabeth? Then certainly my books deceive me, in which it is reported to have been enacted 3. Jacobi, on the occaſion of the Gunpouder Treaſon. And for the Oath of Supremacy, made indeed 1. Eliz. was it enacted eo nomine, to that end and purpoſe, as you pleaſe to tell us? What? that no Biſhop might proceed in exerciſe of his ordinary Epiſcopall Authoritie, without eſpeciall Letters Patents; and in the Queenes Majeſties Name and right only? Find you in all the Statute any mention of Letters Patents, more then in and for the erection and eſtabliſhment of the High Commiſſion, for excerciſe of that ſupreme, and higheſt juriſdiction of right inveſted in the Crowne? as for the Oath, look it well over once againe, if there be any one word which reflecteth that way, of ſuing out eſpeciall Letters Patents by the Party ſworne, for the diſcharge of the authoritie committed to him; or that makes mention of the Queenes name to be uſed therein. Aſſuredly, learned ſir, that Oath was framed, to ſettle the aboliſhment of all forreine power and juriſdiction, ſuch as the Popes of Rome had lately practiſed in this Kingdom; and for no other end and purpoſe. Or if it were enacted, eo nomine, to that end and purpoſe, that none ſhould exerciſe any Eccleſiaſticall juriſdiction within this Realme, but by virtue of the Kings (or Queenes) Letters Patents: then certainly it muſt be thought, that all, and every Temporall Judge, Juſtice, Major, and other lay and temporall Officer or Miniſter; all that take wages of the King in any of His dominions, thoſe that ſue out their Livery, or Ouſtre le maine; young Schollars in the Univerſitie, when they take degrees, or finally, whoſoever is required by the Statute to take that Oath; have in them a capacitie of Juriſdiction Eccleſiaſticall, but may not exerciſe the ſame without Letters Patents: or elſe muſt forthwith take up armes againſt thoſe that doe. As for that clauſe which followes after, And in the Kings Majeſties name and right, that's juſt like the reſt. It was indeed enacted ſo, in ſome certaine caſes. 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. but was repealed by Parliament, 1. Mar. c. 2. and ſtood repealed all the reigne of Queene Elizabeth, and therefore could not be intended in the ſtatute 10. I ſee Sir, you are as excellent in the Law, as in the Goſpell: and marveile that you have not mooted all this while in ſome Inne of Chancery.

Lets on Sir to thoſe other Arguments which you have ſtudied, to prove the High Commiſsioners to be your adverſaries; and if we follow your account they are three in number: but ſtilo novo we ſhall finde but one, and that one worth nothing. Firſt, they who are adverſaries of God and the King, are your adverſaries, p. 9. Secondly, they which are Chriſts enemies are your enemies. And thirdly, they which are the Kings enemies are your enemies. p. 10. This is as good as handy dandy, pretty ſport for Children. I hope you will not divide Chriſt from God, and I am ſure you cannot divide the King from himſelfe. Let then your three arguments paſſe this once for one: and ſhew us how you meane to prove, that the Biſhops are the adverſaries of God and the King. That's made as cleare as all the reſt, by arguing a non-conceſsis pro conceſsis; by taking it for granted, becauſe you ſay it, that they are dangerous innovators, hinderers of the Goſpell, oppoſers of his Majeſties Lawes, Proclamations, and Declarations againſt all innovations of religion, &c. What proofe you have of this, more then your owne bare Ipſe dixit, we ſhall ſee hereafter: and when we ſee it, we will anſwer to it as we ſee occaſion. Meane while, I would faine know how this concernes you, more then others: why any ſchiſmaticke or delinquent may not pretend the ſelfe ſame reaſons, to decline the judgement of that Court, as well as you. Pope Boniface tels us of Saint Peter, that he was taken in conſortium individuae Trinitatis; and doubtleſſe you deride him for it: yet in effect, you take as much unto your ſelfe. Gods cauſe and yours are ſo alike, of ſuch neere kinne to one another, that they are hard to be diſtinguiſhed. Our Saviour Chriſt hath no advantage of you, but that hee was the firſt-begotten, and therefore is your elder brother: As for the King, according to the Puritan tenet, he's but a Miniſter of the State, onely a ſworne Bailiffe of the Common wealth, and to be called unto accompt when the people pleaſe: the Saints, i. e. your ſelfe and ſuch as you, being kings indeed, to whom the earth belongs of right, and the fulneſſe of it; and at whoſe feete, in caſe the Preſbyterian diſcipline were once eſtabliſhed, all Kings and Princes of the world muſt lay downe their ſcepters, Huic diſciplinae omnes orbis Principes & Monarchas faſces ſuos ſubmittere, & parere neceſſe eſt. As your friend Travers ſtated it in his booke of Diſcipline. Yes marry Sir, now I perceive there's ſomewhat in it, why Gods cauſe, Chriſts, the King, and yours, are ſo linked together.

So farre we have gone after you, or with you rather, to ſee how you could juſtifie your Appeale, as it related to the incompetencie of the Iudges: wee muſt next looke upon you whileſt you pleade your cauſe, as it reflects upon the illegality of their proceedings. And this you branch into two parts alſo, (for you are excellent at making a diviſion:) the one generall which concernes their uſuall practiſe in all other caſes; the other particular, in your owne caſe, p. 11. It had beene fitter ſure you had left out the generall, and fallen on the particular onely: for in ſuch things, which are, you ſay, their uſuall practiſe, what cauſe have you to make appeale more then other men. And ſhould all other men take liberty to decline the Court, that would diſlike their courſe and manner of proceedings: his Majeſty might quickly call in the Commiſsion, as an vnneceſſary thing, of no uſe at all. This therefore onely was put in to beget an Odium to that Court, and buzze into the peoples heads (who if once ſeaſoned with your leaven, are apt to credit it) that the proceedings there are contrary to pie y, to law, to charity, and utterly againſt the liberty of the Kings good ſubjects. But being put in, we muſt doe what we can to raſe it out againe: and therefore ſpeake, what is it that you are agrieved at in their uſuall practiſe. Your firſt exception is againſt the oath ex officio, in which you ſay they doe tranſgreſſe in three particulars: firſt in regard it is exacted of the delinquent, before a copy of the Articles or Libell is exhibited unto him; and ſecondly in that the deponent is not permitted to have a copy of the Articles, before he doth depoſe unto them, that he may anſwer to them by adviſe of Counſell: both which, you ſay, are contrary unto the practiſe of all the other Courts of Iuſtice. Thirdly, in that the oath exacted is contrary both unto faith and charity; to faith, in that an oath ſo taken muſt needes be taken for a raſh oath, and ſo againſt the nine and thirtieth Article of the Church of England; to charity, in that it makes a man to accuſe his brother, and betray himſelfe, and ſo againſt that generall maxime, nemo tenetur prodere ſeipſum, p. 11. and 12. This is the ſumme of what you ſay, (for that which followes of putting in Additionals to the information, on the diſcovery of new matter, was not worth the ſaying:) and all this is no more, but quod dictum prius, that which hath formerly beene alledged, and already anſwered, your learned Counſell furniſhed you with theſe particulars, when you were both delinquents in that Court together: and he might doe it eaſily without much ſtudy. They were collected before hee was borne, and by ſome that had as evill will to the Church as he, and ſpred abroad amongſt that party in Queene Elizabeths time: but very learnedly refelled by Dr. Coſin, then Deane of the Arches, to whom for brevities ſake I might well referre you.

Yet ſince your libell is made publicke, and diſperſed abroad, I will in briefe lay downe ſuch anſwers as are made by him, to your ſeverall cavils; adding a little of mine owne, and one thing ſpecially for your ſatisfaction which he could not know of. In anſwer to the firſt, part 3. c. 15. he tels you (if you would have learned) that though the Articles or Libell, be not exhibed inſcriptis, before the oath, yet that the generall heads are ſignified and opened to the party criminall: which was obſerved, as you confeſſe, in your particular: For you informe us in the beginning of your Apologie, that the occaſion of your Appeale was upon the reading of certaine Articles unto you, by the Regiſter of the Court before Doctor Duck, and by his appointment who thereupon tendred unto you an oath to anſwer to the ſaid Articles. This was as much favour as could be ſhowne you, and more then needed. The reaſon why the Articles are not given in ſcriptis, is chiefely upon obſervation, that ſome of thoſe to whom that favour hath beene ſhowne, have uſed it onely as a meanes to inſtruct their confederates, for the concealing or the diſguizing of the truth; (a thing of dangerous conſequence in puniſhment of Schiſmes, Hereſies, and ſuch other things which this Court takes notice of:) themſelves, upon peruſall of the Articles, remaining ſtill as obſtinate in the refuſall of the oath, as they were before. Nor is it generally contrary to the practiſe of the Common-law, as it is pretended; the grand inqueſt taking an oath before the Iudges, that they ſhall diligently inquire, and truely preſent all offenders againſt any ſuch point, as ſhall be given them in charge: and yet the charge not given till the oath be taken. As to the ſecond, touching the adviſe of Counſell to draw up the anſwer, that's univerſall neither in law nor practiſe. For on inditements at the common law upon life and death, there is no counſell given the party to draw up his anſwer. And in proceedings in the Starre-chamber, Chancery and Court of requeſts, however they commence ſuites there by bill and anſwer: yet when they come to interrogatories, the parties firſt take oath to anſwer truely to the points; and then the Interrogatories are propoſed unto them peece by peece, in the Examiners office. Beſides that in ſuch Caſes, as principally doe concerne the high Commiſsion, it hath not beene thought ſit to admit of Counſell, for drawing up an anſwer unto the Articles objected; the better to avoide delaies, and that foule palliating of ſchiſmes, and errors, which might thence ariſe.

As for the firſt part of the third exception, it's true, that vaine and raſh ſwearing is condemned by the nine and thirtieth Article: but then it reſteth to be proved, that taking of an oath to anſwer to the points propoſed, doth come within the compaſſe of raſh ſwearing. For howſoever men are ſworne aforehand, in the proceedings of that Court, to anſwere truely to the things objected, when they come to heare them; yet they are never ſworne to anſwer to them before they heare them. And for the breach of charity, and the old ſaid ſaw, part. 3. c. 9. Nemo tenetur prodere ſeipſum, 'tis anſwered, that the oath is not exacted in things meerely ſecret, which are left to God (for de occultis eccleſia non judicat, as the ſaying is,) but in ſuch caſes which are partly manifeſted, as by bruite or fame, and ſuch like indicia, in which the Church is to be ſatisfied. And in this caſe and ſuch as theſe the oath is tendred, not to betray the party whom it doth concerne, but rather, if it be poſſible to cleare his innocency; on both ſides to bring truth to light, which is a Iewell worth the finding. Which cou ſe is alſo uſed in the Starre-chamber, where the defendant is to anſwer, even in criminall matters, on his corporall oath: and that not onely to the bill preferred againſt him, but to as many Interrogatories, and ſome croſſe ones too, as the Plaintifes Counſel ſhall deviſe.

Adde here, which Doctor Coſin could not know of, the reſolution of King Iames of bleſſed memory, at Hampton Court. When the Lord Chancelor, and after him the Lord Treaſurer, had ſpoke both for the neceſſity and uſe of the oath ex officio, in diverſe Courts and caſes; his excellent Majeſty preventing that old allegation, Nemo cogitur detegere ſuam turpitudinem, ſaid that the Civill proceedings puniſhed onely facts, but in Courts Eccleſiaſticall it was requiſite that fame and ſcandalls ſhould be looked into. That here was neceſſary the oath compurgatorie, and the oath ex officio too; and yet great moderation ſhould be uſed, firſt, in gravioribus criminibus, and ſecondly, in ſuch whereof there is a publicke fame, and thirdly, in diſtinguiſhing of publicke fame, either cauſed by the inordinate demeanour of the offender, or raiſed by the undiſcreet proceeding in triall of the fact. All which juſt cautions were obſerved in this proceeding againſt you Maſs. B. and therefore your appeale was cauſeleſſe, as your grievance none.

Now for your owne caſe next, and thē illegality of proceeding in it, you have no leſſe then tenne exceptions; you might have ſpunne them out as you doe your uſes, to as many more. Theſe wee will ſumme up briefly, that the world may ſee them; and afterwards reply to ſuch as are conſiderable, though peradventure we may touch at all, for your ſatisfaction. Firſt, you except in reference to the matter charged upon, which was ſedition, and ſo belonging to the Civill Courts; and ſecondly againſt the manner of proceeding, viz. firſt, inciting you to a private houſe, before one Commiſſioner alone; ſecondly, excluding your friends and neighbours that they might not heare; thirdly, in tendring you an oath in a matter, which if true concernd your life; fourthly, in calling for a copy of your Sermon to be delivered upon oath; fifthly, in that you were ſuſpended, being abſent; ſixthly, notwithſtanding your appeale; ſeventhly, and the ſuſpenſion publiſhed in your owne pariſh Church, to your intollerable diſgrace and ſcandall; eightly, in taxing you of ſedition in the ſaid ſuſpenſion; and ninthly, in denying you a Copy of the Articles, and other Acts of Court, whereby to perfect that appeale to his ſacred Majeſty. Of all theſe tenne, there are but two conſiderable, (the other eight being onely added to make up the tale:) to wit, of the matter charged upon you, which was ſedition; and then the tendring of an oath in the ſaid matter, being a crime, which might if true, concerne you, in point of life. For that you were convented before one Commiſsioner alone, at his private houſe is no rare matter; that his conventing of you being onely to tender you an oath, to make true anſwer to thoſe Articles which were read unto you: there being a particular clauſe in the very Commiſſion, that any one Commiſſioner may give the oath to party or witneſſe. And why you ſhould bring your friends and neighbours with you; or being there, why ſhould you thinke to have them preſent at your examination is beyond my reach: unleſſe perhaps you were deſirous to let them ſee how valiantly you durſt out-face authority. You cannot be ſo ignorant, having had buſineſſe in that Court before, as not to know, that though the party cited doe for the moſt part take his oath in the open Court, to make true anſwer, whenſoever he is called unto it: Yet the examinations are in private, in ſome other place. And ſo they are alſo in the Examiners office for the Starrechamber, Chancery, and Court of Requeſts, and all Commiſsions thence awarded: where the Examiner and the Party, the Commiſsioners and Deponents are alone in private, remotis arbitris. The calling for a Copy of your Sermon to be delivered upon oath, is neither any new matter, or uſed onely in your caſe: it being Ordinary in the Vniverſities; and by the Vice-chancellours there done of common courſe. And it ſeemes wonderous ſtrange to me, you ſhould deny to give a private Copy of your Sermon, when it was required of you by authority: and notwithſtanding publiſh it in Print a little after, being not required. As for the Example of our Saviour, (whoſe caſe you parallell with your owne upon all occaſions) who being demanded of his doctrine by the High-Prieſt, made anſwer, that he ſpake openly in the Synagogue, and in the Temple, and ſaid nothing in ſecret, and therefore they might aske the queſtion of thoſe that heard him: that makes nothing for you. And yet from hence you draw a moſt factious inference, that no Miniſter ought to be put ſo much as to give an anſwer, much leſſe a Copy of what he publickely preached in the Church p. 15.16. The caſe is very different between Chriſt and you, though you make it one: he being demanded of his doctrine in the generall, without particulars, either time or place, or any matter charged upon him; you being queſtioned for a Sermon preached at ſuch a time, and in ſuch a place, containing ſuch and ſuch ſeditious and factious paſſages, as were reade unto you. Leſſe reaſon have you to complaine of being ſuſpended being abſent, becauſe being warned to be there, you refuſed to come: or that you were ſuſpended notwithſtanding your appeale, to his ſacred Majeſty, ſince your ſuſpenſion, as you grant, was grounded on a new contempt, not the firſt refuſall of the oath. That the ſuſpenſion ſhould be publiſhed in your owne Pariſh Church, and that therein you ſhould be taxed of ſedition; was both juſt and neceſſary. For if you were convented firſt, becauſe of your ſeditious Sermon, and a ſeditious Sermon Preached to your owne Pariſhioners: good reaſon that your cenſure ſhould be publiſhed there, where you committed your offence, that ſo the people might beware of the like falſe teachers. And for denying you a Copy of the Articles, and other Acts of Court, I ſee no cauſe at all why you ſhould demand them. For having at the firſt declined the judgement of that Court, by the refuſall of the oath, and your ſaid Appeale; and afterwards contemptuouſly neglected your appearance on the ſecond ſummons: what cauſe had you to expect any favour from them, or to conſult thoſe Acts which you cared not for; Eſpecially conſidering you continued ſtill in your diſobedience, and deſired the Articles, not to anſwer to them, but thereby, as you ſay your ſelfe to perfect your Appeale; or rather, as it may be thought, to ſcatter them abroad in imperfect copies, with ſuch falſe anſwers to them as you pleaſed to make. Your ſelfe and ſuch as you, have long uſed the art,Tacit. in vica Agricolae. of getting the firſt ſtart upon mens affections: non ignari inſtandum famae, & prout prima ſucceſſerint fore vniverſa.

But come we now unto the maine of your Appeale, in reference to the illegality of proceedings in your owne particular: for all that hath beene anſwered hitherto, was but the vantage as it were, which you caſt in out of your abundance, to make up the reckoning. It is pretended, that being charged with ſedition, you were not bound to anſwer to it. And why? Becauſe ſedition is no eccleſiaſticall offence againſt the Church, but a civill againſt the King and State; and therefore to be tried onely in his Majeſties Courts of Civill Iuſtice, and not before the High Commiſſioners, who have no cognizance thereof. Your Enthimeme doth halt extreamely. For there are many matters puniſhable in either juriſdiction, which ſince you are ignorant, I will name you ſome. Vſury, contrary to the ſtatute, 21. Iac. c. 17. is puniſhable at the Common-law, and it is alſo puniſhable in the Court Chriſtian; as in the 109. Canon. The ſelfe ſame Canon reckoneth drunkenneſſe and ſwearing, as puniſhable by the Ordinary upon preſentment: and yet are puniſhable by the Civill Magistrate, by vertue of two ſeverall ſtatutes, viz. 4. Iac. 5.21. Iac. and 21. Iac. 20. So for prohibited, either workes or recreations on the Lords day, the parties ſo offending are by the Statute 1 Car. c. 1. & 3. Car. c. 1. to be convented and corrected by the Iuſtices of the Peace: and yet there is a ſalvo there, for the Eccleſiasticall juriſdiction to proceed as formerly. All perſons that offend againſt the Statute 1. Eliz. c. 2. either in depraving the Booke of Common prayer, or elſe not uſing it as they ought to doe, or uſing any other forme of prayer (N. B.) then is there preſcribed, &c. are puniſhable either by enditement at the Common-law, or by the cenſures of the Church According as complaint is firſt made unto either Court: I could informe you of many ſuch particulars, were it convenient. So that you ſee, your propoſition is not true, in that full latitude wherein you propound i : viz. becauſe ſedition is to be tryed in the Courts of civill Iuſtice, therefore in you, and as it was an offence by you committed, it was not to be cenſured in the High Commiſsion. For Sir, I hope you can diſtinguiſh betweene ſedition in the field, or in the Market-place, and a ſeditious Sermon (for Sermon I muſt call it for feare of angring you) in the Church or Pulpit. Had you behaved your ſelfe ſeditiouſly in any other place, no better dealing with you, then by the Conſtable firſt, and ſo on. But if you preach ſeditiouſly, and make the Houſe and Ordinance of God, onely a Pandar to your diſcontent or your ambition, I hope my Lords the Iudges will not be offended, if your Superiours in the Lord doe chaſtiſe you for it, yet this, at laſt, you make a juſt gravamen, upon the which you might appeale. But had you thought indeed, as you ſay you doe, that the Eccleſiaſticall Commſsioners, could take no cognizance of the crime objected to you: you might with better hopes have labored for a prohibition, as formerly you did upon weaker grounds; then runne your ſelfe ſo haſtily on a new experiment, of making an Appeale, when you were not grieved. Laſtly, you pleade, that being the matter charged upon you, was Sedition, and ſo if true, your life might have beene called in queſtion; you were not bound to take the oath propounded to you, and this you ground upon a Paſſage of Arch-Biſhop Whitgift in the conference at Hampton Court, ſaying, as you report his words, that in matter of life, liberty, and ſcandall, it is not the courſe of that Court to require any ſuch oath: wherein you doe moſt ſhameleſſely miſreport the words of the ſaid Arch-Biſhop. All that he ſaid, is this, which will helpe you little, viz. If any Article did touch the party any way, either for life, liberty, or ſcandall, he might refuſe to anſwer, neither was he urged thereunto. He doth not ſay, as you make him ſay, that in thoſe caſes there recited, it was not the courſe of that Court, to require any ſuch oath, but that the party might refuſe to anſwer to thoſe Articles which did ſo concerne him. It is the cuſtome of the Court to give an oath unto the party, to anſwer truely to ſuch Articles as ſhall be propounded: and the indulgence of the Court, at the examination, that if the party will, he may chalenge any of them, as not being bound by law to anſwer to them; and his refuſall, if the law binde him not to anſwer, is to be allowed.

You might then, ſubtile Sir, have tooke the oath; and yet demurred on any ſuch Article, when you came unto it. And ſo farre we have traced you in your Apologie, wherein is nothing to be found, but poore ſurmiſes: which being proved onely by an Aio, might have beene anſwered with a Nego; but that I am reſolved to diſſect you throughly, and lay you open to the world, which hath ſo long beene ſeduced by you.

CHAP. II. The Kings authority reſtrained, and the obedience of the ſubject limited within narrow bounds, by H. B. with the removall of thoſe bounds. The title of the Sermon ſcanned, and the whole divided. H. B. offended with the unlimited power of Kings, the bounds by him preſcribed to the power of Kings, both dangerous and doubtfull. The power of Kings how amplified by Iewes, Chriſtians, Heathens. What the King cannot doe, and what power is not in him, by Maſſ. Burtons doctrine. The Poſitive Lawes of the Realme conferre no power upon the King, nor confirme none to him. The whole obedience of the ſubject reſtrained by H. B. to the Lawes of the Realme; and grounded on the mutuall ſtipulation betweene King and people. The dangerous ſequells of that doctrine.

A Pravis ad praecipitia. Paterculus. Wee are on the declining hand, out of the Hall into the Kitchin, from an Apologie that was full of weakeneſſe, unto a Sermon or rather a Paſquill farre more full of wickedneſſe: yet were we guided either by the Text or Title, we might perſwade our ſelves there were no ſuch matter, nothing but piety and zeale, and whatſoever a faire ſhew can promiſe. But for the Title Sir (I hope you know your owne words in your doughtie dialogue betweene A. and B.) you know the proverbe, Fronti rara fides, the fowleſt cauſes may have the faireſt pretences. For whereas you entitle it, for God and the King, you doe therein as Rebells doe moſt commonly in their inſurrections: pretend the ſafety of the King, and preſervation of Religion, when as they doe intend to deſtroy them both. The civill warre in France, raiſed by the Duke of Burgundy and Berry againſt Lewis the eleventh, was chriſtned by the ſpecious name of Le bien Public, Phil. de Comiues. for the Common-wealth; but there was nothing leſſe intended then the common good. And when the Iewes cryed Templum Domini, Templum Domini, they did but as you doe, abuſe the people, and colour their ambition, or their malice, chooſe you which you will, with a ſhew of zeale. So that your Title may be likened very fitly, to thoſe Apothecaries boxes which Lactantius ſpeakes of, quorum tituli remedium habent, lib. 3. cap. 15. pixides venenum, poyſons within, and medecines writ upon the Paper. So for your Text, we will repeat that too, that men may ſee the better how you doe abuſe it. My ſonne feare thou the Lord, and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change; For their calamity ſhall ariſe ſuddenly, and who knoweth the ruine of them both, Prov. 24.21, 22. A Text indeed well choſen but not well applyed. For had you looked upon your ſelfe and the Text together, and followed the direction which is therein given you, you had not ſo long hunted after Innovations, as for theſe many yeares it is knowne you have; and ſo might poſſibly have eſcaped that calamitie which is now like to fall upon you. But it's the nature of your humour, as of ſome diſeaſes, to turne all things unto the nouriſhment of the part that is ill affected: Meane while you make the Scriptures but a noſe of wax, as Pighius once prophanly called it; by wreſting it maliciouſly to ſerve your turnes; and ſo confirme the vulgar Papiſts in contempt of that, which were it not for you, and ſuch as you, they might more eaſily bee induced both to heare and reverence. Now for the method of your Sermon (I meane to call it ſo no more) though you obſerve no method in it, but wander up and downe in repetitions and tautologies, as your cuſtome is: I muſt thus diſpoſe it. The paſſages therein, either of ſcandall or ſedition, I ſhall reduce eſpecially unto theſe two heads: thoſe which reflect upon the Kings moſt excellent Majeſtie, and thoſe which ſtrike directly againſt the Biſhops. That which reflects upon the King, either relates to his authoritie, or his actions. That which doth ſtrike againſt the Biſhops is to be conſidered as it is referred either unto their place, or to their perſons, or finally to their proceedings: and theſe proceedings are againe to bee conſidered, eyther in reference to their Courts, and behaviour there, or to their government of and in the Church, and carriage in that weighty office, wherein you charge them with eight kinds of Innovations, moſt of the generall kinds being ſub-divided into ſeveral branches. For a concluſion of the whole, I ſhall preſent unto your ſelfe, by way of Corollarie, or reſultancie out of all the premiſſes, how farre you are or may prove guilty of ſedition, for that Pulpit paſquill of yours: and ſo commend you to repentance, and the grace of God. In ripping up whereof, as I ſhall keepe my ſelfe eſpecially to your Pulpit-Paſquill: ſo if I meete with any variae lectiones, in your Apologie, or Epiſtles, or the Newes from Ipſwich, or your addreſſes to the Lords of the Privie Councell, and my Lords the Iudges, I ſhall uſe them alſo either for explication or for application. Such your extravagancies, as cannot eaſily be reduced to the former heads, I either ſhall paſſe over, or but touch in tranſitu. This is the order I ſhall uſe.

Firſt for the King, you may remember what I told you was the Puritan tenet, that Kings are but the Miniſters of the Common-wealth, and that they have no more authority then what is given them by the people. This though you doe not ſay expreſly, and in terminis, yet you come very neare it, to a tantamont: finding great fault with that unlimited power which ſome give to Kings, and as alſo with that abſolute obedience which is exacted of the ſubject. One of your doctrines is, that all our obedience to Kings and princes and other ſuperiors muſt be regulated by our obedience to God. Your reaſon is, becauſe the King is Gods Miniſter and Vice-gerent, and commands as from God, ſo for God, and in God. Your doctrine and your reaſon, might become a right honeſt man. But whats your uſe? Your firſt uſe is, for reprehenſion or refutation of thoſe that ſo advance mans ordinances and commandements, as though they be contrary to Gods Law, and the fundamentall lawes of the State, yet ſo preſſe men to the obedience of them as they hold them for no better then rebells, and to deſerve to be hanged drawne and quartered that refuſe to obey them, pag. 77. So pag. 88. a ſecond ſort come here to be reproved, that on the other ſide ſeparate the feare of the King from the feare of the Lord: and thoſe are ſuch as attribute to Kings ſuch an unlimited power, as if he were God Almightie himſelfe; ſo as hereby they would ſeeme to aſcribe that omnipotency to the King which the Pope aſſumes, and his Paraſites aſcribe to his holineſſe. So pag. 89. Thus theſe men crying up, and exacting univerſall abſolute obedience to man, they doe hereby caſt the feare of God, and ſo his Throne, downe to the ground. Finally you reckon it amongſt the Innovations wherewith you charge the Prelats in point of doctrine, that they have laboured to make a change in the doctrine of obedience to ſuperiours, ſetting man ſo in Gods Throne, that all obedience to man muſt be abſolute without regard to God and conſcience, whoſe onely rule is the word of God, pag. 126. In all which paſſages, however you pretend the word of God, the fundamentall Lawes of ſtate, and conſcience: yet clearely you expreſſe your diſaffection unto the ſoveraignty of Princes, and in effect leave them no greater power then every private man ſhall thinke fit to give them. Beſides there is a tacite implication alſo, that the King exerciſes an unlimited power, which cannot poſſibly conſiſt with the ſubjects conſcience, the fundamentall lawes of the Kingdome, or the word of God. It had beene very well done of you to have told the people, what were the fundamentall lawes of State, which were ſo carefully to be preſerved; within what bounds and limits the authority of Kings is to be confined, and to have given them a more ſpeciall knowledge of the rule of conſcience. For dealing thus in generalls onely, (Doloſus verſatur in generalibus, you know who ſayd it) you have preſented to the people a moſt excellent ground, not onely to diſpute, but to diſobey the Kings commands.

Now Sir I pray you what are you, or by what ſpirit are you guided, that you ſhould finde your ſelfe agreeved at unlimited power, which ſome of better underſtanding then your ſelfe have given to Kings: or thinke it any Innovation in point of doctrine, in caſe the doctrine of obedience to our ſuperiours bee preſſed more home of late then it hath beene formerly. Surely you have lately ſtudied Buchannan dejure regni, or the vindiciae writ by Beza under the name of Iunius Brutus: In Rom. cap. 13. Inſtitut. lib. 4. c. ult. or elſe perhaps you went no further then Paraeus, where the inferiour Magiſtrates, or Calvin, where the three eſtates have an authority to controule, and correct the King. And ſhould the King be limited within thoſe narrow bounds which you would preſcribe him, had you power; he would in little time be like the antient Kings of Sparta, in which the Ephori, or the now Duke of Venice, in which the Senate beare the greateſt ſtroke: himſelfe meane time, being a bare ſound, and an emptie name, Stet magni nominis umbra, in the Poets language.Lucan. Already you have layd ſuch grounds, by which each private man may not alone diſpute but diſobey the Kings commandements. For if the Subject ſhall conceive that the Kings command is contrary to Gods word, though indeede it be not; or to the fundamentall lawes of ſtate, although hee cannot tell which be fundamentall; or if he finde no precedent of the like commands in holy Scripture, which you have made to be the onely rule of conſcience: in all theſe caſes it is lawfull not to yeeld obedience. Your ſelfe have given us one caſe in your Margin, pag. 77. we will put the other. Your reprehenſion is of thoſe, that ſo advance mans ordinances and commandements, as though they be contrary to Gods Law, and the fundamentall lawes of ſtate, yet preſſe men to obedience to them, your inſtance is of one which was ſhrewdly threatned (how true that is we meane to tell the world hereafter) for refuſing to doe that which was not agreeable to the word of God, viz. for refuſing to read the booke of ſports, as you declare it in the Margin, pag. 26. whether you referre us. So then the caſe is this. The King permits his people honeſt recreations on the Lords day, according as had beene accuſtomed, till you and your accomplices had cryed it downe: with order to the Biſhops to ſee his declaration publiſhed in the Churches of their ſeverall dioceſſes, reſpectively. This publication you conceive to bee repugnant to Gods word, (though none but a few factious ſpirits ever ſo conceived it, and that your doctrine of the Sabbath be contrary to all antiquity and moderne Churches:) and therefore by your rule they doe very well that refuſe to publiſh it. It's true indeed, in things that are directly contrary to the law of God, & ſuch as carry in them a plaine and manifeſt impietie; there is no queſtion to be made, but it is better to obey God then man. Acts 4. But when the matter chiefly reſteth either in miſapplying, or miſunderſtanding the word of God, (a fault too incidēt to ignorant & unſtable men, & to none more then to your diſciples & their teachers too) or that the word of God be made a property like the Phariſees Corban, to juſtifie your diſobedience unto Kings and Princes: your rule is then as falſe, as your action faulty. So for your ſecond limitation, that's but little better; and leaves a ſtarting hole to malicious perſons, from whence to worke on the affections of the common people. For put the caſe, the King in neceſſary and emergent cauſes, touching the ſafety of his empire, demand the preſent ayde of all his ſubjects; and any Tribunitian ſpirit ſhould informe them, that this demand is contrary unto the fundamentall lawes of ſtate: according to your rule, the ſubject is not bound to obey the king, nay he might refuſe it, although the buſines doth concerne eſpecially his owne preſervation. But your third limitation, that of conſcience, is the worſt of all. For where you make the word of God to be the onely rule of conſcience, you doe thereby conclude expreſſely that neither Eccleſiaſticall or Civill ordinances doe binde the conſcience: and therein overthrow the Apoſtles doctrine, who would have Every ſoule be ſubject to the higher powers, Rom. 13.5. not for wrath onely but for conſcience ſake. So that in caſe the king command us any thing, for which we finde not ſome plaine precept or particular warrant in the word of God; as if the King command all Lecturers to read the ſervice of the Church in their oodes and ſurplices, before their Lectures; ſuch his command is plainely againſt conſcience, at leaſt the Lecturers are not bound in conſcience to ſubmit unto it, becauſe there is no ſpeciall precept for it in holy Scripture. And certainely this plea of conſcience, is the moſt dangerous buckler againſt authoritie, which in theſe latter ages hath beene taken up. So dangerous that were the plea allowed, and all the judgements of the king in banco, permitted to bee ſcanned and traverſed in this Court of Conſcience; there were a preſent end of all obedience. Si ubi jubeantur, quaerere ſingulis liceat, peunte obſequio, hiſt. l. imperium etiam intercidit, as he in Tacitus. If every man had leave to caſt in his ſcruple, the balance of authority would be ſoone weighed downe.

Yet ſince you are ſo much agreived at the unlimited power which ſome gives to Kings, will you be pleaſed to know, that Kings doe hold their crownes by no other Tenure, than Dei gratia: and that what ever power they have, they have from God, by whom Kings reigne, and Princes decree juſtice. Lib. 7. c. 17. So ſay the Conſtitutions aſcribed to Clements, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . So Irenaeus alſo an antient father, Cujus juſſu homines naſcuntur, ejus juſſu reges conſtituuntur. And Porphyrie remembreth it amongſt the Tenets of the Eſſees a Iewiſh Sect, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that no man ever did beare rule but by Gods appointment. Holding then what they have from God, whoſe deputies they are, and of whoſe power they are partakers; how and by whom doe you conceive they ſhould be limited? doubtleſſe you meane to ſay by the lawes of the Land. But then if queſtion be demanded who firſt made thoſe lawes, you muſt needes anſwere alſo, the kings themſelves. So that in caſe the kings in ſome particulars had not preſcribed limits unto themſelves, and bound their owne hands, as it were to enlarge the peoples: neither the people, nor any lawes by them enacted could have done it. Beſides the law of Monarchie is founded on the Law of nature, not on poſitive lawes: and poſitive lawes I trow are of no ſuch efficacie, as to annihilate any thing, which hath its being and originall, in the law of nature. Hence is it, that all ſoveraigne Princes in themſelves are above the lawes, as Princes are conſidered in abſtracto, and extent of power; and how farre that extent will reach, you may ſee in the firſt of Sam. and 8 chap. though in concreto a juſt Prince will not breake thoſe lawes, which he hath promiſed to obſerve. Princes are debtors to their ſubjects, as God to man;In Pſal. 10 . non aliquid a nobis accipiendo, ſed omnia nobis promittendo, as S. Auſtine hath it. And we may ſay of them in S. Bernards words Promiſſum quidem ex miſericordia, ſed ex juſtitia perſolvendum: that they have promiſed to obſerve the lawes, was of ſpeciall grace; and its agreeable to their juſtice to obſerve their promiſe. Otherwiſe we may ſay of kings, as the Apoſtle of the juſt; Iusto lex non est poſita, ſaith the Apoſtle, and Principi lexnon eſt poſita, ſaith the law of nature. Doe you expect more proofe than you uſe to give, Plutarch affirmes it of ſome kings. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ,Hiſt. l. 53. that they did not governe onely by the law, but were above it. The like ſaith Dion of Auguſtus Caeſar, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he was ſure and had an abſolute authoritie, aſwell upon his lawes as upon himſelfe. Beſides in caſe the power of kings were reſtrained by law, after the manner, that you would have it; yet ſhould the king neglect thoſe lawes, whereby you apprehend that his power is limited; how would you helpe your ſelfe by this limited power? I hope you would not call a Conſiſtorie and convent him there; or arme the people to aſſert their pretended liberties: though as before I ſaid, the Puritan tenet is, that you may doe both. Your learned Councell might have told you out of Bracton, an ancient Lawyer of this kingdome, omnem eſſe ſub Rege & ipſum ſub nullo, ſed tantum ſub Deo; And Horace could have told you, that kings are under none but God. Reges in ipſos imperium eſt Iovis, as he there hath it. You may moreover pleaſe to know, what Gregorie of Tours ſaid once to a king of France; Si quis e nobis, O Rex, juſtitiae tramites tranſcendere voluerit, a te corripi poteſt; ſi vero tu exceſſeris quis te corripiet? &c. If any of us, O king, offend againſt the rules of juſtice, thou haſt power to puniſh him, but if thou breake thoſe rules, who hath power to doe it? We tell you of it, and when you liſt, you pleaſe to heare us, but when you will not, who ſhall judge you, but he that tels us of himſelfe, that he is juſtice.

This was you ſee the ancient doctrine, touching the power and right of kings, not onely amongſt Iewes and Chriſtians but in heathen ſtates: what ever new opinion of a limited power, you have pleaſed to raiſe.

But you goe further yet, and tell us of ſome things the king cannot do, and that there is a power which the king hath not; what is it, ſay you, that the king cannot doe? Marry you ſay he cannot inſtitute new rites and ceremonies, with the adviſe of his Commiſſioners Eccleſiaſticall, or the Metropolitan, according as ſome pleade from the Act of Parliament before the Communion booke, pag. 65. Why ſo? Becauſe, according to your law, this clauſe of the Act is limited to Queene Elizabeth, and not extended to her ſucceſſours of the Crowne. This you affirme indeede, but you bring no proofe: onely it ſeemes you heard ſo from your learned councell. You are I ſee of Calvins minde, who tels us in his Commentarie on the 7 of Amos, what had beene ſayd by Doctor Gardiner, after Biſhop of Wincheſter, and then Ambaſſadour in Germany, touching the headſhip or Supremacie of the king his maſter: and cloſeth up the ſtorie with this ſhort note, inconſiderati homines ſunt, qui faciunt eos nimis ſpirituales, that it was unadviſedly done, to give kings ſuch authority in ſpirituall matters. But ſir I hope you may afford the king that power, which you take your ſelves, or which your brethren at the leaſt have tooke before you: who in Queene Elizabeths time had their Claſsicall meetings without leave or licence, and therein did ordeine new rites, new Canons, and new formes of ſervice. This you may doe, it ſeemes, though the kings hands are bound that he may not doe it. And theres a power too, as you tell us, that the king neither hath nor may give to others. Not give to others certainely, if he have it not; for nemo dat quod non habet, as the ſaying is. But what is this? you firſt ſuppoſe and take for granted, that the Biſhops make foule havocke in the Church of God, and perſecute his faithfull ſervants: and then ſuppoſe, which yet you ſay is not to be ſuppoſed, that they have procured a grant from the king to doe all thoſe things which of late they have done, tending to the utter overthrow of religion by law eſtabliſhed. And on theſe ſuppoſitions you doe thus proceede. Yet whatſoever colour, pretext or ſhew they make for this, the king (to ſpeake with all humble reverence) cannot give that power to others, which hee hath not himſelfe. For the power that is in the king is given him by God, and confirmed by the lawes of the kingdome. Now neither God in his law, nor the lawes of the land, doe allow the king a power to alter the ſtate of religion, or to oppreſſe and ſuppreſſe the faithfull miniſters of the Goſpell, againſt both law and conſcience. For kings are the miniſters of God for the good of his people, as wee ſhewed before. p. 72.73. So you, and it was bravely ſaid, like a valiant man. The Brethren now may follow after their owne inventions, with a full ſecuritie: for ſince you have proclaimed them to be faithfull miniſters, no king nor Keiſar dares ſuppreſſe them; or if he ſhould, the lawes of God, and the law of the land to boote, would riſe in judgement to condemne him, for uſurpation of a power which they have not given him. But take me with you brother B •• and I perhaps may tell you ſomewhat that is worth your knowledge. And I will tell you ſir if you pleaſe to hearken, that whatſoever power is in the king, is from God alone, and founded on the law of nature. The poſitive lawes of the land as they conferre none on him, ſo they confirme none to him. Rather the kings of England have parted with their native royalties for the peoples good: which being by their owne conſent, eſtabliſhed for a poſitive law, are now become the greateſt part of the ſubjects liberties. So that the liberties, poſſeſſions, and eſtates of the kings leige people, are, if you will, confirmed by the lawes of the land; not the kings authoritie. As for the power of kings which is given by God, and founded on the law of nature, how farre it may extend in the true latitude thereof, we have ſaid already: Whether to alter the ſtate of religion, none but a moſt ſeditious ſpirit, ſuch as yours would put unto the queſtion: his majeſties pietie and zeale, being too well knowne to give occaſion to ſuch quaeres. Onely I needes muſt tell you, that you tye up the kings hands too much, in caſe he may not meddle with a company of Schiſmatickes, and refractarie perſons to all power and order, onely becauſe you have pronounced them to be faithfull ministers of the Goſpell. Such faithfull miniſters of the Goſpell as you and yours, muſt bee ſuppreſſed, or elſe there never will be peace and unitie in the Citie of God. And yet I ſee you have ſome ſcripture for it, more than I ſuppoſed: kings being, as you tell us from S. Paul, the ministers of God for the good of their people, and no more then ſo? I thought S. Paul had alſo told us, that the King is a minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evill: Rom. 13.4. yea more than ſo too brother B. and it may concerne you, viz. if thou doe that which is evill be afraid, for he beareth not the ſword in vaine. Aut undequaque pietatem tolle, Cicero Philip. 2. aut undequaque conſerva; Take the whole text along good ſir, or take none at all: and if you take all be afraid, as you are adviſed, verbum ſapienti.

I muſt goe forwards with you yet from the authoritie of the king, to the obedience of the ſubject; which you doe preſſe indeede, but on ſuch falſe grounds, as in concluſion overthrow the whole frame of government. The abſolute obedience of the ſubject you have daſhed alreadie, and reckon it amongſt thoſe Innovations in point of doctrine, which you have charged upon the Prelates: and in the place thereof bring in a limited or conditionall obedience, of your owne deviſing; Your firſt condition or limitation rather, is, viz. that our ſubjection unto the king, is to be regulated as by Gods law, the rule of univerſall obedience to God and man, ſo by the good laws of the king. p. 38. the king as you informe us p. 42. having entred into ſolemne and ſacred covenant with all his people, to demaund of them no other obedience, but what the good lawes of the kingdome preſcribe & require: as on the other ſide, the people ſwearing no other obedience to the king than according to his just lawes, pag. 39. and 40. In which reſtraint, there are two things to be obſerved, firſt that wee are to obey the king no farther than there is law for it, and ſecondly no farther than that law ſeemes good; So that in caſe the king commands his people any thing for which he hath no poſitive law to warrant his command; and of this ſort are many Proclamations, orders, decrees, injunctions, ſet out from time to time by the kings authoritie, and Prerogative royall, by brother Burtons rule the people are at liberty to obey or not. And on the other ſide, in caſe the ſaid command bee grounded on ſome poſitive law which they like not of, whether it be a Penall ſtatute, or ſome old Act of Parliament almoſt out of uſe, by the reviving of the which they may be prejudiced in purſe or otherwiſe: this is no good law in their judgement, and ſo no more to be obeyed than if the kings command were founded on no law at all. But your next limitation is farre worſe than this, though this bad enough. For in the next place you have grounded all obedience on the peoples part, upon that mutuall ſtipulation which the king and his ſubjects make at his Coronation. Where the king takes an explicite ſolemne oath to mainteine the antient lawes and liberties of the kingdome, and ſo to rule and governe all his people according to thoſe lawes eſtabliſhed; conſequently and implicitely all the people of the land doe ſweare fealtie, allegiance, ſubjection and obedience to their king, and that according to his juſt lawes, pag. 39. your inference from hence is this, that if the king ſo ſolemnely by ſacred oath, ratified againe in Parliament under his royall hand, doe bind himſelfe to maintaine the lawes of his kingdome, and therein the rights and liberties of his ſubjects, then how much are the people bound to yeeld all ſubjection and obedience to the king, according to his juſt lawes, p. 40. So that according to your doctrine, the people is no longer to obey the king, than the king keepes promiſe with the people. Nay of the two the people have the better bargaine; the king being ſworne explicitely and ſolemnely to maintaine their liberties; the people onely conſequently and implicitely to yeeld him ſubjection. Is not this excellent doctrine think you? or could the moſt ſeditious perſon in a ſtate have thought upon a ſhorter cut to bring all to Anarchie; for if the ſubject pleaſe to miſinterpret the kings proceedings, and thinke though falſely, that he hath not kept his promiſe with them: they are releaſed ipſo facto from all obedience and ſubjection, and that by a more eaſie way, then ſuing out a diſpenſation in the Court of Rome. You tell us, p. 129. of the kings free ſubjects; and here you have found out a way to make them ſo: a way to make the ſubject free, and the king a ſubject; and hard it is to ſay whether of the two be the greater Contradiction in adjecto. I have before heard of a free people, and of free ſtates, but never till of late of a free ſubject: nor know I anyway to create free ſubjects, but by releaſing them of all obedience to their Princes. And I have read too of Eleuthero Cilices, which were thoſe people of Cilicia that were not under the command of any king: but never reade of an Eleuthero Britannus, nor I hope never ſhall. I will but aske you one queſtion, and ſo end this point. You preſſe the kings oath very much about maintaining of the lawes of the Kingdom, as pag. 39.40. and 42. before recited, as alſo, pag. 72. againe and againe, and finally in your addreſſe to my LL. the Judges: is it by way of Commemoration or of Exprobration? if of Commemoration, you forget the Rule; memorem immemorem facit, qui monet quae memor meminit. But if of Exprobration, what meant you, when you needed not to tell us, that in a point of Civill Government, it is a dangerous thing to change a Kingdom ſetled on good lawes into a tyranny; and preſently thereon to adde a certaine ſpeech of Heraclitus, Viz. That Citizens ought to fight no leſſe for their Lawes, then for their walls. I only aſke the queſtion, take you time to anſwere it.

CHAP. III. An Anſwere to the Challenge of H. B. againſt His Majeſties Actions and Declarations. The King accuſed for breach of promiſe, touching the Petition of Right; but falſly. His Majeſties Declaration before the Articles cenſured by H.B. as tending to ſuppreſſe the Trueth, and advance the contrary errours. Of the law of Amneſtie. His Majeſties Declaration about Sports condemned and cenſured. H. B. fall's ſcandalouſly fowle upon King James, by reaſon of the like Declaration by him ſet forth. H. B. makes the people jealous of the Kings intentions. His Majeſtie accuſed for the reſtraint of Preaching in infected places, contrary to his Declarations, and the former practiſe; and thereunto the increaſe of the Plague imputed. His Majeſties Chappell paralleld with Nebuchadnezars golden Image, and Julian the Apoſtates Altar. H. B. incourageth diſobedient perſons, and makes an odious ſuppoſition about ſetting up Maſſe in the Kings Chappell.

FRom your reſtraint and curtailling of the Kings authoritie, proceed wee to your cenſure of His Actions and Declarations which wee have ſeparated from the other, becauſe in this wee have ſome intermixture of your invectives againſt the Biſhops: your ſcandalous clamours againſt whom, in reference to their place and perſons, are to follow next. And firſt wee will begin with the Petition of Right, as having ſome reſemblance to the former point: on which you pleaſe to play the Commentator and ſpoile a good text with a factious gloſſe. It pleaſed His Majeſtie, being Petitioned (amongſt other things) in Parliament, 1628, that no Free-man (and not a Free Subject, as you phraſe it) ſhould be impriſoned, or detained without cauſe ſhewed, and being brought to anſwere by due courſe of Law: to paſſe His Royall aſſent to the ſaid Petition. What Comment do you make thereon? That no man is to be impriſoned, if hee offer bayle. p. 52. You do indeed reſolve it ſo, in your own caſe too; and fall exceeding fowle on His Sacred Majeſtie, becauſe your Comment or Interpretation could not be allowed of. Now your caſe was thus. During that Seſſion, you had printed a ſeditious Pamphlet (as all yours are) entituled Babell no Bethel; tending to incenſe the Commons againſt the King: for which, being called before the High Commiſſion, order was made for your commitment. And when you offered bayle, it was refuſed, you ſay, by my Lord of London that then was, affirming that the King had given expreſſe charge, that no bayle ſhould be taken for you: That thereupon you claimed the right and Privilege of a Subject, according to the Petition of Right, but notwithſtanding your ſaid claime, were ſent to Priſon, and there kept Twelve dayes, and after brought into the High Commiſſion. This is the caſe, as you relate it. p. 52. and 53. And hereupon, you do referre it unto the conſideration of the ſageſt, whether that which he fathered on the King, were not a moſt dangerous and ſeditious ſpeech, tending to poſſeſſe the by-ſtanders, and conſequently all the people of the land with a ſiniſter opinion of the Kings Juſtice and Conſtancy in keeping His ſolemne Covenant made with His people, as in that Petition of Right. And you have noted it in the margin, p. 53. for a moſt impious and diſgracefull ſpeech, to bring the people into an hard conceit of His Majeſtie, who but a little before had ſigned the Petition of Right. This is yet preſſed againe both in the ſame, and the next page, as alſo in your addreſſe unto the Judges: as if the King had violated His ſolemne promiſe made unto the people, and beare down all the rights and liberties of the Subject mentioned in the ſaid Petition; by ſuffering, or appointing a Seditious Phamphletter to be ſent to priſon, without bayle. But tell me Sir I pray you, for I know not yet, how you could plead the benefit of that Petition; or how it could advantage you in the ſmalleſt meaſure. It was petitioned, that no Subject being a Free-man, ſhould be committed to the priſon without cauſe ſhewed, and being brought to anſwere in due courſe of Law. Tell me of all loves, how doth this concerne you; or how can you complaine of being impriſoned contrary to His Majeſties anſwere unto that Petition: the cauſe of your commitment being ſhewne unto you; which was that Booke of yours formerly mentioned; and you being brought to anſwere in the High Commiſſion, according to due forme of Law, as your ſelfe informe us. Here was no matter of complaint, but that you have a mind to traduce His Majeſtie, as if he had no care of His Oathes and promiſes: more of which treacherous Art to amate the people, wee ſhall ſee hereafter. Beſides Sir, you may pleaſe to know, that your caſe was not altogether ſuch as thoſe which were complained of in the ſaid Petition, there being alwayes a great difference made between a man committed on an Eccleſiaſticall, and a Civill crime; And I will tell you ſomewhat which reflects this way. It appeares in the Diarie of the Parliament, 4. H. 4. what time, the Statute 28. Edw. 3. mentioned in the Petition (which you call) of right, was in force and practiſe, how that the Commons exhibited a Petion that Lollards arreſted by the Statute. 2· H. 4. ſhould be bayled, and that none ſhould arreſt but the Sheriffe, and other lawfull Officers: and that the King did anſwer to it, Le Roys' adviſera. This I am bold to let you know; take it as you pleaſe.

Next for His Majeſties Declarations, you deale with Him in them, as in the Petition, if not ſomwhat worſe. His Majeſtie finding by good tokens, that ſome ſuch wretched inſtrument as your ſelfe, had ſpread a jealouſie amongſt the Commons in that Parliament, that there was no ſmall feare of an Innovation in Religion: as alſo, that by the intemperate handling of ſome unneceſſary queſtions, a faction might ariſe both in the Church & Commonwealth: thought fit to manifeſt himſelf in two Declarations. Of theſe, the firſt related unto the Articles of Religion, in this Church eſtabliſhed, wherein His Majeſtie hath commanded that in thoſe curious and unhappy differences, which were then on foote, no man ſhould put his owne ſenſe or Comment to be the meaning of the Article, but take it in the literall and Grammaticall ſenſe: ſhutting up thoſe diſputes in Gods promiſes, as they be generally ſet forth to us in holy Scriptures; and the generall meaning of the Articles according to them. The ſecond did containe the cauſes which moved His Majeſtie to diſſolve the Parliament, Anno 1628. wherin his Majeſtie proteſteth, that he will never give way to the authoriſing of any thing, wherby any Innnovation may ſteale or creepe into the Church, but preſerve that unitie of Doctrine and Diſcipline eſtabliſhed in the time of Queene Elizabeth. So farre his Majeſtie. And thoſe his Majeſties Declarations, are by you either peeviſhly perverted, in defence of your diſobedience; or factiouſly retorted on his Majeſtie, as if not obſerved; or ſcandalouſly interpreted, as if intended principally to the ſuppreſſion of Gods trueth. I will begin firſt with that particular mentioned laſt, of which you tel us plainly, that Contzen the Jeſuite in his Politicks preſcribes this rule of ſilencing Controverſies, as an excellent way for the reſtoring of their Roman Catholik Religion in the Reformed Churches. p. 114. As alſo from the Centuries that the Authors of corruptions and errours do labour to compoſe all differences with an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or ſilencing of all Diſputes; that by ſuch counſells the Emperor Anaſtaſius being a favourer of the Arian hereſy, was moved to burie the principall heads of Controverſie in an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; and finally, that the Arian Biſhops did the like in the Councell of Seleucia, called by Conſtantius an Arian Emperor, who did therein ſuppreſſe by perpetuall Amneſtie the mention of Homouſios and Homoiouſios, that ſo they might coine a new faith, and utterly extinguiſh that of the Councell of Nice. p 115. This you aſcribe indeed unto the Prelates, as an Art of theirs; but you muſt needs intend it of the King, whoſe Act it was.

Nor doe you only miſinterpret his Majeſties moſt pious Act, in an undutifull & ſcandalous manner; but you pervert both this and the other alſo to ſerve your turne, and ſometimes factiouſly retort them on His Majeſtie, as if not obſerved. What ever thing you challenge, or except againſt, that is forthwith proclaimed to be againſt his Majeſties Declarations, ſo ſolemnly ſet out and publiſhed for ſatisfaction of his people: as Viz. in your two Epiſtles to his Sacred Majeſtie; in your Apology p. 6. in your addreſſe to the Nobility. p. 23.24. and to the Judges. p. 28.30.31. and in your Pulpit Paſquill p. 51.52.54.64.65.67.72.146. and finally, no leſſe then thrice in the Newes from Ipſwich. As for example. His Majeſtie intended by the firſt, that before the Articles, to ſilence thoſe diſputes which might nouriſh faction; and in the other, to nouriſh in his Subjects a good opinion of his conſtancie to the Religion here eſtabliſhed: but you, and ſuch as you, will abuſe them both. You were convented, as you tell us, unto London houſe, for Preaching on the point of Predeſtination, and there it was objected to you, that you had done therein contrary to his Majeſties Declaration, pag. 51. which in the Margin there, you affirme to be A dangerous and falſe charge laid upon the King. And thereupon you anſwered that you never took the Kings Declaration to be by him intended for the ſuppreſſing of any part of Gods trueth, nor durſt you ever conceive a thought ſo diſhonourable to the King, as to think him to be an inſtrument of ſuppreſſing Gods trueth. No doubt you had good ground for ſo quick an anſwere; and what was that? His Majeſtie in his Declaration about the Parliament, had profeſt as much. p. 52. Here is the King againſt the King, one Declaration againſt another, both by you abuſed, both made to ſerve your turne, as occaſion is. But why do you thus conſtrue his Majeſties words? Becauſe, ſay you, it was no part of his Majeſties meaning to prohibit Miniſters, to Preach of the ſaving Doctrines of Grace and Salvation, without the which, the very Goſpel is deſtroyed. p. 51. the miniſtery of the Goſpel overthrowne, and nothing but orations of moralitie to be taught the people. And doth the whole miniſterie of the Goſpel, the ſaving doctrines of Grace and Salvation, depend alone upon thoſe difficult and dangerous points of Gods ſecret counſells? Are all the Doctrines of the Goſpel, matters of meere moralitie; ſave thoſe at which Saint Paul did ſtand aſtoniſhed, and cryed out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , O the depth and heigth! Cannot Chriſt Crucified profit us, rather you and your diſciples? unleſſe wee muſt be taught, that the greateſt part of mankind, is caſt off for ever, without any regard had to their ſinnes, and all the promiſes of the Goſpel made unto them of none effect? Or do you think that Faith, and an honeſt life will become unprofitable, unleſſe wee vexe poore people with the noiſe of doubtfull diſputations, which Saint Paul prohibited. Take heed Sir, I adviſe you as a ſpeciall friend, leaſt that befall you,Rom. 14. which Saint Auſtin did once complaine of, Viz. leſt honeſt, though unlearned men get heaven, whileſt you with all your ſubtilties are excluded thence. Surgunt indocti et rapiunt coelum, Confeſs. .8. et nos cum doctrinis noſtris, ſine corde, ecce ubi volutamur in carne et ſanguine. But to what purpoſe do I ſeek to charme ſo deafe an Adder? Be the Kings purpoſes never ſo ſincere and pious, yet you are bold to quarrell with his Declaration, and to cry out vnto the people, that the Doctrines of Gods Grace, and mans ſalvation are huſht, and baniſhed out of Citie and Countrie; and that there's not a Miniſter, one amongſt a thouſand, that dare cleerely and plainly according to the word of God, and the Articles of our Church, preach of theſe moſt comfortable doctrines to Gods people, and ſo ſoundly and roundly confute the Arminian hereſies (as you call them) repugnant thereunto. p. 116.

But ſo you will not leave the King, he muſt heare more yet. His Declaration about lawfull recreations on the Lords day, is the next you quarell with. In this you fall more fowly on him then you did before, more then a civill honeſt man would, or could probably have done upon his equall; and yet you ground this too on his Declaration. For thus you ſay. No wiſe and honeſt man can ever imagine that the king would ever intend to command that which mainly tendeth to the diſhonor of God and his word, to the violation and annihilation of the holy Commandement touching the Sabbath, and to the alteration of the doctrine of the Church of England. How ſo? Becauſe, ſay you, this were againſt all thoſe ſolemne Royall proteſtations of the King, &c. p. 56. Stay here a little I beſeech you. How doth this buſineſſe of the Sabbath touch the Declaration about diſſolving of the Parliament, which is cited by you. Yes, in a very high degree, becauſe, ſay you, it is a mighty Innovation in the doctrine of the Sabbath, which hath beene ever ſince the Reformation, and ſo from the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth of famous memory, conſtantly univerſally, and unanimouſly maintained in the Church of England, pag. 57. Qui ſemel verecundiae limites, &c. And if you proceed on a little, you will ſhortly bluſh at nothing. For the point in hand: Men of farre more credit, then I trow you are, aſſure us, that your new doctrine of the Sabbath, was never known in England, untill the yeere, 1596; and being made known then, not before, was neither univerſally, nor unanimouſly received, as you informe as. For had it beene a Doctrine conſtantly maintained ever ſince the Reformation, as you falſly ſay, aſſuredly Arch- Bp. Whitgift, had never called in thoſe Books which maintained that argument, as it's well knowne he did in his viſitation, Anno 1599. nor had Judge Popham done the like at the Aſſiſes in Saint Edmonds bury, in the yeere 600. You muſt tell likelier tales then this, or all the old wives in your Pariſh will beſhrew you for it: who cannot but remember with what harmeleſſe freedom they uſed to behave themſelves, that day, in their yonger times. You ſtay not here, but as before you ſet the King againſt himſelfe, one Declaration of the Kings againſt another; ſo next, you ſet the King againſt the Parliament: and tell us, that the prophanation of the Sabbath or Lords day, which the Books ſeemes to give allowance to, as in ſundry ſports here ſpecified, is contrary unto the Statute 1. Caroli, in which all unlawfull Exerciſes and Paſtimes are prohibited upon that day; and therefore dauncing, leaping, and the reſt, which the Book alowes of p. 57. For this you are beholding to your learned Counſell, the firſt that ever ſo interpreted that Statute: and thereby ſet the Statute and the Declaration at an endleſſe odds. But herein you goe farre beyond him, for he only quarrelled with the living, who had power to right themſelves: You lay a ſcandal on the dead, who are now laid to ſleepe in the bed of peace: and tell us of that Prince of bleſſed memory, King James, that the ſaid Booke for Sports, was procured, compiled, and publiſhed in the time of his progreſſe into Scotland, when he was more then ordinarily merrily diſpoſed. p. 58. When he was more then ordinarily merrily diſpoſed? Good Sir, your meaning. Dare you conceive a baſe and diſloyall thought, and not ſpeake it out, for all that Parrheſia which you ſo commend againſt Kings and Princes: p. 26. Leave you ſo faire a face with ſo foule a ſcarre: and make that peereles Prince, whom you and yours did blaſt with daily Libells when he was alive; the object of your Puritanicall, I and uncharitable ſcoffes now he is deceaſed. Unworthy wretch, whoſe greateſt and moſt pure devotions, had never ſo much heaven in it, as his greateſt mirth. I could purſue you further, were you worth my labor, or rather, if to Apologize for ſo great a Prince, non eſſet injuria virtutum, as he in Tacitus, were not too great an injurie to his eminent virtues; and therfore I ſhall leave your diſloyal ſpeeches of the King deceaſed, to take a further view of thoſe diſloyall paſſages, which doe ſo neerely concerne the King, our now Royall Soveraigne. For leſt the people ſhould continue in their duty to him, being the thing you feare above all things elſe; you labour what you can to take them off: at leſt to terrify his Majeſty with a feare to loſe them. For you aſſure us on your word, becauſe you would have it ſo. p. 64. that preſſing of that Declaration with ſuch curſed rigour (as you call it) both without and againſt all Law, and all example, and that alſo in the Kings name, is very dangerous, to breed in peoples mindes, as not being well acquainted with His Majeſties either diſpoſitions or proteſtations (ſtill you bring in that) I know not what ſtrange ſcruples or feares, cauſing them to ſtagger in their good opinion of his Majeſtie. And in the Apologie, giving diſtaſt to cal your Majeſties loyall ſubject who hereupon grow jealous of ſome dangerous plot. p. 6. You would faine have it ſo, elſe you would not ſay it. Quod minus miſeri volunt, hoc facile credunt. But hereof, and how you encourage men to ſtand it out, wee have more to come.

A man would think that you had ſaid enough againſt your Soveraigne, charging him with ſo frequent violating of his proteſtations, and taxing in ſuch impudent manner his Declaration about ſports, as tending mainly to the diſhonour of God, the prophanation of the Sabbath, the annihilation of the fourth Commandement, and the alteration of the doctrine of the Church of England. Yet that which followes next is of farre worſe nature; no leſſe a crime, then pulling down of preaching, and ſetting up Idolatry: pretty Peccadillo's. For Preaching firſt, it pleaſed his ſacred Majeſtie out of a tender care of his peoples ſafety, to ordaine a faſt, by his Royall Proclamation to provide, that in infected pariſhes there ſhould be no Sermon, the better to avoid the further ſpreading of the Sickneſſe, which in a generall confluxe of people, as in ſome Churches, to ſome Preachers, might bee ſoone occaſioned. This his moſt royall care you except againſt as an Innovation contrary to his Majeſties publick Declarations, p. 146. and in the Newes from Ipſwich, you tell us alſo that it is a meanes to inhibit preaching, and conſequently to bring Gods wrath upon us to the uttermoſt. p. 147. You call it ſcornfully a mock-faſt, p. 148. a mockfaſt, and a dumb-faſt diſtaſtfull to all ſorts of people, in the Ipſwich newes: and in plaine language tell the King, that this reſtraint, with other innovations which you have charged upon the Prelates, do fill the peoples minds with jealouſies and fears of an univerſal alteration of religion, p. 147. What peoples minds are filled ſo I beſeech you ſir, but thoſe whom you and ſuch as you have ſo poſſeſſed? I trow you have not had the people to confeſſion lately, that you ſhould know their minds and feares ſo well, as you ſeeme to do. But know, or not know, that's no matter; the King is bound to take it upon your word; eſpecially conſidering that the reſtraint of preaching in dangerous and infected places, and on the day of faſt, when men come empty to the Church, and ſo are farre more apt to take infection then at other times; is ſuch an Innovation, as certainly the like was never heard of in the holy Scripture, or any of the former ages; and withall ſo directly contrary unto his Majeſties ſolemne Proteſtations made unto his people. Here's a great cry indeed, but a little wooll. For how may wee be ſure, that the holy Scripture and all former ages have preſcribed preaching as a neceſſary part of a publike faſt, yea as the very life and ſoule of a faſt, as you pleaſe to phraſe it, both in your Pulpit Paſquill, p. 144. and the newes from Ipſwich. That ſo it was in holy Scripture, you cite good ſtore, as viz. 2 Chron. 6.28.29.30. Chap. 7.17.14. Numb. 25.6. to 10. Ioel. 1. & 2. Zeph. 2.1.2.3. all in the margin of the Newes book. Of all which texts, if there be one that ſpeakes of preaching, let the indifferent Reader judge. The Scripture being ſilent in it, how ſhall we know it was the cuſtome in all former ages? For that you tell us, in the ſame margine of the Newes book, that ſo it was 1. Iacobi & Caroli. Moſt fairly proved. I never knew till now, but that the world was older then I ſee it is. Men talk of certain thouſands that the world hath laſted: but we muſt come to you for a new Chronologie. The world, my maſters, and all former ages, (which comes both to one) contain but 34 yeares full, not a minute more. An excellent Antiquarie. No marvell if his Majeſty be taxed with innovations, changing, as he hath done, the doctrine of the Sabbath, firſt ſet on foor Anno 1596, and the right way of celebrating a publike faſt, for which you have no precedent before the yeare 1603. Nor can I blame the people, if they feare an alteration of religion, when once they ſee ſuch dreadfull Innovations break in upon them; and all his Majeſties ſolemne proteſtations ſo ſoon forgotten & neglected. Yet let me tell you ſir, that faſt and pray was the old rule, which both Scriptures and the Church have commended to us; as in the texts by you remembred, and that delivered by Saint Paul 1. Cor. 7.5. Oratio jejunium ſanctificat, jejunium orationem roborat, was the Fathers Maxime. I never read of Faſt and preach, till you made the Canon; at leaſt till you firſt brought it hither, if you made it not. And yet becauſe of this, and ſuch like terrible Innovations as this, you flie out extremely. Firſt unto Gods moſt ſecret Counſailes, affirming moſt unchriſtianly, and withall moſt ſhameleſly, that this reſtraint of preaching (in infected places) was the occaſion that the plague increaſed, double to any weeke ſince the Sickneſſe beganne p. 144. that it brought with it a double increaſe of the plague, p. 50. an extraordinary increaſe the very firſt week of the faſt, together with moſt hideous ſtormes, &c. p. 148. Sir, you forget that which was taught you by the Prophet, Abſcondita, Domino Deo noſtro; that ſecret things belong to God: and wee may aske this queſtion of you out of holy Scripture, What man hath known the mind of the Lord, or who hath been his Counſeller? Surely, untill you uſurped that honor by reaſon of that extraordinary calling which you ſo much brag of, no man ever did. Yet ſince you are ſo curious in the ſearch of cauſes, & wil needs tell us what occaſioned ſo great a ſicknes; look in the laſt words of the ſecond homily of Obedience, and you will find that nothing drawes down greater plagues from almighty God, then murmuring & rebellion againſt Gods Annointed. Next you fall foule upon his Majeſty, and tell him plainly in effect, but cunningly as you imagine, that if he look not better to his Proteſtations, the beauty of his royall name will bee blaſted in the Annals delivered to poſterity, and that in them it will be ſaid, This King had no regard to ſacred vowes, and ſolemne proteſtations. I ſee what Chronicles we ſhall have when you come to write them, Caeſarum contumeliis referta;Tacit. Annal. there's no queſtion of it.

From pulling downe of Preaching, proceed wee next to ſetting up Idolatry; which how you charge the King withall, muſt next be ſhewed. You tell us, that the Prelates to juſtifie themſelves in thoſe Innovations, which you unjuſtly lay upon them, do plead the whole equipage, furniture, and faſhion of the Kings Chappell, as a pattern for all Churches: in which there is an Altar, and bowing towards it; Crucifixes, Jmages, and other guiſes. And why ſhould Subjects be wiſer then their King? p. 165. To this you anſwer, that the worſhip and ſervice of God and of Chriſt (you wil needs ſeparate Chriſt from God do I what I can) is not bee regulated by humane examples, but by the divine rule of the Scriptures. In vaine do they worſhip me, teaching for doctrines the commandements of men. p. 165. Well ſaid! the ſervice in the Kings Chappell, and that which is conforme unto it, is a aine worſhip in the firſt place: And what follows next. The three Children would not bow to the Kings goodly golden Image. The old Chriſtians would not ſo much as offer incenſe in the preſence of Julian the Emperour at his Altar, nor at his command, though he propounded golden rewards to the doers, and fiery puniſhment to the denyers. p. 166. This is plaine enough. Here's the Kings Chappell and the furniture thereof compared to Nebuchadnezars golden Image, and Julians Altar: by conſequence the King reſembled o thoſe wicked tyrants. I now perceive what 'twas you meant, when you extoll'd ſo highly that Parrheſia, which you conceive ſo neceſſary in a child of God; p. 26.27. inſtancing there, as here, in the three Children, Who feared neither the Kings big looks, nor furious threats; and Maris Biſhop of Chalcedon, who comming before Julian the Apoſtata, called him Atheiſt, Apoſtata, and a deſertor of the faith: As in Elias, when he retorted King Ahabs words upon him, and the ſtout anſwer which Eliſha made to the King of Iſrael: adding for cloſe of all, that it were endleſſe to recite examples in this kind, except to convince the cowardice of theſe times. You would have every man, it ſeemes, as bold a Bravo as your ſelfe; to bid defiance to the King, at leaſt to ſtand it out againſt all authority. For, for the proof of that brave Parrheſia, which you ſo extoll, you inſtance chiefly in ſuch oppoſition: as was made to Kings, and therefore all your uſes muſt be conſtrued to reflect that way: now your fourth uſe is this. This makes for exceeding conſolation to the Church of God, eſpecially in declining times of Apoſtacie, (in theſe dayes of lukewarmneſſe and Apoſtacie, in the propoſall of your uſes, p. 128.) and when the truth is openly perſecuted and oppreſſed, and idolatry and ſuperſtition obtruded in ſtead thereof: when notwithſtanding we ſee many Miniſters of Ieſus Chriſt, to ſtand ſtoutly to their tacklings, and rather then they will betray any part of Gods truth, and a good conſcience, they will part with their miniſterie, liberty, lively-hood, and life too, if need were. This is that which keeps Chriſts cauſe in life. This gives Gods people cauſe of rejoycing, that they ſee their Captains to keep their ground, and not to flie the field, or forſake their colours, or baſely yeeld themſelves to the enemie, &c. p. 31. They are your own words, one of the pious uſes which you make of your ſo celebrated Parrheſia, that freedome and liberty of ſpeech againſt Kings and Princes, or whatſoever is called God, which you ſo ſpecially commend unto your diſciples. Well then, here's ſuperſtition and idolatry, but is there not a feare of the Maſſe alſo. Sure it ſeemes there is. For thus you cloſe your anſwer, touching the equipage (as you call it) of the Kings chappell, the faſhion, and furniture thereof. Laſtly ſuppoſe, (which we truſt never to ſee, and which our hearts abhorre once to imagine) Maſſe were ſet up in the Kings Chappell; is this a good argument why it ſhould be admitted in all the Churches throughout the Realm of England? p. 166 Why how now zealous ſir; what? Suppoſitions, Ifs & Ands, in ſuch an odious intimation as ſetting up of Maſſe in the Kings Chappell? I will not tell you any thing of my opinion in this place, but keepe it till I meet you at the halfe turne in the cloſe of all. Onely I needs muſt tell you here, you might have dealt more curteouſly with your Soveraigne and Patron, as you ſtile him, had you the leaſt part of that piety which you pretend to: ſeeing ſo manifeſtly that (in Seneca's words, Jllius vigilia omnium domos, illius labor omnium otia, illius induſtria omnium delicias, illius occupatio omnium vacationem tueatur. The Kings great care to keepe his people in wealth, peace, and godlineſſe, if conſidered rightly, might make the vileſt of us all, to ſerve, honour, and humbly obey him, according to Gods holy word and Ordinance. But you, and ſuch as you, have a ſpeciall priviledge: which I much muſe you did not plead, when you were queſtioned publickely for your miſdemeanours.

CHAP. IV. A plaine diſcoverie of H. B. quarrells againſt the Biſhops, in reference to their calling, and their Perſons. H. B. diſpleaſed that the Biſhops doe challenge their Epiſcopall authoritie from our Saviour. The challenge of Epiſcopall power from Chriſt and his Apoſtles, neither new nor ſtrange, as H. B. pretednds. Of the Epiſcopall ſucceſſion in the Church of England. Epiſcopall ſucceſſion, how eſteemed and valued amongſt the Antients. The derivation of Epiſcopall diſcent from the Church of Rome, no prejudice vnto the Hierarchy, or Church, as H. B. makes it. The Biſhops antiently called Reverend Fathers. The ſcandalous and ſcornfull attributes given by H. B. to the Biſhops in the generall, and to ſome of the chiefe of them in particular. A briefe replie to all his cavills againſt the chiefe of thoſe particulars. H. B. makes his addreſſe to all ſorts of people to joyne together with the King, to deſtroy the Biſhops; and is content to run an hazard of his own life, ſo it may be done. The ruine of the Biſhops, made by H. B. the only preſent meanes to remove the Plague. A generall anſwere to theſe ſlanderous and Seditious paſſages.

LEt us now looke upon your dealing with my LL. the Biſhops, how you handle them, their place, their perſons, their proceedings: who being the principall object of your malice, muſt not expect more civill uſage, then the King their Maſter,Epiſtle De •••• t. to the king. eſpecially conſidering in cold blood how they have provoked you, by calling you forth upon the ſtage. However uſe them as you pleaſe, you have one good ſhelter. For if your ſtile ſeeme ſharper then uſuall, wee are to blame, if wee impute it not to your zeal and fidelity for God and the King, being you are to encounter thoſe who be adverſaries to both: Begin then zealous ſir, wee ſtand ready for you. Firſt then, you quarrell with the calling, and ſtomack it exceedingly, that ſome of them ſhould ſay in the High Commiſſion, being put unto it by your Brother Baſtwick, that they had their Epiſcopal authority from Chriſt, and if they could not prove it, they would caſt away their Rochets. And ſo, ſay you, they might their Capps too, for any ſuch proofe they can bring for it. p. 68. What more? It's plaine that they uſurpe, profeſſe and practiſe ſuch a juriſdiction, as is not annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of England, but with the Pope and Prelates of Italy, they claime from Chriſt. Ibid. Well then, what hurt of this! Thus you ſee our Prelates have no other claime for their Hierarchy, then the Popes of Rome have and doe make, which all our Divines ſince the Reformation, till yeſterday, have diſclaimed, and our Prelates cannot otherwiſe aſſume, but by making themſelves they very limbes of the Pope, and ſo our Church a member of that Synagogue of Rome. And this you ſay, becauſe it is affirmed by Dr. Pocklington, that we are able lineally to ſet downe the ſucceſſion of our Biſhops from Saint Peter to Saint Gregory, and from to our firſt Archbiſhop Saint Auſtin, our Engliſh Apoſtle, downwards to his Grace that now ſits in the chaire, &c. p. 69. Thus alſo in the Newes from pſwich, you are much offended with the Prelates, that they will needs be Lord Biſhops, jure divino, by the holy Ghoſts own inſtitution, and ſhame not to ſtile themſelves the Godly Holy Fathers of our Church, and Pillars of our faith, when as their fruites and actions manifeſt them to be nought elſe but Step-fathers and Catter-pillers, the very peſts and plagues of both. And not long after, you beſtow a gentle touch on Dr. Pocklington, calling the Prelates, as your uſe is, the true-bred ſonnes of the Roman Antichriſt, from whom D. Pocklington boaſts they are lineally deſcended. But whatſoever be the claime from Chriſt, or his Apoſtles, or the Church of Rome; you have found out a fitter Author of the holy Hierarchie; even the ſpirit that beares rule in the aire, the devill. Who doth not only haunt the Pallaces of Prelates (perhaps he went ſometimes upon your occaſions) but hath infuſed ſuch a poiſon into the chaire of this Hierarchie, as that man, who ſits in it, had need to be ſtrongly fortified with Preſervatives and Antidotes of true Reall Grace, (not nominall and titular) that is able to overcom the infection of it. p. 106. This is the ſumme of what you ſay, or repeat rather with a nil dictum quod; and this is hardly worth the ſaying by ſo great a Rabbin, the anſwere being made before the objection, yet ſince you ſay it, ſomething muſt bee ſayd about it, and ſo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Your firſt exception is, that the Epiſcopall authoritie is claimed from Chriſt; and that ſome of the Biſhops ſaid in the High Commiſſion, that if they could not prove it they would caſt away their Rochets. This is no more then what had formerly beene ſaid in the conference at Hampton Court; when on occaſion of Saint Hieromes ſaying, that a Biſhop was not divinae ordinationis: the Biſhop of London (Dr. Bancroft) interpoſed, that unleſſe hee could prove his ordination lawfull out of the Scriptures, he would not be a Biſhop foure houres. You ſee then this is no new ſaying deviſed but yeſterday, and contrary to what hath beene the judgement of all our Divines ſince the reformation, as you pleaſe to tell us. The learned workes of Biſhop Bilſon, entituled The Perpetuall government of Chriſts Church, and thoſe of Dr. Adrian Saravia againſt your Patriarke Theodore Beza, de diverſis miniſterii gradibus; with many others of thoſe times: ſhew manifeſtly that you are an impudent Impoſtor, and care not what you ſay, ſo you make a noiſe. And yet I cry you mercy, I may miſtake you; not knowing exactly what you meane by your Our Divines: For if by your Divines, you meane the Genevian Doctors, Calvin and Beza, Viret and Farellus, Bucan, Vrſinus, and thoſe others of forreine Churches, whom you eſteeme the onely Orthodox profeſſours: you may affirme it very ſafely, that the derivation of Epiſcopall authority from our Saviour Chriſt, is utterly diſclaimed by your Divines. Calvin had never elſe invented the Preſbytery, nor with ſuch violence obtruded it on all the reformed Churches: neither had Beza divided Epiſcopatum, into Divinum, humanum, and Satanicum, as you know he doth. But if by our Divines, you meane thoſe worthies of the Church, who have ſtood up in maintenance of the holy Hierarchie againſt the clamours and contentions of the Puritan faction; or ſuch as are conformable unto the Articles and orders of the Church of England: you do moſt ſhameleſſely traduce them, as your cuſtome is, and make them Patrons of that Tenet, which they moſt oppoſed. For tell me of a truth, who is it, which of our Divines, that holds Epiſcopall authority to be derived from any other fountaine then that of Chriſt and his Apoſtles? and that conceive their ordination is not de jure divino, grounded and founded on the Scriptures, and thence deduced by neceſſary evident and undeniable illation? if any ſuch there be, hee is one of yours, Travers, and Cartwright, and the reſt of your Predeceſſours; men never owned for hers by the Church of England. Of whom wee may affirme, what the hiſtorian ſaith of the Athenians, Paterculus. when beſieged by Sylla, animos extra moenia, corpora neceſsitati ſervientes intra muros habuerunt. Geneva had their hearts, we their bodies onely. I hope you doe not here expect that I ſhould ſhow you what precedencie or ſuperioritie our Saviour gave the twelve Apoſtles, before and over all the Seaventie: or how the Apoſtles in their owne perſons exerciſed authority over other Paſtors; or how they ſetled ſeverall Biſhops in convenient places, as Timothy in Epheſus and Titus in Crete, with power of ordination, Tit. 1.5. and power of Eccleſiaſticall cenſure, 1 Tim. 5.19. or finally what ſucceſſours they left behind them, in thoſe particular Sees where they moſt reſided. This were but actum agere, to ſing our old ſongs over, as you uſe to doe: and therefore I referre you to the writings of thoſe worthies before remembred, our Divines indeed. Nor had I ſaid thus much, but to let you ſee, that neither the claime is new, deviſed but yeſterday; nor by all our Divines diſclaimed ſince the reformation: both which with ſhame enough you are bold to ſay.

The next thing that offends you, and you clamour of, is that they claime a viſible and perpetuall ſucceſſion, downe from S. Peter to Pope Gregory, from him by Auſtin the Monke, firſt Arch Biſhop of Canterbury, unto his Grace now being, and Sic de coeteris. For by this meanes, you ſay, they make themſelves the very limbes of the Pope, the true-bred ſonnes of the Roman Antichriſt: and conſequently our Church a member of that Romiſh Synagogue. Who would have thought but this had pleaſed you. For if the Biſhops bee the ſonnes of the Roman Antichriſt, and the Church a member of the Romiſh Synagogue; then are you acquitted: and all your clamours, raylings, and oppoſition, aſwell againſt the one, as the other, may be fairely juſtified. But let your inference alone till another time, what is it that you quarrell in the ground thereof. Is it that Saint Peter was at Rome, or was Biſhop there, (whether for 25. yeares as Euſebius tell's us, we will not diſpute) you may remember it is granted, or rather not denyed by Calvin. HOwever his minde ſerved him to have made a queſtion of it; yet, propter Scriptorum conſenſum non pugno, Inſtitut. l. 4. Sect. 15. the evidence was ſo ſtrong hee could not deny it. Is it that Gregory Pope of Rome, ſirnamed Magnus, after a long deſcent ſucceeded him? The Tables of ſucceſſion in the Church of Rome make that cleare enough:Lib. 3. cap. 3. and Irenaeus brings downe the ſucceſſion till his owne time; during which time, the lineall ſucceſſion in that Church, by reaſon of the many perſecutions under which it ſuffered, might be made moſt queſtionable. That Gregory ſent this Auſtin into England to convert the Saxons, and made him (having before beene conſecrated by the Archbiſhop of Arles) the firſt Archbiſhop of the Engliſh; is generally delivered by all our writers, from Venerable Bede to theſe preſent times; as by thoſe alſo which have writ the life of the ſayd Pope Gregory. Finally that my Lord the Archbiſhop that now is, is lineally deſcended, in a moſt faire and conſtant tenour of ſucceſſion you ſhall eaſily finde, if you conſult the learned labours of Mr. Francis Maſon, de miniſterio, Ang icano. The Papiſts would extremely thanke you, and thinke you borne into the world for their ſpeciall comfort, could you but tell them how to diſprove that lineall ſucceſſion of our Prelates, which is there laid downe. A thing by them much ſtudied, but conatu irrito: and never caſt upon our Prelates, as a ſtaine or ſcandall, that they could prove their Pedegree from the holy Apoſtles, till you found it out. Whatever you conceive hereof, you cannot chooſe but know, that the ſucceſſion of the Prelates in the pureſt times, was uſed as an eſpeciall argument againſt thoſe Sects and hereſies which were then on foote. And ſince you challenge Dr. Pocklington, for the ſucceſſion of the Biſhops in the Church of England, I will ſend you to him for three inſtances, which might have ſatisfied you in that point, if you will be ſatisfied: the firſt from Irenaeus, l. 3. cap. 3, 4, 5. the ſecond from Tertullian, de praeſcript. cap. 11. and the laſt from S. Auſtin, contra Petil. l. 2. c. 51. In all of which it is apparant, (and ſee them you muſt needs, being the occaſion of his inſtance in the Church of England) that the ſucceſſion of the Biſhops in their ſeverall Churches, ita ut primus ſit aliquis ex Apoſtolis, beginning their diſcent from ſome one or other of the holy Apoſtles, hath beene a ſpeciall meanes to confound thoſe hereticks, which tooke up armes againſt the Church, as ſome men doe now.

Now for your inſtance, you pleade, that if this rule of ſucceſſion hold, our Biſhops are the true-bred ſonnes of the Roman Antichriſt; and tell me then I pray you Sir, whoſe ſonne are you, that had your ordination, and received your Miniſtrie from thoſe Biſhops which were ſo diſcended, you muſt needes be a limb of the Pope alſo; like it as you liſt: But never feare it Sir, there is no ſuch danger as you dreame of, either that any Prieſt or Prelate in the Church of England, ſhould therefore bee a ſonne of the Roman Antichriſt; or that the Church ſhould be a member of that Romiſh Synagogue: becauſe wee claime by and from them, a viſible ſucceſſion of and in the ſacred Hierarchie. Wee may receive our orders from them and chalenge a ſucceſſion by them, from the bleſſed Apoſtles; and yet not bee partakers with them in their corruptions. When Hezekiah purged the temple, and ſet all things right, which had beene formerly amiſſe in the Iewiſh Church: thinke you that the High-Prieſts which followed after, thought it a ſhame to fetch their Pedegree from Aaron? Or doe you finde it was objected againſt them that did, that becauſe ſome of thoſe from and by whom they claimed it, had misbehaved themſelves in ſo great an office, and poſſibly advanced Idolatry in that tottering ſtate, therefore all thoſe that followed them and deſcended from them, were alſo guilty of the ſame crimes? Or to come nearer to your ſelfe, thinke you your miniſtery the worſe, becauſe you did receive it from the hands of them, whom you accuſe for true borne ſonnes of the Roman Antichriſt: and that your brethren in New England will not thinke themſelves the pureſt and moſt perfect Church in the Chriſtian world, although they once were members of that here eſtabliſhed which they have forſaken. T'was not the purpoſe of thoſe holy men in King Edwards time to make a new Church, but reforme the old; and onely to pare off thoſe ſuperfluities, which had in tract of time beene added to Gods publicke ſervice. In which regard, they kept on foote the Prieſthood and Epiſcopate, which they had received; with many of thoſe rites and ceremonies to which they were before accuſtomed: not taking either new orders, or bringing in new faſhions, never knowne before. If you have any other pedegree, as perhaps you have, from Wiclif, Hus, the Albigenſes, and the reſt which you uſe to boaſt of; keepe it to your ſelfe. Non tali auxilio, the Church of England hath no neede of ſo poore a ſhift. Nor did ſhee ever think it fit, further to ſeparate herſelfe from the Church of Rome either in doctrine or ceremonie, then that Church had departed from herſelfe, (when ſhee was in her flouriſhing and beſt eſtate) and from Chriſt her head. And ſo King Iames reſolved it at Hampton Court. That which remaineth touching the poiſon which the ſpirit hatt ruleth in the aire, hath infuſed into the chaire of the Hierarchae; and your diſtinction betweene nominall and reall grace, for which I make no queſtion but you doe hugge your ſelfe in private: is not worth the anſwering. I ſhall produce your raylings, as I goe along, but not confute them: as knowing little credit to begotten by contending with you, and farre leſſe by ſcolding. But where you ſeeme to be offended with the Biſhops, hat they ſhould ſtile themſelves the Godly holy Fathers of the Church: I hope you know the title is not new nor firſt uſed by them. All ages, and all languages have ſo entituled them. The Gretians everuſed to ſtile them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; the Latines, Reverendos in Chriſto Patres; the Engliſh our Reverend fathers in God: all of them as of common courſe, you cannot but know it. As for that patch which followes after, viz. the Pillars of our faith; and your conceit upon them both, of Caterpillers and ſtepfathers; thoſe you may heare amongſt the ſcoffes, reviling, and reproachfull termes, which with a prodigall hand and a venemous penne, you caſt upon them, every where, in your ſeverall Paſquills; to which now I haſten.

To begin therefore where we left, for fathers you have made them Step-fathers; for Pillars, Caterpillers; their houſes haunted, and their Epiſcopall chaires poyſoned by that ſpirit, that bear's rule in the ayre. Theſe we have told you of before goe on then. They are the limbs of the beaſt, even of Antichriſt, taking his very courſes to beare and beate downe the hearing of the Word of God, whereby men might bee ſaved, p. 12. Their feare is more towards an Altar of their owne invention, towards an image or crucifixe, towards the ſound and ſyllables of Ieſus, than towards the Lord Christ. Pag. 15. Miſcreants, 28. the traines and wiles of his [the dragons] dog-like, flattering tayle, pag. 30. New Babel-builders, 32. blind watchmen, dumbe doggs, plagues of ſoules, falſe prophets, ravening wolves, theeves and robbers of ſoules: which honorary attributes you beſtow upon them from the Magdeburgians, pag. 48. Either for ſhame mend your manners, or never more impriſon any man, for denying that title of ſucceſſion, which you ſo bely by your unapoſtolicall practiſe. pag. 49. If the Prelats had any regard either to the honour of God, and of his word, or to the ſetled peace of the kingdome, as they have but little, as appeareth too palpably by their practiſes in diſturbing and diſordering all, pag. 63. The Prelates actions tend to corrupt the kings good peoples hearts, by caſting into them feares and jealouſies, and ſiniſter opinions towards the king, as if he were the prime cauſe of all thoſe grievances, which in his name they doe oppreſſe the kings good ſubjects withall, pag. 74. Theſe factors for Antichriſt, practiſe to divide kings from their ſubjects, and ſubjects from their kings, that ſo betweene both they may fairely erect Antichriſts throne againe, pag. 75. Antichriſtian muſhromes, pag. 83. They cannot be in quiet till res novas moliendo, they may ſet up Popery againe in her full equipage. 95. tooth and nayle for ſetting up of Popery againe, 66. trampling under their feete Chriſts kingdome, that they may ſet up Antichriſts throne againe, p. 99. According to that ſpirit of Rome which breatheth in them, by which they are ſo ſtrongly biaſſed to wheele about to their Roman Miſtreſſe, pag. 108. the Prelates confederate with the Prieſts and Ieſuits, for rearing up of that religion. pag. 140. by letting in a forraigne enemie, which theſe their practiſes and proceedings pretend and tend unto. pag. 75. The Prelates make the mother Cathedralls (the adopted daughters of Rome) their concubines whereon to beget a new baſtard generation of ſacrificing idolatrous Maſſeprieſts throughout the land, p. 163. Nothing can now ſtay them, but either they will breake all in peeces or their owne necke, p. 164. All this ſir in your Pulpit-paſquill. So alſo in your Apologie, Ieſuited Polypragmaticks, and ſonnes of Belial: and in the newes from Ipſwich, Luciferian Lord Biſhops, Execrable traytors, devouring wolves, with many other odious names not fit to be uſed by Chriſtians. Finally in your Pulpit libell, you ſeriouſly profeſſe that you are aſhamed that ever it ſhould bee ſayd, you have lived a miniſter under ſuch a Prelacie, p. 49. Great pittie ſir, you had not lived a little in king Edgars time, amongſt whoſe Lawes it was ordeined, that that mans tongue ſhould be cut out which did ſpeake any ſlanderous or infamous words, tending to the reproach of others.

Hitherto for the generalls. And there are ſome particulars, on which you ſpend your malice more than all the reſt; you deſcant trimmely, as you thinke, in the Newes from Ipſwich, on my Lord of Canterbury, with your Arch-pietie, Arch-charitie, if Belzebub himſelfe had beene Arch-Biſhop, Arch-Agent for the devill, and ſuch like to thoſe. A moſt triumphant Arch indeed to adorne your victories. His coſtly and magnificent enterteinment of the king at Oxford, you cry out againſt in your ſayd Pulpit libell, for a ſcurrilous enterlude, made in diſgrace of that which is the greateſt beauty of our religion, to wit true pietie, and learning and will him in this ſhrift to confeſſe, how unſeemely it was for him, that pretendeth to ſucceed the Apoſtles, p. 49. You taxe a certaine ſpeech of his as moſt audacious and preſumptuous, ſetting his proud foote on the kings lawes, as once the Pope did on the Emperours necke p. 54. in marg. and tell him that the beſt Apologie hee can make, is that his tongue did runne before his wit, and that in the flames of his paſſion he had ſacrificed his beſt reaſon and loyaltie. p. 55. You tell us alſo that the republiſhing of the booke [for ſports] with ſome addition, was the firſt remarkable thing which was done preſently after the Lord of Cant. did take poſſeſſion of his Grace-ſhippe, pag. 59. that with his right hand hee is able to ſweepe downe the third part of the ſtarres in heaven, p. 121. Having a Papall infallibility of ſpirit, whereby as by a divine oracle, all queſtions in religion are finally determined pag. 132. However in your generall charges, I left you to runne riot, and diſperſe your follies, according as you would your ſelfe: yet now you are fallen on a particular, and a particular as eminent in vertue as hee is in place; you may perhaps expect a particular anſwer. And leſt your expectation ſhould be fruſtrate, I will ſee you ſatisfied. Firſt for your language ſuch it is, as one may thence conjecture eaſily what foule heart it comes from. They that have pure hearts cannot poſſibly have ſo impure a mouth: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , out of the abundance of the heart it is that the mouth ſpeaketh. And though your rayling accuſation doth deſerve no other anſwere, than the Lord rebuke thee: yet I muſt tell you now, being thus put to it, that you are much miſtaken in the man you drive at. And you had come more neere unto him, and the trueth it ſelfe, had you beſtowed that character on him, which Poſsidonius gives you of S. Auſtin, viz. Profactibus & ſtudiis favens erat, & exultans bononum omnium, In vit. Auguſtini. c.8. indiſciplinationem pie & ſancte tolenans fratrum, ingemiſcens que de iniquitatibus malorum, ſive eorum qui intra eccleſiā, ſive eorum qui extra eccleſiam conſtituti ſunt, dominicis lucris ſemper gaudens, & damnis moerens, which may thus be Engliſhed; He was a favorer of learning a friend of goodneſſe and good men, and ſuffered with great both patience and pietie, the inconformable averſeneſſe of his brethren from the publicke diſcipline, and grieved at the iniquitie of ill men, whether they were within the pale of the Church, or without the ſame; as one that alwayes was affected with the ſucceſſes of Gods Church, according as it gained, or loſt, as it thrived or faded. This character if your malice will not ſuffer you to apply unto him, give me leave to doe it; and diſproove any of it if you can. And I will adde withall, though you grieve to heare it, that both for the ſinceritie of his converſation, as a private man, and for the pietie of his endeavours as a publicke perſon, you would be ſhrewdly troubled to finde his equall in this Church, ſince the firſt reformation of religion in K. Edwards time. And for a witneſſe hereunto I dare call your ſelfe; who making all the ſearch you could into him, and that with a malicious eye, which commonly is wont to ſpie the ſmalleſt errour; you have not yet detected him of any perſonall default as a private man. And as for thoſe particular charges which you lay unto him, as a publicke perſon, they are ſo poore (more than the clamour that they make) that they are hardly worth the anſwering Next for your charges, which that you may the better ſee, I meane to take them all as they lye in order, and ſpeake as briefely to them, as you would deſire. Firſt for the enterteinment, of his Majeſtie at the univerſitie, tell me I pray you of all loves, how would you have contrived it better, had you beene master of the Ceremonies for that place and time? Would you have had a ſermon? Why the king had one. Would you have fitted him with Academicall exerciſes? there was as little want of that: Orations in the fields, the Church, the Colledges, the Convocation, and the Library. Would you have left out playes? When did you ever know an Academicall enterteinment of the king without them. Would you have had the playes in Latine? Conſider that the Queene was a principall gueſt, and they were commanded to be in Engliſh. But ſir conceale your griefe no longer. I know what tis that troubles you, and makes you call it ſcurrillous enterlude, and ſay that it was made in diſgrace of pietie. All that offends you is, that Melancholico, a Puritan paſſion in one of the commedies, was in concluſion marryed to Concupiſcentia; In caſe you doe not like the wedding, why did you not come thither to forbid the banes. The Spartans uſed to ſhew their drunken ſlaves unto their children, the better to deterre them from ſo baſe a vice. And how know you but that the repreſenting of that humour on the open ſtage, may let men ſee the follies of it, and ſo weane them from it. But however the perſon you ſo groſſely abuſe, could not poſſibly have leiſure, farther than in the generall to command all things ſhould be without offence, which he moſt carefully did. That which you next except againſt, is the audatious & preſumptuous ſpeech that you ſo much talke of. And what was that? Aſſuredly no more, than that his Grace, then Biſhop of London threatned your learned Counſell Mr. Prinne, to lay him by the heeles for his too much ſawcineſſe. Not as you ſay, (and would have ſimple folke beleeve you) for bringing a Prohibition from the Courts of law; but for his inſolent and irreverent behaviour intendring it unto the Court of the high Commiſſion. Your ſelfe Maſſ. Burton are not called in queſtion, for your preaching; but for your factious and ſeditious preaching: nor was hee threatned becauſe he tendred to the Court a Prohibition, but becauſe he tendred it in ſuch a malapert and ungracious manner. This makes a difference in the caſe. Had he behaved himſelfe contra bonos mores, before an Ordinary Iuſtice, he muſt have either found out ſuerties for his good behaviour; or beene committed for his fault; no remedy. And will you not allow the Court of high-Commiſsion, or any Prelate in the ſame, as much if not a little more authority, then a common Iuſtice? Perhaps you thinke, becauſe Maſs. Prinne is of a factious Tribunitian ſpirit; he muſt be Sancroſanct and uncontrolable as the Tribunes were. When you can proove his calling to ſo high a place; you may doe well to chalenge the prerogatives belonging to it. In the meane time ſuffer him to be taken up and cenſured as hee hath deſerved. Next for his Majeſties declaration about lawfull ſports, you have no reaſon to charge that on my Lord Archbiſhop, as if it were a matter of his procuring: or if it were, to reckon it amongſt his faults.

His ſacred Majeſty treading in the ſteps of his royall Father, thought fit to ſuffer his good Subjects to enjoy that innocent freedome, which before they did; in uſing moderate and lawfull recreations on the Sunday, after the divine and publicke Offices of the Church were ended, both for morning and evening and of the which, they had been more deprived in theſe latter dayes, then before they were. And it was more then time, perhaps, that ſomewhat ſhould be done to repreſſe your follies: who under a pretence of hindering recreations upon that day, had in ſome parts, put downe all feaſts of dedications, of the Churches commonly called Wakes, which they which did it, did without all authority. A pious and a Princely Act, however you and ſuch as you, traduce it every day in your ſcandalous pamphlets. Nor doth it more belong to a Chriſtian King, to keepe the holy dayes by the Church eſtabliſhed, whereof that is one, from being prophaned by labour, and unlawfull pleaſures; then to preſerve them, quantum in ipſis eſt, at leſt, from being overcome with Iudaiſme or ſuperſtition. And you might ſee how ſome out of your principles came to have as much if not more of them Iew, then the Chriſtian in them, about the time when the declaration came forth. All that my Lord the Archbiſhop had to doe therein, was to commit the publication of it to his ſuffragan Biſhops according to his Maties. juſt will and pleaſure: and if that be the thing you except againſt, your quarrell is not at his Act, but his obedience. Laſt of all, where you ſay, that with his right hand he is able to ſweepe downe the third part of the ſtarres in heaven; and that hee hath a Papall infallibility of ſpirit, by which as by a Divine Oracle all queſtions in religion are finally determined: that onely is put in becauſe you have a minde to charge on him thoſe innovations, as you call them, that you complaine of in the Church. What innovations you have noted wee ſhall ſee hereafter; when they will prove to be no other then a ſicke mans dreame. I onely tell you now, that in all the Hierarchy, you could not poſſibly have pitched on one leſſe liable and obnoxious to the accuſation. For being vir antiquae fidei, and antiquiſsimi moris, take them both together: you may be ſure he neither will nor can doe any thing that tends to innovation either in faith or diſcipline. In caſe your ſelfe and ſuch as you, would ſuffer him in quiet, to reſtore this Church to its antient luſtre; and bring it unto that eſtate in which it was in Queene Elizabeths firſt time, before your predeceſſours in the faction had turned all decency and order out of the publicke ſervice of Almighty God: I dare preſume he would not trouble you nor them, by bringing in new ordinances of his owne deviſing. But this if he endeavour, as hee ought to doe, you charge him preſently for an innovator: not that he innovates any thing in the antient formes of worſhip in this Church eſtabliſhed, but that he labours to ſuppreſſe thoſe innovations, which you and thoſe of your diſcent have introduced into the ſame. But one may ſee by that which followes, that it is malice to his perſon, and no regard unto the Church, that makes you picke out him to beare ſo great a ſhare in theſe impudent clamours. For where his grace had tooke great care for inhibiting the ſale of bookes tending to Socinianiſme; and had therefore received thankes from the penne of a Ieſuite, as your ſelfe informes us: that his moſt pious care is by you calumniated, for prohibiting of ſuch bookes, as exalt the ſole authority of Scripture for the onely rule of faith, p. 153. I ſee Socinus and his followers are beholding to you for your good opinion: and ſo you may cry downe the Prelates, you care not how you doe advance the reputation of ſuch deſperate heretickes. But it is now with him, and the other Prelates, as heretofore it was with the Primitive Chriſtians. Tanti non eſt bonum, quanti eſt odium Chriſtianorum, as Tertullian hath it.

Nor ſtay you here. Other particulars there are which you have a fling at. You tell us of my Lord of Ely, whoſe bookes you are not fit to carry, that if he undertake an anſwer unto your doughty dialogue betweene A. and B. Surely he will ſacrifice all the remainder of his reaſon (if any be left in him) upon it. Why ſo? For you are ſure he can neuer anſwer it, except with rayling and perverting, wherein lyeth his principall faculty, (your owne you meane) in fighting againſt the truth, &c. p. 127. Of my Lord Biſhop of Chicheſter you give this Item, that it were ſtrange if ſuch a myſtery of iniquity (as you there complaine of) ſhould be found in any but a Prelate, and in this one by name, for a tryed champion of Rome, and ſo devout a votary to his Queene of Heaven, p. 126. My Lord of Norwich is entituled in the Newes from Ipſwich, by the name of little Pope Regulus, moſt exceeding prettily. And finally you tell us of thoſe Biſhops that attend the Court whom you include un er the name of Amaſiahs; as did your learned Counſell in his Hiſtrio-Maſtix: that there's not any thing more common in their mouthes then declamations againſt the good Miniſters of the land, the Kings moſt loyall, dutifull, faithfull, obedient, peaceable ſubjects; whom they accuſe, you ſay, as factious, ſeditious, and turbulent perſons, diſſaffected to preſent government, enemies of the Kings prerogative, and what not. p. 48.49. So you, but were it any thing materiall, I could tell you otherwiſe, and make it manifeſt both to you and all the world, that thoſe whom you traduce moſt fouly, and againſt whom your ſtomacke riſeth in ſo vile a manner; are ſuch who both for their endeavours for this Churches honour, fidelity unto the ſervice of the King, and full abilities in learning, have had no equals in this Church, ſince the Reformation. This could I doe, if I conceived it proper to this place and time; and that I did not call to minde what Velleius taught me, viz. Vivorum ut magna admiratio, ita cenſura eſt difficilis.

Nor doe you onely breath out malice, but you threaten ruine, you conjure all the kingdome to riſe up againſt them, and magnifie thoſe diſobedient ſpirits, which hitherto have ſtood it out in defiance of them: and ſeeme content, in caſe their lives might runne an hazard, to foregoe your owne. For likening them unto the builders of the Tower of Babel, p. 32. you doe thus proceede. But as then ſo now, the Lord is able by an uncouth way, which they never dreamed of, to confound them and their worke, to their eternall infamy. Even ſo O Lord. p. 33. And more then ſo, you tell us alſo by what meanes it ſhall come to paſſe, viz. that it ſhall riſe, as it were from beneath them, whereas their height ſeemes to ſecure them from all danger, as trampling all things under feete, &c. yet by that which ſeemeth to them moſt contemptible, ſhall they fall from that which is below them, ſhall their calamity ariſe, p. 97. However to make all things ſure, you ſtirre both heaven and earth againſt them. You let the nobility to underſtand, that if we ſit downe thus and hide us under the hatches, whileſt the Romiſh Pirats doe ſurprize us and cut our throates, &c. What Volumes will be ſufficient to chronicle to poſterity, the baſeneſſe of degenerous Engliſh ſpirits, become ſo unchriſtianized, as to ſet up antichriſt above Chriſt and his annointed, and to ſuffer our ſelves to be cheated and noſe-wiped, of our religion, lawes, liberties, and all our glories, and that by a ſort of bold Romiſh mountebankes and juglers, p. 20. What then adviſe you to be done? that in the name of Chriſt they rouze up their noble and chriſtian zeale, and magnanimous courage for the truth, and now ſticke cloſe to God and the King, in helping the Lord and his annointed againſt the mighty. p. 23. In your addreſſe unto the Iudges, you conjure them thus. For Gods ſake therefore, ſith his Majeſty hath committed unto you the ſword of Iuſtice, draw it forth to defend the lawes againſt ſuch innovators, who (as much as in them lieth) divide betweene the King and the people. p. 31. In that from Ipſwich, you and your brethren in that, made it call out upon the nation generally, ſaying, O England, England, if ever thou wilt bee free from Peſts, and Iudgements, take notice of theſe thy Antichriſtian prelates deſperate practiſes, innovations, and Popiſh deſignes, to bewaile, oppoſe, redreſſe them, with all thy force and power. Then thoſe of the better ſort, O all you Engliſh Courtiers, Nobles, and others, who have any love or ſparke of religion, piety, zeale, any tenderneſſe of his Majeſties honour or care for the Churches, Peoples, or the Kingdomes ſafety, yet remaining within your generous breſts, put to your helping hands and prayers to reſcue our religion & faithfull Miniſters now ſuſpended, from the jawes of theſe devouring wolves, and tyrannizing Lordly Prelates, &c. All ſorts of people thus implored to promote the cauſe, you labour to perſwade the King, in your Epiſtle Dedicatory, before the Paſquill, how deepely he is ingaged to cloſe with God and his good ſubjects, againſt all theſe innovators, and diſturbers of the peace, and diſtracters of the vnity of his kingdome, eſpecially conſidering whoſe Vice-gerent he is, and before whoſe woefull Tribunall hee muſt give a ſtrict accompt, how hee hath mannaged ſo weighty a charge; in the Epiſtle to your Apologie. Finally in your Paſquill, p. 141. You tell us how it doth concerne our gracious Soveraigne, our Nobles and Magiſtrates of the land, to ſtrengthen their hands with judgement and juſtice, to cut of theſe workers of iniquity, and to roote them out of the confines and limits of the Kingdome, &c. applying ſo to them a paſſage in the booke of prayers, for the Gunpowder day, intended by the Church againſt all ſuch as are ſo treacherouſly affected, as thoſe traytors were.

Here is enough, a man would thinke, to effect the buſineſſe; yet this is not all. For ſhould there come a Parliament, you would adventure your owne life, to make ſure worke on't. Aſſuring us, that if it were a law in England, as once amongſt the Locrians, that whoſoever would propound a new law, ſhould come with an halter about his necke, that if it pleaſed not the Senate, the hangman was ready to doe his office; and that if opportunity ſerved, you would come with an halter about your necke with this propoſition, that it would pleaſe the great Senate of this land to take into their ſad conſideration, whether upon ſuch woefull experience, it were not both more honorable to the King, and more ſafe for his kingdome &c. That the Lordly prelacy were turned into ſuch a godly government, as might ſuite better with Gods word, and Chriſts ſweet yoke. p. 109.110. Nay ſo tranſcendent is your malice, that you propoſe a ſpeedy execution of them as the only remedy to divert Gods judgements, for thus you ſtate the queſtion in the newes from Ipſwich. Is, it not then high time for his Majeſty to hang up ſuch Arch traytors to our faith, Church, Religion, and ſuch true-bred ſonnes of the Romane Antichriſt? And anon after more expreſſely. Certainely till his Majeſty ſhall ſee theſe purgations rectified, ſuperſtition and idolatry removed, &c. and hang up ſome of theſe Romiſh Prelates and inquiſitors before the Lord, as the Gibeonites once did the ſeaven ſonnes of Saul, wee can never hope to abate any of Gods Plagues, &c. And to the ſame effect, in your addreſſe to the nobility, All the world feele in what a diſtracted ſtate things do ſtand, what a cloud of divine diſpleaſure hangs over us, how ill wee thrive in our affaires, &c. Certainely if ſuch be ſuffred to goe on thus as they doe, God muſt needes deſtroy us. p. 24. Finally, that you may ſeeme to ſhew ſome compaſſion on them, before the executioner doe his office, you thus invite them to repentance. Certainely hell enlargeth her ſelfe for you, and your damnation ſleepeth not, if you ſpeedily repent not, p. 81. Of your Pulpit-libell. Hanging, and hell, and all too little to appeaſe your malice: which is advanced ſo high, that no chaſtizement of their perſons, but an utter abolition of the calling, will in fine content you. You may remember what you preached once at a faſt in London. Where pleading for reformation under Ioſhua's removall of the accurſed thing, you told the people,Biſhop of Elys Epiſtle Ded. before his treatiſe of the Sabbath. that the maine thing to be removed was that damnable Hierarchy of Biſhops who made no matter of ſincking Church and State, ſo they might ſwimme in honours and worldly wealth. This is the thing you aime at, and ſo greatly long for: which to effect, you care not what ſtrange courſe you run, ſo you may effect it. Scelus omne nefaſ que hac mercede placent. Lucan lib. 1

Thus have I briefely ſummed together thoſe moſt uncharitable and unchriſtian paſſages, which every where occurre, diſperſed and ſcattered in your Pamphlets. And having ſummed them up, dare make a chalenge unto all the world, to ſhew me if they can, ſuch a rayling Rabſakeh, ſo ſanguinarian a ſpirit, ſo peſtilentiall a diſeaſe in a Chriſtian Church. All the marre-Prelates, and make-bates of the former times, with thoſe which have ſucceeded ſince, though Maſters in this art of miſchiefe, come ſo ſhort of this, that I perſwade my ſelfe you doe condemne them in you heart, as poore ſpirited fellowes, in whom there is too much of that Christian prudence which you ſo deride. p. 28. But I forget my firſt intent, which was to muſter up your raylings, and produce them onely; but not to quit you with the like: though ſhould I uſe you in your kinde, and lay the whip on the fooles back, it were a very eaſie errour, and ſuch as poſſibly might receive a faire conſtruction. Nam cujus temperantiae fuerit de Antonio querentem, Tullie. Phil. 2. abſtinere maledictis. To ſpeake of ſuch a thing as you, and not flie out a little, were a kind of dulneſſe. Yet I ſhall hold my hand a while, until we meete againe at the halfe turne, where poſſibly I may be bold to tell you more of my opinion. Meane time, I hope you doe not thinke, that all this barking at the Moone, will make her either hide her head, or chang her courſe: or that by all this noiſe and clamor you can attract, the Nobles, Iudges, Courtiers, or any other to take part with you; and follow thoſe moſt deſperate counſels which you lay before them. The world is growne too well acquainted with theſe dotages, to be moved much at them. Nor could my Lords the Biſhops but expect before hand, what cenſures would be paſſed upon them by ſuch tongues as yours; if once they went about to ſuppreſſe your follies, and to reduce the Church to that decent order, from which your ſelfe and your accomplices have ſo ſtrangely wandered: Howſoever their great care deſerve better recompenſe; yet was it very proper you ſhould doe your kinde: and they may count it for an honour, that ſuch a one as your ſelfe, hath declaimed againſt them. Reg um eſt cum bene feceris male audire. Lib. 4.14. And it is very well obſerved by our incomparable Hooker, to be the lot of all that deale in publicke affaires whether of Church or Commonwealth, that what men liſt to ſurmiſe of their doings, be it good or ill, they muſt before hand patiently arme their mindes to endure. Beſides being placed on high, as a watchtower, they know full well how many an envious eie will be caſt upon them: eſpecially amongſt ſuch men as brother B. to whom great eminences are farre more dreadfull then great vices, and a good name as dangerous as a bad. Siniſtra erga eminentes interpretatio, Tacit. in vi a Agricol. nec minus periculum ex magna fama, quam ex mala. And herein they may comfort and rejoyce their hearts, that whatſoever ſiniſter and malicious cenſures are now paſſed upon them; yet there will one day come a time, in which all hearts ſhall be open, all deſires made knowne, and when no counſels ſhall be hid: and then the Lord ſhall make it knowne, who were indeed on his ſide, and who againſt him. In the meane time, ſuſpence of cenſure and exerciſe of charity, were farre more ſit and ſeemely for a Chriſtian man; then the purſuite of thoſe uncharitable and moſt impious courſes, whereby you goe about to bring the Church of God and the Rulers of it, into diſcredit and contempt. I know aſſuredly, how gloriouſly ſoever you conceive of your owne deere ſelfe, that you are no 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , no ſearcher of the heart, nor no diſcerner of the ſpirits. And therefore I am bold to tell you what I have learned from Venerable Bede, viz. ut ea facta, quae dubium eſt quo animo fiant, in meliorem partem interpretemur, that all mens actions, whereof we know not the intent, ſhould be interpreted to the better. How much the rather ſhould this rule be in uſe amongſt us in points of counſell: the hearts of Kings (for he hath had his ſhare in the declamation) being unſearchable in themſelves, and unſeene to us; the reſolutions of the Church, grounded on juſt and weighty reaſons, being to be obeyed, and not diſputed, much leſſe raſhly cenſured. This counſell, if it come too late to you, may yet come ſoone enough to others; and to them I leave it.

CHAP. V. An Anſwer to the quarrells of H. B. againſt the Biſhops, in reference to their Iuriſdiction, and Epiſcopall government. H.B. endites the Biſhops in a Premunire for exerciſing ſuch a juriſdiction, as is not warrantable by the Lawes. The Biſhops not in danger of any Statute made by King Henry the eight. The true intention of the Statute, 1. Eliz. c. 1. The Court of High-Commiſſion in the ſame eſtabliſhed. The Statute 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. on what ground enacted: repealed by Qu. Mary, and ſo ſtill continueth. The uſe of excommunication taken away by that ſtatute of King Edward. A finall anſwer to the cavills about the exerciſe of Epiſcopall juriſdiction. Why H. B. and the Brethren doe ſeeme to pleade ſo hard for the Kings ſupremacie; the Biſhops chalenged for oppresſing the Kings leige people; the Iudges, for not ſending out their Prohibitions to reteine them. H. B. the onely Clergie man that ſtands for Prohibitions. King Iames his order in that caſe. The quality of their offence, who are ſuſpended by their ordinaries, for not publiſhing the book for ſports. The Biſhops charged with perſecuting Gods faithfull Miniſters, and how deſervedly.

HAving made knowne your good affections, unto the calling and the perſons; we muſt now ſee what you have to ſay againſt the proceedings of the Biſhops, in their place and calling. For ſure you would not have it thought, that you have lifted up your voyce ſo like a Trumpet, to ſtartle and awaken the drowzie world; and that there was no cauſe to provoke you to it. No, there was cauſe enough you ſay, ſuch as no pure and pious ſoule could endure with patience; their whole behaviour both in the conſiſtory and the Church being ſo unwarrantable. For in their conſiſtory they uſurpe a power peculiar to the ſupreme majeſtie, and grievouſly oppreſſe the ſubject againſt law and conſcience: and n the Church, they have indeavoured to erect a throne for Antichriſt, obtruded on it many a dangerous innovation, and furiouſly perſecuted the Lords faithfull ſervants for not ſubmitting thereun o. Therefore no wonder to be made, if being called forth by Christ, who hath found you faithfull, Epiſt. Dedicat. to ſtand in his cauſe, and witneſſe it unto the world; you perſecute the Prelacie with fire and halter, and charge them with thoſe uſurpations, oppreſſions, innovations and perſecutions, which you have brought in readineſſe to make good againſt them; hoping in very little time to ſee their honour in the duſt, and the whole government of the Church committed to the holy Elders, whereof you are chiefe. In caſe you cannot prove what you undertake, you are contented to ſubmit to the old Law amongſt the Locrians, & let the Executioner do his office. I take you at your word, and expect your evidence: firſt that the Prelates have uſurped a power peculiar to his ſacred Majeſtie, which is the firſt part of your charge. How prove you that. Marry ſay you, becauſe of ſundry ſtatutes, as in King Henry the eight, King Edward the ſixt, and Queene Elizabeths time, which doe annex all Eccleſiaſticall juriſdiction unto the Crowne of England; ſo as no Prelate or other perſon hath any power to viſit Eccleſiaſticall perſons, &c. but he muſt have it immediatly from the King, and confirmed by Letters Patents under the great Seale of England, pag. 68. So farre the tenor of the Law, if you tell us true; or rather if your learned Counſell rightly informed Dr. Baſtwicke in it, from whoſe mouth you tooke it. Now for the practiſe of our Prelates, you tell us that they neither have at any time, nor never ſought to have any the Kings Letters patents under the great Seale of England, for their keeping Courts and Viſitations. But doe all in their owne names, and under their owne Seales, contrary to the Law in that behalfe, pag. 69. There be your Major and your Minor. The concluſion followes. So as being a power not derived from the King, as the immediate fountaine of it, it proves to bee at leaſt a branch of that forreine power altogether excluded in the Statute, 1. Eliz. c. 1. And it is flatly againſt the oath of ſupremacie in the ſame ſtatute which all Prelates take, wherein they profeſſe and promiſe faith and true allegiance to the Queenes highneſſe, her heires and lawfull ſucceſſors, and to their power to defend all juriſdictions, priviledges, &c. granted to the Queenes highneſſe, her heires, &c. p. 70.71. In fine you bring them all in a premunire, & leave them to the learned in the law: of wch if you were one, or that your learned Counſell might ſit Iudge, to decide the controverſie; Lord have mercy upon them.

For anſwer hereunto wee would faine know of you, where it is ſaid, what Law, what Statute ſo reſolves it, that no Prelate or other perſon hath any power to viſit Eccleſiaſticall perſons, &c. but he muſt have it immediatly from the King and confirmed by Letters patents under the great Seale of England. None of the Acts of Parliament made by King Henry the eight, King Edward the ſixt or Queene Elizabeth, ſpeake one word that way. The act of the Submiſsion of the Clergie, 25. Hen. 8. cap. 19. on which your fond conceipt is grounded, if it hath any ground at all, ſaith not as you would have it ſay, the Clergie ſhall not put in ure, &c. any conſtitutions, of what ſort ſoever, without the Kings royall aſſent, and authority in that behalfe: but that without the Kings royall aſſent and authority in that behalfe firſt had, they ſhould not enact or put in ure any new Canons, by them made in their Convocations, as they had done formerly. This law obſerved ſtill by the Clergy to this very day, not meeting in their Convocation, untill they are aſſembled by his Majeſties writ, directed to the Archbiſhop of either Province; nor when aſſembled, treating of or making any Canons, without the Kings leave firſt obteined; nor putting any of them in execution, before they are confirmed by his ſacred Majeſtie under the broad Seale of England. Is there no difference gentle brother, betweene enacting new Canons at their owne diſcretion; and executing thoſe which cuſtome and long continuance of time have confirmed and ratified. If you ſhould bee ſo ſimple as ſo to thinke (as I have no great confidence either in your law or wiſedome) you may be pleaſed to underſtand, that by the very ſelfe ſame ſtatute, All Canons which be not contrariant nor repugnant to the Lawes, ſtatutes and cuſtomes of the Realme, nor to the damage or hurt of the Kings prerogative Royall, ſhall be now ſtill executed and uſed as they were before the making of that act, till the ſaid Canons ſhould be viewed by the 32. Commiſſioners in the ſame appointed, which not being done, as yet, (although the ſaid Commiſſion was revived by Parliament 3, 4. to Edw. 6. c. 11.) all the old Canons quallified as before is ſaid, are ſtill in force. So that for exerciſe of any Epiſcopall juriſdiction, founded upon the ſaid old Canons, or any of the new which have beene ſince confirmed by the King or his predeceſſours: there's no neceſſity of ſpeciall Letters Patents under the broad Seale of England, as you faine would have it. There was another Statute of King Henry the eight concerning the Kings highneſſe to bee the ſupreame head of the Church of England, and to have authority to reforme all errors, hereſies and abuſes in the ſame. But whatſoever power was therein declared, as due and proper to the King, is not now materiall: the whole act being repealed A. 1. & 2. Ph. and M. c. 8. and not reſtored in the reviver of Qu. Eliz. 1. Eliz. c. 1. in which you inſtance in your Margin. [Nor can you finde much comfort by that Statute, 1. Eliz c. 1. wherein you inſtance, if you conſider it, and the intention of the ſame, as you ought to doe. You may conjecture by the title of it, what the meaning is; For it's intituled, An act reſtoring to the Crowne the antient juriſdiction over the ſtate Eccleſiaſticall and ſpirituall, and aboliſhing all forreine power repugnant to the ſame. The preamble unto the act makes it yet more plaine. Where it is ſayd that in the time of King Henry the eight, divers good Lawes, and Statutes were made and eſtabliſhed, aſwell for the utter extinguiſhment and putting away of all uſurped and forreine powers and authorities out of this Realme, &c. as alſo for the reſtoring and uniting to the imperiall Crowne thereof the antient juriſdictions, authorities, ſuperiorities and preheminences to the ſame of right belonging and apperteining: by meanes whereof the ſubjects were disburdened of divers great and intollerable charges and exactions before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by ſuch forreine power and authority, as before that was uſurped. Which makes it manifeſt that there was no intent in the Queene or Parliament, to alter any thing in the ordinary power Epiſcopall, which was then and had long before beene here eſtabliſhed: but to extinguiſh that uſurped and forreine power, which had before beene chalenged by the See of Rome, and was ſo burdenſome unto the ſubject. The body of the Act is moſt plaine of all. For preſently on the aboliſhment of all forreine power and juriſdiction, ſpirituall and Eccleſiaſticall, heretofore uſed within this Realme, there followeth a declaration of all ſuch juriſdictions, &c. as by any ſpirituall or Eccleſiaſticall power and authority hath heretofore or may lawfully be exerciſed or uſed for the viſitation of the Eccleſiaſticall ſtate and perſons, and for reformation, order and correction of the ſame, and of all manner errours, hereſies, ſchiſmes, &c. to bee for ever united and annexed to the imperiall crowne of this Realme. Then in the next words followeth the eſtabliſhment of the High Commiſsion: it being then and there enacted that the Queenes highneſſe, her heires and ſucceſſours, ſhall have full power and authority by vertue of the ſaid act, by letters Patents under the great Seale of England, to aſſigne, name and authoriſe, &c. ſuch perſon or perſons being naturall borne ſubjects to her highneſſe, her heires and ſucceſſours, as her Majeſtie ſhall thinke meete to exerciſe, uſe, occupie and execute under her highneſſe, her heires and ſucceſſours, all manner of Iuriſdictions, priviledges, and preheminences within theſe her Realmes of England, &c. and to viſit, reforme, order, redreſſe, correct and amend all ſuch errours, hereſies, ſchiſmes, abuſes, offences; contempts & enormities whatſoever, which by any manner Spirituall or Eccleſiaſticall power, authority or juriſdiction, can or may be lawfully reformed, &c. Plainely in all this act there is nothing contrary to that ordinary juriſdiction, which is and hath beene claimed and exerciſed by Epiſcopall authority, in the Church of England: nothing at all which doth concerne the purchaſing or procuring of Letters Patents, for their keeping Courts, and Viſitations; as you ſeduced by your learned Counſaile, beare the world in hand. My reaſon is, becauſe whatever juriſdiction was here declared to be annexed unto the crowne, is called a restoring of the antient juriſdiction unto the ſame: and certainely, the ordinary Epiſcopall power, of ordination, excommunication, and ſuch like Eccleſiaſticall cenſures, were never in the crowne in fact, nor of right could be: and therefore could not be reſtored. And ſecondly becauſe whatever power is here declared to be in the Queene, her heires and ucceſſours; ſhee is inabled to transferre upon ſuch Commiſsioners, as ſhee or they ſhall authoriſe under the great Seale of England, for execution of the ſame. Now we know well that there is no authority in the high Commiſsion (which is eſtabliſhed on this clauſe) derogating from the ordinary Epiſcopall power; and therefore there was none ſuppoſed in the act it ſelfe, to be inveſted in the Queene: the ſaid Epiſcopall authority remaining as it did, and ſtanding on the ſelfe ſame grounds as it had done formerly. Which ſaid, the laſt part of the Argument touching the oath of ſupremacie, taken and to be taken by every Biſhop, that's already anſwered in the Premiſſes: the ſaid oath being onely framed, for the aboliſhment of all forreine and extraordinary power; not for the altering of the ordinary and domeſticall juriſdiction, if I ſo may call it, in this Church eſtabliſhed.

I hope the Prelates are now out of danger of the Premunire, which you threatned them; though you not out of danger of the Locrian law: And if K. Edward the 6. helpe you not, I know no remedie, but that according to your owne conditions, the executioner may be ſent for to doe his office. Now for K. Edward the 6. the caſe ſtood thus. King Edward being a Minor about nine yeares old, at his firſt comming to the crowne; there was much heaving at the Church, by ſome great men which were about him, who purpoſed to inrich themſelves with the ſpoyles thereof. For the effecting of which purpoſe it was thought expedient, to leſſen the authoritie of thoſe Biſhops which were then in place; and make all thoſe that were to come, the more obnoxious to the Court; upon this ground there paſſed a ſtatute 10 of this King conſiſting of two principall branches: whereof the firſt tooke off all manner of elections, and writs of Conge d'peſlier, formerly in uſe; the other did if not take off, yet very much abate the edge of Eccleſiaſticall cenſures. In the firſt branch it was enacted, that from thenceforth no writ of Conge d' peſlier be granted, nor election of any Archbiſhop or Biſhop, by Deane and Chapter made; but that the king may by his letters Patents at all times, when any Arch-biſhopricke or Biſhopricke is voyde, conferre the ſame on any whom the king ſhall thinke meete. The ſecond clauſe concerned the manner of proceeding from that time to be uſed in ſpirituall courts, viz. that all ſummons, Citations, and other proceſſe Eccleſiaſticall in all ſuites and cauſes of inſtance, and all cauſes of correction, and all cauſes of baſtardie, or bigamie, or de jure patronatus, Probates of Teſtaments and Commiſſions of adminiſtrations of perſons deceaſed, &c. be made with in the name and with the ſtile of the king, as it is in writs Originall or Iudiciall at the Common Law, &c. As alſo that no manner of perſon or perſons who hath the exerciſe of Eccleſiaſticall juriſdiction uſe other ſeale of juriſdiction but wherein his majeſties Armes bee ingraven, &c. on penaltie of running in his Majeſties diſpleaſure and indignation, and ſuffering impriſonment at his will and pleaſure. The reaſon of this order is thus delivered in the Preamble. To the ſecond branch, viz. becauſe that all authoritie of juriſdiction ſpirituall and temporall is derived and deducted from the kings Majeſtie, as ſupreame head of theſe Churches, and Realmes of England and Ireland, &c. and that all Courts Eccleſiaſticall within the ſaid two realmes, bee kept by no other power or authoritie, either forreine, or within the Realme, but by the authoritie of the kings moſt excellent Majeſtie. Which Act, with every branch and clauſe thereof was afterwards repealed, 1 of Queene Marie, cap. 2. and hath ſtood ſo repealed to this very time. For howſoever you pretend, and all your fellow libellers inſiſt upon it, that the ſaid ſtatute was revived in the firſt yeare of K. Iames of bleſſed memorie, and therefore that you are yet ſafe from the Locrian law: yet this pretence will little helpe you. That their aſſertion or pretences, if examined rightly will proove to be a very poore ſurmiſe; invented onely by ſuch boutefeus as you and your Accomplices, to draw the Prelates into obloquy with the common people, and make your Proſelytes beleeve that they uſurpe a power peculiar to his ſacred Majeſtie, it being poſitively delivered by my Lords the Iudges, with an unanimous conſent, and ſo declared by my Lords chiefe Iuſtices in the Starre-chamber, the 14 of May now laſt paſt, that the ſayd Act of Repeale 1 of Queene Mary, doth ſtill ſtand in force, as unto that particular ſtatute by you ſo much preſſed; your deſperate clamours unto the contrary notwithſtanding. Nor doth there want good reaſon why the ſaid Statute of K. Edward was at firſt repealed, or why the ſaid Repeale ſhould bee ſtill in force. For being it was enacted in that Statute that from thenceforth all Eccleſiaſticall proceſſe ſhould bee made in the kings name and ſtile, not onely in all ſuites or cauſes of inſtance, baſtardy, bigamie, Probates of Teſtaments, &c. which have much in them of a civill, or a mixt nature at the leſt; but in all cauſes of correction alſo: it came to paſſe that excommunication, and other cenſures of the Church, which are ſpirituall meerely, & in no ſort civill, were therby either quite aboliſhed, or of none effect. And it continued ſo all King Edwards reigne, to the no ſmall increaſe of vice, becauſe it nouriſhed a preſumption of impunitie in the vicious perſon. This Father Latimer complaineth of in his ſermon preached before that King at Weſtminſter, Anno 1550. thus. Lecherie is uſed throughout England, and ſuch Lechery as is uſed in none other place of the world. And yet it is made a matter of ſport, a matter of nothing, a laughing matter and a trifle not to be paſſed on, nor reformed, &c. Well I truſt it will one day be amended, &c. And here I will make a ſuite to your highneſſe, to reſtore unto the Church the diſcipline of Chriſt, in excommunicating ſuch as be notable offenders; nor never deviſe any other way, For no man is able to deviſe any better way, than that God hath done; with excommunication to put them from the congregation till they bee confounded. Therefore reſtore Chriſts diſcipline for excommunication. And that ſhall be a meane both to pacifie Gods wrath and indignation, and alſo that leſſe abomination ſhall be uſed, than in times paſt hath beene, and is at this day. I ſpeake this of a Conſcience, and I meane to move it of a will to your Grace and your Realme. Bring into the Church of England open diſcipline of Excommunication, that open ſinnes may be ſtricken withall. So farre Father Latimer. What thinke you ſir of this? See you not reaſon for it now, why your ſayd Statute was repealed, and why the ſayd repeale, ſhould continue ſtill. Put all that hath beene ſayd together, and I can ſee no hopes you have to ſcape the penaltie of the Law by your ſelfe propoſed; but that you cry peccavi, and repent your follies.

So farre in anſwere to your Cavils, (for Arguments I cannot call them) I have beene bold to juſtifie the proceedings of the Biſhops, in their Courts Epiſcopall: wherein there is not any thing that they uſurpe upon the King, or that authoritie which is inſeparably annexed to the Regall diademe. For granting that all authority of juriſdiction ſpirituall is derived from the King, as ſupreme head of the Church of England (although that title by that name, be not now aſſumed in the ſtile Imperiall) and that all Courts Eccleſiaſticall within this Realme be kept by no other authoritie, either forreine or within this Realme, but by authority of the kings moſt excellent majeſtie; as is averred in the ſayd Preamble of King Edwards ſtatute: yet this if rightly underſtood, would never hurt the Biſhops, or advantage you. But my reaſon is, becauſe that whenſoever the king grants out his Conge d' peſlier for the election of a Biſhop, and afterwards doth paſſe his royall aſſent to the ſaid election, & ſend his Mandate to the Metropolitan for conſecration of the party which is ſo elected: he doth withall conferre upon him, a power to exerciſe that juriſdiction, which by his conſecration, done by the kings eſpeciall Mandate, he hath atteined to. And this may alſo ſerve for anſwere to your other cavill; but that Biſhops may not hold their courts or viſitations without letters Patents from the king. For were there ſuch a law, (as there is no ſuch) yet were the Prelates ſafe enough from your Praemunire: becauſe the Royall aſsent to the election, and Mandat for the conſecration, paſſing by broad ſeale, as the cuſtome is; inable them once conſecrated to exerciſe what ever juriſdiction is by the Canon incident to Epiſcopall power. No neede of ſpeciall letters Parents for every Act of juriſdiction, as you idly dreame. No more than if a man being made a Iuſtice of the Peace under the broad ſeale of England, and having tooke his oath as the law requires; ſhould neede for every ſpeciall Act ſome ſpeciall warrant; or any other kinde of warrant than what was given him in the generall, when firſt made a Iuſtice. And yet I trow the King is the immediate fountaine alſo of all temporall power; and no man dare execute authority, but from and by him. Touching his Majeſties ſupremacie, more than in anſwere to your clamours, I ſhall ſay nothing at this preſent as neither of this place nor purpoſe. It is an Argument of great weight; fit rather for a ſpeciall treatiſe, than an occaſionall replication. Only I will be bold to tell you, that if the kings ſupremacy were not more truely and ſincerely, (without any colour or diſſimulation) as the Canon hath it, defended by my Lords the Biſhops, than by ſuch as you: it would be at a loſſe ere long, and ſetled on the veſtrie wherein you preſide. For wot you what King Iames replied on the like occaſion. When Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court, came in unſeaſonably once or twice with the Kings Supremacie. Dr. Reynolds quoth the King, you have often ſpoken for my ſupremacie: and it is well. But know you any here, or any elſewhere, who like of the preſent Government Eccleſiaſticall, that finde fault or diſlike with my ſupremacie! And (ſhortly after) putting his hand unto his hat, his Matie ſayd, My Lords the Biſhops I may thanke you, that theſe men doe thus pleade for my Supremacie. They thinke they cannot make their party good againſt you, but by appealing unto it, as if you or ſome that adhere unto you, were not well affected towards it. But if once you were out and they in place, I know what would become of my ſupremacie. No Biſhop, no King, as before I ſayd. How like you this Maſſ. Burton, is not this your caſe? Mutato nomine de ie fabula narratur. You plead indeed for the Kings ſupremacie; but intend your owne.

The next great crime you have to charge upon the Biſhops, is that they doe oppreſſe the kings Leige people, againſt law and conſcience. How ſo. Becauſe, as you informe us, Prohibitions are not got ſo eaſily from the Courts of Iuſtice, as they have beene formerly: and being gotten, finde not ſuch entertainement and obedience as before they did. This you conceive to be their fault: and charge them that by ſtopping the ordinary courſe of law, the Kings people are cut off from the benefit of the Kings good lawes: ſo as it is become very geaſon and a rare matter to obteine a Prohibition againſt their illegall practiſes, in vexing and oppreſſing the kings good ſubjects. Nay, they are growne ſo formidable of late, (as if they were ſome new generation of Giants) that the very motion of a Prohibition againſt a Prelate, or their proceedings in the high Commiſsion, makes the Courts of Iustice ſtartle; ſo as good cauſes are loſt, and Innocents condemned becauſe none dare pleade and judge their cauſe according to the Kings Lawes, whereby wee ought all to be governed, p. 69.70. My Maſters of the Law, and my Lords the Iudges, will conne you little thankes for ſo ſoule a ſlander, greater then which cannot be laid on the profeſſion, or the Courts of Iuſtice. What none dare pleade, nor none dare judge according to the Lawes? So you ſay indeed. And more then ſo, in your addreſſe unto the Iudges. What meane's, ſay you, that difficulty of obtaining prohibitions now adayes, whereby the Kings innocent Subjects (you are an innocent indeed, God helpe you) ſhould be relieved againſt their unjuſt moleſtations and oppreſſions in the Eccleſiaſtical Courts, and high Commiſsion? What meaneth that conſternation of ſpirit among Lawyers, that few or none can be found to pleade a cauſe be it never ſo juſt, againſt an oppreſſing Prelate, and are either menaced or impriſoned if they doe. p. 29. Hoc eſt quod palles? Is this the thing that ſo offends you, that prohibitions are reſtrained, or not ſent out ſo frequently from the Courts of Law, as of late they were, to the diminiſhing if not annulling the authority of the Court Chriſtian? I trow you are the onely Clergie-man that complaines of this. Or if there be more ſuch, they be ſuch as you, who onely make a property of the civill Courts, by them to ſcape their cenſures in the Eccleſiaſticall. Were you ſo innocent, as you would have us thinke, you rather ſhould rejoyce for the Churches ſake, that Prohibitions flie not out ſo thicke, as they have done formely, to the great oppreſſion of the Clergie in their ſuites and buſineſſes, eſpecially in thoſe which did concerne the Patrimony of the Church, their tithes. And if my Lords the Iudges, are with more difficulty mooved, to ſend abroad their Prohibitions, then were their predeceſſours in the place before them; it is a pregnant evidence of their great love to juſtice: Nor can it but be counted an honour to them to leave every Court to that which is proper to it, and for the which it was eſtabliſhed. And God forbid the Church ſhould aske or doe any thing that ſhould incroach upon them, or invade any of their rights. What doth this greeve your conſcience alſo? Good Sir conſider with your ſelfe, what miſchiefes Clergie-men were put to, when they could ſcarce commence a ſuite, but prohibitione cautio eſt; a Prohibition was ſent out, to ſtop the courſe of his proceedings, or if he had a ſentence to reverſe that alſo. Or if you will not trouble your ſelfe in thinking of it, will you be pleaſed to heare what our late Soveraigne King James hath obſerved therein. If (ſaith he) Prohibitions ſhould raſhly, and headily be granted, then no man is the more ſecure of his owne, though he hath gotten a ſentence with him: for as good have no law or ſentence, as to have no execution thereof. A poore Miniſter with much labor and expence, having exhauſted his poore meanes, and being forced to forbeare his ſtudie, and to become non-reſident from his flocke, obtaines a ſentence; and then when he lookes to enjoy the fruites thereof, he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition: And ſo he is tortured like Tantalus, who when he hath his Apple at his mouth, & that he is gaping to receive it, then muſt it be pulled from him by a Prohibition, and hee not ſuffered to taſte thereof. So farre the Royall Advocate hath pleaded the poore Clergies cauſe. And did he nothing as a Judge? Yes, he declared it to be his Office, to make every Court containe himſelfe within his own limits; and thereupon admoniſhed all other Courts, that they ſhould be carefull, every of them, to containe themſelves within the bounds of their owne juriſdictions; the Courts of Common law, that they ſhould not be ſo forward and prodigall in multiplying their Prohibitions.

But you will ſay perhaps, that your exception lieth againſt the ſtopping of the courſe of Prohibitions, not ſo much, if at all, in reall, as in perſonall actions: and that you are offended only, becauſe by this meanes the Kings Innocent Subjects, are not relieved (as you and Mr. Prynne once were) from the unjuſt oppreſſions of the Courts Eccleſiaſticall, and High Commiſſion. Why, what's the matter? There is, you tell us, a great perſecution in the Church, and many a faithfull godly Miniſter, hath beene of late ſuſpended from his miniſtery, and outed of his benefice, by the Prelates, in the Courts aforeſaid: no remedy being to be had, as in former times from the Common Law. For as the common rumor goeth (at leaſt you make a rumour of it) the courſe of Juſtice is ſtopped in theſe caſes, there being none dares open his mouth to pleade a cauſe againſt the Prelates. So you in your addreſſe to my Lords the Judges. p. 29. For an example of the which, as well the perſecution, as the want of Remedie, you inſtance in the Miniſters of Surrey, who are ſuſpended of their miniſterie, and outed of their meanes and freeholds againſt all law and conſcience: yet are ſo diſheartned and over-awed that they dare not contend in law againſt their Prelate, [the Lord Biſhop of Winton] for feare of further vexations, and are out of hope of any faire hearing in an ordinary legall way. p. 70. of your Paſquill. What want of remedie can you or they complaine of, if they have not ſought it: or rather if their conſcience tell them, and thoſe with whom they have adviſed, advertiſe them, that in ſuch caſes as this is, the Judges cannot by the law, award a Prohibition, if they ſhould deſire it. Doe you conceive the caſe aright? If not, I will take leave to tell you; His Maieſtie having publiſhed his Declaration about lawfull paſtimes on the Sunday, gives order to his Biſhops that publication thereof be made in all their ſeverall dioceſſes, reſpectively. The Biſhops hereupon appoint the Incumbent of every Church, to read the booke unto the people; that ſo the people might the better take notice of it: and finding oppoſition to the ſaid appointment; made by ſome refractory perſons, of your owne condition, preſſe them to the performance of it by vertue of that Canonicall obedience, which by their ſeverall oathes they were bound to yeeld unto their Ordinaries: But ſeeing nothing but contempt, and contempt upon contempt, after much patience and long-ſuffering, and expectation of conformitie to their ſaid appointment, ſome of the moſt pervers amongſt them, have in ſome places, beene ſuſpended, aſwell a benificio as officio, for an example to the reſt. No man deprived, or outed, as you ſay, of his meanes and livelihood, that I heare of yet? This is the Caſe. Which being meerly Eccleſiaſticall, as unto the ground, being a contempt of and againſt their Ordinarie; and meerely Eccleſiaſticall, as unto the Cenſure, which was ſuſpenſion: I cannot ſee what remedie you can find for them amongſt the Lawyers, but that which every man might give them, good and wholſome Counſaile. And call you this a perſecution? when a few refractarie perſons are juſtly puniſhed in a legall way, for their diſobedience? For howſoever they and you pretend, that the Command was contrary to the Law of God, and could not be performed with a ſafe conſcience; yet this was onely a pretence: their reading of the booke (had the Contents thereof diſpleaſed them) being no more an Argument of their approbation of any thing therein contained; then when a Common Crier reades a Proclamation, which perhaps he likes not It muſt be therefore ſome Aſſociation had and made amongſt them, to ſtand it out unto the laſt; and put ſome baffle or affront on that authoritie which had impoſed it.

Such alſo is the perſecution doubtleſſe, which you ſo complaine of in the two whole Counties of Norfolke, and Suffolke, where in a very ſhort ſpace, (as you ſay) there hath beene the fouleſt havock of Miniſters, and their flocks, &c. as ever our eyes have ſeene: there being already, as you tell us, 60 Miniſters ſuſpended, and betweene 60. and 80. more having had time given them till Chriſt-tide (take head of Chriſtmaſſe by all meanes, by which time, as you ſay, they muſt either bid their good conſcience fare-well, or elſe their pretious Miniſtery, and neceſſary meanes. In all Queene Maries time, no ſuch havock made, in ſo ſhort a time, o the faithfull Miniſters of God, in any part of, yea, or in the whole land. p. 65. The ſame is alſo told us in the Newes from Ipſwich. Nay, more then ſo, you tell us how one or two godly Miniſters (ſome of your Aſſociates) were threatned by Docter Corbet, Chancellor of that dioceſſe, with Piſtolling and hanging, and I know not what; becauſe they had refuſed to read His Majeſties Declaration about lawfull ſports. In this you doe as ſhamefully belie the Chancellor, as you have done the Biſhop in all the reſt: of whoſe proceedings in that dioceſſe, I will preſent you with a ſhort account, that you may ſee how groſly you abuſe the world. And firſt, you may be pleaſed to know, that the Clergie of that Dioceſſe, comprehending all that are in ſpirituall dignitie or office, and all Parſons, Vicars, Curates and Schoole-maſters (taking in the Lecturers with all) amount unto the number of 1500. or thereabouts. So that in caſe there had beene 60. of that Fifteene hundred ſuſpended by the Biſhop, as you ſay there were; had this beene ſuch a terrible perſecution, as you give it out for? But yet it is not ſo as you tell us neither. For at the beginning of November, when you Preached that Paſquil, of the Fifteene hundred, there were not twice fifteen, & that's not halfe your number involved in any Eccleſiaſticall cenſure of what ſort ſoever; and not above ſixteene ſuſpended. Sixtie and ſixteene are alike in ſound; but very different in the number: and of thoſe ſixteene, eight were then abſolved for a time of further triall to be taken of them; and two did voluntarily reſigne their places; ſo that you have but ſix ſuſpended abſolutely, and perſiſting ſo. Now of the reſidue, there was one deprived, after notorious inconformitie for 12. yeeres together, and finall obſtinacie after ſundry ſeverall monitions: eight excommunicated for not appearing at the Court, and foure inhibited from preaching; of the which foure, one by his education, was a Draper, another was a Weaver, and the third was a Taylor. Where are the 60. now, that you ſo cry out of? I have the rather given you this in the particulars, (which were collected faithfully unto my hands, out of the Regiſterie of that Dioceſſe) that you, and other men may ſee, your falſe and unjuſt clamours: the rather, becauſe it was related to me by a friend of mine in Gloceſterſhire, that it went current there amongſt your Brethren, that your ſaid 60. were ſuſpended for no other cauſe, then for repeating the doxologie at the end of the Lords Prayer. So for your other number betweene 60. and 80. ſuſpended upon day till Chriſtmaſſe (or Chriſtide as you pleaſe to phraſe it) upon examination of the Regiſters, there appeare but eight; and thoſe not all ſuſpended neither: two being Excommunicated for not appearing. Eighty and Eight doe come as neere in ſound, as Sixtie and Sixteene before: but differ more a great deale in the Calculation. And ſo much for the grand perſecution in the Dioceſſe of Norwich. How doe you find it pray you, in other places? Why more or leſſe ſay you over al the Kingdom. For you complaine as truly, but more generally, p. 27. that many Godly Miniſters in theſe dayes, are moſt unjuſtly, illegally, yea, and incanonically alſo, in a moſt barbarous and furious manner, ſuſpended, excommunicated, outed of their livings, and deprived of all livelihood and means to maintaine themſelves. How juſt ſoever the cauſe be on the Prelates part, and that there be no other means to bring things to right, there where the Orders of the Church are ſo out of order, then by the exemplary puniſhment of the moſt pervers, to ſettle and reduce the reſt: yet perſecution it muſt be, if you pleaſe to call it ſo. Such Innocent people, as your ſelfe, that runne point-blanck againſt the Orders of the Church, cannot be cenſured and proceeded with in a legall way; but inſtantly you cry out, a Perſecution. But thus did your Fore-fathers in Queene Elizabeths time: et nil mirum eſt ſi patrizent filij.

CHAP. VI. The foure firſt Innovations charged by H. B. upon the Biſhops, moſt clearely proved to be no Innovations. Eight Innovations charged upon the Biſhops by H. B. King James his order to young Students in Divinity made an Innovation in point of doctrine: the reaſon of the ſaid order; and that it was agreeable to the old Canons of this Church. Another Order of King James, ſeconded by his Majeſty now being, with ſeverall Bookes of private men made an Innovation of the Biſhops. No difference betweene the Church of Rome and England in Fundamentalls. Private opinions of ſome men, made Innovations in point of doctrine. The Pope not Antichriſt, for any thing reſolved by the Church of England. The doctrine of Obedience and of the Sabbath, not altered, but revived, explained, and reduced to what it was of old. No Innovation made in point of diſcipline. A generall view of Innovations charged upon the Biſhops in point of worſhip. Bowing at the Name of Jeſus, praying towards the Eaſt, and adoration towards the Altar, no new Inventions; not ſtanding up at the holy Goſpel. Croſſe-worſhip falſely charged upon the Biſhops. No Innovation made by the Biſhops in the civill government. The dignity and authority of the High-Commiſſion.

AS is the perſecution, ſuch are the Innovations alſo, which you have charged upon the Biſhops, both yours and ſo both falſe alike. Yet ſuch a neat contriver are you, that you have made thoſe Innovations which you dreame of, the cauſe of all that perſecution which you ſo cry out of. For in your Paſquil, it is told us, that we may ſee or heare at the leaſt, of o d heaving and ſhoving to erect Altar-worſhip and Jeſu-worſhip, and other inventions of men, and all, as is too plaine, to ſet up Popery againe; and for not yeelding to theſe things miniſters are ſuſpended, excommunicated, &c. pag. 25, And pag. 64. you ground the perſecution (as you call it) in the Dioceſſe of Norwich, upon the violent and impetuous obtruding of new Rites and Ceremonies. monies. You call upon the Biſhops by the name of Ieſuiticall novell Doctors, to bluſh and be aſhamed, and tell them that they doe ſuſpend, excommunicate and perſecute with all fury Gods faithfull miniſters, and all becauſe they will not, they may not, they dare not obey their wicked commands, which are repugnant to the lawes both of God and man. p. 81. If this be true, if thoſe that bee thus dealt with bee Gods faithfull miniſters, and the commands impoſed upon them ſo wicked as you ſay they are, contrary to the lawes both of God and man: and tending ſo notoriouſly to ſet up Popery againe: you have the better end of the ſtaffe, and will prevaile at laſt, no queſtion. Meane while you have good cauſe, as you pleaſe to tell us, to comfort your ſelfe, and bleſſe the name of God, in that he hath not left himſelfe without witneſſe, but hath raiſed up many zealous and couragious champions of his truth, I meane faithfull miniſters of his word, who chuſe rather to loſe all they have, then to ſubmit and proſtitute themſelves to the wicked, unjuſt, and baſe commands of uſurping & Antichriſtian muſhromes: their very not yeilding in this battel being a preſent victory. p. 83 But on the other ſide, if the commands of the Superior be juſt and pious, agreeable to the orders of the Church, and all pure antiquity: then are your godly faithfull miniſters no better then factious and ſchiſmaticall perſons: and you your own deare ſelf a ſeditious Boutefeiu, ſo to incourage and applaud them for ſtanding out againſt authority. This we ſhall ſee the better, by looking on thoſe Innovations, which as you ſay, The Prelates of later dayes have haled in by head and ſhoulders, being beſides and againſt the law of the land, and much more the law of God. p. 111. Theſe you reduce to theſe eight heads, viz. 1. Innovation in doctrine. 2. in diſcipline, 3. in the worſhip of God, 4. in the Civill government, 5. in the altering of bookes, 6. in the meanes of knowledge, 7. in the rule of faith, and 8. in the Rule of manners. It is a merry world, mean-while, when you and ſuch as you, the Innovators and Novatians of the preſent times, complaine of other men for that very fault, of which your ſelves are onely guilty. Quis tulerit Gracchos?

But to goe with you point per point, what Innovations have you to complaine of in point of doctrine? Marry, ſay you, There was an order procured from King Iames of famous memory to the Univerſities, that young Students ſhould not reade our moderne learned writers, as Calvin; Beza, and others of the reformed Churches, but the Fathers and School-men. p. 111. Quid hoc ad Ithycli boves? What have the Biſhops now alive to do with any act of King James his time: or how can this direction of that learned Prince bee brought within the compaſſe of Innovations in point of doctrine? Directions to young Students how to order and diſpoſe their ſtudies, are no points of doctrine: nor doe I finde it in the Articles of the Church of England, that Calvin or Beza are 〈◊〉 bee preferred before Saint Auſtin or Aquinas. But doe you know the reaſon of the ſaid direction? or if you do not, will you learne? Then I will tell you. There was one Knight a young Divine that preached about that time at Saint Peters in Oxford, and in his Sermon fell upon a dangerous point (though ſuch perhaps as you like well of) viz. that the inferiour Magiſtrate had a lawfull power to order and correct the King if he did amiſſe: uſing this ſpeech of Trajans unto the Captaine of his Guard, Accipe hunc gladium, quem pro me ſi bene imperavero diſtringes; ſin minus contra me. For this being called in queſtion, both in the Univerſity and before the King, he layed the fault of all upon ſome late Divines of forraigne Churches, who had miſguided him in that point: eſpecially on Paraeus, who in his Comment on the Romans had ſo ſtated it, and in the which he found that ſaying of the Emperour Trajan. On this confeſſion Paraeus Comment on that Epiſtle was publickly and ſolemnly burnt at Oxford, Cambridge, and Saint Pauls Croſſe London: And ſhortly after came out that order of King James, prohibiting young ungrounded Students to beginne their ſtudies in Divinity with ſuch books as thoſe, in whom there were ſuch dangerous poſitions, tending ſo manifeſtly to Anarchy and diſobedience: but that they ſhould beginne with the holy Scriptures, ſo deſcendendo to the Fathers, and the School men, and by degrees to thoſe Divines you ſo much magnifie. Wh •• hurt in this good ſir, but that it ſeemes, you are poſſeſſed with your old feare, that by this means the Kings may come to have an unlimited power: and abſolute obedience will be preſſed more throughly on the ſubjects conſcience. Beſides, you cannot but well know that generally thoſe divines of forraigne Churches are contrary in the point of diſcipline, unto the Hierarchy and rites of the Church of England: which ſome implicitely, and ſome explicitely, have oppoſed and quarrelled. Which as it is the onely reaſon why you would have them ſtudied in the firſt place, that ſo young ſtudents might be ſeaſoned with your Puritan principles: ſo might it be another motive, why by the Kings direction they ſhould come in laſt; that Students finding in the Fathers, Councels, and Eccleſiaſticall hiſtorians, what was the true and ancient kinde of governement in the Church of Chriſt, might judge the better of the modernes when they came to reade them. Nor was this any new direction: neither it being ordered by the Canons of the yeere 1571. Cap. de Concionatoribus, that nothing ſhould bee preached unto the people, but what was conſonant unto the doctrine of the old and new Teſtament, quodque ex illa ipsâ doctrina Catholici Patres & veteres Epiſcopi collegerint, and had beene thence collected by the Orthodox Fathers, and ancient Biſhops.

As for your dealing with the Fathers, of whom you ſay as Virgil ſaid of Ennius, that they which reade them muſt margaritas e Coeno legere, gather pearles out of the mud; p. 112. that's but a taſt of your good manners. Nor would you ſlight them ſo, I take it, but that the moſt of them were Biſhops. But whatſoever you thinke of them, a wiſer man then you hath told us, qui omnem Patribus adimit authoritatem, nullam relinquet ſibi.

Your ſecond Innovation in point of doctrine, is ſo like the firſt; that one would ſweare they were of one mans obſervation: and that is the procuring of another order in King James his na •• inhibiting young Miniſters to preach of the doctrines of election and reprobation, and that none but Biſhops and Deanes ſhould handle thoſe points? Good Sir what hurt in this? Are thoſe deepe myſteries of Gods ſecret Counſailes, fit argument for young unexperienced Preachers, wherein, calores juveniles excercere, to trie their manhood, and give the firſt aſſay of their abilities? or call you this an Innovacion in point of doctrine, when as for ought you have to ſay, the doctrine in thoſe points continued, as before it did: onely the handling of the ſame was limited and reſtrained to graver heads. The like complaint you make of his Majeſties Declaration before the Articles, by meanes whereof you ſay, the doctrins of the Goſpell muſt bee for ever huſht and laied aſleepe. p. 114. what Sir, are all the doctrines of the Goſpel huſht and laied aſleepe, becauſe you are inhibited to preach of predeſtination and that not abſolutely neither, but that you may not wreſt the Article in that point, as you were accuſtomed. This was the Devills plea to Eve, and from him you learnt it; that God had ſaid to our firſt father, hee ſhould not eate of every or any tree in the Garden of Eden; whereas he was reſtrained onely from the tree of knowledge of good and evill. But hereof wee have ſpoke alreadie, and referre you thither. Hitherto alſo you reduce the publiſhing of certaine bookes, moſt of the which were either anſwer'd, or called in: and therefore you have little reaſon to except againſt them. My Lord of Chicheſters appeale, was, as you ſay, called 〈◊〉 by our gracious Soveraigne: and had not other men free leave to print and publiſh a diſcourſe in anſwere to it? The Hiſtoricall narration you diſliked, and that was called in too, to pleaſe you. If Doctor Jacksons bookes, were as you falſly tell us, to maintaine Arminianiſme; I doubt not but you have in keeping, a booke inviſible to any but to ſuch as you, ſaid to bee writ by Doctor Twiſſe, as much againſt his perſon, as againſt his argument. For Doctor Coſens Private Devotions, that ſtill lieth heavy on your komacke, as not yet digeſted: though both your ſelfe and your learned Counſell diſgorged your ſelves upon him in a furious manner. Brownes prayer before his Sermon if you are agrieved at, you may finde the verie clauſe verbatim in King Edwards firſt liturgie, Anno 1549. which in that verie act of Parliament, wherein the ſecond was confirmed, is ſaid to bee a very Godly order, agreeable to the word of God, and the Primitive Church. As for Franciſcus a S. clara, being the book is writ in latine; and printed in the parts beyond ſea; how can you charge the Biſhops with it: for that it hath beene printed in London, and preſented to the King by a Prelate, you dare not certainely affirme; but ſpeake it onely upon heere-ſay. p. 117. Or were it ſo, yet being written in the latine, it is meete for Schollers, and ſuch as underſtand that language: not as your pamphlets are, propoſed unto the common people, either to misinforme them, or to inflame them. As for the booke intituled the Female glorie, you finde not in it, that I ſee by your collections, any thing poſitively or dogmatically delivered, contrarie unto any point of doctrine eſtabliſhed and received in the Church of England. Some ſwelling language there is in it, and ſome Apoſtrophes, I perceive by you, to the virgin Marie; which if you take for Invocations, you miſtake his meaning: who tells us plainly, as you cite him, p. 125. that the more wee aſcribe unto her, ſetting Invocation apart, the more gracious wee appeare in our Saviours ſight. No Innovation hitherto in point of Doctrine.

From bookes ſet out by private men, proceed we to the opinions of ſome certaine Quidams, which you are diſpleaſed with: and were it ſo, as you report it, yet the opinions of ſome private men, prove not in my poore Logick an Innovation in the Doctrine by the Church delivered, though contrary unto the Doctrine ſo delivered. To make an Innovation in point of Doctrine, there muſt be an unanimous and general concurrence of minds and men, to ſet on foote the new, and deſert the old: not the particular fancie of one private man. And yet I think, you will not find me out that particular man, that hath defended any thing contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England, and paſſed uncenſured. Yes that you can, you ſay, for certaine. For a great Prelate in the High Commiſſion Court, ſaid openly at the cenſure of Dr. Baſtwick, that wee and the Church of Rome, differ not in fundamentalibus, but circa fundamentalia: as alſo that the ſame had beene affirmed by one Choune. p. 122. Suppoſe this true, and how comes this to be an Innovation in the Doctrine of the Church of England. Hath the Church any where determined, that wee, and thoſe of Rome doe differ in the Fundamentalls: if not, why doe you make this ſaying an Innovation in the Churches Doctrine. The Church indeed hath told us in the Nineteenth Article, that the Church of Rome hath erred, not only in their living and manner of Ceremonies, but alſo in matters of Faith: it hath not told us that that Church hath erred in Fundamentalls. The learned Junius could have told you that the Church of Rome is a true Church, quoad eſſentiam, according to the eſſence of a Church; lib. de Eccl. cap. 7. and Dr. Whitakers, that there were many things in the Church of Rome (Baptiſme, the Miniſtery, and the Scriptures) quae ad veram eccleſiam pertinent, which properly appertaine to a true Church? An argument that neither of them thought that Church had erred in Fundamentalls. And certainly, if that confeſſion of Saint Peter, Thou art Chriſt the Sonne of the living God, Matth. 16. be that Rocke, on which the Church of Chriſt is founded; as all our Proteſtant Divines affirme it is: the Church of Rome, doth hold as faſt on that foundation, as you, or any Zealot of your acquaintance; and hath done more againſt the Hereticks of this Age, in maintenance of the Divinitie of our Lord and Saviour, then you, or any one of your Divines, be hee who he will. But for the Church of Rome, that it is a true Church, and that wee doe not differ from them in fundamentalls, you may ſee further in a little booke called the Reconciler (doe not you remember it, and the occaſion of it too?) writ by the Biſhop of Exeter, now being: and therein the opinion of ſome Biſhops, to the ſelfe ſame purpoſe, and of ſome others alſo, learned men, whoſe judgement you preferre in other things more then any Biſhops. Had you but throughly ſtudied the Reconciler, as you ſhould have done, you had not made this quarrell, perhaps none at all.

As for the other opinions of more private men, that have offended you, you goe on, and ſay, that Juſtifi ation by works was maintained in Cambridge, at the Commencement, not long agoe; and that Shelfords booke will prove Juſtification by Charitie: as alſo, that the ſaid Shelford, in that book, maintaineth that the Pope is not Antichriſt, contrary, as you ſay, to the reſolved Doctrines of our Church, in our Homilies, and elſe-where. p. 122. and 123. In anſwere to the firſt of which, I hope you doe not think in earneſt, that whatſoever point is ventilated, and diſcuſſed in the Publike Schooles, is preſently conceived to be a Doctrine of the Church: or that there hath beene nothing handled in thoſe diſputations, but what is agreeable thereto. Many things there, both are, and may be handled and propounded problematically, and argued Pro and Con, as the cuſtom is; as well for the diſcovery of the trueth, as the true iſſue of the queſtion betweene the parties. And if you pleaſe to caſt your eye upon thoſe queſtions, which have beene heretofore diſputed at thoſe ſolemne times: how many will you find amongſt them, and thoſe of your owne ſpeciall friends, in which the Church hath not determined: or not determined ſo, as they have then and there been ſtated, and yet no clamour raiſed about it. Nor doe you truely relate the buſineſſe neither; Theſis not being ſo propoſed, as you informe us: Viz. That wee are Juſtified by Workes; but onely that good Workes are effectually neceſſary to Salvation: ſo that the principall part of our juſtification, was by the Doctor, then and there, aſcribed to faith; workes only comming in, as effectuall meanes to our ſalvation. For Shelfords Booke, what ever is in that maintained, ſhould as little trouble you, if he aſcribe a ſpeciall eminencie unto Charitie, in ſome certaine things; it is no more then what was taught him by Saint Paul, who doth preferre it, as you cannot chuſe but know, before Faith and Hope. Nor doth hee attribute our juſtification thereunto in any other ſenſe, then what was taught him by Saint James. And here I purpoſed to have left you with theſe opinions of particular and private men, but that you tell us by the way, that by the Doctrine of our Church, in the Homilies and elſewhere, it is reſolved that the Pope is Antichriſt. Your elſe-where I am ſure is no where, and that which you alledge from the booke of Homilies, is as good as nothing. The Second Homilie for Whitſunday, concludeth with a Prayer, that by the mighty power of the holy Ghoſt, the comfortable Doctrine of Chriſt may be truely preached, truely received, and truly followed in all places, to the beating down of ſinne, death, the Pope, the Devill, and all the Kingdom of Antichriſt. Can you conclude from hence, that by the Doctrin of the Church, the Pope is Antichriſt? the Devill aſſone. For they are put there as diſtinct things, the Pope, the Devill, and the kingdome of Antichriſt: and being put downe as diſtinct, you have no reaſon to conclude that it is reſolved by that Homilie, that the Pope is Antichriſt. Nor doth the 6 Homilie of Rebellion, ſay the Pope is Antichriſt. Though it ſaith ſomewhat of the Babylonicall beaſt of Rome. The whole clauſe is this. In King Johns time the Biſhop of Rome underſtanding the bruite blindneſſe, ignorance of Gods word, and ſuperſtition of Engliſhmen, and how much they were inclined to worſhip the Babylonicall beaſt of Rome, and to feare all his threatnings and cauſeleſſe curſes, hee abuſed them thus, &c. Where certainely, the Babylonicall beaſt of Rome is not the ſame with the Biſhop or Pope of Rome; but rather the abuſed power of that then prevalent and predominant See. Or were it that the Pope is meant, yet not being ſpoken poſitively and dogmatically, that the Pope is, and is to be beleeved to be the Babylonicall beaſt of Rome; it is no more to bee accounted for a doctrine of the Church of England, then that it was plaine Simony in the Prelates then to pay unto the Biſhop of Rome great ſummes of mony for their Bulls, and conformations, as is there affirmed, I have yet one thing more to ſay unto you in this point. Saint John hath given it for a rule, that every ſpirit that confeſſeth not, that Jeſus Christ is come in the fleſh, is not of God, but is that Spirit of Antichriſt whereof you have heard &c. So that unleſſe you can make good as I thinke you cannot, that the Pope of Rome confeſſeth not that Jeſus Chriſt is come in the fleſh, you have no reaſon to conclude that hee is that Antichriſt.

Hitherto we have followed you to finde an innovation in point of doctrine; and are yet to ſeeke: and if wee finde it not in the next two inſtances both wee and you have loſt our labour. There you ſay ſomewhat doubtleſſe, and charge the Biſhop with two dangerous innovations; one in the doctrine of obedience to ſuperiors, the other in the doctrine of the Sabbath or Lords-day. Theſe wee have met withall alreadie, and therefore ſhall ſay little here. Onely I would faine learne, for I know not yet, where that conditionall obedience which you onely like of, is delivered to us by the Church; where there is any thing layed downe, for a publick doctrine, againſt that abſolute obedience, which you ſo diſlike, and reckon the inforcing of it, amongſt the Innovations made in point of doctrine! your brethren in the Conference at Hampton Court, put in a ſcruple, how farre an ordinance of the Church was to binde them, without impeaching of their Chriſtian libertie: where at the King being much moved, anſwered, that it ſmelled very ranckely of Anabaptiſme; adding, I charge you never to ſpeak more to that point, (how farre you are bound to obey?) when the Church hath ordained it. What think you Sir. Heere is an abſolute obedience preached to the Churches Ordinances. I hope you cannot tender leſſe unto the Orders of the King. As for that other Innovation which you tell us of, about the doctrine of the Sabbath; there is indeed a mighty alteration in it, I could wiſh there were not: but it was made by you and yours, who litle more then 40. yeeres agone, firſt broached theſe Sabbath-ſpeculations in the Church of England; which now you preſſe uppon her for her antient doctrine. This hath beene ſhewne at large elſewhere, and therefore I will ſay nothing now. But where you ſay, that for the maintenance of that change which you lay upon them, their novell Doctors, have ſtrained the veines of their conſcience no leſſe then of their braines. p. 126. I am bold to tell you, that at the beſt you are a moſt uncharitable man, to judge the hearts of thoſe, whoſe face you know not. For my part, I can ſpeake for one, and take almighty God to witneſſe that in the part committed to mee, I have dealt with all ingenuitie and ſinceritie: and make this proteſtation before God and man, that if in all the ſcriptures, Fathers, Councells, moderne writers, or whatſoever monument of the Church, I met within ſo long a ſearch, I had found any thing in favour of that doctrine, which you ſo approve; I would not have concealed it, to the ſuppreſſion of a truth, for all the world. How ever you accuſe me, yet my conſcience doth not. Delectat tamen conſcientia quod estanimae pabulum, incredibili jucunditate perfuſum, in Lactantius language.

Your Innovations in the points of Doctrin being blowne to nothing, let us ſee next what is it that you have to ſay for the change of diſcipline; the ſecond Innovation which you charge upon my Lords the Biſhops. And here you ſay, that where of old the cenſures of the Church were to be inflicted upon diſordered and vicious perſons, as drunkards adulterers, heretickes, Apoſtata's, falſe-teachers and the like: now the ſharpe edge thereof is turned mainely againſt Gods people and Miniſters, even for their vertue and pietie, and becauſe they will not conforme to their impious orders p. 127. That Biſhops ſometimes turne the edge of their authoritie, on thoſe who you entitle Gods miniſters, and people, is as true, as neceſſarie: but that they turne it on them even for their pietie and vertue, is both falſe and ſcandalous. Iuſt ſo a Brother of yours, whom I ſpare to name, preached once at Oxford, that good and honeſt men were purpoſely excluded from preferments there, ob hoc ipſum quod pij, quod boni, onely becauſe they were inclined to pietie and vertue. But Sir, thoſe godly folke you ſpeake of, are Godly onely in your eye, and in ſuch as yours: and if the edge of authoritie be turned upon them, it is becauſe they have too much of your ſpirit in them. The cenſures of the Church proceed no otherwiſe now then of old they did. Looke in the antient Canons, and you ſhall ſee with what ſeveritie the Church of old did puniſh Schiſmaticks and Separatiſts: and tell mee if the Church now doth not deale more mercifully with you, then of old it did. And where you ſeeme to intimate, that now the cenſures of the Church are not inflicted as of old, upon diſordered and vicious perſons: that's but your wonted art to traduce the Biſhops and make them odious to your followers. For looke unto the Articles for the Metropolitan viſitation, of my Lord of Canterbury Anno 1635. and for the viſitation of my Lord of Norwich, Anno 1636. both which I am ſure you have peruſed, or any of the reſt which you meete next with. Looke on them well, and tell mee truely, if you can, whether there bee not ſpeciall order for the preſenting of all thoſe vicious and diſordered perſons, of the kindes you mention: you could not chooſe but knowe this, having ſeene the Articles: and therefore doe belie them againſt your conſcience. And ſo I leave you and this point of the Churches diſcipline: which if it bee not changed is no fault of yours, who have endeavored nothing more then to introduce a totall alteration of it.

The third generall Innovation which you make complaint of, is in the worſhip of God, which (as you tell us) they goe about to turne inſide outward, placing the true worſhip which is in Spirit and truth, in a Will worſhip of mans deviſing. p. 128. Particularly, in bowing to the name of Ieſus, to the Communion table or rather Altar, praying with their faces towards the Eaſt, ſtanding at the reading of the Goſpell. As alſo reading their ſecond ſervice at the Altar, and the like. p. 129. You tell us alſo of their teaching, practiſing, and preaching new formes of worſhip, ſecundum uſum Sarum, and ſetting them up againe in Churches, as Altar-worſhip, Ieſu-worſhip, Image-worſhip, Croſſe-worſhip, and the like: and make it a plaine evidence that they have no feare of God in them. p. 15· As alſo, what an old heaving and ſhoving there is, to erect Altar-worſhip and Ieſu-worſhip, and other inventions of men; and that the end thereof is to ſet up Popery againe. p. 25. The like you tell us alſo, p. 32. and make thoſe rites you inſtance in, a degree to Popery. Rome, ſay you, was not built in one day. And Rome being about to be rebuilt in this Land cannot be done all at once, but it muſt be by degrees; although the builders doe every day get ground, and the building goeth on a maine with incredible celority. Finally, that I preſſe you with no more particulars, you lay it home unto them, that all their actions tend to bring in the Maſſe p. 105. And thus you marſhall the degrees. If, ſay you, our new refounders of Popery would ſet up the Maſſe-god in our Churches, they cannot effect it all at once. They muſt firſt downe with Tables, and up with Altars. For that cauſe all ſeates muſt downe at the end of the Chancell, that the Altar may ſtand cloſe to the wall, becauſe, as their Oracle ſaith (Arch-Prelate of Canterbury, in the Margin) none muſt ſit above God Almightie. And if Miniſters be ſo ſtiffe as not to yeeld to this Innovation, at leaſt the table muſt be railed about that none touch it, as being more ſacred then Pulpit, Pewe, or Font. Then ſome Adoration as lowly bowing, muſt be given to it. Then the ſecond ſervice, as dainties muſt be ſaid there, as being more holy then the Readers Pewe. What then? Surely a Prieſt is not farre off. But where is the ſacrifice? Stay a while, that ſervice comes at laſt, and all theſe are preparations to it, tending to uſher in the great God of the Hoſt, ſo ſoone as it is well baked, and the peoples ſtomacks fitted to digeſt ſo hard a bit. I have layed downe this place at large, becauſe it makes a full diſcovery of your malicious thoughts and imaginations: as alſo of your full intent to amate the people, and make them apt to any deſperate attempt, which you may put them to when occaſion ſerves. But theſe your wicked and uncharitable ſurmiſes will ſoone come to nought. For if it be made evident, that thoſe particular Innovations wherewithall you charge them, are either falſely charged upon them, or no Innovations: then I preſume, that any charitable Reader, will finde that your ſurmiſes proceeded onely from envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitablenes, from which deliver us good Lord.

That which you inſtance firſt in, is bowing to the name of Ieſus: and where finde you that? Who preſſeth you, or any els to bow unto the name of Ieſus, ſuppoſe it written on a wall, or where elſe you will? That, if it be an Innovation, is no mans but yours. The Church injoyneth us no ſuch matter. For bowing at the name of Ieſus, thats no Innovation, made by the Prelates of theſe times: but injoyned in the Canon of the yeare 1603, and there no otherwiſe enjoyned then it was before. For ſo the Canon hath appointed,Can. 18. that when in the time of divine ſervice the Lord Ieſus ſhall be mentioned, due and lowly reverence ſhall be done by all perſons preſent, as it hath beene accustomed. Can. 8. No Innovation then good Sr. if ſo long ſince ordained by Canon; and an old cuſtome too before it. A cuſtome certainely as old as the Reformation. For it is ſaid expreſſely in the Queenes Injunctions, that whenſoever the name of Ieſus, ſhall be in any Leſſon, Sermon, or otherwiſe in the Church pronounced, that due reverence be made of all perſons young and old, with lowneſſe of curteſie, and uncovering of heads of the men-kinde, as thereunto doth neceſſarily belong, and hath beene accuſtomed. It's almoſt foureſcore yeares agoe, ſince that Injunction; yet then it was an antient cuſtome: and more then custome too, conceived a neceſſary duty. I could informe you what is ſaid by B. Iewell in this point, did I conceiv't fit, to adde unto the publike order of the Church, the teſtimony of a private though a learned man. Yet if you pleaſe to looke, you ſhall ſee his judgment, in his reply to Harding. Art. 8. Sect. 1. So that you ſee, that Ieſu-worſhip, as you call it, is no Innovation: or if it be, it is as old at leaſt in the Church of England at the reformation. Higher we neede not goe for your ſatisfaction, in this or any other of theſe Innovations by you objected: ſuch men as you are not regarding what hath beene done in the moſt pure & perfect times of the Chrſtian Church; but what was here obſerved and practiſed ſince the reformation, as before was ſaid. Otherwiſe we could give you ſufficient evidence of this and all the other antient uſages, by you termed Innovations, in the Church of Chriſt, out of the Fathers, Councells, & other uncorrupted Monumēts of true antiquity.

Your ſecond inſtance is of bowing to the Communion table, or Altar rather, as you pleaſe to correct your ſelfe: and praying with the face towards the East. Here you have to it, as before; but ther's no ſuch thing done, as to it. Towards it if you will, not to it, When you ſay Grace before the table, or ſaid your prayers in the laſt conventicle you were at, at the bords end: I hope you prayed not to the table, nor ſaid Grace to it. Neither doe they bow to the Altar, or Communion table, call it which you pleaſe, which bow towards it. It was an antient cuſtome in the primitive times, as Tertullian notes in his Apologeticke, ad orientis regronem precari, to turne themſelves unto the Eaſt when they ſaid their prayers; and hath continued ſo till this very time: moſt of our Churches, except ſome of late, being built accordingly. The Fathers tell you of it more then once or twice: but what care you or ſuch as you for the holy Fathers. Had Calvin ſaid as much, or Beza, then it had beene ſomewhat. The Fathers had their ſpots or naevi, and he that readeth them muſt margaritas e coeno legere, as you told us lately. Well Sir, upon this generall cuſtome of praying towards the Eaſt came in that adoratio verſus Altare, you complaine of, though not Altaris, as you charge it. When men firſt entred into the houſe of God, they uſed ſome lowly reverence to expreſſe or intimate that the place they ſtoode upon was holy ground: and becauſe mē diduſe to pray with their faces towards the Eaſt where the Altar ſtoode, they made their reverence that way alſo. Why ſhould that offend you? Old people uſe it ſtill, both men and women; though now it be interpreted as a curteſie made unto the Miniſter. If bowing towards the Communion table or before it be offenſive to you, at the adminiſtration of the Sacrament: I would faine know upō what reaſons, or why you ſtomack it, that men ſhould uſe their greateſt reverence in ſo great an action? Thinke it you fit, the Prieſt ſhould take into his hands the holy myſteries, without lowly reverence, or that it is an Innovation ſo to doe? Then go to ſchoole to B. Iewell, and let him teach you. Harding makes mention of ſome geſtures, which at that time the people uſed: as viz. ſtanding up at the Goſpell, and at the preface of the Maſſe, bowing themſelves downe & adoring at the Sacrament; kneeling at other times, as when mercy & p rdon is humbly asked. What ſaith the Biſhop unto this?Art. 3. 26 he alloweth them all kneeling ſaith he, bowing (i. e. that kinde of bowing which Harding ſpeakes of) and ſtanding up, and other like are commendable gestures and tokens of devotion, ſo long as the people underſtandeth what they meane, and applieth them unto God. If you looke higher into the uſe and practiſe of the primitive times, you cannot miſſe a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an honour to the Altar; in Ignaltus; a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a reſpect ſhowne unto the holy table in Dionyſius de Heir. cap. 2. as alſo an adgeniculationem aris Dei, a kneeling downe before Altars in Tertullians time; beſides what you may finde in St. Chryſostomes Liturgie to the ſelfe ſame purpoſe. No Innovation therefore, as you would have it, to bow before or towards the Communion table; or to pray with our faces towards the Eaſt, whatſoever you tell us.

On then good Sir, to the reſt that follow, and firſt of ſtanding up at the Goſpell, and reading the ſecond ſervice at the Altar: what are they Innovations alſo? For ſtanding up at the Goſpell, it was enjoyned expreſſely in the firſt Liturgy of K. Edward 6. and practiſed alſo, though not preſcribed, under that now in uſe amongſt us. Bp. Iewell, as you ſee allowes it, with whom you are not worthy to be named in the ſame day. And for the practiſe of it, take this of Hooker. Lib. 5.29. Becauſe the Goſpells which are weekely reade, doe all hiſtorically declare ſomething, which our Lord Ieſus Chriſt himſelfe either ſpake, did, or ſuffered in his owne perſon, it hath beene the cuſtome of Chriſtian men, then eſpecially, in token of the greater reverence to ſtand, to utter certaine words of acclamation, and at the name of Ieſus to bow. Which harme'eſſe ceremonies, as he tells us, there was not any man conſtrained to uſe; nor was it neceſſary: all ſorts of people uſing them without conſtraint, till you and your forefather Cartwright made a ſcruple of it. The firſt originall hereof is by antiquity referred to Pope Anaſtaſius who lived in the 5. Centurie: therefore no Innovation ſurely. As little Innovation is there, in reading the ſecond ſervice at the Altar or Communion table. The Rubricke of the Church appointeth, that it ſhall be ſo. Compare the laſt Rubricke before the Comunion, with the firſt after it: and you will ſooner finde your ſelfe an Innovator in ſo ſaying, then any of the Biſhops in ſo doing. Nor was it onely ſo appointed, and not done accordingly. For learned Hooker tells us in the place laſt cited, that ſome parts of the divine ſervice of the Church are ſuch, that being they ſerve to ſingular good purpoſe, even when there is no communion adminiſtred; nevertheleſſe, being deviſed at the firſt for that purpoſe, are at the table of the Lord for that cauſe alſo commonly reade? No Innovation hitherto Maſ. Burton, but what comes after. You make a noiſe of Image-worſhip and Croſſe-worſhip; I know no ſuch matter: no ſuch enjoyned, that I am ſure of, nor no ſuch practiſed that I can heareof. If any ſuch thing be, tell me who, and when, or I ſhall take you alwayes for a very falſe brother, that make no conſcience what you ſay, or whom you ſlander. I hope you doe not meane by Croſſe-worſhip, the ſigning young children when they are baptized with the ſigne of the Croſſe: or if you doe, I trow you cannot take it for an Innovation. Nor neede you feare Idolatry in that Chriſtian uſage, as ſome clamoured once. The 30. Canon hath ſo fully removed that feare, that they that feare it now, muſt be more then mad-men. Thuanus, one more wiſe then you, is of another minde by much: conceiving that the cautious and reſtrictions in that Canon uſed, Lib. 131. have in a manner more aboliſhed then confirmed the true and proper uſe of that antient ceremony. For ſpeaking of the Synode in London An. 1603. and of the Canons then agreed on, he ſaith as followeth. Crucis ceremonia in Baptiſmate retinetur, et explicatur, ſed ita et tot adhibitis cautionibus, ut ſacroſancti ſigni reverentia omnis aboleri potius, quaem confirmari videatur. No Innovations all this while, but ſuch as you have falſly charged upon the Biſhops, of Image-worſhip, and Croſſe-worſhip: and therefore all your feares of ſetting up the Maſſe-God, as you call it, are all come to nought.

Hitherto we have found no novelty, nothing that tends to Innovation in the worſhip of God: but a reviver and continuance onely of the antient uſages which have beene practiſed in this Church ſince the reformation, and were commended to it from the pureſt ages. And here we would have left this charge, but that you tell us p. 158. that all thoſe rites and ceremonies which are to be uſed in our Church are by an Act of Parliament prefixed to the Communion booke reſtrained to thoſe only which are expreſſed in the ſame booke. Either you are a very unlucky Lawyer, or a very bad Church-man. For tell me I beſeech you, where doe you finde in all that ſtatute, that there ſhall be no other rites and ceremonies uſed in the Church then are expreſſed in the booke of Common prayer? That all thoſe ceremonies which are expreſſed in the ſaid booke ſhall be obſerved; the ſtatute doth indeede informe you: but that none other ſhall be added, that you finde not there. The contrary you may finde there, if you pleaſe to looke.Statute 1. Eliz. cap. 2. For it is ſaid expreſſely that the Queenes Majeſty may by the adviſe of her Commiſſioners Eccleſiaſticall or Metropolitane ordaine and publiſh ſuch further ceremonies or rites as may be moſt for the advancement of Gods glorie, the edifying of his Church, and the due reverence of Chriſts holy myſteries and Sacraments. This you reſtraine unto the perſon of the Queene affirming p. 66. that it is not to be extended to her ſucceſſours in the Crowne. How truely this is ſaid, hath beene ſhowne elſewhere. And were it ſo in point of Law, yet a good Church man as you are could not chooſe but know, that in the Articles of the Church it is acknowledged and agreed on, that the Church hath power to decree Rites or ceremonies. Art. 20. and more then ſo, that every particular or nationall Church, hath authoritie to ordaine, change, and aboliſh ceremonies or Rites of the Church ordained onely by mans authority, ſo that all things be done to edifying. Art. 34. Theſe Articles you have ſubſcribed to more then once or twice, and therefore cannot chooſe but know, that other ceremonies may be uſed in the Church, then thoſe which are expreſſed in the Common prayer booke. Nor were theſe Articles confirmed onely in the Convocation, the power and authority of the which you regard but little: but were confirmed, and ſubſcription to the ſame exacted by Act of Parliament, as your unlearned Counſaile can at large informe you. Its true, ſome ſuch as you have quarrel'd with the 20. Article, as if that clauſe of giving power unto the Church, to decree rites or ceremonies, and authority in controverſies of faith, were not coequall with the Article, but thruſt in of late: and for that cauſe, by ſome undue and ſiniſter practiſe, the booke of Articles was lately printed in the Latine tongue, and that clauſe left out. But in the antient Copies publiſhed in the yeare 1563. the Article is intire and whole, according as it is in all thoſe bookes of Articles to which you ſeverally ſubſcribed. Nor ſaith that Article any more, as to the matter of ordaining ceremonies, then what is afterwards affirmed in the 34. Article, as before was ſaid: nor more then what hath poſitively beene affirmed by your owne Divines, as you pleaſe to ſtile them. Calvin whoſe judgment in this point you neither may nor can decline, hath ſaid as much upon theſe words of the Apoſtle, Let all things be done decently and in order. Non poteſt haberi, quod Paulus hic exigit niſi additis conſtitutionibus tanquam vinculis quibuſdam, ordo ipſe et decorum ſervetur. That which St. Paul requires, cannot be done, ſaith he without rules and Canons, by which as by ſome certaine bondes, both order and decorum may be kept together. Paraus yet more plainely, and unto the purpoſe; Facit eccleſiae poteſtatem de decoro et ordine eccleſiaſtico libere diſponendi, et leges ferendi. So that you ſee the Church hath power to decree rites and ceremonies in things that appertaine to order, decency, and uniformity in Gods publicke ſervice: and which is more, a power of making lawes and Canons to inforce conformity unto the ſame, in the opinion of your owne Doctors. And if it pleaſe his Majeſty with the advice of his Commiſſioners or Metropolitane, to ordaine new ceremonies, or if the Church thinke fit to adde further rites, to thoſe which are received already: I know no remedy either in Law or conſcience, but that you muſt ſubmit unto them. Which ſaid we will proceede to thoſe other Innovations, which you have falſly charged upon the Prelates.

The fourth change is, you tell us, in the civill government, which they labour to reduce and transferre to eccleſiaſticall, while they ſeeke to trample on the lawes of the land, and ſtep between the King and his people, (the Prelates power overſwaying the ſubjects right) in the free uſe and benefit of the Lawes, pag. 129. You make the like out-cry to my LL. the Iudges, ſaying. Doe not your wiſdomes ſee a new generation of Innovators riſen up in this Land,Art. 3. s 26 who uſurping and practiſing a Papall and Antichriſtian power and juriſdiction, exempted from the Kings Lawes &c. doe thereby begin to overtop the Royall throne, and trample the Lawes, liberties and juſt rights of the Kings Subjects under their feete. p. 29. Quid dignum tanto? What is the ground of all this noiſe. Nought els it ſeemes, but that the high Commiſſioners thinke that Court of too high a nature, to be affronted by ſuch fellowes as your Learned Counſailes, of which you tell us. p. 129. and that my LL. the Iudges, out of their honourable love to Iuſtice, are not ſo eaſily moved to ſend their writs of prohibition to that Court, as ſome of their Predeceſſours were before them. And is there not good reaſon thinke you? For if (as Dr. Apologie. part 3 cap. 15. p. 226. Coſin pleades the caſe) his Majeſties ſupreame Royall authority and power eccleſiaſticall granted by Commiſſion to others be as highly veſted in his Crowne as is his Temporall: then will it be probably gathered, both of them being in their ſeverall kindes ſupreme and the exerciſe of them committed over to others under the great Seale; that the one of them is not to be abridged, reſtrained, or controuled by the other. And you may alſo know, if you pleaſe to know it, how that it was affirmed once by K. Iames of bleſſed memorie, in his ſpeech at Whitehall before both houſes of Parliament An. 1609. That the high Commiſsion was of ſo high a nature, that from thence there was no appellation to any other Court. Both Courts being thus ſupreme in their ſeverall kindes, and neither of them being to be abridged, reſtrained and controuled by the other, as long as the Iudges in the high Commiſſion keepe themſelves (within their bounds) to cauſes of eccleſiaſticall cognizance: what reaſon have you of complaint, in caſe you cannot get a Prohibition, as before you did. Moſt likely that my LL. the Iudges are growne more difficult in that kinde, as for diverſe other reaſons, ſo moſt eſpecially becauſe they ſee the Iudges in that other Court ſo carful, as not to meddle in any thing which may entrench upon the Courts of common Law or the ſubjects liberty.

Call you me this an overtopping of the Royall throne, a trampling of the Lawes, liberties, and juſt rights of his Majesties ſubjects under their feete? Cannot ſo inſolent a wretch as you be denied a Prohibition from the Courts of Law, or may not Mr. Prynne be threatned for his ſawey and irreverent carriage by the high Commiſsion: but preſently you muſt raiſe an outcry, ac ſi Anniball ad portas, as if the libertie of the ſubjects was indangered in the free uſe and benefit of the Lawes, as you pleaſe to phraſe it? yet this amongſt the reſt you have made a cauſe of your ſeditious libelling againſt Church and State; as if the one were like to devoure the other; and all were in a way to ruine, but for ſuch Zelots as your ſelfe, the carefull watchmen of the times. But good Sir be aſſured there is no ſuch danger. For as the reducing of the civill government ſo eccleſiaſticall, which you ſo much feare, there muſt be other meanes to doe it, then by a difficulty of obtaining Prohibitions from the Common Law. And it is never more likely to be effected, then when your ſelfe ſit chiefe in your longed for Conſiſtory, with your Lay-elders round about you.

Then Kings and Queenes and whatſoever is called God, muſt caſt themſelves before your foote-ſtoole, as you your ſelves have told us in your publicke writings: And as for buſineſſe, the Lawyers, v. Hooker in the Preface to his Eccl: Politie. howſoever you count them now, will have too little to maintaine them. For this is reckoned by your Brethren, amongſt the excellencies of your diſcipline, both for the wealth of the Realme, and quiet of the ſubjects, that thy Church is to cenſure thoſe who are apparentle troubleſome and contentious, and without reaſonable cauſe (which you meane to judge of) upon a meere will and ſtomacke doe vex and moleſt their brother and trouble the Country. Where will your Civill government be then? and who ſhall ſend out Prohibitions, when that comes to paſſe.

CHAP. VII. The foure laſt Innovations charged upon the Biſhops, examined ſeverally and confuted. The Alterations ſaid to be in the Common Prayer-book, Father of thine Elect and of their ſeede, left out; and why? Of bowing in the name of Ieſus. The alterations ſaid to be in the booke of Prayer for the fifth of November. Prayers intended firſt againſt Recuſants aſwell appliable to the Puritans, as ſome Lawes and Statutes. The religion of and in the Church of Rome, whether it may be ſaid to be Rebellion; and how the Prelates are chalenged in that reſpect. The Arguments produced by H. B. to prove that the Religion of the Ch. of Rome is rebellion, are either falſe; or may be turned upon himſelfe. Of alterations in the Fast-booke. The Letany of K. Edward altered, becauſe it gave offenſe and ſcandall,The Prelats falſly charged with attributing Popiſh merit unto Faſting, of putting downe Lectures, cutting ſhort of Sermons, the prayer before the Sermon, & Catechizing. No innovations either in the role of faith, or manners. to thoſe which were affected to the Ch. of Rome. Some prayers omitted in the Faſt-booke; and the reaſon why: The Lady Eliz: and her Children, why left out in the preſent Collect.

IN nova fert animus. Your minde is ſtill upon your Metamorphoſis; more changes yet, and the next head of changes is altering the formēs of prayer: particularly the booke of Common prayer, that for the fifth of November, and laſtly that for the faſt, ſet forth by his Majeſties appointment, An. 1636. And firſt, you ſay, in the Communion booke ſet forth by Parliament, and commanded to be read without any alteration, and none other, they have altered ſundrie things p. 130. Ho there. Who told you that the Common-prayer-booke was ſet forth by Parliament? Thinke you the Knights and Burgeſſes of the houſe of Commons, were buſied in thoſe times, in making or in mending Prayer-bookes? The Statute 2. & 3. Edw. 6. c. 1. will tell you that the Common prayer booke was ſet forth (in that very word) by the Archbp. of Cant. and certaine of the moſt learned and diſcreete Biſhops, and other learned men of this Realme: and being ſo ſet forth, was by authority of Parliament confirmed and ratified, as it related to the Subject. Which courſe was after taken, in the review of the ſaid booke, both in the fift and ſixt of King Edward the ſixt, and in the firſt of Queene Elizabeth. Being ſet forth then by the Clergie, it was, as you informe us, commanded to be read without any alteration: that was indeed done by authority of Parliament. Doe you obſerve that ordinance, do not you alter it, and chop and change it every day; at leſt if you vouchſafe to reade it, as perhaps you doe not. And if it muſt be read without any alteration, and none other; why doe you quarrell at the reading of the ſecond Service at the Communion Table before and after Sermon, being there ſo ordered? or uſe another forme of prayer then is there appointed? Remember what you tell us here, for you and I muſt talke about it in the next generall change. Meane time what are the ſundry things which you ſay are altered in the booke ſet forth by Parliament. You tell us but of two, and you talke of ſundry. How ſhall I credit you hereafter, if you palter thus in the beginning. But for thoſe two, what are they I beſeech you? Marry you ſay, that in the Collect for the Queene and the Royall Progenie, they have put out Father of thine elect and of their ſeede, as it were, excluding the King, Queene, and Seede Royall, out of the number of Gods elect, p. 130. This you have told us of in your Epiſtle to the King, and in your Apologie, and the Newes from Ipſwich. The Queene is more beholding to you, then I thought ſhee had beene; you take ſuch ſpeciall care for her Election. But Sir, a word before we part. Who told you that this Collect was ſet forth with the booke allowed by Parliament? I trow King Edward the ſixt, and Queene Elizabeth had no royall progenie: ſo that this Collect could not bee then in Eſſe when the booke was made.

The firſt time it was made and uſed, was at the happie entrance of King Iames on this Realme of England; neither ſet forth nor ratified by any Parliament that hath beene ſince. Now King Iames had at his firſt comming hither, a royall ſeede; but when his Majeſtie the King, came unto the crowne, he was then unmarried; and after he was married, had not children preſently you know well enough. Would you have had the collect paſſe as it did before; Father of thine elect and of their ſeed, when as the king, whom you muſt needs meane by Elect in that place and prayer, had no ſeede at all? I hope you ſee your folly now, your moſt zealous folly; which made you in the Newes from Ipſwich, on the recitall of this ſuppoſed alteration to crye out, O intollerable impietie, affront, and horred treaſon; Moſt bravely clamoured. The other alteration which you charge them with, is, that in all the common prayer bookes printed ſince the yeare 1619. in the Epiſtle for the Sunday before Eaſter, they have turned in the Name of Ieſus, to at the name of Ieſus: to countenance, as you ſay, their forced bowing to the name of Ieſus; (you are ſtill for to it.) Such change there is indeede, but yet no alteration from the booke or text; The Biſhops Bible, as they call it, out of the which the Epiſtles and Goſpells were firſt taken readeth at the name: and ſo doth Biſhop Iewell too, citing this very text in the place and paſſage noted to you in the laſt Chapter. And if you looke into the Bible of the laſt tranſlation, you finde that it is therein alſo, at the name of Ieſus: ſo that you have no reaſon to repine at this, which is a reſtitution onely of the proper reading, and no change at all.

The ſecond booke which they have altered, as you ſay, is that appointed to bee read on the fifth day of November, publiſhed by authority of Parliament, p. 131. ſet forth by act of Parliament, p. 41. in the Margent ordered by Parliament, in the ſecond p. of your apologie, ordered, ſet forth and publiſhed, all by Parliament, and yet the Parliament did nothing in it. All that was done by Parliament was that the day of that deliverance was appointed for a kinde of holy day, wherein the p ople were to meete together to ſet forth Gods glory: and it was there enacted alſo, that upon every ſuch day, that very ſtatute of the inſtitution, ſhould be read publickly to the Congregation. Of any forme of prayer, ſet forth, or afterwards to be ſet forth, ne gry, I am ſure, in all that ſtatute. The booke was after made and publiſhed by the Kings authority without the trouble of a Parliament. However being ſet out, and publiſhed, though not by Parlament, you cannot but be grieved at the alterations. Well what are they. Firſt you complaine, that whereas in the former booke there was this paſſage, Roote out that Babiloniſh and Antichriſtian ſect which ſay of Hieruſalem, &c. in the Edition A. 1635. it is ſet downe thus, Roote out that Babiloniſh and antichriſtian Sect of them which ſay of Hieruſalem, &c. Here's of them added more then was. And this you thinke doth make a great and fearefull difference. For whereas in the Originall it was plainely meant, that all Ieſuites, Seminary Prieſts and their confederates are that Babiloniſh and Antichriſtian ſect, which ſay of Hieruſalem, &c. this latter booke either reſtraines it to ſome few that are of that mind, or elſe mentally tranſferres it on thoſe Puritans that cry downe with Babilon, that is, Poperie, which theſe men call Hieruſalem, and the true Catholick Religion, p. 130, 131. It ſeemes you have a guilty conſcience, you would not ſtart ſo much at this elſe. Quid prodeſt non habere conſcium, habenti conſcientiam, ſayd the Father rightly. That Babyloniſh Sect which ſay, and that Babyloniſh Sect of them which ſay make's ſo little difference: that were you not guilty to your ſelfe, of many ill wiſhes againſt Hieruſalem, you would not have ſo ſtomacked at the alteration. And being that it is confeſſed by you, their Oracle, that the Puritans doe cry downe with our Hieruſalem, by them called Poperie: they come within the compaſſe of the prayer, take which forme you liſt, either that Babiloniſh Sect, or that Babiloniſh Sect of them. Nor is it ſtrange that ſo it ſhould bee. For howſoever the Ieſuites, Prieſts and their confederates were at firſt intended: yet if the Puritans follow them in their deſignes of blowing up the Church and State, and bringing all into a lawleſſe and licentious Anarchie; the prayer will reach them too, there's no queſtion of it. The Statute, 1. Eliz. c. 2. Confirmatorie of the Common prayer booke, hath ordained ſeverall penalties for ſuch as ſhall deprave the ſaid booke of Common prayer, or obſtinately refuſe to uſe it, or uſe any other forme of prayer then that there appointed: as alſo a particular mulct of 12d, toties quoties upon every man that doth abſent himſelfe from Church on Sundaies and holy dayes. This was intended at the firſt againſt Recuſants there being then no Puritans in rerum natura. And may not therefore all the penalties therein contained, be juſtly laid upon the Puritans, if they offend in any of the kinds before remembred? The like may alſo be affirmed of the High Commiſsion, eſtabliſhed hereby at the firſt, for the correction and reduction of the Papiſts, being then the onely oppoſite partie to the Church: and yet you know, the High Commiſsioners may take a Puritan to taske, if they finde him faulty.

That which you next complaine of, is that whereas in the old booke, the prayer went thus, Cut off theſe workers of iniquity, whoſe Religion is rebellion, whoſe faith is faction: it is now altered into this, who turne Religion into rebellion, and Faith into faction. Hereupon you inferre, that theſe Innovators would not have the Popiſh Religion to bee termed rebellion, and their Faith faction, as the antient Copie plainely ſhewes it to be: but turne it off from the Religion to ſome perſons, which turne Religion into rebellion, and Faith into faction, ſo as by this turning they plainely imply, that the Religion of Papiſts is the true Religion, and no rebellion, & their Faith the true faith, & no faction, p. 131. You make another uſe of it in your Apologie, and tell us that it tendeth to juſtifie and extenuate notorious treaſons & traytors, and to uſher in Poperie, Superſtition and Idolatry, p. 3. Here is a change indeede, you ſay right in that; but that which you inferre thereon, is both falſe and ſc ndalous. For taking it for granted, that they by whoſe authority the ſaid clauſe was altered, thought it not fit to call the Religion of the Church of Rome rebellion, or the Faith therein profeſſed, faction: muſt it needs follow thereupon, that by ſo doing they imply, that that religion is the true religion, and that faith the true faith. There's a non ſequitur with a witneſſe. There is a kinde of religion amongſt the Turkes. Becauſe I cannot ſay that their religion is rebellion; doe I imply ſo plainely (as you ſay they doe) that therefore their religion is the true religion. And there's a faith too queſtionleſſe among the ſeverall Sects of Chriſtians in the Eaſterne, Muſcovite, and African Churches. Becauſe I thinke not fit to ſay of any of them, that their faith is faction muſt I conclude aſtringently, therefore the faith profeſt by each particular Sect, is the true faith. You might well tax me ſhould I ſay the one; and I may laugh at you for concluding the other. Adeo argumenta ex falſo petita, inepto habent exitus, as Lactantius hath it. Your uſe is yet more ſcandalous, then your inference falſe. For how doth this tend to juſtifie and extenuate notorious treaſons and Traytors. The treaſons and the traytors ſtand as before they did, unleſſe the ſtaine be laid more deepe upon them then before it was. Before the imputation ſeemed to reſt on the faith it ſelfe: which being a generall accuſation concerned no more the guilty, then it did the innocent. But here it reſteth where it ought, upon the perſons of the Traytors, who are not hereby juſtified, or their crime extenuated: but they themſelves condemned, and the treaſon aggravated in an higher manner. That which comes after of uſhering in Poperie, Superſtition and Idolatry, is but your ordinary flouriſh, one of your generall calumnies; and needes not a particular anſwer.

O but ſay you, and undertake to make it good, the very religion is rebellion, and the faith is faction: and therefore there was ſomewhat in the chang which deſerved that cenſure. That their religion is rebellion, you prove two wayes. Firſt becauſe the Ieſuites and Seminary prieſts refuſe to take the oath of Supremacie, which is injoyned to all Papiſts, 3. Iac. c. 4. You muſt needes ſhew your law, you have ſuch ſtore of it. For ſpeake man, was the oath of Supreamacie enacted 3. Iacobi. Then am I out againe, for my bookes tell me it was 1 Elizabethae. In your Apologie you place the oath of alleigance 1. Elizabethae, and here to make your ignorance the more remarkeable, you place the oath of Supremacie 3. Iac. Cujus contrarium verum eſt. The oath of alleigeance tis you meane. And ſure you will not ſay, all Seminarie Prieſts and Laypapiſts refuſe the oath of alleigeance; conſidering that of each ſort, ſome have written very learnedly in defence thereof: therefore according to your way of diſputation, the religion of all Papiſts is not rebellion, and conſequently their faith not faction. The ſecond proofe you offer, is, that by Doctor Iohn White and Dr. Cracanthorp it is affirmed that the Church of Rome teacheth diſloyaltie and rebellion againſt kings; that Popiſh Authors doe exalt the Popes power over kings; that ſome of thē have ſayd that Chriſtian kings are dogges, which muſt be ready at the Shepheards hand, or elſe the Shepheard muſt remove them from their office. p. 134.135. This argument is full as faulty as the other was; and will conclude as much againſt your ſelfe and the Puritan faction, as any Papiſt of them all. The Citizens of Geneva expelled their Bp. as the Calvinians in Emden, did their Earle; being their immediate Lords and Princes. Inſtit. l. 4. c. ult. Calvin hath taught us that the three eſtates In Rom. 13. Paraeus that the inferiour Magiſtrate, & De Iure regui. Buchanan that the people may correct and controule the Prince; and in ſome caſes too depoſe him. And you Maſſ. Burton have condemned that abſolute obedience unto Kings and Princes which is due to them from their ſubjects; and that unlimited power which is aſcribed unto them, becauſe theirs of right. Therefore we may from hence conclude, or elſe your argument is worth nothing, that out of doubt the Puritan religion is rebellion, and their faith faction. As for your generall challenge, p. 191. viz. What one Proteſtant can they bring that ever committed treaſon againſt his king, or lifted up an hand againſt his ſacred perſon: I leave it to the Papiſts to make anſwere to it, to whom your chalenge is propoſed. But I could tell you in your eare, (which I would to God were otherwiſe) of more than one or two twice told and twice told to that, Proteſtants of that ſort which you moſt labour to defend, and make to bee the onely right ones. Had you diſtinguiſhed as you ought, betweene the doctrines of that Church, and the particular either words or actions of particular men: you had not made ſo raſh a venture, and loſt more by it than you got. So then the religion of the Church of Rome not being in it ſelfe rebellion, though ſomewhat which hath there beene taught may poſſibly have beene applyed to rebellious purpoſes; there is a little feare that their faith is faction: and ſo the alteration not ſo grievous as you faine would have it. What further reaſon there was in it you ſhall ſee anon.

The third booke, altered as you ſay, is that ſet ſorth by the king for the publicke faſt, in the firſt yeare of his reigne: and which his Majeſtie by his proclamation commanded to be reprinted and publiſhed, and ſo reade in the Church every Wedneſday. What finde you altered there? In the firſt Collect, as you tell us, is left out this remarkeable pious ſentence intirely, viz. Thou haſt delivered us from ſuperſtition and idolatry, wherein we were utterly drowned, and haſt brought us into the moſt cleere & comfortable light of thy bleſſed word, &c. And then you ad; Loe here theſe men would not have Popery called Superſtition and Idolatry, nor would they have the Word of God ſo commended, as that cleare and comfortable light, which teacheth us all duties both to God and man. p. 142. This is the laſt of all theſe changes, which tend, as you informe us, to bring in Popery; and therefore I will tell you here, what I conceive to be the reaſon of thoſe alterations which you ſo complaine of. You cannot chuſe but know, (becauſe I think you have it in your Pamphlet againſt D Coſens) that in the Letanie of King Edward 6. there was this clauſe, viz. From the tyrannie of the Biſhop of Rome, and all his deteſtable enormities, from all falſe doctrine &c. Good Lord deliver us. This was conceived to be, as indeede it was, a very great ſcandall and offence to all thoſe in the Realme of England, which were affected to the Church of Rome: and therefore in the Liturgie of Queene Elizabeth, it was quite left out. Had you beene then alive, you might perhaps have quarrelled it, and taxed thoſe learned men that did it, of Popery, Innovation, & I know not what: and then conclude it that they would have the people think that there was neither tyrannie in the Pope, nor any deteſtable enormitie in the Church of Rome. But as that then was done with a good intent, and no man quarrelled for it that I can heare of: why ſhould you thinke worſe of the changes now or quarrell that authoritie which gave order for it, before you knew by whoſe authority it was ſo done, conceive you not that thoſe, who in this Kingdome, are affected to the Church of Rome; are not as apt to take offence now, as they were before; or that there is not now as much conſideration to bee had of thoſe which are that way affected, as was in any part of the ſaid Queenes time? the matter being of no greater moment than this is, how great ſoever you pretend it.

Moſt of our faults before have beene of Commiſsion; but theſe that follow, moſt of them are omiſsion onely. Firſt you except againſt the leaving out of the whole prayer, It had beene beſt for us, &c. And this was done with an Alas, becauſe therein was commended the profitable uſe of continuall preaching the Word of God, p. 142. The Newes from Ipſwich calls it, the moſt effectuall prayer of all, becauſe it magnifies continuall often preaching, &c. and call's our powerfull Preachers Gods ſervants. Say you me ſo? Then let us looke upon the Prayer, where I perſwade my ſelfe there is no ſuch matter. All that reflects that way is this. It had beene alſo well, if at thy dreadfull threates out of thy holy word, continually pronounced unto us by thy ſervants our Preachers, we had of feare; as corrigible ſervants, turned from our wickedneſſe. This all, and in all this where doe you finde one word that magnifies continuall preaching, or that takes any notice of your powerfull Preachers, quorum pars ego magna, as you boaſt your ſelf. Cannot the dreadfull threats of Gods holy word, be any other way pronounced, and pronounced continually by Gods ſervant, then by the way of Sermons only, or if by ſermons onely, by no other Preachers than thoſe whom you ſtile powerful preachers, by a name diſtinct? I trow the reading of Gods Word in the congregatiō, preſents unto the people more dreadfull threats, then what you lay before them in a ſermon; and will ſinke as deepe: Therefore aſſuredly there was ſome other reaſon for it, then that you dreame of. nd thinke you that it might not be, (there being prayers enough without it) becauſe in the whole Tenor of it, it ſoundeth rather like a complaint or a narration, then a prayer? Two other prayers you finde omitted, the one for the Navie, and the other for ſeaſonable weather: as if a forme of prayer fitted for a particular time and purpoſe, muſt be ſtill obſerved; when there is no ſuch cauſe to uſe it, as at firſt to make it. The Navie then went out againſt a great and puiſſant Monarch, to ſet upon him on his owne coaſts, many leagues from home: the honour and the fortune of the kingdome being layed at ſtake. Now it keepes onely on our owne coaſts, without an enemie to bid battaile or to cope withall: and rather is ſet forth to prevent a danger, then to remove it being come. The caſes being different, muſt we needes uſe the Prayers which were then ſet forth? What thinke you of this clauſe, Lord turne our enemies ſword into their owne boſome; Would that be proper at this time, when as his Majeſtie is at peace with all his neighbours? Had you not longed to picke a quarrell; I finde not any thing in this, that might provoke you: nor could you poſſibly have pitched on any thing, that had leſſe become you. For are not you the man that ſpake ſo much againſt long prayers, as wee ſhall ſee anon in your next generall head of Innovations; becauſe thereby the preacher is inforced to cut ſhort his ſermon? and doe you here complaine that the Prayers are ſhortned, that ſo you may have libertie to preach the longer? I ſee it were a very difficult thing to pleaſe you, ſhould a man endeavour it. That which comes next, is that the Prayer for the Lady Elizabeth and her Children, is left out in the preſent faſt-booke, which were expreſſed in the former p. 143 and that as the Newes-booke ſaith, while they are now royally entertained at Court. My Lord the Prince Elector cannot but take this very ill, that you ſhould make his royall entertainement here a maske to cover your ſeditious and malevolent projects. For you know well enough, that not alone in this new faſt-booke, ſet forth ſince his arrivall here, but long before his comming hither, that excellent Lady and her children, had not by name, beene ſpecified in the Common prayer booke. Why did you not diſlike that omiſſion there, as well as leaving out the Father of thine Elect? Or will you have a reaſon for it, why it was layed aſide in both; if you will promiſe to be ſatisfied by reaſon, I will give you one, and ſuch a one as may ſuffice any one but you. In the firſt faſt-booke, his Majeſty our Soveraigne Lord had not any children, to be remembred in our prayers: and the remainder of the royall ſeede, was in that moſt illuſtrious Lady and her Princely iſſue. That caſe now is altered. His Majeſty Gods name be praiſed hath many children, as well male, as female; none of the which are ſpecified by name, particularly, but the Prince alone: the reſt together with the Lady Elizabeth and her Princely iſſue, being all comprehended in the name of the Royall Progene. The Lady Elizabeth and her children, finding no more neglect in this, then the Kings owne moſt Royall iſſue, will give you little thankes for ſo vaine a cavill.

More anger yet. You charge the Biſhops next, that they cry up with fasting, and downe with preaching. For crying up faſting, you produce this inſtance, that in the order for the Eaſt, theſe words are left out of the new booke, viz. To avoide the inconvenience that may grow by faſting; ſome eſteeming it a meritorious worke; others a good worke, and of it ſelfe acceptable to God without due regard of 〈…〉 &c. p. 142. Hereupon you conclude, tha 〈…〉 eſteeme faſting a meritorious worke; and acceptable unto God, without due regard of the end. Ibid. I have had patience all this while. But patientia •• ſa. I muſt now tell you in plaine termes, in all my life, (and I have ſeene the world a little) I never met with ſuch an impoſtor. For good Sir, take the paſſage as it lyeth together, and how can you have conſcience ſo to delude your audience; whoſe ſoules you ſay you tender as you doe your owne. The Order then is this, Num. 6. Admonition is here laſtly to be given, that on the faſting day there be but one Sermon at morning Prayer, and the ſame not above an houre long, and but one at evening Prayer of the ſame length, to avoid the inconvenience that may grow by the abuſe of Faſting: ſome eſteeming it a meritorious worke: others a good worke, and of it ſelfe acceptable to God without due regard of the end: others preſuming factiouſly to enter into publicke faſts without the conſent of authority, and others keeping the people together with over much wearineſſe, and tediouſneſſe, a whole day together: which in this time of contagion is very dangerous, in ſo thicke and cloſe aſſemblies of the multitudes. This is the place at large, ſo pricked and commade, as I finde it in the ſaid old booke. Deale honeſtly, if you can in any thing, in this. Theſe words, To avoide the inconvenience which may grow by the abuſe of faſting; Are they the beginning of a new period, as you lay them downe? or what doe they relate unto, unto the merit of a faſt? No Sir, but to the former words touching the number and the length of Sermons, wherin, ſome men (your ſelfe for one) had placed ſo much ſanctity; that publicke faſts ſo ſolemnized were by ſome thought (no doubt) meritorious workes; by others many times kept without due authority: by others ſo ſpunne out with Sermons of foure houres a peece, that with much wearineſſe and tediouſneſſe it tooke up the day; no care at all being taken to avoid contagion, which in ſuch cloſe and thicke aſſemblies is exceeding dangerous. This is the plaine Analyſis of that paſſage, in the ſaid firſt booke. Aſſuredly, what ever other cauſe there was, there is no reaſon to ſuſpect that it related anything to the point of merit. Theſe times are ſo fallen out with faſting. (Vnleſſe it be a Faſt of their owne appointment) that you have little cauſe to feare leſt any man ſhould place a part of merit in it. Non celebranda eſſe jejunia Statuta. To cry downe all ſet times of faſting, which was the hereſie of Aerius in the former times, is reckoned a chief point of orthodox doctrin, in the preſent times. No merit placed in faſts, ordinary or extraordinary, that I can heare of, unleſſe perhaps you place ſome merit in your long Sermons on thoſe faſts, as before is ſaide, And dare you then affirme as in the newes-booke, that this place and paſſage, was purpoſely left out to gratifie the Papiſts, or to place any popiſh merit in the preſent faſt? if any body may be ſaid to be gratified in it, it is you and yours, whoſe abſurd courſe and carriage had in the former book been deſcribed ſo lively. But you are ſtill the ſame. Primus ad extremum ſimilis ſibi. You and the Black Moores skinne will waſh white together. This is, I hope enough to ſatisfie you, touching the crying up of faſting: and for the crying downe of preaching on the dayes of faſt, that hath beene ſpoken of already. How far it is ſuppreſſed at all other times, you meane to tell us in the next of your generall heades; and we expect to heare what you have to ſay.

On then. Your ſixt generall innovation is in the meanes of ſalvation, in which there are particulars very many which you charge them with. As viz. in ſuppreſſing lectures, cutting ſhort preaching, forbidding any prayer before the Sermon but that barren forme of words in the Canon; uſing no prayer at all after the Sermon, but reading a ſecond or third ſervice at the Altar. Having no ſermon in the afternoone; catechizing onely for halfe an houre, and that by queſtion and anſwer onely; and finally limiting all Sermons in great Cities and the univerſities to one houre, ſo as the people cannot enjoy the benefit of more then one Sermon a day, p. 150. Theſe are the ſeveralties contained in that generall head; and they relate either to preaching or to praying; or indeed altogether unto preaching, and unto praying no further then as ſubſervient thereunto. Firſt for ſuppreſſing Lectures, why doe you reckon that for an innovation, when as the very name of Lecturers, and Lectures, are in themſelves a new and late invention? borrowed by Travers and the reſt towards the latter end of Queene Elizabeths time, from the new faſhions of Geneva. We in the Church of England know no other names, but Biſhops and Curats; and Curats are againe divided into Parſons & Vicars, and thoſe which doe officiate for and under them, now in the uſe of ſpeech called Curats as by a proper and diſtinct name. Your Lecturer hath no place in the prayers of the Church of England, nor none amongſt the termes of Law. But being Geneva had it ſo; a Doctor ſuperadded to the ordinary Paſtor, whoſe office onely was to teach, not to adminiſter the ſacraments or execute any other miniſtry to the Prieſt belonging: it muſt needes bee diſpoſed ſo here, that by degrees, inſenſibly wee might be brought more neere that Church. There is a ſtory of the Bats or Reremice, that when the birds came to demand tribute of them, ſhewing them their breſts they ſaid they were beaſts: and when the beaſts came to them and craved the like, ſhewing them their wings, they ſaid they were birds. Your Lecturers, in the ſame occaſion, are like theſe Reremice. When ſubſidies were granted for his Majeſties uſe, if any thing was demanded of them by the Clergie, they had no benefice, no title, and ſo paſſed for Lay: and on the like demand made by the Laity, they onely ſhewed their gownes, and that made them Clergie. Being then in themſelves but a new invention, and ſuch as tended to bring in the greateſt innovation in this Church, that poſſibly could be projected how could you reckon the ſuppreſſing of them an innovation? Now for theſe Lecturers, we may diſtinguiſh them into Weekes-day Lecturers, and Lords-day Lecturers, As Weeke-day Lecturers, you complaine how they are ſuppreſſed by that reſtriction in his Majeſties Proclamation about the faſt: and tell us, that the Prelates doe extend the letter of the Proclamation, that if but one houſe in a Pariſh be infected, the peſtilence thus continuing and the faſt not ceaſing, all wedneſday ſermons in the whole City muſt be ſuppreſſed. p. 147, If ſo, as ſo it is not, (you know well enough) what reaſon had you of complaint. Are there not holidayes ſo many, that you and yours doe reckon them as a burthen, both to Church and State? Obſerve the holy dayes as you ought with prayers and Preaching: and ſee what loſſe the Church would have, or any of the people finde, for want of Wedneſday or any other weeke-day Lectures. As Lords-day Lecturers we ſhall meete them in the afternoone, wherein all ſermons are put downe, if you tell us true.

Next followes cutting ſhort of Preaching. How comes that to paſſe? For that we muſt needes ſeeke elſewhere, for here you tell us not. Looke therefore in your 17. p. and there wee have it. There you find fault with them that are all for outward formalities (you being for none at all your ſelfe) in that they place all the ſervice of God in reading long-prayers, and thereby excluding preaching as unneceſſary: and p. 158. commanding of long Matins inſtead of Preaching; which as they are performed, in Cathedrall Churches, you call prophanely Long Babyloniſh ſervice, p. 160. This is the blocke you ſtumble at, that whereas formerly you uſed to mangle and cut ſhort the ſervice, that you might bring all piety and the whole worſhip of God, to your extemporary prayers and ſermons: now you are brought againe to the antient uſage, of reading the whole prayers, as you ought to do. And call you this an innovation? Are not you he that told us that the Communion-booke ſet forth by Parliament, is commanded to be reade without any alteration, and none others, p. 130. And if you reade it not as it is commanded, make you alteration thinke you? Doe you not finde it alſo in the 14. Canon, that. All Miniſters ſhall obſerve the Orders, rites, and ceremonies preſcribed in the Booke of Common-prayer, as well in reading the holy Scriptures, and ſaying of Prayers, as in adminiſtration of the Sacraments, without diminiſhing in regard of preaching or any other reſpect, (how like you that Sir) or adding any thing to the matter or forme thereof. The very ſelfe ſame anſwer we muſt alſo make to another of your cavils, about the uſing of no prayer at all, after the Sermon, but reading a ſecond or third ſervice at the Altar. For being it is ſo appointed in the booke of Common Prayer, that on the holidaies if there be no Communion, ſhall be ſaid all that is appointed at the Communion, untill the end of the Homilie, concluding with the Praier for the whole ſtate of Chriſts Church, &c. The innovation is on your part, who have offended all this while, not onely againſt the Canon, but the Act of Parliament, by bringing in new formes of your owne deviſing. As for forbidding any prayer before the Sermon, but that barren forme of words in the Canon, (for being in the Canon you can give it no better Epithite;) if any ſuch forbidding be, its but agreeable unto the Canon, which hath determined of it long agoe: and ſo no innovation of theſe preſent times. Nor was that Canon any new invention neither, when it firſt was made: but onely a repetition and confirmation of what had formerly beene ordered both in King Edward the ſixt, the Queenes injunctions according to the rule and practiſe of the former times; the Preachers then uſing no forme of prayers before their Sermons, but that of bidding, moving, or exhorting, which is now required in the Canon; as may be plainely ſeene in Biſhop Latimers Sermons, Biſhop Iewels, Biſhop Andrewes, and diverſe others. Your afternoone Sermons on the Sondaies, if performed by Lecturers, are but a part of that new faſhion which before wee ſpake off: and having no foundation in the Church at all, it cannot be an Innovation to lay them by. And if the Curate of the place, or whoſoever hath the Cure of Soules; beſtow his time in Catechizing, as he is appointed, that in effect is but to change one kinde of Preaching for another. So that if he that hath the Cure, doth carefully diſcharge his office, and performe his duty: you have no reaſon to complaine for want of having Sermons in the after noone. I know it is the cuſtome of you and yours, to take up Sermons more by tale then weight: and ſo you have your number, you thinke all is right. But as in feeding of the body, one temperate meale digeſted preſently and concocted throughly, adde's more unto the ſtrength of nature, then all that plentifull variety of delicates which gluttony hath yet invented: So doe they profit beſt in all heavenly wiſdome 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not who heare many Sermons, but which heare good ones. For limiting the Catechizing unto halfe an houre, that's ordered by the Canon alſo: and it is ordered by the Canon, that Children ſhall bee taught no other Catechiſme, then that ſet forth in the booke of Common prayer. Not that the Curate, is to examine them by queſtion and anſwere onely, without expounding any of the principles of religion, which is that you quarrell: but to examine and inſtruct them, as the Canon hath it. Yet ſo that under the pretence hereof, nor you nor any ſuch as you, may aſſume that libertie, as to turne ſimple Catechizing for the inſtruction of the youth and ignorant perſons of the Pariſh; into a Catechiſme Lecture of ſome two houres long, not differing from your mornings ſermons, but in name alone. If in great Cities and the Viniverſities, Sermons are limited to the ſame time of the day, or as your owne phraſe is, to one houre onely; aſſuredly it is neither new, nor ſtrange. The Sermon appointed for the morning being a part of the ſecond ſervice, is to be read or ſpoken in all Churches, at the time appointed by the Church. Nothing in this de novo, that I can heare of. In Oxford it was alwayes ſo, ſince I firſt knew it; the Sermon for the Vniverſity and Towne being expreſſely at the ſame time. Nor neede you bee offended at it, if by that meanes the people in thoſe places cannot heare above one ſermon in a day: it being not many but good ſermons, not much but profitable hearing, which you ſhould labour to commend unto them; but that you would bee ſome body for your often preaching. Our Saviour tels us of ſome men, that thought they ſhould bee heard by much ſpeaking; and you are one of them that teach the people that they ſhall be ſaved by much hearing.

Your two laſt innovations I ſhall joyne together; the one being in the rule of Faith, which is now made, you ſay, to be the dictates of the Church, to wit, the Prelates, p. 151. the other in the rule of manners, which muſt not bee any more the word of Chriſt, but the example of the Prelates lives, and dictates of their writings onely. p. 156. In this you have moſt ſhamefully abuſed your ſelfe, and all them that heard you. The rule of faith is ſtill the ſame, even the holy Scriptures: nor can you name a man who hath changed this rule, or made the dictates of the Church, to wit the Prelats, the rule of faith. The application of this rule, that is the expoſition of the Script. you muſt acknowledge to be in the Churches power, or els you are no ſon to the Church of Eng. For in the Articles of the Church, to wch you have ſubſcribed more thē once or twice, it is ſaid expreſly that the Church hath authority in cōtroverſies of faith, & that it is vwitnes & a keeper of holy writ: As alſo that it hath authority to expound the ſcriptur, cōditioned that it ſo expound one place, that it be not repugnant to another. And for the judgmēt of prelats, I know not how you can excuſe your ſelfe before God almighty, for not ſubmitting therunto; having called God to witnes, that you would ſo do. For when you took the order of holy Prieſthood, it was demanded of you in the Congregation, whether you would reverently obey your Ordinary, and other chiefe Miniſters, unto whom the government and charge is committed over you, following with a glad mind and will their godly admonitions, and ſubmitting your ſelf to their godly judgements: and you made anſwer, that you would, the Lord being your helper. Either then you muſt firſt cōvince their judgements of ſome plaine ungodlines, or elſe your not ſubmitting to them, muſt be a plaine colluding both with God and man. Reeve, whom you jeere at ſo, both in your Paſquil; p. 152. and in your dialogue between A. & B. ſaith no more then this: and if you ſay not this, you have not lied unto men only, but unto God Nor is this any other doctrine, then what was held for currant in Ignatius his time 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Let the Prieſts (ſaith he) ſubmit themſelves unto the Biſhop; Deacons, unto the Prieſts, the people to the Prieſts and Deacons. And then hee addes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 My ſoule for theirs that faithfully obſerve this order. So he. And had you kept this order, you had not ſo engaged your ſelf in theſe factious brabbles, wherewith you have diſturbed both your ſelfe and others. Touching the rule of manners, that any hath affirmed or written, that it muſt bee according to the Prelates lives and dictates, you produce no proofe. Onely you ſay, and ſay it onely, that they doe countenance, allow, and by Epiſcopall authority diſpenſe with an heatheniſh kinde of life, eſpecially in moſt ſacred times, as the Lords day. This is no proofe I hope, but an ipſe dixit, or a petitio Principii take it at the beſt; although it bee an argument you are uſed moſt to. And I muſt anſwer you to this in the words of Tullie, Quid minus eſt, non dico Oratoris ſed hominis, quam id objicere Adverſario, quod ſi ille verbo negarit, ulterius progredi non paſſis. Till you bring better proofes for your innovations, your ſelfe muſt be reputed for the Innovator: and all the miſchiefe which you have imagined againſt other men, will fall upon your owne pate, and deſervedly too.

Hitherto you have acted the falſe Accuſer, and have done it excellently well, none better. In the next place you come to play the Diſputant; and that you do us wretchedly, none worſe. For firſt you ſay, that it is pleaded by our changers, (as you pleaſe to call them) that they bring in no changes, but revive thoſe things which antient Canons have allowed and preſcribed; as ſtanding up at the Gloria Patri, and at the reading of the Goſpell, bowing at the name of Jeſus, and to the high Altar; removing the communion table to ſtand Altarwiſe; placing of Images in Churches, erecting Crucifixes over the Altars, commanding of long Mattins inſtead of preaching and the like. This ſaid, you anſwere hereunto, that wee in this land, are not to be ruled by the Popes Canons, or the Canon Law, but by the law of God and the King. And that there are no other rites and ceremonies to be uſed in our Church, then thoſe that are allowed by the Act of Parliament, prefixed to the communion booke, and are expreſſed in the ſame booke. But Sir, you may bee pleaſed to knowe, that the commanding of long prayers is warranted by that Act of Parliament, which you ſo inſiſt on; the prayers being made no longer, then that Act commandeth: and that our bowing at the name of Jeſus is enjoyned by the 18. Canon, which being authorized by his Majeſtie, is the law of the King, and being grounded on the ſecond of the Philipians, is the law of God. Our ſtanding at the Goſpell, and praying with our faces towards the Eaſt, have beene ſtill retained by our Church, not out of any ſpeciall Canon, but ex vi Catholice conſuetudinis, by vertue of the conſtant and continuall cuſtome of the church of God. The placing of the holy Table Altar-wiſe, and ſtanding at the Gloria Patri, have generally beene obſerved in Cathedrall Churches, ſince the Reformation: it being granted by a good friend of yours, the Author of the holy Table, that in ſome Cathedrall Churches, where the ſteps were not tranſpoſed in tertio of the Queene, and the wall on the backeſide of the Altar untaken downe; the table might ſtand, as it did before, along the wall. For bowing to the high Altar, I know no ſuch matter, either in practice or in precept: for bowing towards it, wee have the practice of antiquitie but no preſent precept. Your friend and fidus Achates, the good miniſter of Lincolnſhire, could have told you this, that although the Canon doth not enjoyne it, yet reaſon, pietie, and the conſtant practice of antiquitie doth: that Churchmen doe it in Saint Chryſoſtomes Liturgie; and the Lay-men are commanded to doe it in Saint Chryſoſtomes Homilie: and finally if there bee any proud Dames, quae deferre neſciant mentium religioni, quod deferunt voluptati as Saint Ambroſe ſpeakes, that practice all manner of curteſies for maſkes and dances, but none by any meanes for Christ, at their approach to the holy Table: hee declares them Schiſmatickes, bequeathing them unto Donatus, with a proteſt, that hee will never write them in his Calendar for the Children of this Church. For Images, in Churches, and Crucifixes over the Altars, finde you, of all loves, that the Church hath any where commanded them, or any of the Prelates in their viſitatiōs, given order for their ſetting up? if not, why do you charge it on her, and bring not any proof at all that ſhee hath impoſed it. So that your anſwer being thus come to nothing, the objection by you brought on the Churches part, remaines unanſwearable. Viz. that the Prelates of the Church have brought in no changes, but onely have revived thoſe things which the antient Canons have allowed and preſcribed; the Law of God, the King, and the Act of Parliament, either inabling them to doe ſo, or not gainſaying it.

Secondly you object on the Prelates part, that they bring in no Innovations, no new rites, but what hath been in uſe ever ſince the Reformation, and that in the moſt eminent places even the Mother Churches of the land; ſo as all that they goe about is to reduce inferiour Churches to an unitie and conformitie to their Mother-Churches; that bringing all to unitie, they may take of that reproach which the Adverſaries caſt upon us in this kinde. This is their Plea indeed, you ſay wondrous honeſtly. Would you could hold long in ſo good a veine, and not flie out unto your wonted arts of Scandall and falſe clamours upon noe occaſion. For having pleaded thus, you make an anſwere preſently, that the Cathedrals are the old high places not yet removed; the antient dennes of thoſe old foxes; the neſts and Nurceries of ſuperſtition and Idolatrie, wherein the old Beldame of Rome hath nuzzled up her brood of Popelings, and ſo preſerved her VSVM SARVM, to this very day. p. 159. and finally that the Prelates make theſe mother Cathedralls (being Romes adopted daughters) their Concubines, whereon to beget a new baſtard generation of ſacrificing Idolatrous Maſſe-prieſts throughout the land. p. 163. But Sir, conſider in cold blood, that this is not to anſwere, but to rayle downe Arguments. His ſacred Majeſtie, in his reſolution of the caſe about Saint Gregories Church, neere the Cathedrall of Saint Paul, did determine poſitively, that all Parochiall Churches ought to be guided by the Pattern of the mother Church upon the which they doe depend: and yet hee did declare his diſlike of all Innovations and receding fromantient conſtitutions grounded upon juſt and warrantable reaſons; Which makes it manifeſt that he conceived not this conformitie with the mother Churches, to com within the compas of an Innovation. But wherefore tell wee you, of his Majeſties pleaſure, which are not pleaſed with any thing that his Majeſtie doth, except it may bee wreſted to advance your purpoſes. The Miniſter of Lincolnſhire, and any thing from him, will be far more welcome; and ſomething you ſhall have from him to confute your follies who can doe more with you, I am ſure, then the world beſides. Now he, good man, the better to pull downe the authoritie of his Majeſties chappell,Holy Table p 183 hath told you ſomewhat of the authoritie of the Mother Churches. What's that? Marry ſaith he, In the name of God let the ſame offices be ſaid in all the Provinces, as are ſaid in the Metropoliticall Church; aſwell forthe ord r of the ſervice, the Pſalmody, the Canon, as the uſe and cuſtome of the miniſtration: & this he tels us was the old rule of the antient Fathers For this he cites good ſtore of Evidence in his margin, (as his cuſtome is) and then concludes, that it is a current direction in all Authors; where you may ſee that by the rule of the old Fathers, and your friends to boote, whatever is the uſe and cuſtome of the Miniſtration in the Metropoliticall Church; the ſame is univerſally to bee received throughout the provinces. And therupon we may conclude, that by the old rule of the Antient Fathers, by the direction of all authors, and the authoritie of your good frend the miniſter of Lincolnſhire; in caſe the things that you complain of, have bin and are retained in the miniſtration by the Mother Churches; they ought to be retained alſo in Parochiall Churches; eſpecially if it be ſo ordered by the higher powers, the Bſhops and Paſtours of the ſame. Your ſcandalous and opprobrious ſpeeches, wee regard not heere, in attributing to the Mother Churches thoſe moſt odious names of high places, dennes of foxes; nurſeries of ſuperſtition; and ſtiling the conformable miniſters of this Church, a generation of Idolatrous ſacrificing Maſſeprieſts. You know what he in Tacitus replied on the like occaſion, Tu linguae ego aurium Dominus ſum. And you may raile on if you pleaſe, for any anſwere we ſhall give you, but neglect and patience. Onely I will be bold to tel you, that were it not for thoſe Cathedralls, (howſoever you vilifie and miſcall them) we had not onely before this time, beene at a loſſe amongſt ourſelves, in the whole forme and order of divine ſervice, heere eſtabliſhed: but poſſibly might have had farre more Recuſants in this kingdome then now wee have. Which if you take to be a Paradox, as no doubt you will, you may remember that it was affirmed by Marqueſſe Rhoſny Ambaſſadour here for King Henry the fourth of France, having obſerved the majeſtie of our divine ſervice in Cathedrals, that if the ſame had bin obſerved by the Proteſtants in France, there had not been ſo many Papiſts left in it, as there were at that time. For your particular inſtances in the Cathedrall Churches of Durham, Briſtol, Saint Pauls, and Wulpher Hampton 161. (though, I trowe, Wulpherhampton bee no Cathedrall but that you have a minde to match your friend the Miniſter, for his Cathedrall Church at D ver) the moſt that you except againſt, are things of ornament: which you are grieved to ſee you more rich and coſtly then they have been formerly. Judas and you alike offended at any coſt, that is beſtowed upon our Saviour, either on his bodie, or about his Temples: both of you thinking all is loſt, that is ſo diſpoſed of; and that it would doe better in the common bagg, whereof hee was, and you perhaps have beene the bearers. And ſo I ſhould proceed to the third Argument, which you have made in the behalfe of theſe Innovations, as you cal them, drawn from the furniture & faſhion of his M••. Chappell, and to an anſwer thereunto. But we have met with them already; partly in anſwere to your own wretched & ſeditious compariſon of his Majeſties Chappell and the Altar there, to Julian the Apoſtates Altar and Nebuchadnezzars golden image: and partly in reply to the ſelfe ſame anſwers, made to the ſold Argument by your friend the Miniſter, your 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and true yoake-fellow in this cauſe; whither I referre you. So having traced you up and downe, from one end of your Paſquill unto the other: and looked upon thoſe factious and ſeditious doctrines which you have preached unto the people: nothing remaineth but that I lay before you, and your Audience, a word of Application, and ſo conclude.

THE CONCLUSION. Containing an addreſſe to H. B. and repreſenting to him the true condition of his crime, and puniſhment thereto, belonging, if he ſhould be dealt withall according to the Law in that behalfe. Oldnols caſe. The Puritanes uſe to practiſe on the people, for the accompliſhment of their deſignes. Scandalum magnatum, what it is, and how puniſhed. Seditious writings brought within the compaſſe of Treaſon; and ſeverall perſons executed for the ſame. Many of the Principall of the faction, hanged up, by a particular Statute in Q. Elizabeths time. The power aſcribed unto the people by the Puritan doctrine. An Exhortation to the People, to continue in obedience, to God, the King, and his publike Miniſters. No further Anſweres to be looked for to thoſe peſtilent libells, which every day are caſt abroad. The cloſe of all.

IT pleaſed King James of bleſſed memory,speech in Starre. Chamber. to leave unto the World at once, both a complaint for, and commendation of the Church of England. It is a ſigne (saith he) of the latter dayes drawing on; even the contempt of the Church, and of the Governours and Teachers thereof, now in the Church of England: which I ſay in my conſcience, of any Church that ever I read or knew of, preſent or paſt, is moſt pure, and neereſt the Primitive and Apoſtolicall Church in Doctrine and Diſcipline, and is ſurelieſt founded upon the Word of God, of any Church in Chriſtendome. Which commendation as the Church doth ſtill retaine; ſo may it take up the complaint in more grievous manner: thoſe times being modeſt then in reſpect of theſe; and thoſe contempts which he complaines of, being now growne to ſuch an height, Supra quod aſcendi non poſſit, that greater cannot be imagined. Wherein, as the Triumviri, whom at firſt I ſpake of, have well played their parts: ſo there is none of any age, nor all together in all ages, which hath ſhewne greater malice unto the Church, and to the Governors and Teachers of it, then you, Maſ. Burton. Not to the Biſhops only, and inferiour perſons, whom either for their place or calling, you were bound to honour; but to the ſupreame Governor thereof, your Soveraign and Patron, as you pleaſe, ſometimes to call him: your carriage towards whom, I ſhall firſt lay down, according as before delivered; and after tell you my opinion freely, what I thinke therein. Firſt, for the King, you call His royall power in queſtion, and are offended very much that any one ſhould attribute unto him an unlimited power, as you meane unlimited, or that the Subject ſhould be taught that his obedience muſt be abſolute, that being (ſay you) a way, to caſt the feare of God, and ſo his Throne, downe unto the ground. You tell us of ſome things the King cannot doe, and that there is a power (in government) which he neither hath, nor may tranſferre upon another. You had my cenſure of this before, in the Second Chapter. Yet I will here be bold to tell you, that as it is a kind of Atheiſme to diſpute pro and con, what God can doe, and what hee cannot; though ſuch diſputes are raiſed ſometimes by unquiet witts: ſo it is a kind of diſobedience and diſloyalty to queſtion what a King can doe, being Gods Deputie here on earth; eſpecially to determine what he can, and what he cannot. Then for the obedience of the Subject, you limit it to poſitive lawes; the King to be no more obeyed then there is ſpeciall Law or Statute for it: the Kings Prerogative Royall, being of ſo ſmall a value with you, that no man is to prize it, or take notice of it, further then warranted by Law, and which is worſe, you ground this poore obedience, which you pleaſe to yeeld him, upon that mutuall ſtipulation, which is between the King and people; and thereby teach the people, that they are no longer to obey the King, then he keeps promiſe with the people.

This ground of obedience laied, you next proceed unto the cenſure of his Majeſties actions: complaining that in your commitment unto Priſon, his Majeſtie had not kept his ſolemne covenant made with his people, touching their Petition (which you call) of right. That by his Declaration before the Articles, the Doctrines of Gods Grace and mans ſalvation have beene huſht, and ſilenced, and that by ſilencing thoſe needleſſe controverſies, there is a ſecret purpoſe to ſuppreſſe Gods truth, and to bring in the contrary errours, as did the Arian Emperours by their law of Amneſtia. His Majeſties Declaration about lawfull ſports upon the Sunday, you taxe, as tending manely to the diſhonour of God, the prophanation of the Sabbath, the annihilation of the fourth Commandment: and charge him that thereby, and by his ſilencing of thoſe doctrines before remembred, and reſtraint of preaching on the Faſt-dayes, in infected places; hee hath given way to Innovations, contrary to his ſolemne promiſe made unto his people. His Majeſties Chappell Royall and the furniture thereof, you liken unto Nehu chadnezzars golden Image, and Julians Altar: the King himſelfe to Nebuchadnezzar, the Apoſtate Julian, and that Idolatrous King Ahab: incouraging the people both by particular inſtances, and a generall exhortation to ſtand ſtoutly to it. Finally you lay down a moſt odious and diſloyall ſuppoſition, touching the ſetting up of Maſſe in his Majeſties Chappel, and what is to be done when that comes to paſſe. And ever and anon informe him (as if you meant to terrifie and affright him with it) how much the people doe beginne to ſtagger in their good opinion of his Majeſtie; that they grow jealous of ſome dangerous plot, that all the people of the Land (by your commitment to the priſon) may be poſſeſſed with a ſiniſter opinion of the Kings juſtice and conſtancie in keeping his ſolemne Couenant made with his people as in that Petition of right; and if hee obſerve his word no better, it will be ſaid of him in ſucceeding Annalls, that hee had no regard to ſacred vowes and ſolemne Proteſtations. Thus having taught the people that all obedience to the King is founded on a mutuall ſtipulation betweene him and them; and telling them, how often, and in how great matters, he hath broke the Covenant made betweene them: you have releaſed the people ipſo facto of all obedience, duetie, and alleageance to their Soveraigne Lord; and thereby made them free ſubjects, as you pleaſe to call them, ſo free that it is wholy in their pleaſure whither they will obey, or not.

Thus have I briefely layed together your carraige and behaviour towards our Lord the King:3 Edw. l. 33 wherein expreſſely contrarie to the Statute of Weſtminſter, that no man tell or publiſh any falſe newes or tales, whereby diſcord or occaſion of diſcord or ſlander may growe betweene the King and his people or the nobles; you have as much as in you was, made a breach betweene them. For though (the Lord be prayſed) no ſuch diſcord bee; yet is your crime no leſſe then if it were: the law forbidding ſuch falſe tales, not onely by the which diſcord or ſlander doth ariſe, but by which it might. Oldnoll, a yeoman of the Guard, was on this very Statute endicted in Queene Maries time, pour parrols horrible, & ſlanderous parrols del Roigno, for horrible and ſlanderous words againſt her Highneſſe, unde ſcandalum in regno inter dominam Reginam & Magnates vel populum ſuum riri poterit. &c. And howſoever no diſſenſion did ariſe on the ſaid falſe tales, yet ſeeing there was occaſion given, he was proceeded with, and puniſhed, according to that Statute, as you may finde in Iuſtice. Dier. p. 155. So farre the lawes provide to prevent all diſcord, and the occaſions of the ſame: but for preventing of ſedition, and ſeditious either words or writings, they are more ſevere: of which how far you have been guiltie, we ſhal ſee annon. Mean time you may take notice, if at leſt you will, that it hath beene the antient practiſe of thoſe men, whoſe ſtepps you follow, to put into the peoples mindes ſeditious humours, thereby to make themſelves of power againſt the Magiſtrates: and ſometimes alſo to terrifie and affright the Prince or ſupreame Magiſtrate with the feare of uproares, the better to accompliſh what they had projected. This was the device of Flacius Illyricus the father of the ſtiffe or rigid Lutherans in high Germany: whom as you follow in his doctrines, deprovidentia, Praedeſtinatione, Gratia, Libero arbitrio, Adiaphoris, and ſuch heads as thoſe; ſo doe you alſo follow him, in his fiery nature, and ſeditious Principles. One of which was, Principes potius metu ſeditionum terrendos, quam vel minimum pacis cauſa indulgendum, Neceſsaria Reſpon io p. 83. that Princes ſhould be rather terrified with the feare of tumults, then any thing ſhould bee yeilded to for quietneſſe ſake. The other was, ut plebs opiniones ſuas populari ſeditione tueretur, that the common people ought to take up armes againſt the magiſtrat,Cont. Bellar. de Peccat. origi. in maintenance of thoſe opinions which they were poſſeſſed of. Which as Paraeus tells us, hath beene the practice ever ſince of all his followers; whereof you are chiefe. And for your odious ſuppoſition, of ſetting up of Maſſe in the Kings Chappell, let mee tell you this. That it is Criminall,Hiſt. of K. H. 7. by the Viſ. S. Alb. if not Capitall, to uſe Ifs and Ands, and ſuppoſitions in matters of ſo high a nature; and ſuch as in ſome caſes hath beene judged high Treaſon. Sir William Stanley, a man as of eſpeciall merit, ſo in eſpeciall favor with King Henry the ſeventh, found it no jeſting matter to uſe Ifs and Ands, in things which doe ſo neerely concerne a King. For ſaying onely, that if he thought the young man (Perkin Warbeck) to bee the undoubted ſonne of King Edward the fourth hee never would beare armes againſt him he was condemned of treaſon, and executed for the ſame: the Judges thinking it unſafe to admitt ifs and ands in ſuch dangerous points.

So for your dealing with the Biſhops, you labour to expoſe them as much as in you is, to the publicke hatred; and to ſtirre up the people to effect their ruine. Not to repeate thoſe ſcandalous and odious names, which pasſim, almoſt in every page you have caſt upon them, to bring them into diſcredit and contempt with the common people: you have accuſed them of invading his Majeſties ſupreme authoritie, and left them, as you thinke, in a Premunire; the better to incenſe his Majeſtie againſt them alſo. whom having exaſperated, as you hope, againſt them, you call upon him in plaine termes to hang them up, as once the Gibeonites did the 7. ſonnes of Saul; at leaſt to joyne with God and his good ſubjects, Courtiers, Nobles, Judges, Magiſtrates, and the rest together, to cut them off, and roote them out. Which if hee will not doe, you tell him roundly that for his owne part, he will make a very ſorrie accompt to almightie God, for the great charge committed to him; and then, that God for his part, will rather adde unto, then decreaſe our Plagues; till he hath utterly deſtroyed vs. But fearing leſt this ſhould not edifie with ſo wiſe a Prince, you practiſe next upon the people. And knowing that there is nothing, which they prize ſo highly, as the defence of their religion and lawfull liberties; you lay about you luſtilie, to let them ſee how much they are in danger of looſing both. For this cauſe you accuſe the Prelates allmoſt every where for bringing in of Poperie, tooth and nayle for Poperie, confederating with Prieſts and Jeſuites, for rearing up of that religion; and ſetting up againe the the throne of Anti-Chriſt: and all their actions you interpret to tend that way. Next you crie out, how much the people are oppreſſed contrarie to their rights and liberties, affirming that the Biſhops doe not onely over toppe the royall throne, but that they trample the lawes, liberties, and juſt rights of the Kings ſubjects under their feete; and cutt the people off, from the free uſe and benefit of the Kings good lawes. Which ſaid, and preſſed in every place with all ſpight and rancour, you call upon the nobles to rowze up their noble Chriſtian zeale and magnanimous courage; upon the judges, to drawe forth their ſword of juſtice; upon the Courtiers, nobles, others, if they have any ſparke of pietie, now to put their helping hands in ſo great a neede; and leſt all theſe ſhould faile, you call upon the nation generally to take notice of their Antichriſtian practiſes & to redreſſe them withall their force and power. What doe you thinke of this Alarme, this Ad arma ad arma, this calling of all ſorts of people to combine together, to rouze their ſpirits, drawe their ſwords, put to their hands, muſter upp all their force and power: doe you not thinke this comes within the compaſſe of ſedition? have not you done your beſt (or your worſt rather) to raiſe an inſurrection in the ſtate, under pretence of looking to the ſafety of religion, and the Subjects rights? I wil not judge your conſcience, I leave that to God. But if one may collect your meaning by your words and writings; or if your words and writings may bee cenſured, not onely according to the effect which they have produced but which they might: you are but in a ſorry taking. And becauſe poſſiblie when you finde your danger, you will the better find your error, and ſo prepare your ſelfe for a ſincere and ſound repentance; I will a little lay it open. Make you what uſe there of, you ſhall thinke moſt fitt.

And firſt, ſuppoſing, that theſe your factious and falſe clamours, are onely ſuch as might occaſion diſcord betweene my LL. the Biſhops and the Commons; where had you beene then? there paſſed a Statute (ſtill in force) 2. Ric. 2. cap. 5. for puniſhment of Counterfeiters of falſe newes, and of horrible and falſe meſſages (miſtaken in the Engliſh bookes for the French Menſonges, i. e. •• es) of Prelates, Dukes, Earles, Barons, and other No •• es and great men of the Realme, &c. of things which by the ſaid Prelates, Lords, &c. were never ſpoken, 〈◊〉 , or thought, (pray marke this well) in great ſlander of the ſaid Prelates, &c. whereby debates and diſcords might ariſe (not doth, but might ariſe) betwixt the ſaid Lords and Commons, which God forbid, and whereof great perill and miſchiefe might come to all the Realme, and quicke ſubverſion and deſtruction of the ſaid Realme, if due remedie bee not provided. And for the remedy provided, which in this ſtatute was according to that of Weſtminſter the firſt before remembred; that in the 12. of this King Richard, cap. 11. is left to the diſcretion of his Majeſties Councell. So that what ever puniſhment His Majeſties moſt honourable Privie Councell may inflict upon you, you have juſtly merited, in taking ſo much paines to ſo bad a purpoſe, as to ſet diſcord and debate betweene the Prelates and the people. But where you have gone further to excite the people; what ſay I, people? nay, the Lords, Judges, Courtiers, all the Nation generally, to draw their powers and force together: I ſee no reaſon why you ſhould bee ſo angry with the High Commiſſioners for laying ſedition to your charge; or if that pleaſe you better, a ſeditious Sermon. And being a ſeditious Sermon then, and a ſeditious Pamphlet now, diſperſed up and downe throughout the kingdome, eſpecially amongſt thoſe, whom you, and ſuch as you have ſeaſoned with a diſaffection to the preſent governement: What have not you for your part done, to put all into open tumult? I doe not meane to charge it on you, Glanvil l 14 but I will tell you how it was reſolved in former times, by Bracton, and Glanvill, two great Lawyers in thoſe dayes; viz. Siquis machinatus fuerit, vel aliquid fecerit in mortē D. regis, vel ad ſeditionē regis, vel exercitus ſui, vel cōſenſerit, cōſiliumve dederit, &c licet id quod in voluntate habuit non produxerit ad effectum, tenetur tamen criminis laeſae Majeſtatis. Bracton l. 2. Conſtrue me this, and you will find your ſelfe in a pretty pickle. And I will tell you alſo two particular caſes, which you may find with little paines, in our common Chronicles. Stewes A n. The firſt of one John Bennet, Wooll-man, who had in London ſcattered ſchedules full of ſedition, and for that was drawn, hanged, and beheaded in the fourth yeare of Henry the Fifth, The other of Thomas Bagnall, Jo. Holling h. p. p. 778. Scot, Jo. Heath, and Jo. Kennington, who being all Sanctuary men, of Saint Martins le Grand, were taken out of the ſaid Sanctuary for forging of ſeditious Bills, to the ſlander of the King, and ſome of his Counſell, (will you marke this well?) for the which three of them were condemned and executed, and the fourth upon his plea returned to Sanctuary, in the ninth yeare of King Henry the Seventh. I inſtance only in theſe two, becauſe both ancient; both of them hapning before the Statute 23. Eliz. 〈…〉 which being reſtrained unto the naturall life of the ſaid Queene, is not now in force; and which, as long as it continued, was a ſtrong bridle in the mouths of your forefathers in the Faction, to hold them in, from publiſhing and printing ſuch ſeditious Pamphlets. The common Chronicles will tell you, how that moſt excellent Lady dealt with thoſe, who had offended her in that kinde, wherein you excell: Tha ker and Capping, Barrow, Greenwood, Studly, Billot and Bowlar, Penry and Vdall, zealous Puritans all, being all condemned to death; and the more part executed. And you may pleaſe to know for your further comfort, that in King James his time, May the third, Anno 1619. one Iohn Williams, a Barriſter of the middle Temple, was arraigned at the Kings Bench, for a ſeditious book by him then but lately writtē, & ſecretly diſperſt abroad never printed (as yo urs are) or which hee was condemned, and executed at Charing croſſe, ſome two dayes after. And it was afterwards reſolved at the firſt cenſure of Maſs. Prynne, in the Starre-chamber, by the Lord Chiefe Juſtice that then was, that had hee beene put over to his Tribunall, hee had beene forfeit to the gallowes. All which being repreſented to you, I cloſe up my addreſſe in the words of Tullie, Miror te, quorum act a imitere, eorum exitus non perhorreſcere. So God bleſſe the man.

And yet I muſt not leave you ſo. As I have raiſed one uſe for your reprehenſion; ſo give mee leave to raiſe one more for the inſtruction of others, thoſe moſt eſpecially whom you have ſeduced. My uſe ſhall be, that they continue ſtedfaſt in their full obedience to God; the King, Gods deputie; the Prelates of the Church being Gods Miniſters, and the Kings: and that they doe not ſuffer themſelves to bee carryed up and downe with every blaſt of doctrine, by the ſubtletie of thoſe who onely labour to deceive them. I know it is a fine perſwaſion to make the common people think that they have more then private intereſt in the things of God, and in the government of States: nothing more plauſible nor welcome to ſome ſort of men, ſuch whom you either make or call free Subjects. This Buchanans device, to put the ſword into the hands and managing of the people;Deiure Reg. in that his moſt ſeditious maxime, Populo jus eſt imperium eui velit deferat. And ſuch the doctrine of Cleſelius, one of your brethren in the cauſe, a furious Contra-Remonſtrant of Roterdam, who laid it for a doctrine before his audience,Marca. Reſp. pars 2. p. 50. that if the Magiſtrates and Miniſters did not do their parts to preſerve Religion, then the people muſt, licet ad ſanguinem uſque pro ea pugnarent, what blood ſoever ſhould bee ſpent in purſuite thereof. Such grounds were alſo laid in Queene Elizabeths time, by thoſe who then were held as you thinke your ſelfe, the Grand ſupporters of the cauſe: men like to Theudas in the Acts, who thought themſelves, as you doe now, to be ſome great Prophets, and drew much people after them, ſo many that they threatned to petition to the Queenes highneſſe, with no fewer then 100000. hands. But what became of theſe jolly fellowes. They periſhed, & as many as followed after them, & redacti ſunt ad nihilum, and are brought to nothing: nothing remaining of them now, but the name and infamy. Nor can I promiſ better to thoſe who purſue their courſes; and either furiouſly runne, or elſe permit themſelves to bee drawne along into thoſe raſh counſailes: which as they are begunne in diſobedience, and proſecuted equally with pride and malice; ſo can we not expect that they ſhould have a better end, then calamitous ruine. And therefore I ſhall earneſtly beſeech and exhort all thoſe, who have beene practiſed with by this kind of ſpirits, (if ſuch at leaſt may caſt their eyes on any thing which is not made to feede their humour) that they would ſeriouſly endeavour the Churches peace, and conſcionably ſubmit themſelves to their ſuperiours in the Lord: not following with too haſtie feete thoſe Ignes fatui, who onely leade them on to dangerous precipices, and dreadfull down-falls. The greateſt vertue of a Subject is his free obedience; not grudgingly or of neceſsity, or for feare of puniſhment: whether it be unto the King, as unto the chiefe; or unto Governours as unto them which are ſent by him,1. Pet. 2.13.14. for the puniſhment of evill doers, and for the praiſe of them that doe well. Suſpition, as it is in Kings, the ſickneſſe of a tyrant (and ſo his Majeſtie King Iames conceived it) ſo is it in a Subject, the diſeaſe and ſickneſſe of a miſchievous braine, apt upon every light ſurmiſe, to entertaine undutifull and pernitious counſailes. The ſafeſt man is he, that thinkes no evill, and entertaines not raſhly thoſe unjuſt reports, which are deviſed and ſpread abroad by malicious wits, of purpoſe to defame their betters: that they themſelves might gaine applauſe, and be cryed up, and honoured, yea tantum non adored by poore ignorant men, who doe not underſtand aright what their Projects ayme at.

Laſtly, I muſt informe both you and them, that howſoever it was thought not to bee unfit, that at this preſent time an Anſwer ſhould be made unto all your quarrells, that ſo the people whom you have ſeduced might ſee the errour of their courſes: yet neither you nor they muſt expect the like on all, or any of thoſe factious provocations which every day are offered to the publicke governement. Things that are once eſtabliſhed by a conſtant law, are not at all to be diſputed, but much leſſe declamed againſt: or if they bee, will finde more ſhelter from the lawes, then from their Advocates. Theſe ſcandalous and ſeditious pamphlets are now growne ſo rife, that every day (as if wee lived in the wild of Africke) doth produce new Monſters: there being more of them divulged at this preſent time, then any former age can ſpeake of; more of theſe factious ſpirits quam muſcarum olim cum caletur maxime, then there are Scarabees and Gad-flies in the heat of Summer. And ſhould the State thinke fit, that every libell of yours, and ſuch men as you, ſhould have a ſolemne Anſwer to it: you would advance your heads too high, and thinke you had done ſomthing more then ordinary, which ſhould neceſſitate the ſtate to ſet out Apologies. That, as it would encourage you to purſue your courſes; ſo would it ſuddenly diſſolve the whole frame of government; which is as much endangered by ſuch diſputations, as by diſobedience. And yet I would not have you thinke, that you are like to find thoſe daies whereof Tacitus ſpeaks, ubi & ſentire quae velis, Hiſt, l. . & quae ſentias loqui liceat; in which you may be bold to opine what you liſt, and ſpeake what ever you conceive: much leſſe to ſcatter and diſperſe in publick what ever you dare ſpeake in private. Princes have other waies to right themſelves, and thoſe which are in authority under them, then by the pen: and ſuch as will fall heavier, if you pull them on you. Kings & the governors of ſtates, as they participate of Gods power and patience, ſo doe they imitate him in their juſtice alſo; and in their manner of proceeding againſt obſtinate perſons. God is provoked every day, ſo Kings: God did ſometimes expoſtulate with his faulty people, and ſo doe Kings: God ſometimes did imploy his Prophets to ſatisfie the clamours and diſtruſts of unquiet men; and thus Kings doe alſo. But when the people grew rebellious, and ſtif-necked, and would not heare the Charmers voice, charme hee never ſo wiſely; God would no longer trouble himſelfe in ſeeking to reclaime them from their peeviſh folly: but let them feele the rod and the ſmart thereof, till the meere ſenſe of puniſhment had weaned them from it. So howſoever it bee true, convitia ſpreta exoleſcunt, that ſcandalous pamphlets, ſuch as yours, and thoſe which if not yours, are now ſpread abroad, have many times with much both moderation, & wiſdome, been ſlighted and neglected by the greateſt perſons: yet if the humor be predominant, and the vein malignant, it hath beene found at other times as neceſſary, that the tongue which ſpeaketh proud words be cut off for ever. Nor would I have you ſo farre abuſe your ſelfe, as to conceit that none of theſe ſeditious Paſquils, which are now caſt into the world, doe concerne the King. For as Saint Paul hath told us, that whoſoever doth reſiſt the power, reſiſts the ordinance of God, Rom. 13 becauſe there is no power but it is from God: So whoſoever doth traduce and defame thoſe men, which are in chiefe authority under the King, doe defame the King, becauſe they have their dignities and authorities from and under him. And thus it was affirmed in Vdals caſe,Sutel ſſes Anſw p. 3. one of your Fathers in the faction, being arraigned upon the Statute 23 Eliz. cap. 2. For when it was pretended for him, that he defamed not the Queen which the law provided for, but the Biſhops onely: it was reſolved that they who ſpake againſt her Majeſties ſupreme government in caſes Eccleſiaſtical, her lawes, proceedings, and all thoſe Eccleſiaſticall officers, which rule under her, did defame the Queeene. Your caſe being juſt the ſame with Vdalls, nor you, nor any ſuch as you have reaſon to perſwade your ſelves, but that your ſcandalous Paſquills doe as neerely concerne the King, as thoſe did the Queen; or that you ſhall be anſwered alwayes, edictis melioribus, with pen and paper. If Authority hath ſtooped ſo low, this once, to give way that your ſeditious pamphlets ſhould come under an examination, and that an Anſwer ſhould be made to all the ſcandalous matters in the ſame contained, I would not have you thinke it was for any other cauſe, but that your Proſelytes may perceive what falſe guides they follow, and all the world may ſee how much you have abuſed the King and his Miniſters, with your ſcandalous clamours. Which done, and all thoſe cavills anſwered, which you have beene ſo long providing; it is expected at their hands; that they reſt ſatisfied in and of the Churches purpoſes, in every of the things objected; and looke not after freſh Replies upon the like occaſions. And ſo I leave both you and them with thoſe words of Solomon, which you have ſo perverted to your wretched ends: My ſonne feare thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change: for their calamity ſhall ariſe ſuddainely, and who knoweth the ruine of them both.

FINIS.
ERRATA.

For Saltem p. 3. l. 9. r. Saltum. p. 17. l. 2. for of. r. that of. il. l. 12. dele And. p. 28. l. 25. for ab r. at that. p. 33. l. 24. for ſure r. free. p. 37. l. 27. for and r. what. p. 52. l. 10. for I. audr. i. e. p. 53. l. 23. for by. r. and by. p. 70. l. 26. for Inſtance, r. inference. p. 78. l. 16. d. next for your charges. p. 86. l. 1. del. in. p. 90. l. 20. for a. r. on a. p. 96. l. 25. for. to. r. of. p. 104. l. 3. for will, r. good will. ib. l. 31. dele. But. p. 105. l. 9. dele. But. p. 107. l. 3. for cautio r. cautum. p. 115. l. 22. dele. momes. p. 119. l. 12. for Ithicly r. Iphycly. p. 122. l. 29. for a diſcourſe, r. their diſcourſes. p. 123 l. 23. for meete, r. meate. p. 127. l. 1. r. the Theſis. p. 142. l. 5. for coequall. r. co evall, p. 144. l. 20. for For as the, r. And as for the. p. 146. l. 1. for Count, r. court. l. 11. for your, r. the. p. 149. l. 2. for change r. charge. p. 153. l. 4. for hereby, r. verely. p. 157. l. 6. for a r. as.